Dawn Editorials and Opinions 1-15 July 2022

A city that always sinks
dawn.com/news/1699372/a-city-that-always-sinks
July 13, 2022
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IT happens every year. This time too, after a spate of truly devastating heat, the rains
came, and just as the rains came, Karachi was inundated. As the sheets of rain pelted
the thirsty city, the main highways were inundated. Just as they were inundated,
electric power also disappeared, leaving K-Electric customers planning on
celebrating Eid without recourse. Within a few hours, a city attempting to celebrate
Eidul Azha was transformed into a submerged urban jungle.
The convergence of catastrophe would seem impossible or absurd if it were not true.
The city of Karachi, home to over 20 million people, faces ooding every year
fl
because too few of the city’s highways have been constructed in a manner that
would allow rainwater to pass through the storm drains and ow into the sea. In
fl
much of Karachi, there are faulty or no storm drains, nor does the gradient of poorly
constructed streets encourage the ow of water. This year presented a twist in the
fl
usual plot. Since the deluge came on and around Eidul Azha, a variety of sacri cial
fi
animals, mostly goats and cows, were also in the mix. These animals, including those
at the livestock markets that open up in the city around this time, faced drowning or
very di cult ooded conditions.
ffi
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Eidul Azha in Karachi is a mess even without the rain. Every year for decades,
inhabitants of the city sacrifice their animals in the streets adjoining their homes.
While the edible portions of the meat are cut up and distributed, other parts are
carried off by predatory animals. The worst of it all, the inedible entrails, are all
thrown upon open garbage piles. There they sit rotting and creating further sanitary
nightmares unless the neighbourhood is particularly lucky and the municipal
garbage collectors show up and carry them off. Most, of course, are not lucky, even
as people feast on meat inside their homes, these parts rot out in the open, host to
flies and all kinds of other parasites. The festive season transforms them all into
carnivores, feasting on whatever bit they can find. The flooded streets (and garbage
piles) mean that everything that is in them will mix together in a disgusting, disease-
laden stew that can make its way all through the city.
The interrupted power supply poses its own problems. The meat from sacrificed
animals has to be refrigerated or cooked. If the meat is not refrigerated and if gas
supplies are also interrupted, it means a huge amount of it is open to going bad. This
creates problems of its own since people consuming this contaminated meat are
vulnerable to getting sick. Given the expense of buying and sacrificing animals, most
will eat the meat regardless and worry about getting sick from it later.
In a city that works, special arrangements would be in place to attend to the

waste disposal needs of the citizens during Eidul Azha.
The problems of animal sacrifice and meat consumption exist alongside the
coronavirus pandemic which as expected will peak following Eid. The latest highly
communicable variants have increased the positivity rate. The usual Eid celebrations
when family and friends meet (if they are able to in spite of the inundated roads)
create risks we are all familiar with. Meeting loved ones this year is then especially
risky, as people can pass on the coronavirus to their guests or feed them spoiled
meat.
Not everyone will suffer in this way. The very wealthiest in the city have already
absconded to nearby Gulf states and other similar destinations. They know that the
only way to escape these problems is to not spend the summer in Karachi at all.
Those who do stay have to make arrangements for their own electricity with
privately operated generators that ensure that their homes remain air conditioned,
and their food continues to be properly refrigerated. If one belongs to this group of
people, then Eid will be celebrated without any glitches, the rain merely an element
of added romance rather than the danger it represents to everyone else — unless, of
course, their homes are situated in one of the posh parts of the city that have also
been inundated. To the surprise of no one, the vast wealth gap that defines life in
Karachi, ensures that this festival will always be celebrated differently based on
where they fall on the socioeconomic ladder.
In a city that works, special arrangements would be in place to attend to the waste
disposal needs of the citizens during Eidul Azha. The sacrifice of livestock would be
limited to certain places to ensure that the waste does not enter flooded areas and
create new risks of disease. In this imaginary Karachi, K-Electric would ensure that
the power supply is not interrupted despite the rain, or if there are disruptions,
special crews are already there to attend to the increased needs of the city. Such
measures would mean that heavy rains would not cause the usual death, destruction
and havoc they do every year.
It is difficult for the taxpaying citizens of Karachi to understand why none of these
measures have ever been place. Year after year, articles just like this one appeal for
the need to create proper storm water drainage systems in the city. Yet more list the
public health emergency that is created when animals are sacrificed, and their
entrails are left to rot in the streets. The fact that everyone knows what needs to be
done and that millions pay taxes in the city hope that it will be done makes the
situation extremely frustrating.
Such is the poor state of the infrastructure and municipal management of the city
that demanding all these things seems like a fever dream. Optimism in rain-doused
Karachi amounts to the simple hope that this round of rains does not deal too heavy
a blow, that the power is interrupted only for a few hours, that the flooded street
somehow drains. Given these small dreams, the people of Karachi, used to getting
only the bare minimum, may celebrate.
The writer is an attorney teaching constitutional law and political philosophy.
rafia.zakaria@gmail.com
Published in Dawn, July 13th, 2022

Beyond Boris - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1699370/beyond-boris
July 13, 2022
THE wide-ranging inadequacies of what is known as Western-style democracy may

stretch back to its inception, but what has been particularly disturbing of late is a
tendency to elect (or select) leaders whose spectacular unfitness to rule is beyond
reasonable doubt.
Donald Trump remains arguably the starkest example of this trend, setting the
standard whereby Brazil’s Jair Bolsonaro was dubbed the tropical Trump and
Britain’s Boris Johnson became, in the former US president’s semi-literate words,
“Britain Trump”.
The beastliness of Johnson, whose comeuppance last week at the hands of the very
same colleagues who had enabled his prime ministership was sudden but not
unpredictable, differs in significant ways from that of Trump.
The British prime minister might relish his cultivated persona as a cross between
Billy Bunter and Bertie Wooster, but he is neither a complete ignoramus nor an idiot
savant. What was obvious long before he emerged as the Tory leader is that
whatever intellect he possesses is dedicated primarily to serving his personal
interests. Treating certifiable truths as an inconvenience comes naturally to him.
The coming change in UK offers little hope of a transformation.
He isn’t the first political leader to assume he is immune to the laws that apply to the
hoi polloi. However, in terms of a brazen disregard of ethics he appeared to lack any
sense of where to draw the line, until significant numbers of those who had
facilitated his rise to power began to desert him.
His enablers were not restricted to the bulk of the Conservative Party but extended
across much of the British media. Perhaps not all that surprisingly, they were also
deeply embedded in the main opposition party.
Five years ago, when the leader elected by Labour members and supporters was
being undermined by his parliamentary party, prime minister Theresa May
mistakenly assumed that her relatively narrow parliamentary majority could vastly
be enhanced through a snap election.
Instead, the Tories lost their majority as Labour posted its best result in decades, dri-
ven to a considerable extent by youthful enthusiasm for social democratic ideals that
were supposed to have been rendered obsolete by the neoliberalism of the Thatcher-
Major-Blair-Brown era. That threat could not be allowed to stand, and the
beneficiaries of the status quo doubled down to diminish the risk.
Among the Tories, that eventually entailed a switch from May to ‘Brexit Boris’. On
the Labour side, some MPs quit the party (and subsequently sank without trace,
mostly retreating to the corporate world), while others maintained their hostility
within the Labour caucus to anything resembling socialist ideals. And then there
were those, like Keir Starmer, who pretended otherwise but backstabbed Jeremy
Corbyn with varying degrees of subtlety, pushing him against his instincts to adopt
an incoherent position on the key question of Brexit.
Meanwhile, backed by not just the Tories but the bulk of Labour, almost the entire
media steadily upped the ante in its character assassination of Corbyn on the absurd
grounds of anti-Semitism. The cumulative effect was substantial Tory gains in the
2019 election — the Conservative vote increased only marginally, but Labour’s share
went down sharply.
Since Starmer replaced Corbyn, he has resiled from his manifesto pledges while
devoting his energies to purging the Labour left — including Corbyn, alongside a
number of Jewish activists who refused to blindly endorse the mounting excesses of
the Israeli state. The very idea of a potential British prime minister who sincerely
empathised with the dispossessed Palestinians was anathema not just to the Zionist
elite in Israel but to its acolytes across the British political spectrum.
Even beyond the shared adoration for the Israeli variety of fascism, Starmer has
found little fault with Conservative policy at home or abroad. His devotion to the
faux verities of the status quo seems even more unquestioning than Tony Blair’s
embrace of key Thatcherite precepts. Which, in turn, makes it easier for the Tories to
turn on their prime minister, knowing full well that even if the Conservative effort
flounders, the alternative wouldn’t look all that different.
A popular uprising along the lines off what has lately been witnessed in Sri Lanka
might have concentrated British minds and perhaps propelled an outcome different
to what lies ahead, with Johnson in situ for another couple of months until his
successor emerges on Sept 5.
No one right now has any idea who that might be — from Rishi Sunak and Sajid Javid
to Nadhim Zahawi, Penny Mordaunt, Priti Patel or Liz Truss. It might even be none of
the above. But it undoubtedly will be someone who effectively carries on what the
Tories refer to as “the Thatcher revolution”, which doesn’t rule out Starmer.
For meaningful change, Britain will have to go far beyond dumping Boris Johnson.
And, alas, neither the Conservative contenders nor the current Labour Party offer a
serious alternative.
mahir.dawn@gmail.com

Cadaveric transplants
dawn.com/news/1699368/cadaveric-transplants
July 13, 2022
LIVING in a country where each year end-stage organ failure kills over 150,000
people, we need to be less squeamish about cadaveric organ donation and come to
see the practice for what it is — a beautiful act of altruism. After all, the vast majority
of the 40,000 deaths from kidney failure, 70,000 from liver failure and 15,000 from
heart failure occur because of the unavailability of compatible organs. The
government has so far done little beyond giving token official statements now and
then in support of deceased organ donation. It is high time it sets about actively
promoting the practice through practical and innovative measures that assuage
public concerns and appeal to their sense of compassion. The Punjab Human Organ
Transplantation Authority’s decision to ‘expand the scope’ of cadaveric transplants in
the province is therefore a welcome one, particularly as Punjab has long been the
hub of organ trafficking in the country. In this connection, PHOTA has asked three
leading medical institutions to issue guidelines to encourage cadaveric donations,
create awareness among the public to pledge their organs and persuade clerics to
issue edicts in support of the practice.
It should be pointed out that prominent ulema in Pakistan — and in other Muslim
countries — have already endorsed the practice as being in harmony with religious
precepts. Nevertheless, to seek the clergy’s consistent engagement is worthwhile as
many of the misgivings that exist in the public’s mind on the issue are rooted in
religious belief. The government should also aim to make cadaveric transplant
donation more high-profile, and thus more acceptable, by inviting celebrities from
the world of entertainment and sports to register themselves as donors. It is a shame
that despite more than a decade since an ethical transplantation law was enacted in
Pakistan, there have only been a handful of deceased organ transplants in the
country. One of the reasons is that very few people have pledged their organs. But
getting people to become potential donors is only the first step. What needs to be
created is a culture supportive of the harvesting of organs from a brain-dead
individual who in their lifetime had decided to donate their organs, but very often
the families of such potential donors refuse to allow the procedure to go ahead.
Protocols for harvesting organs must be transparent and properly communicated to
the public so that misunderstandings are removed. No less than a national discourse
on the subject is called for.

Descent into chaos
dawn.com/news/1699367/descent-into-chaos
July 13, 2022
THE political and economic chaos unravelling in Sri Lanka is a chilling reminder of
what bad governance and apathy can do to a country if the interests of the elite and
the citizenry remain at odds with each other. At the time of writing, the island
nation’s president, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, was making a desperate bid to flee the
country. As president, Mr Rajapaksa enjoys immunity from arrest; but he has
recently promised to resign, reportedly by today (July 13), which means he could be
taken into custody and prosecuted for the many wrongs he is accused of by his
compatriots if he is on Sri Lankan soil when he steps down as head of state. He has
been on the run since violent protests culminated in his official residence that was
stormed by angry Sri Lankans sick of prolonged power blackouts, shortages of basic
goods and runaway inflation. The once all-powerful leader and his brother, the
former finance minister Basil Rajapaksa, have since been blocked in their attempts
to leave Sri Lanka quietly by immigration officials refusing to cooperate. To be fair,
the Rajapaksa brothers alone are not responsible for the years of economic
mismanagement by successive governments. However, they did make a bad
situation much worse by mishandling the devastation wreaked on Sri Lanka’s
tourism-reliant economy by Covid-19. Matters slowly come to a head, and Sri
Lankans are now overwhelmingly refusing to pay the painful cost of their leaders’
persistent inability to deliver.
There are lessons aplenty in Sri Lanka’s predicament for Pakistan and our local
political dynasties. While we do not seem to be in danger of an impending economic
collapse, the risks to the country’s well-being have not subsided and the economic
hurt felt by the people these past few months has now started to sting. Those in
power must fear the anger of the masses. The government must restructure and
reform the economy to create a more equitable society if we are to avoid social
collapse in the future.
Opinion
Lankan meltdown lessons
dawn.com/news/1699373/lankan-meltdown-lessons
July 13, 2022
THE spectre of the Sri Lankan situation has come to haunt many a developing nation
facing serious economic challenges. After an economic meltdown, the South Asian
country is now witnessing the unravelling of its political system. A mass uprising
triggered by rising commodity prices has forced the government out. But the crisis is
far from over.
As a financially bankrupt country, which doesn’t even have money to import oil and
other essential commodities, Sri Lanka is now negotiating with the IMF for a bailout
package and seeking financial help from various countries. It needs some $6bn
urgently just to keep itself going until the end of the year. The massively indebted
country has already defaulted on its external loan repayments making it harder for
it to salvage the situation.
What led to Sri Lanka’s economic collapse is obvious. Crippled by the shortage of
foreign exchange, the country has not been able to pay for imports of even essential
commodities such as fuel. In fact, the crisis had been building up for many years as
the country piled up foreign debts to the tune of $51bn. A large part of the foreign
loans was reportedly spent on huge non-productive infrastructure projects.
Meanwhile, flawed economic policies made things worse.
While struggling to service the loans, the economic crunch aggravated due to the
Covid-19 pandemic. Tourism, which has been the mainstay of the Sri Lankan
economy, was the most affected by the prolonged lockdown, greatly diminishing the
island’s foreign exchange earnings. Foreign direct investment also dried up because
of the rise in incidents of terrorism and economic and political instability.
Consequently, its currency collapsed by 80 per cent, making imports much more
expensive. Food inflation rose to 57pc.
The Sri Lankan turmoil is a classic example of an economy caught in an acute

debt trap.
The Sri Lankan turmoil is a classic example of an economy caught in an acute debt
trap, while failing to boost its revenues. Indeed, political corruption, too, played a
role in the country’s financial collapse. Now the IMF is the last hope for the country
of 22 million, but aid will not come without stringent conditionalities that may
increase the hardship of the people. In fact, a bailout by itself won’t provide a long-
term solution, which requires undertaking fundamental structural reform to
resuscitate the economy.
There are many developing countries, including Pakistan, which confront a similar
predicament. We may not be in Sri Lanka’s shoes yet, but are not very far off as there
are some comparable symptoms. With negotiations with the IMF apparently
inconclusive, and the much-awaited financial support from friendly countries yet to
come, the country is not in a good state.
Without an IMF deal, no international financial assistance will come in. The
government may have taken some hard decisions, such as raising fuel prices and
increasing taxes, but it seems that not enough has been done to satisfy the IMF which
has hardened its position. Time is certainly running out for the government, with the
coming debt-servicing obligations.
Foreign exchange reserves are fast depleting. The country needs some urgent help
for its external debt-servicing obligations that are projected to be $23bn in 2022-
2023. What is most alarming is the component of rising commercial loans.
In the next five years, the country will have to repay, on account of amortisation and
the mark-up amount owed by the public sector, a sum of $49.23bn. It is an extremely
alarming situation, with no signs of any fundamental change in economic outlook.
We may not be facing an imminent threat of default, but the prospect is certainly
staring us in the face. It could become a reality if we don’t take timely action to stem
the rot. The situation has gone beyond the usual patchwork job that we have been
doing for so many years.
It is not just the external debt but, mainly, the ballooning internal debt that has
brought the country close to bankruptcy. The major problem is that we have been
living for a very long time beyond our means and have been borrowing money even
to run the state. Dependence on foreign aid has further crippled our ability to stand
on our own feet.
Unfortunately, no government, military or civilian, has made any effort to solve this
perennial problem. With the tax-to-GDP ratio hovering at around less than 9pc, the
country will remain trapped in perpetual financial crises. What makes the situation
even more untenable is the fact that a major chunk of the budget is going towards
debt repayment and defence. There is little information available on the defence-
related component of external debts.
Heavy domestic borrowing at very high interest rates is at the heart of the
macroeconomic crisis faced by the country. That has also been the reason for our
becoming a permanent client of the IMF. The stringent conditionalities that come
with bailout packages also shackle economic growth.
Meanwhile, population explosion has made it harder to feed the increasing number
of people in the country, making us more reliant on the import of food items. All that
needs a long-term approach to deal with the economic challenges that cannot be
resolved through taking makeshift measures and seeking bailouts from external
sources.
It is becoming increasingly apparent that there is a limit to our resort to the ‘begging
bowl’ and that even ‘friendly countries’ are reluctant to help. We cannot continue to
cash in on our geostrategic importance for long.
Moreover, perpetual political instability, a deteriorating internal situation and the
higher cost of doing business have discouraged the flow of direct foreign investment
in the country. True, our exports nominally increased last year, but this was not
enough to address the increasing current account deficit. Some external factors such
as the rise in petroleum and commodity prices may have also contributed to
worsening the crisis, but it is mainly our policy flaws that are now coming to haunt
us. What happened in Sri Lanka must serve as a timely warning.
The writer is an author and journalist.
zhussain100@yahoo.com
Twitter: @hidhussain

Monsoon misery - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1699369/monsoon-misery
July 13, 2022
THIS year’s monsoon rains have taken a heavy human toll across the country due to
flash floods and urban flooding. Around 150 people have been killed in rain-related
incidents over the last month, with Balochistan hit particularly hard. Over 60 rain-
related fatalities have been reported since June in the province. Sindh has not fared
much better, with the Provincial Disaster Management Authority saying at least 26
people have been killed in rain-related incidents across the province, with most
fatalities reported from Karachi. Unfortunately, flooded roads and homes, the fear of
electrocution and life coming to a standstill are the usual outcomes of even moderate
rainfall in Pakistan’s largest city. This year’s monsoon, with consistent rainfall
recorded in the city over the last week or so, has lived up to the pattern. Precipitation
over the weekend into Monday resulted in flooded thoroughfares, with the city’s
Keamari and East districts receiving the most rainfall, and areas from Clifton and
Defence in the south of Karachi up till its northern fringes all facing urban flooding.
Various reasons are being cited for Karachi’s annual monsoon disaster. These
include climate change and heavier-than-usual rains; official incompetence;
encroachments and lack of planning. Perhaps it would not be wrong to say that a
combination of factors is responsible for the havoc. The heavy rainfall in 2020 had
prompted all arms of the state to look into solving this key problem in the country’s
commercial heart. The then prime minister announced a Rs1.1tr package to
‘transform’ the city; the Supreme Court ordered encroachments around drainage
channels to be removed, while the provincial government also swung into action.
Two years down the line, not much has changed, and clearly, the civilian
administration and those managing DHA and the cantonment areas have learnt few
lessons from past disasters. While it is true that Karachi has suffered from decades of
official neglect at the federal, provincial and local levels, there needs to be a
concerted effort from official quarters to resolve the urban flooding issue
permanently.
There is an argument that even better developed cities struggle with urban flooding.
While that may be correct, it cannot be an excuse to abandon Karachi, and allow the
grim annual ritual of rain-related death, dislocation and destruction to be repeated
ad infinitum. Urban planners and topography experts — local or foreign if need be —
should be consulted by the state to chart out a plan to minimise the risks of flooding,
and their recommendations need to be implemented in earnest. The Met department
has forecast more heavy rain in the days ahead. The administration needs to have
contingency plans ready to better tackle the coming wet weather, while without an
improved drainage and urban disaster response mechanism in the long term, the
people of Karachi will be left to face the gushing floodwaters on their own.
Opinion
Niaz Murtaza - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1699371/niaz-murtaza
July 13, 2022
DYNASTIC politics curbs merit in politics. Yet it exists even in the West, China and
Japan. Its strength varies. In its mild, most common form, many scions of a family
win elections despite competitive politics, eg the Bushes in the US. Family ties give
them an edge but they need merit too to win. Its hard form exists in Asia. Major
parties are founded and run by a family for decades and only they seem to vie for
the top electoral posts, irrespective of merit.
This is most common in South Asia and its four oldest electoral states — India, Sri
Lanka, Pakistan and Bangladesh. The last is arguably the most dynastic state as each
of its two main parties have been run, since the country came into being, by one
family, and have produced the most long-serving elected prime ministers since 1971.
Pakistan comes close as the PPP and PML-N are still run by founding families from
whom the most fairly elected prime ministers have come. However, they have had to
appoint outsiders too as prime ministers. This may happen in the PTI also since
Imran Khan’s closest kin are apolitical but dynasties abound below. In Sri Lanka,
party control often slips across families, eg from the Bandaranaikes to the
Rajapaksas. India has the oldest dynasty globally now in its fifth generation with a
record three generations of prime ministers. But its main party, the BJP, is non-
dynastic.
Politics emerges from and reflects societal realities. We have dynastic politics simply
because we are a dynastic society, with dynasties rampant in business, media and
other sectors. In developed states, policies get votes. But our electables win votes by
promising patronage to local clans. These vote banks based on social links transmit
within families, which produces dynastic politics. Patronage pyramids link local
electables to national ones, often via family links. Cronyism supplements dynasties
and is often seen as a replacement in less dynastic parties like the PTI and MQM. So
the quality of people such parties nominate for party and state posts is no better, in
fact often worse. Parties have their own vote banks too, although these too are not
based on policies but cultist hero worship of top leaders. Parties win polls via a mix
of top leaders’ political dynasties and cults.
These political facts come from economic ones. Developed states produce high-end
goods and need educated labour. Merit prevails in economy and so in politics, and
personal progress mostly depends on what one knows. But developing states
produce low-end goods where producers need merit less than personal loyalty. Thus,
patronage prevails in economics and hence politics and personal progress depends
instead on who one knows. So despite being anti-merit, it thrives as it is tied tightly
to key societal realities and it is naive to expect non-dynastic politics when society is
dynastic.
Ending dynastic politics artificially won’t lead to merit in politics.
The main issue is not dynastic politics but a dynastic society. The former will reduce
in the long term when dynasties in society reduce, as in India now. Some want it
ended artificially via the law. A few Latin American states have done so but progress
there is worse than in many dynastic Asian states. Only those types of politics thrive
in society which build on common societal norms. Ending dynastic politics
artificially will not lead to merit in politics as merit is uncommon in society. In fact,
worse forms of politics based on cruder social mores may emerge, eg extremist
politics, as so in almost all major regional non-dynastic parties. Oddly, then, dynastic
politics is the least bad politics type that can emerge naturally from our society now
until long-term political or economic progress ends it.
There’s no proof it is the decisive issue holding back states. It has even delivered a bit
in Bangladesh, India and Sri Lanka. But it has not given us even such limited
progress, because unlike the natural growth of parties in these states, our major
parties have usually grown artificially due to Pindi support, which crushed organic
ones. Thus, it is more urgent to end Pindi politics than dynastic politics.
But we need more merit in top state posts urgently, given our failing economy. An
interim option till its eventual rightful fall is the Congress model where the family
runs the party but appoints smart prime ministers like Narasimha Rao and
Manmohan Singh who gave India its best economic eras. Our parties must do so too.
The Bhuttos, Sharifs and Imran Khan lack the merit to be prime minister. Shahid
Khaqan, Asad Umar, Hina Khar and Sherry Rehman are better options. The last two
are my top choices as they are female, liberal, clean, experienced and competent
though I will never vote for PPP due to the Zardari factor.
Thus advocating for an end to dynasties in top posts may be a feasible immediate
option until there is a complete end to dynastic politics.
The writer is a political economist with a PhD from the University of California,
Berkeley.
murtazaniaz@yahoo.com
Twitter: @NiazMurtaza2

Offal disposal - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1698804/offal-disposal
July 8, 2022
Listen to article
FOR Muslims, Eidul Azha is an occasion for sombre reflection on

one’s many privileges, marked by a ritual sacrifice in God’s name.
Unfortunately, as with so many other sacred observances, people
here tend to get too caught up in the performative aspects and
forget that their faith also has other important teachings, such as
cleanliness, that need to be followed with consistency. While one
cannot doubt the zeal and enthusiasm with which many
Pakistanis participate in Eidul Azha rituals — planning and
saving for weeks, sometimes months — it is worth considering
why very little of that preparation seems to go into the other
important aspect of sacrifice: what to do with the remains of the
animal once all religious obligations have been fulfilled.
Clearly, all of us have a role to play. Even without Eid, waste

management is a task that our civic authorities tend to struggle
with. On Eidul Azha, what capacities they do have tend to be
quickly overwhelmed as they race to dispose of the heaps of offal
generated as by millions of sacrifices. Citizens must play a
responsible role in this regard by arranging for the remains of
their sacrifices to be picked up by waste management teams. If
local authorities have notified designated points where offal can
be deposited for easy pick-up and transportation to a disposal
zone, these should be used diligently. The more conscientious
citizens should urge others around them, in neighbourhoods and
among relatives, to follow suit. Improperly dumped animal waste
is not only offensive to the senses, it is a significant biohazard,
especially when the weather is as hot and humid as it is now
across the country. People who reside around airports need to be
especially careful, as dumping animal remains too close to a
landing strip can create a significant safety hazard for aircraft,
which face a heightened risk of bird strikes as flocks of
scavenging birds converge on carrion. Both citizens and the
authorities need to work together to keep things sanitary and
safe as festivities get underway.

Interest rate hike
dawn.com/news/1698805/interest-rate-hike
July 8, 2022
Listen to article
THE State Bank does not seem willing to leave anything to

chance. On Thursday, it jacked up the policy rate by an aggressive
125 basis points in response to the shocking inflation print for
June and a trade deficit that rapidly went off the rails in the last
two months of the recently concluded fiscal year. The rate hike
followed an earlier 150bps jump announced in May, which
though intended to moderate demand, seems not to have had the
desired effect. The benchmark rate now stands at 15pc — the
highest it has been since November 2008. The acting State Bank
Governor, Dr Murtaza Syed, made it clear at a press conference
that the central bank is quite concerned about inflation, which
made a 14-year high to touch 21.32pc in June. He warned that
inflation would remain between 18pc to 20pc for the year, but
the State Bank will try to ensure that it does not rise any further
on a month-on-month basis even if the year-on-year numbers
remain elevated. The governor said he expects the economy to
grow between 3pc and 4pc this year, which he termed a healthy
level which will keep inflation in check. He also urged the
government to protect the poor through targeted subsidies, while
asking the privileged to pick up the tab for a change.
The State Bank has chosen the aggressive route to bring inflation
within range, but it remains to be seen whether it can achieve
the soft landing that it is aiming for. The State Bank chief was
quite frank in admitting that central bank chiefs all over the
world are worried about current inflation trends and seem
unsure of how to tackle the situation. Both local and
international observers have recently expressed fears that
economies might be pushed into a recession by central banks’
zeal to control inflation through tighter interest rates. The
Pakistani government must make necessary macroeconomic
adjustments so that the pressure does not remain on the State
Bank to control inflation through monetary tightening alone. For
example, inflation has been considerably augmented by food
prices, which were up 26pc year-on-year last month. As the State
Bank governor pointed out, the central bank cannot rein in food
inflation: it is up to the government to boost agricultural
productivity and make sure any problems in the agri supply
chain that can disrupt markets are resolved in a timely manner.

Battlefield Punjab
dawn.com/news/1698806/battlefield-punjab
July 8, 2022
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THE 20 by-polls due in Punjab on July 17 will be watched

nationally, as their impact will be felt beyond the province. The
by-elections were necessitated after the ECP de-seated a number
of rebel PTI provincial lawmakers for voting against the party
line. The results of the by-polls, and subsequent re-election for
the Punjab chief minister on July 22, will hopefully settle the
administrative confusion that has affected governance in
Pakistan’s most populous province. Moreover, the electoral
exercise will serve as a litmus test for PTI as well as PML-N,
reflecting which way the political winds are blowing in Punjab.
Currently, Punjab CM Hamza Shehbaz, backed by the PPP and his

assorted other allies, enjoys a razor-thin majority in the
provincial legislature. Should the PTI claw back the majority of
the 20 seats, Hamza Shehbaz’s short-lived tenure as provincial
chief executive will surely be over, paving the way for Pervez
Elahi — or whoever else the PTI nominates — to take the reins in
Punjab. On the other hand, if CM Hamza survives, his hands will
be strengthened and he will be able to steer Punjab’s ship till the
next elections. Clarity is certainly needed in the province, as in
the recent past we have witnessed the spectacle of two parallel
Punjab Assembly sessions, one chaired by Speaker Elahi, and the
other by Deputy Speaker Dost Mazari. This kind of political
wrangling takes away the administration’s focus from more
pressing matters, such as governance, law and order etc.
Beyond the chief minister’s election, the by-polls will be a
barometer of the political situation in Punjab after the departure
of the PTI’s government at the centre. Former prime minister
Imran Khan is currently on a whistle-stop tour of Punjab,
breathing fire against the ‘turncoats’ who ditched him, and
urging voters to return PTI candidates across Punjab. At this
point, Mr Khan seems ahead of the PML-N and its rivals on the
campaign trail. His electioneering has apparently unsettled his
opponents, as the PPP offered its ‘unconditional support’ to the
N-League’s candidates in the by-polls. Whether voters will choose
to buy Imran Khan’s rhetoric, or opt to believe the PML-N’s
promises will become clear on July 17. However, considering the
incredibly polarised political atmosphere, particularly in Punjab,
the ECP and the provincial administration need to be on their
toes to ensure that the electoral process is free from violence and
intimidation. After all, the violence and mismanagement seen in
Karachi’s NA-240 by-poll, as well as the first phase of Sindh’s LG
elections, has left a lot to be desired. Both the PTI and PML-N
must also keep political temperatures in check and ensure that
their workers and supporters remain peaceful on election day.
The road to Islamabad indeed runs through Lahore, and the
results of Punjab’s by-polls may well reflect national trends at
least for the foreseeable future.

Fake is the new real
dawn.com/news/1698807/fake-is-the-new-real
July 8, 2022
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OVER the past three months, a handful of highly influential news

celebrities have left no stone unturned in support of the PTI and
former prime minister Imran Khan. They have taken narratives
about conspiracy and corruption to new heights. One of the most
prominent of these individuals was arrested in highly
choreographed fashion earlier this week. The charges against
him, and others of his ilk, are certainly not to be taken lightly.
Sedition is top of the list.
The ‘repression’ against these celebrities has only served to make

their stars soar further; the claims of conspiracy becoming a self-
fulfilling prophecy. We can cry ourselves hoarse insisting that
they are not genuine journalists but hypocrites who validated
injustice and oppression during the PTI’s tenure. Like it or not,
however, these celebrities are now larger-than-life figures who
will continue to greatly shape public opinion in our mediatised
present and future.
It has been some years now that the term ‘fake news’ became
common parlance around the world. Ideological claims and
fantasies now regularly masquerade as objective facts, especially
in highly politicised digital spaces.
My sense is that we are never likely to return to the world that

existed before ‘fake’ became the new real. It is in any case worth
reminding ourselves that states, reactionaries and even
progressives throughout the modern age have dedicated time,
energy and resources to propagating certain ideological
narratives to suit their purposes. The current epoch is distinct
because digitalisation has expanded the means of ideological
warfare and billions of individual ‘users’ have become both
consumers and producers of ideological content.
Fantasies now masquerade as facts.
The transformation of the ideological terrain — both in the realm

of politics and the shaping of popular culture more generally —
deserves far more attention than most on the left of the political
spectrum have dedicated to it till now. Otherwise well-meaning
progressives who seek to debunk ‘fake news’ by engaging in
pitched battles with ideological adversaries on social media
platforms can end up actually providing fodder to reactionaries.
Put differently, the political right has successfully deployed

sensationalist narratives, including ‘fake news’, so as to secure its
objectives. A plethora of right-wing regimes fronted by
iconoclasts with huge followings on social media have acquired
governmental power over the past decade. Imran Khan and PTI
are our own examples.
Meanwhile, the political left’s success stories are fewer and far
between. Yes, Trump got booted out in the US, and Boris Johnson
is on his way out in the UK. But Bernie Sanders and Jeremy
Corbyn have no chance of being voted into power. Here in
Pakistan, progressives have at best been able to fend off
vilification campaigns based on fake news, the most notable
example being the efforts of Aurat Azadi March organisers in
Islamabad after ludicrous blasphemy cases were filed against
them in the wake of Women’s Day events last year. Every once in
a while, Baloch and other victims of forced disappearances
return after a vibrant social media campaign.
Such resistance to state, class, gendered and religious repression

is necessary, but not sufficient. This should now be clearer than
ever with the rapid bursting of the PDM/PPP ‘democracy’ bubble.
Neither has the government which replaced PTI been able and or
willing to push back against the militarisation of state and
society, nor has it offered a meaningful programme of wealth
redistribution to challenge IMF-led austerity and powerful
landed, manufacturing and other capitalist lobbies in Pakistan.
Indeed, irrespective of what ends up happening to these

influential news celebrities mentioned earlier, the continuing
popularity of their narratives — and PTI more generally —
makes clear that the objective conditions for the political right to
continue profiting from fake news in general, and social media
mobilisation in particular, remain as ripe as ever.
Progressives must certainly continue to deploy social media to
further their causes. But the truth is that there is no united left in
this country that can puncture the hegemonic mainstream in
which the establishment runs a merry-go-round and politicians
indebted to big lobbies alternate turns in government.
Such a leftist alternative cannot be forged on social media, not

least of all because progressives active in digital spaces tend to
spar with one another as much as reactionaries. Contrast our
current plight to Latin America, where both rural and urban
working masses have made common cause with indigenous
rights movements, struggles against gender oppression and anti-
imperialist leftists around both issues of redistribution and
recognition. Organising on the ground has then been scaled up
through digital spaces. This is what we need here if we want to
challenge bogus celebrities, fake news and avoid a dramatic race
to the bottom.
The writer teaches at Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad.

Hindu tributes - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1698808/hindu-tributes
July 8, 2022
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MAHATMA Gandhi’s views about the Holy Prophet (PBUH)

deserve to be noted by the Muslim people to realise that the
hurtful sentiments expressed by some of Narendra Modi’s bigots
do not represent the views of all Hindu people. There are saner
minds which can rise above petty prejudices to speak the truth.
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was by all standards a great

man, and few people know that the founder of Pakistan,
Mohammad Ali Jinnah, despite the acute political differences
between them, greatly admired him, as once remarked by Dina
Wadia, the Quaid-i-Azam’s daughter. They also had a common
mother tongue.
A well-read man who developed his own sartorial style and

political jargon to fight for his people’s freedom, Gandhi said of
our Holy Prophet (PBUH): “I become more than ever convinced
that it was not the sword that won a place for Islam in those days
in the scheme for life. It was the rigid simplicity, the utter self-
effacement of the Prophet, the scrupulous regard for his pledges,
his intense devotion to his friends and followers, his intrepidity,
his fearlessness, his absolute trust in God and his own mission.
These and not the sword carried everything before them and
surmounted every trouble. The sayings of Muhammad are a
treasure of wisdom not only for Muslims but for all mankind.”
Gandhi is not the only great Hindu leader to have expressed his
admiration for our Prophet. A Hindu scholar, Prof K.S.
Ramakrishna Rao, professor of philosophy, declaring his belief
that the Holy Prophet in “all departments” of human activity “is
like a hero”, admits it was “most difficult” to get into “the whole
truth” of the personality of the Holy Prophet, and adds: “There is
Muhammad, the Prophet; there is Muhammad the Warrior;
Muhammad the Businessman; Muhammad the Statesman;
Muhammad the Orator; Muhammad the Reformer; Muhammad,
the Refuge of Orphans; Muhammad the Protector of Slaves,
Muhammad the Emancipator of Women, Muhammad, the Judge;
Muhammad the Saint. All in all these magnificent roles, in all
these departments of human activities, he is like a hero.”
Countless Hindu and Sikh poets wrote in praise of the Prophet (PBUH).
Those uttering dirt include Modi’s brainwashed men and women.

However, it is refreshing to know the sentiments expressed by a
woman scholar, Anita Rai, a prolific Indian writer now based in
Britain. For Rai, whose books include a biography of the Holy
Prophet, it was enough that he was the biggest supporter of
women “the world has so far had ... Personally, I am infinitely
grateful to Muhammad, who has not only empathised with the
crying voice of the despairing and exploited woman but has
taken momentous measures, blustering all opposition, to
alleviate her lot and strengthen her in realistic terms. For ages
and ages, a woman had found herself begging and grovelling in
front of her male master, with her heart-wrenching pleas for
justice remaining unheard and unaddressed. Muhammad had
changed this forever.”
Another scholar, Pandit Gyanandra Dev Sharma Shastri, who

belonged to the extreme rightist Arya Samaj, says in his book,
Dunya ka Hadi Ghairon Ki Nazar Main, that “the only ‘sword’
Muhammad wielded was the sword of mercy, compassion,
friendship and forgiveness — the sword that conquers enemies
and purifies their hearts”.
There are also countless Hindu and Sikh poets who wrote naats.
Space constraints do not permit us to go into the details, but a
poet and a great man who deserves to be mentioned was
Maharaja Kishen Pershad Bahadur, the prime minister of
Hyderabad State. He wrote naats in Persian, and such was his
scholarship that Allama Mohammad Iqbal made changes in the
Javednama, his Persian epic, on Kishen Pershad’s suggestions.
On a larger plane, it is worthwhile to know that Jewish scho-lars

and leaders have seldom made unkind remarks about the Holy
Prophet, basically because Islam and Judaism are the only two
religions which have an uncompromising, unadulterated belief
in One God. Arab Christians are a category apart. Their devotion
to the Holy Prophet (PBUH) is evident from the fact that some of
the most ardent defenders of Islam were Arab Christians —
Phillip K. Hitti, Albert Hourani and Edward Said.
As for European scholars’ hostility towards Islam, the profundity

in the remark by Edward Gibbon is telling: the Christian West, he
said, resented the fact that the Prophet “did not allow himself ...
to be ‘crucified’ by his enemies. He only defended himself, his
family and his followers; and finally vanquished his enemies.
Muhammad’s success is the Christians’ gall of disappointment: he
did not believe in any vicarious sacrifices for the sins of others”.
I believe this remark is contained in his classic The Decline and

Fall of the Roman Empire, which I read only once.
The writer is Dawn’s External Ombudsman and an author.

Unprepared for climate change
dawn.com/news/1698809/unprepared-for-climate-change
July 8, 2022
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THE frequency and ferocity of climate-induced disasters in

recent months have been frightening. Equally alarming are the
knee-jerk responses by our policymakers. For the most part, they
do not seem to comprehend the complexity of climate change
and are communicating some illusionary signposts as policy
objectives. Ad hocism has compounded our climate
vulnerabilities, and inaction restricts climate adaptation options,
leading to irreversible impacts known in climate negotiations as
‘loss & damage’. It is time to take immediate, systematic and long-
term actions to protect the Pakistani people and economy from
the unfolding climate crisis.
Pakistan needs to shed the following three misplaced
assumptions for effective designing and communication of
impact-oriented climate actions.
First, rather than referring to Pakistan as among the countries

most vulnerable to climate change, it would be more accurate to
describe it as one of the least prepared. Policymakers often play
up the vulnerability card to play down their own responsibility
thus presenting a fatalistic approach. The ‘victim card’ is
routinely highlighted by governments to somehow dilute their
responsibility to reduce vulnerabilities. Accepting that we’re
poorly prepared increases the accountability and direct
responsibility of the concerned federal and provincial
government departments as well as the presently non-existent
local governments (LG), which are ultimately responsible for
bottom-up adaption planning for national resilience.
Vulnerability and resilience are not static concepts. They are

relative terms as they increase or decrease with development
interventions. To a very large extent, vulnerability and resilience
are a function of good or bad governance. Systematic and
coordinated development initiatives can help reduce
vulnerabilities. Flood preparedness by the National Disaster
Management Authority (NDMA) offers a hidden success story.
To a very large extent, vulnerability and resilience are a function of good or
bad governance.
The magnitude of the super floods of 2010 made Pakistan one of

the most vulnerable countries to climate impact in the world. It
inundated one-fifth of the country, affected 20 million people and
claimed over 2,000 lives, in addition to damaging roads, schools,
hospitals and other infrastructure. In response, Pakistan
developed an overly ambitious National Flood Protection Plan.
However, even before the 10-year plan could be formally
approved by the Council of Common Interests in 2017, NDMA
started taking precautionary and preparatory measures for flood
risk management in partnership with key stakeholders. By
undertaking a series of non-structural measures that always cost
less, NDMA steadily reduced direct losses from riverine floods
even when the monsoons were abnormally intense. The risk of
riverine floods has not disappeared altogether, but it is not a
small feat for Pakistan to begin a low-cost, consultative process to
address the annual risks. These initial steps alone have steadily
reduced Pakistan’ global ranking on the list of the most
vulnerable countries. That unenviable position is now occupied
by the Philippines and Haiti that face more frequent tropical
storms.
While vulnerability to riverine floods has reduced, Pakistan still

faces an overwhelming multitude of climate threats that are
characteristically present in large continents or in very big
countries that stretch over several time zones. For example,
Pakistan faces at least five types of floods, in addition to the
annual riverine floods (mostly in the summer monsoon, fewer in
winter rains) — each category requiring unique, area-specific
action plans: flash floods, glacial lake outburst floods (GLOF),
urban floods, torrential rains and cloud outbursts in both urban
and rural areas.
Additionally, the sources of vulnerability range from tropical

storms and seawater intrusion in the south to heatwaves,
landsides, snowstorms and GLOFs in the north. The level of
vulnerability in each instance can be reduced substantially by
low-cost, non-structural interventions in concert with
stakeholders — without always seeking international finances.
They all beg for systematic interventions for enhanced
preparedness.
Second, it is a misplaced argument that climate change is a

technical climatology issue on which only climate modellers can
guide us. It is, in reality, a development issue that can only be
tackled by pursuing climate-smart agriculture, water, energy,
urban planning and LG issues. All these sectors are provincial
subjects under the Constitution, even if the federal government
routinely encroaches on these subjects by cunningly using
interwoven layers of parallel institutions and invoking weak
provincial capacities. The 18th Amendment is an incomplete
agenda. It is now a prerequisite to meet climate-induced
challenges. The Planning Commission together with the
provincial planning boards can spearhead the process, but this
cannot be meaningfully delivered without constitutional
amendments that would ensure that LG institutions, are
financed, regularly held and given clear mandates without
interruptions. The foundation of climate justice in Pakistan will
need to be laid in LG institutions in order to strengthen inclusion
and equity.
Third, it is inaccurate to say that climate change can be stabilised

if developed countries reduce their emissions and developing
countries like Pakistan focus on adaptation. The fact is that both
adaptation and mitigation are intrinsically linked and
inseparably tied. Actions on each result in climate and economic
co-benefits and contribute towards resilience. In fact, Pakistan’s
first official submission to the UN in 2016 of Nationally
Determined Contributions specifically committed to adaptation.
However, successive governments have since failed to develop
national adaption plans, despite the availability of international
financing.
A cursory look at the budgetary allocations since 2012 when the

first National Climate Change Policy was approved shows that
development expenditure has effectively decreased. This
inaction is costing Pakistan an estimated 9.2 per cent of GDP, an
amount that is already more than double of the projected
economic growth rate. Pakistan may or may not meet its
projected economic growth rate, but climate costs will go further
up unless climate-induced disasters are prioritised as a non-
traditional security threat. This would require development
expenditure to be increased by 2030 from the present 2.7pc to the
same level that we had during 1972-77 ie 21pc, as recently
argued by economist Kaiser Bengali in another context.
Climate change is not just a north-south issue, though the West

should — but will not — extend financial assistance as it is
responsible for emitting high levels of carbon into the
atmosphere. Our moral indignation aside, the protection of
Pakistan’s growing population is our responsibility. The sooner
we shed our delusional paradigms, the better it will be for
strengthening our climate resilience.
The writer is an expert on climate change and development.

A matter of months? - Newspaper
dawn.com/news/1698810/a-matter-of-months
July 8, 2022
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A NUMBER of commentators have been saying that we are in for

a few tough months and then things will start getting better. The
expectation of ‘things getting better’, I presume, is based on
energy costs coming down and on our getting some inflows from
the IMF and other ‘friends’. If the price of oil decreases in the
international market, it will definitely allow some relief within
the country as well. But, given where the economy is, the
expectation of relief might be overstated.
When oil prices start coming down, the government will begin to
impose taxes on oil. It seems this is a commitment to the IMF. If
international oil prices do not come down, domestic prices will
continue to rise. If they do start reducing, we might still not see
domestic prices keep pace due to taxes. So, the expectation that
the ‘tough’ times will last only a few months may be an
overstatement.
Prices also tend to be sticky downwards. This observation by

Keynes has a strong empirical foundation. Prices for electricity
and many other goods that have been raised due to recent
inflationary pressures are unlikely to fall even if oil prices do.
And salaries are slow to adjust. So, the pain for most people
won’t be short-term.
There is a deeper reason too. William Easterly, in a 2001 paper,

termed Pakistan’s growth and development experience as
“growth without development”. His argument was that though
Pakistan had decent growth in the 1960-1990s period, its
‘development’ indicators, such as literacy, school completion,
infant/ maternal mortality, life expectancy etc lagged behind
countries with similar growth experience and income levels. This
was a consistent pattern.
The expectation that the ‘tough’ times will last only a few months may be an
overstatement.
This argument implies several things. First, it does not seem that
our basic policy priorities have changed in any way. Rhetoric
aside, education, health and other social sectors continue to be
low-priority areas for the government. We still think that growth
alone will deliver on all aspects of development. The emphasis on
CPEC and similar projects is a good example: we think that
Pakistan’s economy can grow, and sustainably, if CPEC comes
through. Or another such project.
This leads us to the second implication. Does the country’s
growth experience — where external change (war in
Afghanistan, ‘war on terror’, etc) boosts growth and leads to a
few good years of decent growth before we revert to poor
growth, with little change in development indicators — show that
it is lack of investment in literacy, education, health and other
social/ productive sectors that is not allowing us to stay on the
growth path despite numerous nudges?
It is worth thinking this through. So growth comes when money/

resources/ investment flow in, but we are not able to sustain it.
Sustaining a decent to high growth path requires agriculture,
industry and the services sector to perform. But if we do not have
a) educated, skilled and trained human resources, b) the right
institutions that encourage investment in productive sectors, and
c) the right property rights regime, rule of law, a predictable legal
and policy environment, then growth impetus is not sustained.
We have regularly seen such cycles. When growth goes away, we
are back to looking for a bailout from the IMF or other
international players. Pakistan has had 20-plus IMF programmes.
Many governments have, at the start of an IMF programme,
announced that their programme would be the last one that
Pakistan would go through as their ‘reforms’ would ensure that
the country is put on the path of sustainable growth. But —
sometimes within two to three years — we go back to the IMF for
another bailout.
Clearly, the ‘reforms’ haven’t been deep enough and haven’t been
able to reform important areas. How do we then think of the
current crisis? And what will ‘relief’ look like? Will it just be
some reduction in oil prices while most other prices stay where
they are or continue to increase? Our problems are not just about
oil prices. The trade and budget deficits, symptoms of a deeper
malaise at the structural level, cannot be wished away with
changes in oil prices, some IMF inflows or loans from ‘friends’. In
realistic terms, this is delusional thinking.
Stefan Dercon, professor of economics at the University of

Oxford, also the chief economist for DfID, the UK aid agency, now
replaced by the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office
for a number of years, has, in his recent book Gambling on
Development: Why Some Countries Win And Others Lose, argued
that while it is difficult to point to specific policies that lead to
development and sustainable growth (as they tend to be context-
specific in the sense that what works in China may not in India
and vice versa), it is possible to argue that those who have been
able to show — and sustain for a few decades — impressive
levels of development have ‘gambled on development’ and have
had an ‘elite bargain’ that has prioritised growth and
development over other things. This development bargain has
allowed countries to strengthen institutions, invest in the
education, skills and health of the people, and restrained elite
interest groups from making short-term gains at the cost of the
development bargain itself.
To use language from Dercon, we have never had such a

‘bargain’ in Pakistan or we have never been able to sustain one.
Many commentators have talked about elite capture in Pakistan.
The story continues to be the same. Given that, it is hard to see
how the difficult times will be for a few months only. The real
question remains: will we, as a nation, be able to forge a pathway
that works for all, not just for the elites, and allows optimal
investment in the people of the country who then, in the
following decades, take to work and ensure the sustainability of
the growth and development process? Barring this, promises of
relief seem to be political gimmickry.
The writer is a senior research fellow at the Institute of

Development and Economic Alternatives, and an associate
professor of economics at Lums.

A collective mistake
dawn.com/news/1699160/a-collective-mistake
July 9, 2022
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IT would be a serious misstep if parliament were to give safe

passage to the banned TTP. Apparently, the burden and liability
of the peace talks with the terrorist group have been passed on to
parliament, which is weak and seems willing to lend a shoulder
to the security institutions.
The talks with the TTP are not merely a security issue entrenched
in the region’s geopolitical landscape; instead, it is a case for the
soul of Pakistan. Both state and society have developed a rare
consensus in the protracted war against terrorism: the country
needs a review of its ideological paradigm. However, this
consensus has not yet yielded some miraculous outcome as the
state, by design or inadvertently, continues to exploit religion and
empower the radical groups. Some observers also question if the
political parties and civil society organisations really believe in
resisting radical religious and ideological forces. They also ask if
the PPP’s bid to bring the issue to parliament is merely a trick to
give legitimacy to an exclusive process led by the security
institutions.
Giving legitimacy to the talks with the TTP does not fit in with the
PPP’s political paradigm of ‘democracy is the best revenge’.
Mainstreaming a terrorist group will harm and shrink political
spaces for the citizens of this country and parties such as the PPP,
which have been more vocal and aligned against extremism. The
TTP was found guilty of having assassinated former prime
minister Benazir Bhutto, but the PPP sees a bigger plot behind
the assassination. Though not certain, it appears that the current
party leadership may be thinking beyond its own misgivings in
the country’s larger interest. The party chairperson holds the
portfolio of foreign minister in the coalition government and
must be inspired by his mother’s ideas, including enhancing
trade relationships with the Central Asian states. Back in the
1990s, Benazir Bhutto had permitted her interior minister, Gen
Naseerullah Babar, to create an Afghan Trade Development Cell
in the ministry to promote trade routes to Central Asia and to
provide the Afghan Taliban with funds.
For a long time, state institutions have been giving hints of a shift
from a geostrategic to a geo-economic plan. The PPP vision may
fit well with the new paradigm, but that would require removing
the TTP obstacle and providing more confidence to the Taliban
regime in Kabul; the institutions are apparently also relying on
relations with Kabul for their intended geo-economic shift.
Mainstreaming a terrorist group will harm and shrink political spaces for the
citizens of this country.
The government is giving the impression that talks with the TTP
are still at a stage where a national discourse is not needed. In
fact, very recently, the Parliamentary Committee on National
Security (PCNS) received a briefing from the military leadership
on the TTP talks. The committee formally gave approval for
holding talks with the banned outfit. The government insists that
all negotiations would be conditional upon parliament’s
approval. One can foresee that a few dissenting voices in the
parliamentary debate will not be able to prevent the outcome if
the deal is a fait accompli.
Many of the arguments in favour of the talks with the terrorists

have been analysed on these pages. Still, according to reports, in
the last PCNS meeting, the military leadership told lawmakers
that the TTP might join the Islamic State-Khorasan (IS-K) and that
a peace deal with the TTP is a compulsion and not a choice. One
may recall that the idea of talks with the TTP was floated back in
2019, even before the Taliban takeover of Kabul. The argument at
that time was to identify the missing persons, supposedly hiding
under the cover of the TTP fighters. Perhaps, Pakistan’s state
institutions see the terrorist group in enhanced mirror settings.
Regarding the IS-K factor, there are certain probabilities, and a

lot depends on possible internal rifts within the ranks of the TTP.
The TTP is under allegiance to the Taliban supreme leader, and
joining the ranks of the IS-K would mean that they would have to
denounce the Taliban before swearing allegiance to Abu Hassan
al-Hashimi al-Qurayshi, the self-proclaimed caliph belonging to
the Islamic State group. Can the TTP collectively commit such a
big mistake, especially when the Taliban regime has declared
war on the IS-K? The most influential faction within the TTP
favours the talks as they see a victory achieved without violence;
a small number of them disagree with the hypothesis. Even the
dissenters will think twice before joining the IS-K as the group is
very exclusive and the prospects of its long-term sustainability
are bleak.
There is a high probability that Al Qaeda will support the peace

talks, as security experts weigh in with their opinion that any
deal between the TTP and the government of Pakistan will also
provide Al Qaeda some influence in the tribal districts along the
border. Moreover, the deal will give an opportunity to the IS-K to
enter Pakistani territory.
More importantly, the TTP has consistently asserted that it would

not back down from its core demand of the merger of ex-Fata
with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa being reversed. This was said by the
TTP chief Mufti Noor Wali Mehsud himself in a YouTube
interview which did several rounds on social media and was
apparently conducted somewhere in Kabul. There are also
rumours that the Pakistani jirga which visited Kabul recently got
the impression that the TTP is confident that the government of
Pakistan will agree to its demand of reversing the tribal districts’
status, and has sought three months to negotiate the demand.
If this is the case, will parliament amend the Constitution to fulfil

the demand of a terrorist group? If it happens, one can imagine
the legal, political, social and ideological consequences. It would
simply mean the state’s surrender to terrorists. Can the state
institutions not craft another strategy to deal with the TTP
threat? And do the political parties have the courage to say that
they want the matter deferred until there is an open debate in
society and within and among political parties?
The writer is a security analyst.

Boris Johnson’s exit
dawn.com/news/1699154/boris-johnsons-exit
July 9, 2022
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AFTER three eventful and tumultuous years at 10 Downing

Street, Boris Johnson is getting ready to pack his bags and leave
the prime ministerial residence. This is largely thanks to a
rebellion within his cabinet, as ministers and senior members of
the British prime minister’s Conservative Party expressed their
lack of confidence in his leadership. In particular, several ethics-
related controversies severely dented the maverick politician’s
reputation. These include accusations of inappropriate sexual
behaviour displayed by a Tory former deputy chief whip, and
reports of boozy parties hosted at Number 10 while the rest of
the UK was in strict lockdown during the height of the Covid-19
pandemic. Mr Johnson’s legacy is likely to be mixed, as he failed
to appropriately address the scandals that plagued his
administration, while he also championed Brexit, his country’s
messy divorce with the EU. The supposed advantages of Brexit
have yet to reach the British people, as the country’s economy
tanks. While some, including former PM John Major, have called
for Boris Johnson’s immediate exit from Number 10, he is likely
to cling on for a few more months, until the Tories elect a new
leader, and by default the new PM.
The race for the UK’s top job is on, with a number of candidates
of colour reportedly vying to occupy Number 10. These include
Sajid Javid, of Pakistani origin, as well as Rishi Sunak, with roots
in India. Both men are said to be top contenders. Compare this
apparent reflection of diversity within the Conservative Party
with the ‘Rivers of Blood’ speech Tory MP Enoch Powell delivered
in 1968, in which he railed against mass immigration and said
that the day was near when non-white people would “dominate”
the UK. The Conservative Party certainly seems to have come a
long way from those dark days. However, whoever enters
Number 10 will have their work cut out for them, as the UK sees
its highest recession in four decades, and more economic
turbulence is forecast for the days ahead.
Editorial
10 Jul, 2022
CPEC resumption
IT appears that a recent counterterrorism breakthrough has

greatly helped restore Chinese confidence in Pakistan’s...
10 Jul, 2022
Haj message
AFTER two years of limited numbers of pilgrims able to attend

due to the Covid-19 pandemic, around a million people...
10 Jul, 2022
AFTER three eventful and tumultuous years at 10 Downing
Street, Boris Johnson is getting ready to pack his bags and...
CPEC resumption - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1699156/cpec-resumption
July 9, 2022

greatly helped restore Chinese confidence in Pakistan’s security
apparatus and paved the way for the restoration of bilateral ties
as well as CPEC-related activities, which had been on ice since late
April. Work has reportedly resumed on the Main Line 1 (ML-1)
upgradation project, the largest component of China’s Belt and
Road Initiative in Pakistan and the centrepiece of the second
phase of CPEC. The importance of what this breakthrough
represents cannot be overstated. Beijing — an all-weather friend
and one of our strongest allies — had all but pulled the plug on its
development activities in Pakistan after a brazen terrorist attack
on the grounds of Karachi University left three Chinese teachers
dead. It was well known that Beijing had been quite upset for
some time at the impunity with which its people were being
attacked on Pakistani soil. After the KU attack, it simply
suspended all work on the CPEC front till the time those
responsible were nabbed and security for its personnel in
Pakistan assured. The gravity of the situation can be judged from
the fact that recently army chief Gen Qamar Bajwa himself had to
travel to Beijing with guarantees in a bid to win the Chinese over.
It is unclear what the army chief offered to the Chinese

authorities, and what terms were set for the future. The recent
busting of a terrorist cell linked to Baloch extremists BLA and
BLF, however, has thawed the ice considerably. The operation
reportedly came in coordination with a group of Chinese
investigators who had arrived here and were working with the
Pakistani team tasked with the case. This unusual arrangement
reflects a lack of faith on the Chinese side. It would have been
much better had there been more clarity about the role of this
team and whether we should expect similar arrangements in the
future, as has been rumoured in some quarters.
Be that as it may, it appears that Chinese authorities are for now

satisfied with the progress made and wish to resume their work.
It is now up to our government and security forces to make sure
there is no further incident which may imperil goodwill between
the two countries again. However, there also needs to be greater
transparency in our dealings with Beijing so that there is greater
visibility of the progress being made under CPEC and how the
project may affect the security of both foreigners working in
Pakistan and the Pakistanis living here. It is irregular for so much
to continue to be negotiated behind closed doors while such a
major, transformational project is being executed on our soil.
Bilateral relations between Pakistan and China are not the
exclusive domain of just one branch of the state that terms
continue to be negotiated by it at the exclusion of all others.

Haj message - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1699155/haj-message
July 9, 2022
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AFTER two years of limited numbers of pilgrims able to attend

due to the Covid-19 pandemic, around a million people —
including from abroad — gathered in the plains of Arafat to mark
the central rite of this year’s Haj on Friday. In 2020 and 2021,
only a few thousand had attended, that too limited to Saudis and
foreigners residing in the kingdom. Braving searing desert
temperatures, pilgrims from across the world gathered in Hijaz
reflecting the diversity of the Muslim world. What was also
significant was that this year women were allowed to attend the
pilgrimage in groups, without the presence of a mahram. While
many schools of thought had always allowed women to make the
sacred journey on their own, the Saudi government’s decision to
drop the mahram requirement last year — as part of the crown
prince’s ‘modernisation’ drive — has allowed all Muslim women
to perform Haj without a male guardian. Another key aspect of
Haj is the sermon at Arafat. This year, the khutba was delivered
by Sheikh Mohammad bin Abdul Karim al-Issa, head of the
Muslim World League. Along with religious issues, the sheikh
touched upon the need to shun division and for “love and
compassion” to “prevail in our dealings”. The Saudi scholar also
urged Muslims to treat those of other faiths well, observing that
the spirit of Islam “includes goodness to all humanity”.
As Muslim communities are riven by internal dissent and

division, these words need to be translated into practice.
Sectarianism has done untold damage to the Muslim world,
particularly seen in Iraq, Yemen and Syria. We in Pakistan have
also witnessed the ogre of sectarian bigotry tear through the
fabric of society, particularly over the last four decades.
Therefore, religious authorities must lead the way and urge their
flocks to shun sectarian narratives, and respect all schools of
thought. Moreover, the message to treat non-Muslims better
should also be heeded, as in most Muslim-majority states the
condition of minorities is far from ideal. The fundamental rights
of minority citizens need to be protected, and they must be free
to practise their faiths. Also, Muslims in Yemen, Palestine and
held Kashmir, as well as the Rohingya, continue to face
oppression and misery. Instead of simply voicing their concern,
the global Muslim community needs to make a sustained effort to
project the condition of these oppressed populations and bring
peace to their tortured lands.
Editorial
10 Jul, 2022
CPEC resumption

greatly helped restore Chinese confidence in Pakistan’s...
10 Jul, 2022
Haj message
Make it work - Newspaper
dawn.com/news/1699157/make-it-work
July 9, 2022
Listen to article
IN the early 2010s, I began work with a PR company writing for

their clients in the hospitality and tourism sector in Vietnam. I
had lived in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City so I knew the sector and
its players. The company had a physical office and staff in Hue,
but the rest of us worked from the US, Taipei, Bangkok while I
was in Karachi. It wasn’t called Work From Anywhere like it is
now but the man who set up the agency said it was the future of
work.
When the pandemic hit, I was reminded of my former boss’

prescience and genius but was surprised to read a piece in the
Harvard Business Review saying the first WFH (working from
home) policies were adopted in the late 1970s because of soaring
petrol prices caused by the Opec oil embargo which made
commuting very costly. “Workers were often also given control
over their schedules, allowing them to make time for school
pickups, errands, or midday exercise without being seen as
shirking,” it said. With the advent of personal commuters, the
internet and cloud computing, WFH increased in the 2000s and
of course gained prominence courtesy the pandemic.
I can’t deny the flexibility and work-life balance my PR writing

gig gave me; the workflow and communication — then done over
Google and Skype — was smooth. That experience helped
prepare me for lockdown and was made easier because prior to
the pandemic, during the 2019-2020 academic year, I taught on
Zoom with professors in Kenya, the US and Canada. I was
prepared for remote work except for the feelings of isolation that
it brought. That’s something the pandemic hasn’t ‘fixed’ which is
perhaps why so many offices want employees back in the office
all over the world.
However, there are many that don’t: In the US, companies like
Twitter, 3M, Lyft, Reddit, Spotify and Coinbase switched to
permanent remote or hybrid options. Tata Consultancy Services,
a global IT services company says it plans to be 75 per cent
remote by 2025.
Remote work is a better option for companies and workers.
Work from home during the pandemic has given birth to a range
of new ideas.
Two Dutch lawmakers proposed a bill last month to make WFH a

legal right which if passed this summer would make Netherlands
the first country to grant work flexibility by law.
Countries whose economies were ravaged by tourism during the

pandemic have launched digital nomad visas for remote
workers. Indonesia is the latest to begin work on offering one for
‘techpats’ ie remote technology workers. In Europe, the
opportunity has gained ground with Georgia, Croatia, Estonia,
Norway and Portugal offering residence permits for remote
workers provided they can prove X amount of monthly income.
Granted such schemes favour the relatively well-off worker but
such schemes benefit economies in the long run.
How is Pakistan faring, especially as its economy seems to be
gasping for breath? Are companies enacting WFH policies taking
ground realities like petrol prices into consideration? Having
spent a majority of my life working in Pakistan, I find it to be one
of the most worker-unfriendly countries where governments
protect their rich business friends and ensure unions are ‘kept in
their place’. Organising in private firms may as well sound a
death knell. All employees are left to fend for themselves and
dare not speak up for fear of losing their job. HR departments by
and large exist to placate owners or the men on top. Whether
you’re employed in a family-run business or a fancy corporation,
the seth ethic runs deep.
It is worth looking up the union in your workplace or organising

to create a union at your workplace to take up the issue of
remote working, a raise in wages, better healthcare, paid leaves,
worker safety, etc. Pakistan’s labour laws allow workers to join
unions.
I understand the burden of WFH falls on the person at home who

may save on commuting costs but will pay more to work at home
(costs to run ACs, computers, phones etc). However, I believe the
rise in fuel prices is an unprecedented one and makes remote
work, despite the aforementioned, a better option for companies
and workers. Companies can offer work-from-home stipends to
help mitigate the burden. The aforementioned Harvard article
said there are many studies to show that WFH increased
employee engagement which is an important metric for an
organisation’s success. Happier workers are more productive.
A majority of folks in Pakistan are overwhelmed by anxiety
brought on by the burden of finances. The state bears some
responsibility in mitigating the problems caused by past
incompetent and people-unfriendly policies. They can encourage
businesses to move towards remote/hybrid working and offer
incentives. I understand WFH is not possible for all organisations
but smart management should be thinking about what is needed
to make it possible. I am certain my former boss was right in
2010: the future is here.
The writer teaches journalism.

Make-or-break by-elections
dawn.com/news/1699159/make-or-break-by-elections
July 9, 2022
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AGAINST the backdrop of rising global energy and food prices

which have necessitated widespread power cuts and brutal price
hikes at home, triggering staggering inflation currently running
at over 20 per cent, all eyes are on the Punjab Assembly by-
elections exactly a week from today.
The Pakistani electorate is a very shrewd one, in my humble

opinion, and often defies predictions to vote for parties and
candidates who will deliver on their expectations and who, it
believes, will be good for the country and democracy.
Unless, of course, the voters are cheated out of their verdict in

the name of the ‘greater good’, in the name of clean government
or Islamisation or accountability or patriotism or some other red
herring to satiate the appetite of extra-parliamentary, anti-
democracy forces.
These forces have been well-entrenched in the country and its

systems. Don’t get me wrong but a mention of these forces and
people see khaki. But there are many willing collaborators, some
with pretensions of being equal partners, among the ranks of the
judiciary and political parties too.
To oust Hamza Shehbaz as chief minister, calculations suggests the PTI will
need to win some 14 seats.
One can at least see some method to the madness in the non-
political forces joining hands for a power grab but it is self-
defeatist for political entities, particularly with support among
the people too, to coalesce with these forces and barter away
their own right to take decisions and govern.
But, like they say, it is what it is.
Even knowing the terms of their relationship with an implicit

‘junior’ partner status and then agreeing to be ushered into the
corridors of power, which are no more than a mirage in practical
value, they act like a jilted lover when their foolish attempts to
assert themselves backfire.
I say foolish because having abandoned popular support as the

solitary means of propelling their march to government, and not
meaningful power or authority, after a while they are bedazzled
by howling sirens, flashing beacons, secure corridors, helicopters
and official jets.
If any sanity or reality still remained to remind them of their

rather humble junior status, the ability to lock up political
opponents, crush dissent and dissidents including riding
roughshod over independent media fills them with a false sense
of being all-powerful.
And then when they wake up, it’s too late, the dream is no more
and the nightmare of being out in the cold hits them. Predictably,
they cry foul. But by now the shoe is on the other foot. Another
willing collaborator has taken their place and their tantrums will
deliver very little to them. Their ‘historic’ defiance will last no
longer than it takes someone to reverse their fall from grace.
Some parties will match this description completely, while only

sections of others will. Few today will be so sane and principled
that they will have none of this. I leave it to your imagination to
figure out which of our political parties fits each of these
categories.
Feel free to adjust the parameters to better reflect your thoughts

on the issue. In any case, this was more a general reflection on
the sad saga and the reality of the tragedy that is our politics is
and its players, both political and otherwise.
In the 20 by-elections in four urban and 16 rural (with the

inevitable spillover of an urban area or two in some) Punjab
Assembly constituencies, a week from today voters will have
considered some of the factors listed above and made up their
minds before casting their ballots.
Walid Iqbal, a PTI senator, and accomplished Harvard and

Cambridge-educated lawyer, who is one of the funniest men I
have met in my life, appeared quite serious when he told Arifa
Noor on her DawnNews programme that, “we’ll win all 20 seats”.
Such is the surge in support for Imran Khan, he argued.
Both Walid Iqbal and later his leader Imran Khan made their
‘landslide’ subject to a level playing field. Despite their
apprehensions, the PTI leadership also appeared confident that
their workers will guard the ballot box and not allow their
mandate to be stolen.
The central plank of the PTI remains attributing its loss of power
to a conspiracy and on imploring the military leadership to shun
their self-proclaimed neutrality and pave the party’s way back
into office in the name of economic stability and national
interest.
For his part, PML-N Punjab Chief Minister Hamza Shehbaz

appeared confident that the coalition he leads will score a major
win as, he says, the people of Punjab are well aware of “our
record of khidmat [public service]” and also know fully well who
is responsible for the current economic crisis.
Despite the PML-N infight over whether Miftah Ismail (backed

publicly by Khwaja Asif and Shahid Khaqan Abbasi) or Ishaq Dar
(backed publicly by Khwaja Saad Rafique) is best placed to steer
the economy, PML backers see the final tally at 15/5 in their
favour plus/minus a couple of seats.
Whosoever is making a convincing argument to the voters will

win the most seats and the current coalition’s fate even in
Islamabad will hinge on this result as well. To oust Hamza
Shehbaz as chief minister, the calculation suggests the PTI will
need to win some 14 seats.
Many observers say that seems like a tall order, despite the
crowds Imran Khan is pulling in for his jalsas. By midnight in
exactly a week it will be clear who is right. If the incumbent is
unable to stay in office after the by-election, the defeat’s
shockwaves will reach Islamabad too and possibly create
grounds for a fresh national election.
If not, then possibly the coalition will get a reprieve and about 12
months to address near-impossible challenges in an
economically hostile global environment with food prices
continuing to rise. The only respite may come in the form of a
global economic slowdown or recession that drives down oil
prices.
The writer is a former editor of Dawn.

abbas.nasir@gmail.com

Need for a reset - Newspaper
dawn.com/news/1699158/need-for-a-reset
July 9, 2022
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PAKISTAN’S relations with the US have never been steady,

oscillating between highs and lows. Both maintain mutually
exclusive expectations from each other. Pakistanis want a more
durable relationship that is sensitive to Pakistan’s interests, while
the Americans view the relationship in the context of its global
objectives — from the Cold War and Afghanistan to the ‘war on
terror’ and competition with China.
While both countries recognise each other’s relevance in their

respective strategic calculus, there has been lingering mistrust
that surges to disrupt bilateral ties. Pakistanis argue that
American security interests often overshadow the prospects of a
broad-based relationship. The US, for its part, has leveraged both
assistance and sanctions to influence the behaviour of Pakistan,
generating expectations which were largely unmet, causing the
two countries to drift further apart. Consequently, the two
countries have often found it difficult to ensure a relationship
that is mutually beneficial.
Meanwhile, the evolving global and regional situation is

impacting the foreign policy choices of both nations. The US now
regards China as its competitor and India as its strategic partner.
Pakistani leaders wonder if Pakistan has a place in US
geopolitical priorities. The recent regime-change allegations have
caused further disenchantment with each other.
All this creates a need to reset the relationship and restore
mutual trust. Four aspects of such a reset require focused
attention.
Both the US and Pakistan must overcome their lingering mistrust.
Firstly, the US-China-Pakistan triangle needs analyses. China has

been a friend to Pakistan; it has never violated its sovereignty,
and defended its positions at international forums. China
brought enormous investment into Pakistan through CPEC, and
that too when Pakistan was embroiled in a fight against
terrorism.
That said, our positive relations with China should not infringe
on our ties with the US. Pakistan likes to believe that it was, and
remains, a bridge between the two powers. The people of
Pakistan are disappointed that the US has expressed concerns
regarding CPEC and is also applying economic coercion through
the FATF. Yet, it would be in our interest to persuade the
Americans to encourage their businesses to avail of economic
opportunities in Pakistan, just like China and some other
countries are doing. The government could even consider a
package, similar to CPEC, that could be jointly evolved with the
US, paving the way for American investments in Pakistan’s SEZs.
The second priority area for Pakistan to work with the US is

Afghanistan, where the US fought a bitter war. All along, Pakistan
advised the US to pursue a political rather than a military
approach. The US finally chose to negotiate with the Taliban,
despite scapegoating Pakistan for its own failures in Afghanistan
for much of the war’s duration. Pakistan’s second advice to the
US was to carry out a responsible exit. The US decided to pull out
in August 2021, with no interim government in place, creating a
power vacuum that was quickly filled by the Taliban.
Afghanistan remains unstable. A humanitarian crisis is
unfolding, and the country is on the verge of an economic
collapse. Pakistan’s third advice to the US was to not abandon
Afghanistan, as otherwise a civil war could ensue and terrorist
entities would resurface in Afghanistan. Pakistan and the US
must, therefore, stay engaged, and persuade the Taliban to
honour their commitments on an inclusive government,
women’s rights and counterterrorism, in the larger interest of
Afghanistan and the region.
The third area of focus is the US-India strategic partnership. The

US has invested heavily in empowering India to counterbalance
China. Emboldened by the US tilt, the Modi regime has embarked
upon an exercise to realise the RSS dream of a Hindu state and
asserting Indian hegemony in the region. This approach spells
danger for South Asia. The US must insist India respect its
neighbours, not intimidate its own minorities, work with
Pakistan to resolve the Kashmir dispute, and not engage in
dangerous adventures like pre-emptive surgical strikes. The US
needs to play the role expected of it in stabilising South Asia.
Finally, Pakistan and the US need to revitalise their bilateral,

broad-based strategic dialogue that commenced under the
Obama administration, with its six sectoral working groups. One
encouraging facet of the relationship is that while government-
to-government relations have oscillated during the last seven
decades, people-to-people contacts have stayed steady. Sustained
interactions in trade, investment, agriculture, education, health
and IT, mostly in the private sector, can provide the mainstay of
this reset, reinforced by a million-plus Pakistani diaspora in the
US. All the while, both sides must also eschew mutually hostile
rhetoric.
The writer, a former foreign secretary, is DG, Institute of Strategic

Studies Islamabad and the author of Diplomatic Footprints.

A safe Eid - Newspaper
dawn.com/news/1698957/a-safe-eid
July 9, 2022
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IT seems like we will be spending another Eid under the shadow

of disease. With the national Covid-19 positivity rate elevated,
critical cases showing a steady rise and widespread worries that
we may soon be enveloped by a sixth wave, health officials are
becoming more vocal about the possibility of a major
coronavirus outbreak during the Eidul Azha celebrations. The
wedding season, currently experiencing a lull due to Eid, is also
expected to resume in earnest once the festivities are over,
presenting new opportunities for the virus to spread. Health
authorities have been urging people to observe social distancing
and take other precautions during social interactions, but the
warnings seem to be falling on deaf ears. In Karachi, where the
positivity rate remains considerably elevated, public response to
appeals to practise greater safety seems overwhelmingly
dismissive. The enforcement of preventive SOPs remains weak,
with citizens frequenting public spaces including train stations,
bus terminals and shopping centres without wearing masks or
caring for social distancing protocols.
In the midst of all this, another public health concern has reared
its head. There is a heightened risk of an outbreak of the Congo
virus, which is transmitted from the bite of ticks that attach
themselves to sheep, goats, cows, buffaloes and other livestock. A
number of cases have already been reported in Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa, and it is feared the disease could spread wider
due to the movement of livestock to markets all over the country.
People have been thronging the markets ahead of Eid to
purchase animals, yet few seem aware of the danger they could
be exposed to.
The government needs to shake off its sloth and be more

proactive than it currently is. Pakistan successfully countered
previous waves of the coronavirus pandemic with smart
lockdowns and strict enforcement of safety protocols. This time
should be no different. Yes, the newer variants of the coronavirus
do not seem as deadly as older ones, and there are fewer
hospitalisations and deaths, but we should not be tempting fate.
Covid-19 remains a highly transmissible disease, and those
people who suffer from comorbidities are at significant risk of
experiencing a fatal infection. The risk of a new mutation is also
ever-present, which means there is no room for complacency.
Likewise, people need to be educated better about the Congo
virus so that they can take precautions to protect themselves and
their families. Experts recommend wearing gloves while
interacting with and sacrificing animals, and also while handling
fresh meat to avoid being bitten. As urged previously, robust
plans also need to be in place to clean up and properly dispose of
all animal remains on Eid days to prevent any other health risks
from arising. The confluence of so many disease risks should be
taken seriously. The government must shrug off its lackadaisical
attitude and work harder at preventing a national health crisis.
America in turmoil
dawn.com/news/1698960/america-in-turmoil
July 9, 2022
Listen to article
THE neoliberal economic and social ideas that arguably made America “the greatest
nation on earth” are now facing resistance. Big corporations are under pressure as
proponents of social and climate justice are demanding a bigger share of the
economic pie. At the same time, a nearly 50-year-old “reproductive right”, granted in
‘Roe vs Wade’, has been overturned by the US Supreme Court, indicating ferocious
political battles in the future. Not surprisingly, a number of new books have been
published in the US that predict a coming civil war.
Barbara Walter’s How Civil Wars Start, perhaps the more famous work on the
subject, makes an alarmingly convincing case about the coming civil war in the US.
She highlights three main drivers. The first one focuses on when countries transition
towards or away from democracy. Transitionary periods, she argues, increase the
probability of a civil war even more than autocratic periods. The second driver
“factionalism” is defined as when a political party becomes associated with a
particular ethnicity or religion instead of ideology. This is when different “ethnic
entrepreneurs” capitalise on mutual distrust, something we have seen in the shape
of Slobodan Milosevic in Serbia. Finally, civil wars are more probable in those
countries where the dominant group suffers a loss of status, which makes the
dominant group more likely to engage in conflict.
The US, argues Walter, exhibits all three drivers. The US hovered between
democracy and autocracy under the Trump administration, according to data from
Polity Score. There is also a palpable drift towards factionalism in the Republican
Party, especially as the party is now increasingly being taken over by far-right and
white supremacist groups. In this year alone, the Republican Party will field 100 far-
right candidates, according to the Anti-Defamation League, a non-profit that
monitors hate groups. And, in a major way, the increasing political presence of far-
right groups is but a result of the general feeling of status reversal among vast
swathes of White America. These ominous indications, the presence of 400 million
privately owned guns and the general political and social inability to control
rampant gun violence does not bode well when it comes to avoiding the next civil
war.
Outside of the US, Walter’s theory certainly seems to have strong explanatory power
in describing the events of 1971. As this country transitioned towards democracy
after the first elections held under universal adult franchise, a political party
increasingly took on an ethnic position, while another ethnic group violently resisted
potential status reversal. But, that was ancient history. With inflation at 21.3 per cent,
rolling blackouts and constant political seesaw in Punjab, it appears that Pakistan is
stuck in economic and political turbulence for the time being. Against this dark
backdrop, does Walter’s theory tell us something about where Pakistan is heading?
Civil wars are more probable in those countries where the dominant group
suffers a loss of status.
There are ample indications that factionalism is on the rise in Pakistan. Gone are the
days when various political parties held sway in multiple provinces. In a recent
paper, Amory Gethin, Sultan Mehmood and Thomas Piketty show how some national
political parties have now been reduced to a single province. Additionally, some
political parties are actively focusing on particular ethnic groups. It is thus no
wonder that political parties’ official songs are now being recorded in either Punjabi
or Pashto. It is likely that political parties will start displaying brighter ethnic hues in
the future, especially closer to the elections.
However, unlike 1971, the majority ethnic group certainly does not seem to be in
much danger of status reversal and thus it is unlikely to become part of any violent
conflict. Moreover, despite undergoing a very serious crisis, Pakistan’s democracy is
still intact, for now, and there is a low probability of movement towards full-blown
autocracy since the present government is a rainbow coalition — a coalition made
up of different ethnic, political and religious groups. In other words, two of the
drivers that cause civil wars are still dormant in Pakistan.
Still, the highest inflation in 13 years — and rising — could change this calculus very
quickly, especially as rolling blackouts become all too frequent. Ensuing demands for
more economic and political rights could definitely increase system volatility. Where
policymakers must remain vigilant on inflation and find ways of shielding the most
vulnerable, some institutional changes would go a long way in preventing future
civil strife.
Recent events from the national and the provincial legislatures have demonstrated
that the speaker of the house has a key position within parliamentary democracy. If
the speaker turns partisan then the workings of the entire democratic system can
come to a halt. For this reason, legislators must contemplate how future speakers
may be elected through consultation between the government and the opposition,
just like choosing caretaker prime ministers after the 18th Amendment.
Pakistan needs to go further than these institutional adjustments in order to create

bulwarks against violent civil strife. Invariably, redistribution of economic rights and
capabilities will be required. But, even before that, the present political system needs
to be reimagined and reconstructed as a more equitable and inclusive system.
Perhaps, one way to achieve more equity and inclusiveness is to enshrine the
principles of consociational democracy in the Constitution, meaning developing
power-sharing formulae for all important executive, judicial and political offices in
Pakistan. What this means is that in order to rule out the possibility of future civil
strife, a new ‘national commission for political inclusiveness’ should be notified in
order for important federal offices to be shared among different provinces through
regular rotation.
Where some of the main drivers behind civil wars are presently dormant in
Pakistan, ongoing economic and political turbulence can change things very quickly.
But, before that happens, Pakistani policymakers would be well advised to carry out
changes in the political architecture by way of institutional adjustments as well as
through the wholescale redesign of political institutions.
The writer completed his doctorate in economics on a Fulbright scholarship.

aqdas.afzal@gmail.com

Indian ‘dossier’ - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1698956/indian-dossier
July 9, 2022
Listen to article
WHILE the Indian establishment may wish to portray the

Kashmir issue as a domestic problem exploited by Pakistan, the
truth is quite different. The Kashmiri movement for freedom is
an indigenous struggle, backed morally by Pakistan. However,
efforts continue by India to implicate Pakistan and discredit the
Kashmiri struggle. The latest effort in this series is the release of
a so-called dossier by the Indian defence ministry. As per reports
in the Indian media, the document alleges that infiltrators from
Pakistan are attempting to cross over into the disputed territory,
while Pakistan is trying to “indoctrinate … impressionable
minds” in held Kashmir to participate in jihad. Interestingly,
none other than the Indian army chief had admitted to the media
in May that infiltration across the LoC had come down since
2019. Perhaps New Delhi needs to explain this glaring
contradiction in the views expressed by its army chief, and the
disclosures made in the ‘dossier’. The Foreign Office has
dismissed the so-called dossier as “disinformation” designed to
“divert the world’s attention” from India’s own brutal actions in
the occupied region.
At one time, Kashmir-centric jihadi groups did have a relatively

free hand operating in Pakistan and the possibility of some
fighters slipping across the LoC to held Kashmir cannot be
discounted as they consider both sides of the line to be their
homeland. However, there is no reason to believe that the
Pakistani state is sponsoring this activity. If India has solid
evidence of cross-LoC militant movement, it should share it with
Pakistan in good faith. Moreover, if political opposition and
armed struggle against Indian rule continues in held Kashmir, it
is not because Pakistan is operating these movements through
remote control. It is very much a reflection of the local people’s
dissatisfaction with Indian rule. The problem is India, especially
under the BJP’s watch, continues to view the Kashmir issue
through the lens of militancy and law and order, when at the
heart of the issue lies the question of self-determination. Instead
of engaging the genuine Kashmiri political leadership, India has
chosen to clamp down hard, as symbolised by the reversal of the
area’s autonomy in August 2019. Cooking up claims of Pakistani
meddling in Kashmir will not make the freedom struggle go
away. The only sustainable solution to the Kashmir question that
can bring long-term peace is for the three stakeholders —
Pakistan, the Kashmiris and India — to agree to democratically
decide the region’s fate.

It’ll flood again - Newspaper
dawn.com/news/1698959/itll-flood-again
July 9, 2022
Listen to article
“Water, water everywhere Nor any drop to drink” — Samuel Taylor Coleridge
THE National Disaster Management Authority, the Sindh government, and Karachi’s
local government institutions have widened the nullahsof the city and built
embankments along some of them to prevent build ings from being constructed
within the nullahs and to prevent soil erosion within them. In the process, they have
removed 15,000 houses that were considered ‘encroachments’, and which were
supposedly preventing the flow of water through the nullahs. As a result, numerous
families have become homeless and destitute, and that too in a poor country which
already has huge housing shortages. All this was done so that Karachi should not
flood again. Meanwhile, some of the embankments have already collapsed, defeating
the purpose for which they were built.
People like me have consistently predicted that none of this alone would stop
Karachi from flooding again and that some recent road work would increase its
propensity to flood. It has now rained again — but not heavily. Yet the roads have
been turned into raging rivers, and low-lying areas along the newly constructed
roads have become lakes with no disposal points. Water from some of these low-
lying areas cannot drain into the sea. There are huge traffic jams, and Karachiites
spend hours waiting in cars and rickshaws for traffic to ease. Motorcyclists and
individuals have to wade through the water to reach their destination. More often
than not, this water is mixed with the rising level of sewage in the sewer trunks.
The reasons for this continued flooding are simple. The roofs and compounds of all
Karachi residential and commercial buildings and of real estate colonies discharge
their rainwater onto the roads on which they are located. From there, the rainwater
finds its way along the roads to the nearest disposal points, which is usually a nullah
or a depression.
Karachi’s roads have been turned into rivers.
In many Karachi settlements and commercial areas, the roads have now become
higher than the compounds of buildings, and so the water flows off them into the
settlements, which, in many cases, have no exit points for it. Some roads that the
government has constructed recently are also higher than the areas they pass
through, leading to flooding.
In their journey from the Kirthar foothills to the sea, the floodwaters encounter
various obstacles in the shape of built-over torrents, high roads without sufficient
culverts in them for the passage of water (such as the Northern Bypass), debris, and
piles of solid waste. Also, some sections of Karachi are so low that the water cannot
drain out into the sea, and at high tide there is often a backwash from the sea, as in
the case of certain sections of Defence Housing Authority (DHA), Lyari and Keamari.
In addition, the outfalls to the sea are also encroached upon, but government
agencies have done nothing substantial to remove the encroachments so that
floodwaters can enter the ocean without encountering obstacles. Maybe, this is
because many of the outfall encroachments have been created by elite
developments. The Nehr-i-Khayyam in Clifton and the Soldier Bazaar and City
Railway Station drains have had their outfalls considerably constricted because of
the reclamation of land from the Chinna Creek backwaters for the construction of
the KPT Officers Housing Society.
Meanwhile, the Mehmoodabad nullah estuary, which was part of the Gizri Creek, has
also been reduced from over a kilometre wide to less than 18 metres by the
residential and commercial developments of DHA Phase 7. As a result, water from
the 34 settlements that drain into the Mehmoodabad nullah are not only prevented
from falling into the sea but receive a backwash from it at high tide.
From what has been discussed here, Karachi requires several collection points for
low-lying areas from where water can be pumped into the sea. Alternatively, deep
sea conduits can be constructed to dispose of water 10-12km away from the low-
water mark. This process has been extensively used for disposal of waste water in
many countries.
To take care of the flooding of roads, it is necessary to build storm-water drains on

either side of them. At present, storm water uses the sewerage system for drainage
(where it exists). This is insufficient to take the water of even moderately heavy
rainfall. Each section of the storm-water drains should terminate at the nearest
disposal point such as a nullah or depression that can be turned into lakes for
recreational purposes. This can take place over time so as not to disrupt the
functioning of the city. In addition, new road construction should not be higher than
the level of the adjacent settlements.
These steps by themselves will not solve the problem entirely, but will lay the
foundations for improving conditions substantially. Ultimately, it’s a matter of
effective functioning of institutions of monitoring and management.
The writer is an architect.

arifhasan37@gmail.com www.arifhasan.org

Rage of the mob - Newspaper
dawn.com/news/1698955/rage-of-the-mob
July 9, 2022
Listen to article
FOR some time now, the depths of our rage, intolerance and
ignorance have translated into mob violence, which has taken
lives even of the innocent. Following a recent incident in which a
young man was beaten to death and another severely injured by
a crowd in Karachi’s Qasba Colony, after the victims were
accused of being robbers, police revealed that, in fact, no crime
had been committed. Instead, a personal quarrel had turned
deadly when the instigators of the violence claimed that the
victims were robbers, attracting the attention of the area people.
The sad reality is that during incidents such as these, the truth
ceases to matter. A number of mob killings have followed a
similar trend — where men are accused of a crime and lynched
at the hands of a murderous crowd, only to be declared innocent
later.
This dangerous trend should be a wake-up call for the

authorities. Not only should both the perpetrators and instigators
be given exemplary punishment, the government must also
reflect on why these incidents are taking place so frequently, and
what measures can prevent them. Though nothing can condone
such behaviour, it is true that citizens are so fed up with the high
levels of street crime that many fly into a rage at the mere
mention of a robbery — without a second’s thought as to whether
the accusation is even true. On the other hand, the state’s failure
to curb crime and society’s collective lack of trust in the
government’s abilities to effectively police the city have resulted
in a situation where such macabre incidents are becoming
commonplace. There have also been cases where police officials
themselves have been complicit in horrific public lynchings. This
must come to an end. It is the government’s failure that citizens
have such little faith in its competence that they do not wait for
the law to take its course, and instead, take matters into their
own hands. The authorities must act fast, before law and order
breaks down completely.

Uncivil politics - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1698961/uncivil-politics
July 9, 2022
Listen to article
IN Pakistan’s deeply polarised environment, the political

conversation has been reduced to a slanging match between
political leaders who increasingly resort to provocative rhetoric.
Partisanship is so intense that supporters of rival parties applaud
such conduct by their leaders and revel in their displays of
hurling bitter invective at opponents. The lack of civil discourse
has become an unedifying feature of the country’s political
landscape.
Two aspects of the political culture are not new, but have become
more pronounced and pervasive today because of greater
polarisation. One, excessive preoccupation of political leaders
with maligning opponents and accusing them of every
transgression or crime. The allegation is no longer that the other
side is unfit to govern, but that it is guilty of nothing less than
being unpatriotic or a tool of foreign powers. And two, the
severity of language being used and the political rancour it
reflects. Offensive remarks by party spokesmen now border on
the crude and even vulgar, as exemplified at a recent presser by
PTI’s Shahbaz Gill. Not to be outdone in this game, spokespersons
of the ruling coalition have also been using unseemly language
against the PTI leader.
Rarely has the public discourse plunged to this level — and the
general election isn’t even near, as campaign season usually sees
an escalation of intemperate rhetoric. Such is the animosity
between political rivals, who act as if they are engaged in a
terminal conflict, that saying anything and everything to vilify
the other is regarded as fair game with nothing deemed off-
limits. Inflammatory statements that fail the truth test are
frequently made with little regard for their implications. The no-
holds-barred denigration of opponents has turned insults into a
political weapon. Of course, unbecoming conduct was witnessed
in the past too, when political leaders traded wild allegations,
often during election campaigns. But the uncontrolled language
and norm-breaking behaviour on display today is
unprecedented. The angry and toxic environment this is creating
is in turn giving rise to an unparalleled level of intolerance
among followers of rival parties and further dividing the
country.
People are left with the impression that power, not public purpose, drives
political leaders.
The 24/7 broadcast media, especially television talk shows, play
off combative politics and reinforce it by pitching political
opponents against each other and encouraging noisy clashes. But
it is social media that has magnified polarisation and provided a
platform for scurrilous political content. Because party activists
have anonymity on digital platforms such as Twitter, this
minimises the risk of retribution. It is therefore easy for them to
disseminate disinformation and unsubstantiated allegations
against political foes. The social media has also enabled people
seeking partisan sources of information to live in digital bubbles
and shut their minds to views different from their own. This
produces hyper partisanship and further deepens the political
divide.
Four major consequences follow. First and foremost, this debases

the political discourse and denudes it of focus on serious issues.
There is little political debate on policy issues and challenges
facing the country, much less on addressing them. At a time
when Pakistan’s problems need sober debate on how to solve
them, personal attacks and name-calling hold sway. This obviates
reasoned or informed discussion. What passes for political
debate is dominated by invective, not argument. With
unrestrained language becoming the norm rather than
exception, this degrades the political conversation.
Two, this toxic political culture makes the working of the political
system near impossible. As the middle ground is eliminated by
extreme positions held by political leaders, tolerance,
compromise and mutual accommodation needed to make the
democratic system work becomes elusive. With the ethic of war
— to vanquish the ‘enemy’ — rather than the ethic of competition
shaping political behaviour, this rules out efforts to engage rivals,
much less show them respect. Rabid partisanship has made the
political centre ground shrink, with no one making any effort to
bridge or even manage differences.
Moreover, when both sides accuse each other of treachery or the

most egregious crimes, it eliminates room for dialogue and even
minimal cooperation in the political process. This exposes the
political system to the risk of paralysis and dysfunctionality.
What is lost is the obligation to work the political system in the
public interest. Boycotts, disruptive behaviour and shouting
matches are hardly the way for public representatives to live up
to their responsibilities. It is certainly not why their constituents
have sent them to parliament to represent their interests. This
undermines democracy and puts the political system on a
slippery slope to democratic erosion.
The third consequence is the kind of issue-less politics that

emerges in this environment. Rather than focus their
competition on public policy issues, political leaders prefer to
demonise their opponents. This distracts them from articulating
what they stand for and explaining their party programme. It is
left to talk show hosts to tease out their stand on national issues,
but even then their responses are directed more at berating
opponents than explaining their party’s view. This environment
is inimical to the generation of new ideas needed to deal with the
country’s multiple challenges. It also leaves people with the
impression that political leaders are either indifferent to serious
issues or the party platforms of erstwhile political rivals have
become indistinguishable — as power, not public purpose, drives
them.
The inescapable impact of this on people is to feed the perception
that political leaders are more interested in outdoing each other
and unseating the government of the day than in issues of
concern to them. Politics is then seen as little more than a power
struggle among elites disconnected from the problems and
aspirations of citizens.
Constantly squabbling leaders, accusing each other of sleaze and

uncivil conduct, erode public trust. What people want instead is
well known and reflected in a recent Gallup poll. This found that
a decisive majority of people, 78 per cent, want political
differences to be resolved by dialogue and not resort to
agitational activity. When this doesn’t happen, public cynicism
and disenchantment with both politicians and political
institutions follow. This leaves democracy in disrepute.
The writer is a former ambassador to the US, UK & UN.

Use of textbooks - Newspaper
dawn.com/news/1698958/use-of-textbooks
July 9, 2022
Listen to article
SOMEONE once said, “The best thing about books is that

sometimes they have pictures.” While this may not be a clever
way to judge a textbook, it represents the need for a child-
friendly layout — a learning package that creates interest rather
than resistance.
No matter what the curriculum, a textbook is a tool that requires

mediation by the teacher. The skill never lies in the tool, but in
the person using it. A hammer is useless if not in the hands of a
competent carpenter. Textbooks are meant to be used for content
and to chase targets which enable us to assess pupils in
examinations, but they cannot be used without the expertise of
an educator who can bring far more into the classroom
experience than simply the content of the textbook.
Teachers who leave an imprint on students’ memory and enrich

their school experience are those who know far more than the
textbook can offer. They are subject specialists able to use the
textbook like a board game, going back and forth strategically,
keeping in view the holistic aims of the curriculum. They are also
able to answer ‘out-of-the-box’ questions, challenge students way
beyond the immediate requirements of a checklist, and set
expectations that drive motivation and talent to nurture
excellence.
Skilled teachers do not depend on the textbook: they use it as a

tool like so many other resources we have today. Yet, textbooks
were always at the centre of teaching and learning and will
remain so. No matter how fast our digital resources evolve, it will
take decades before they can become accessible to every child in
every classroom, like a textbook is. The value of digital resources,
as things stand today, pales in comparison to the use of textbooks
in the classroom. However, digital resources can provide a
wealth of knowledge and direction to teachers, particularly those
who do not have a formal background in education and can use
digital media to supplement the subject knowledge provided by
textbooks.
The skill never lies in the tool but the person using it.
Cleverly designed textbooks can cater to mixed abilities through

tasks with varying levels of difficulty; provide optional
challenges and choices to students to stretch their capabilities;
assess at regular intervals rather than pile on a bulk of chapters
for biannual examinations; and help teachers overcome
students’ difficulties by using teaching guides to plan their work.
Children like to make meaning from the text that they see in
front of them. If they are able to relate to what they learn,
retention and assessment become easier. That is where the role
of the teacher is paramount. When a child asks what is the use of
Pythagoras’ theorem, can we help them make meaningful
connections to real-life phenomena?
Teachers may want to consider enabling children to process the

content and respond to it, discuss, summarise and frame
questions for themselves. If teachers go above and beyond the
text to broaden ways of thinking around the text — find key
words that provide clues to answers rather than giving the
answers — students get involved at a deeper level. Unfortunately,
we have an ‘answer key’ and ‘model answers’ culture that
provides a shortcut to learning, but skips the important steps of
unlocking potential in children.
Teachers may see considerable progress if students are given air-

time to talk about the text, teach other and test each other.
Communication, creativity and critical thinking stem from free
discussions and free writing based on textbook content, not from
paraphrasing text, which is a shortcut that quickens the process
of teaching but compromises on the deeper impact and meaning
derived from learning.
Textbooks have become a physical and emotional burden, mainly

due to the changing attitudes towards learning and the pressure
of cramming content and delivering results in high-stakes exams.
Teachers can mitigate some of these challenges by identifying
skills that help students navigate the content and work towards
their individually set targets. Awareness of prioritising goals,
selecting key information, and working swiftly through content
without unnecessary repetition can save time and prevent
tedium in mixed ability classes where not all students are
enthusiastic about learning. Most textbooks have revisit and
review options for those who wish to spend more time on the
topic.
Learning how to use a textbook effectively is like being a skilled

craftsman, with the aim of producing creative results, not just
hammering in the details. A critical question would be to ask if
your students can make their own notes after reading a chapter,
rather than taking notes mindlessly as the teacher speaks. As
Virginia Voeks said, “How often you read something is
immaterial; how you read it is crucial.”
The writer is senior manager, professional development, at Oxford

University Press Pakistan, and a fellow of the Higher Education
Academy.
neda.mulji@gmail.com Twitter: @nedamulji

Sri Lanka bankruptcy
dawn.com/news/1698643/sri-lanka-bankruptcy
July 7, 2022
CRITICALLY low foreign exchange reserves; a plummeting

currency and a tanking economy; lengthy power cuts and long,
painful negotiations with the IMF for a bailout. These grim
details of the existentialist crisis Sri Lanka is undergoing sound
eerily familiar to Pakistan and many other developing states that
are battling similar predicaments. To make matters worse, the Sri
Lankan prime minister told parliament on Tuesday that the
country was bankrupt and that the economic crisis would last till
next year. For the people of the island nation, the pain is acute.
Lines for fuel — whatever little is available — are serpentine
while people have to wait in queues for days. There have also
been riots near fuel stations, and troops have had to step in.
Moreover, the UN says 80pc of the population is skipping meals
due to food shortages and high prices, with inflation going
through the roof.
How did Sri Lanka get here? There are no simple answers, but a
combination of factors seems to be responsible for the island’s
catastrophic situation. Low tourist inflows due to the Covid-19
pandemic, failed harvests due to a fertiliser ban, one-family rule,
corruption and a mountain of debt have all contributed to
bringing the Sri Lankan state to its knees. However, the island
cannot be left to its fate, and the international community needs
to show solidarity and help the people of Sri Lanka rebuild their
country. The focus, especially for rich states and multilateral
lenders, should be on providing enough funds to Colombo to
allow routine life to function, rather than harbouring predatory
concerns about how they will get their money back. The fact is
that many states in the Global South face a crippling debt crisis,
and there is an urgent need to reform, what the UN secretary
general has described as the “morally bankrupt global financial
system”. While domestic reform is important, developing states
should be granted debt relief to help them face the intense
headwinds that are currently battering the global economy.
Read more
Comments (4)
500 characters
COMMENT MOD POLICY
Dan01
about 9 hours ago
Have you deliberately missed/ ignored China angle, while

describing the causes of bankruptcy?
Reply Recommend 16
Sheeraz Mirjat
about 5 hours ago
Rain disaster - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1698644/rain-disaster
July 7, 2022
IT is the same story year in and year out. Despite many lives lost,
billions of rupees in accumulated damages and the displacement
of people by natural calamities every year, the monsoon season
still seems to catch the country off-guard. It appears that this
year will be no different. Minister for Climate Change Sherry
Rehman reported on Wednesday that 77 lives have already been
lost in rain-related incidents thus far. The dead include a
devastating number of children. Thirty-nine of the deaths
occurred in Balochistan alone, where provincial authorities
spent most of Tuesday fishing out bodies from ponds, streams,
storm-water drains and other water bodies, or digging them up
from under collapsed houses. Over the past 48 hours, rains also
wreaked havoc in Balakot, where a mudslide swept away a
woman and her two dozen or so cattle and landslides blocked
major roads for hours, stranding tourists and locals. In
Islamabad and Rawalpindi, two people were swept away by flash
floods triggered by heavy rains. One of them drowned while
attempting to save four children who had become stranded
amidst the raging waters. The children, aged eight to 14 years,
were thankfully saved by professional divers from the navy.
There were reports of rains inundating low-lying areas and
wreaking havoc on the city’s drainage and sewerage system,
forcing some people to leave their homes. More rainfall was
expected over the coming day. Similarly, two were killed and
many injured in rain-related traffic accidents as heavy
downpours lashed different areas of Sindh. A number of miners
were reportedly trapped after rainwater entered their mines in
Jhimpir. Rains also damaged railway tracks in the same area,
suspending train services between Punjab and Karachi. Karachi
was its usual miserable self after a spell of moderate rainfall,
with sewerage overflowing and mixing with undrained
rainwater on several key arteries, causing painful traffic jams.
Too many have died, and it is feared that the worst of the
monsoon has yet to hit. However, it may still not be too late for
the authorities to launch an emergency drive to educate the
citizenry on how to remain safe in dangerous weather. Ms
Rehman has declared the situation a ‘national disaster’ and
urged provincial authorities to take her warnings seriously. Her
words should be heeded and the relevant departments must
mobilise to mitigate loss of life. Any continued complacency
would be considered nothing short of criminal neglect.
Opinion
TTP talks’ oversight
dawn.com/news/1698645/ttp-talks-oversight
July 7, 2022
THE fact that elected representatives will have some oversight

over peace talks with the banned TTP should help reduce the
opacity surrounding the parleys.
While the security establishment had been leading the effort

since last year, with the Afghan Taliban playing the role of
facilitators, there had been growing demands, particularly from
the PPP, for more civilian involvement in the process.
In this regard, a marathon session was held in Islamabad on

Tuesday with the military’s top brass briefing lawmakers and
other civilian stakeholders about the peace process under the
aegis of the Parliamentary Committee on National Security. Some
positive outcomes of the huddle were the formation of a
parliamentary oversight committee that would monitor the talks,
while it was decided that erstwhile Fata’s merger with KP, respect
for the Constitution and disarming of the TTP were Pakistan’s
‘red lines’. There was a general consensus to continue the talks,
though PTM leader and MNA Mohsin Dawar reportedly opposed
the parleys.
Read: On again, off again — a timeline of govt-TTP talks
While involving parliament is definitely a step forward, much

still remains unknown and unanswered about any potential
peace deal with the TTP.
For instance, will the militant group, known for savage violence
and waging war on Pakistan, really change its bloodthirsty ways
and accept the rule of law? Moreover, the TTP is an umbrella
group of several militant factions. What guarantee is there that if
the outfit’s leadership agrees to the state’s demands, splinter
groups will not form and continue the violent ‘struggle’? Also, the
TTP is reportedly demanding ‘compensation’ for the ‘damage’ it
has suffered. If anything, the militants must be made to pay for
taking around 70,000 military and civilian lives through ruthless
terrorist attacks in Pakistan. As for an amnesty demanded by the
militants, perhaps this can be considered for low-level fighters;
however, the masterminds responsible for the APS massacre and
other crimes need to be brought to justice.
Read: Families of APS attack victims oppose amnesty to TTP
The parliamentary committee needs to consider these factors as

it continues to monitor the peace process.
While the state, particularly the security establishment, seems to

be keen to talk to the TTP, such desire for dialogue is missing
when it comes to the PTM, which is a peaceful movement for
civic and political rights.
The bottom line is that the state should not negotiate with
terrorists from a position of weakness. The negotiators must also
keep the fate of past, doomed peace agreements with the
militants in mind. Put plainly, it is very difficult to trust the TTP.
One point reportedly raised during Tuesday’s huddle is that the
group could team up with IS-Khorasan to target Pakistan if talks
fail. If this assessment is true, then there is all the more reason
for the administration to be even more wary of the TTP for the
militants just might use a peace deal as a ruse to strengthen their
network, and create more havoc.
Read more
Comments (5)
500 characters
COMMENT MOD POLICY
Cancel culture
about 8 hours ago
Step forward? TTP Terrorists will come back and live next to
massacred school children? Is that progress? Shame on neutrals
Reply Recommend 10
Salman
about 6 hours ago
So when can we start calling shahbaz sharif, taliban sharif? I

mean we did it for IK?
Reply Recommend 3
Sheeraz Mirjat
about 5 hours ago
TTP like Afghan Taliban is busy in setting rule in Pakistan.
Reply Recommend 9
Read All Comments

Gracious concessions
dawn.com/news/1698646/gracious-concessions
July 7, 2022
HERE is an excerpt from Hillary Clinton’s concession speech to

Donald Trump after the 2016 US presidential polls: “Last night, I
congratulated Donald Trump and offered to work with him on
behalf of our country. I hope that he will be a successful
president for all Americans … Donald Trump is going to be our
president. We owe him an open mind and the chance to lead.”
Here’s another one from Al Gore’s concession speech in 2000.

“Almost a century and a half ago, senator Stephen Douglas told
Abraham Lincoln, who had just defeated him for the presidency,
‘Partisan feeling must yield to patriotism. I’m with you, Mr
President, and God bless you.’
“Well, in that same spirit, I say to President-elect Bush that what

remains of partisan rancour must now be put aside, and may
God bless his stewardship of this country.”
These speeches came at the end of months’ long presidential

campaigns in the US. The poise expressed by the losing
candidates in these speeches reflects the very character of
America’s political tradition displayed in its ultimate contest.
More than that, these speeches serve as striking examples of how
politicians should address and interact with their supporters, in
particular, and the overall electorate, in general. They
underscore what it means to be a genuine leader of the people,
especially in the very moment of losing a hard-fought political
battle.
Losing gracefully makes for mature politics.
These words and tenor of concession speeches at the end of US

presidential polls are similar, regardless of the losing margin or
the intensity of the campaign. Hillary Clinton, for instance,
contested one of the most followed campaigns of the modern era.
Political pundits had predicted a victory for her well before the
first votes were cast. But the results were different. It was
incumbent on her to uphold the tradition of her predecessors for
centuries and concede gracefully. She did it with poise and
carried on with the tradition.
The reason these speeches are expected to be similar is that they

characterise the maturity of a developed democracy. They
manifest the collective desire of a society and nation to move
forward seamlessly from one administration to another. Clinton,
like her predecessors, reminded everyone that the other
candidate was the elected president who should be supported
unconditionally and that everyone should respect the outcome.
These are profound gestures by someone who was in a fierce
battle with her opponent only a few hours ago and now
expressed respect for his victory.
Eventually, these speeches served another implied purpose. They

exuded respect — such words go a long way in bringing civility
to political processes. This keeps the path of bipartisanship and
political dialogue open, especially at critical junctures. These
contestants of political campaigns meet in rivalry several times
throughout their careers. With the same frequency, their paths
also cross when they are part of parliamentary debates and serve
on committees and other decision-making forums.
Here’s another fine example of a graceful concession speech by a
magnanimous leader of American politics, senator John McCain,
after he lost to Barack Obama in 2008. “A little while ago, I had
the honour of calling senator Barack Obama — to congratulate
him on being elected the next president of the country that we
both love. … Senator Obama and I have had and argued our
differences, and he has prevailed. No doubt many of those
differences remain. These are difficult times for our country, and
I pledge to him tonight to do all in my power to help him lead us
through the many challenges we face.”
Ten years later, Obama’s eulogy for McCain at his funeral was
equally dignified: “And, in fact, on the surface, John and I could
not have been more different. … But for all our differences, for
all of the times we sparred, I never tried to hide — and I think
John came to understand — the long-standing admiration that I
had for him. … We didn’t advertise it, but every so often … John
would come over to the White House and we’d just sit and talk in
the Oval Office, just the two of us. … And our disagreements
didn’t go away during these private conversations. … [W]e
learned from each other and we never doubted the other man’s
sincerity. Or the other patriotism. … We never doubted we were
on the same team.”
Just like the concession speeches, this beautifully worded eulogy

expressed not only mutual respect but celebrated thoughtful
engagements amid intense public rivalry of the two rival political
giants.
Countries become nations neither accidentally nor automatically.
Leadership and statecraft exhibited by the political leadership
drive countries in their course of becoming nations. Expressions
of mutual respect are much needed in the political arenas of
burgeoning democracies like ours. The poise is particularly much
needed in conceding a lost election. There is a lot to learn from
these gracious concessions.
The writer is a faculty member at IBA Karachi.
talhasalam@gmail.com

The sinister knock
dawn.com/news/1698647/the-sinister-knock
July 7, 2022
IT is an apocryphal story. A Russian and an American argued

over who enjoyed greater freedom of speech. The Russian
insisted that he enjoyed unfettered freedom of speech, to which
the American replied: “Yes, but we have freedom after the
speech.”
Retired Capt Ayaz Amir my fellow columnist (spellcheck

automatically altered this to ‘communist’) should have read this
anecdote before making his controversial speech the other day.
He had hardly settled in his car afterwards when he was
manhandled brutally, and had his mobile and wallet snatched.
Ayaz — a valued friend from ‘behind’ (as Pakistani politicians are
wont to say when explaining the source of their wealth) — is
many cuts above the average hack. Educated at Lawrence
College, Murree, he joined the Pakistan Military Academy as a
cadet officer. He retired as a captain and joined the Foreign
Office, being posted to Moscow. He resigned on April 15, 1977. His
reason: “Mr Bhutto has mocked both socialism and democracy
and because of him I can hear the stomp of marching boots.”
Three weeks later, Bhutto was ousted by Gen Ziaul Haq. After
Bhutto’s execution in 1979, Ayaz was imprisoned by a military
court, and again in 1981 for five months.
He began his journalistic career with Dawn, then switched to The

News. Disenchanted with them too, he turned to the more widely
read Urdu press and latterly to ubiquitous television. His
columns — trenchant, stimulating and scathing — developed a
widening readership that another level converted into votes. He
has been a member of both the PPP and the PML-N. On the
latter’s ticket he became an MPA in 1997-98, and a MNA from
2008-13. To his targets — every incumbent government, almost
every political party, the establishment, even his wet nurse the
military — he is the irrepressible enfant terrible who has
outgrown his novelty. He knows too much because he has seen it
all, from the inside. Critics may disagree with his opinions, but he
is entitled, as every thinking Pakistani is, to freedom after the
speech.
What protection is available to voluble citizens?
What is the protection available to such voluble citizens in
Pakistan?
Certainly not the law. The Justice Qazi Isa case has exposed that
the law is insufficiently thick armour, even for a judge who by
seniority is next in line to become chief justice of the Supreme
Court.
Privacy is no protection. In October 2020, the door of the hotel

room in Karachi where Maryam Nawaz-Safdar and her husband
were staying was broken into during the night, even while they
were in occupancy.
Principal-ship is no protection. In 2011, as principal of a

prestigious college in Lahore, I was ordered by the then chief
minister (now prime minister) to close the school immediately on
account of floods, even though floods had ravaged mainly
southern Punjab, not the north. lf I disobeyed, I would be
handcuffed by the police and escorted off the campus.
Position is no protection. In 1976, the 70-year-old Mr J.A. Rahim

— the senior ideologue of the PPP) and at the time our
ambassador to France — was thrashed by Mr. Bhutto’s FSF thugs
for daring to chide him for being unconscionably late to a public
function. In the melee, Mr. Rahim’s teeth were smashed and his
face severely lacerated. His son was jailed. He was brutalised by
male prisoners.
Najam Sethi — now a seasoned victim — still recalls how on May
8, 1999, “an armed posse of the Punjab Police and the IB
[Intelligence Bureau] smashed its way into my bedroom at 2:30
am, beat up my wife and me, gagged me, blindfolded me,
handcuffed me and dragged me away”.
Read: Ayaz Amir incident raises questions about claim that

security agencies will not be used for intimidation
And more recently, the daughter-in-law of our national icon

Allama Iqbal (and herself once a judge of the Lahore High Court,
1994-2002) had her house broken into by goons in search of her
son Walid Iqbal, a PTI senator.
Our history is replete with such barbarous excesses, yet they

remain submerged in our consciousness, like reeds which never
reach the surface. The British writer Joyce Rachelle explained
this self-induced amnesia as: “We hardly ever talk about trauma
afterwards, because it helps to live in a world where we can
pretend it never happened.” Will we always hobble along like
this, with crippled memories?
We are at least six general elections away from our centenary in

2047. Will they too deliver the result we call democracy, or what
Karl Marx warned: “The oppressed are allowed once every few
years to decide which particular representatives of the
oppressing class are to represent and repress them.”
Have I said too much already? Should I fear an attack on my car,
theft of my mobile and wallet, and that sinister knock on the
door in the dead of night?
The writer is an author.
www.fsaijazuddin.pk
Read more
Comments (15)
500 characters
COMMENT MOD POLICY
Anjum Pervez
about 9 hours ago
You might blame the establishment or the police for all or some
of these incidents but the fact remains that without political
backing or at least a nod, these wouldn't be possible. It is up to
the political leadership to join hands and vow that no matter
who's in power the freedom of the press will be sacrosanct and
untouchable.
Reply Recommend 4
Dadeeji
about 9 hours ago
First of all Mr Aijazuddin let me wish you security, safety and the
very best—always. The episodes that you have narrated are
symptoms of the presence of extremely malignant sociopaths in
the society. Unfortunately it has no cure. We just have to live with
it till the day when sun rises.
Reply Recommend 7
Janan
about 9 hours ago
We have no freedom after the speech
Reply Recommend 19
Read All Comments

Dear litigants… - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1698648/dear-litigants
July 7, 2022
FIRST off, my sincerest condolences: your position is certainly

not an enviable one.
If you are an experienced hand, you must have already

understood why I say so, and might even be vigorously nodding
along right now, but, if you are relatively new to navigating the
labyrinthine hallways of our justice system, allow me to explain
why I feel so obligated to extend my deepest sympathies.
Over the course of the coming years, your spirit shall be broken,
your mind bamboozled, your patience tried and tested, your
savings depleted, and, worst of all, your faith in fairness all but
vanquished. What is about to follow here shall in no way ease
your burdens, and may just leave you in a greater state of
despair, yet, what it may offer is some sense of what is actually
going on. There is good reason why lawyers pray in earnest that
those they hold dear never end up finding themselves inside a
katcheri.
Come to our barrooms on a regular basis and you will

automatically become privy to bits of our hottest gossip (we are,
quite contrary to the calling of our profession, not a particularly
discreet lot). Most of this will be shoptalk, everyday politics and
misogyny on steroids, punctuated of course with the most
delightful of invectives, but, sprinkled here and there, you shall
also find rumours of a more sinister nature.
Read: Pakistan rejects US report criticising country’s judicial

system
You might hear about lawyers who specialise in ‘managing’

judges, some of whom are said to have in their possession entire
registers of judicial officers with flexible consciences, along with
their going rates even. You may hear about certain irregularities
or illegalities committed by certain justices in cahoots with
certain parties. And, you will invariably hear of the esteemed
office-bearers of our bar councils and associations — the
staggering amounts they have spent on their elections and the
myriad ways in which they are earning it all back tenfold.
We are a country running on kickbacks, commissions and intricate systems of
nepotism.
This, however, is all rumour-mongering of course — idle chitter

and chatter, or, to wrap it up in some neat legalese: hearsay. Now,
let me tell you things that I can attest are facts, based on nearly
six or so years of practice.
In district courts in Lahore, it takes roughly Rs1,500 to stop the
delivery of notices to an opposing party in any case. Courier
receipts and adverts in newspapers can be faked or fudged, while
the court’s server may submit a bogus report stating that the
summons was refused.
Read: Flawed legal system
By the time the other party gets to know anyone has filed a case,
it will already have proceeded ex-parte on account of their
absence and will most likely have reached the execution stage.
Similarly, if you slyly slip a 100-500-rupee note to a reader, he
might be able to secure you a very desirable date (long or short,
you take your pick). This can be seen happening in the plainest of
plain sight, sometimes while judges are sitting inside the
courtroom. And if these are the kind of services you get for a
pittance, just imagine what you can avail if you are willing and
able to pay more.
The bar and the bench both play their due part in creating and
sustaining this hellish reality.
We lawyers are a professional mafia unlike any other, who, with

astonishing regularity and absolute impunity, beat up or threaten
judges and court staff, intimidate witnesses, aid convicts in
fleeing from court premises, swindle clients, bribe public
officials, and the list goes on (all this when we are not busy
attacking hospitals or calling for the most baseless strikes).
Equally culpable of malfeasance are said to be the presiding

officers of our courts(although, before the canons of contempt of
court are aimed either at me or this paper, I must clarify that it is
not all judges who stand accused as such, only the black sheep
amongst the flock, though why their white-woolled colleagues
seem to be doing so painfully little to salvage their institutional
reputation is beyond me). Judicial lethargy abounds, complaints
of misconduct are common, and in superior courts, the wretched
term ‘face value’ is now perceived to be synonymous with the
grant or denial of relief.
Read: Judicial raj
You will be told that our laws and procedural codes are outdated
and that there is a desperate need for ‘systemic’ and ‘structural’
reform, but here, we are being a bit disingenuous. The Civil
Procedure Code may be from 1908 and the Criminal Procedure
Code may be from 1898, but there is not a single provision in
either that allows judges to adjourn cases week after week and
month after month without any substantial progress. Special
laws even have strict time limits. All family cases are to be
disposed of in six months max. Defamation suits in 90 days.
So, why do your cases linger on and on still? The reasons are
complex and manifold: basic shortfall of resources, zero case
management, bar-sponsored thuggery, an entrenched culture of
approving inexcusable adjournments and entertaining frivolous
petitions and applications, frequent and unexplainable transfers
of judicial officers at the whims of high court chief justices (and
other people who hold sway over them), and a total lack of
accountability, for much like our dear armed forces, the superior
judiciary too has come to be treated as a sacred cow —
unanswerable to anyone but itself.
Lastly, and since no discussion is complete without its mention,

there is of course the undying issue of corruption — endemic to
every government department, normalised at every stratum. We
are a country running on kickbacks, commissions and intricate
systems of nepotism and patronage that disguise themselves as
harmless networking. Backs are being scratched all around, and
bribes are no longer deemed to be bribes — mostly because
everyone has taken to calling them ‘kharcha pani’.
On a recent visit to an old ustad, I lamented that while our high

courts increasingly act like durbars, our lower courts seem to be
turning into literal bazaars. “Chotu, yeh bazaar nahi,” he
corrected me, “mandi hai mandi.” Bear in mind however, that all
markets are driven by demand — in this case, dear litigants, it is
often yours.
And with that, I believe I should rest my case. I wish you the best
of luck, and a miracle or two. — Sincerely, a lawyer.
The writer is a barrister.
Read more
Comments (14)
500 characters
COMMENT MOD POLICY
Dr Javwad Malik
about 9 hours ago
No one in this paper has ever written about this so vividly. Thank
you.
Reply Recommend 29
Mahnaz Qaiser
about 8 hours ago
So true.The lack of fair and timely justice is the foundation of the

chaos in this country,whether in the lower or the highest of
courts.When the justice system is corrected,the rest will
automatically follow.But who will bell this powerful tiger?
Reply Recommend 13
Farhan
about 8 hours ago
Excellent piece. Whole Pakistan is a mockery
Reply Recommend 21
Read All Comments

Mental health turnaround
dawn.com/news/1698649/mental-health-turnaround
July 7, 2022
THE World Health Organisation (WHO) launched a landmark World Mental Health
Report last month. The report is critical in terms of the evidence it provides for
global mental health burden as well as the strategies it recommends for
transforming mental healthcare in developing countries such as Pakistan.
The report reinforces, yet again, the fact that mental healthcare is not just a basic
human right, but indeed a vital requirement for the economic development of any
country. Sadly, while many countries have made considerable progress since the last
World Mental Health Report in 2001, Pakistan still lacks a mental health policy,
rights-based mental health legislation, and a comprehensive plan to strengthen
existing services.
In the week following the report’s publication, this newspaper reported that in less
than six months, at least 15 young people had taken their own lives in Gilgit-
Baltistan. In an insightful statement, the chief minister of GB observed: “The youth
are the future of our nation and its most precious asset. The prevalence of suicide
among them is a matter of great concern to all. Hence we should work together to
eradicate the menace from our midst. Otherwise posterity will not forgive us.”
The situation reported is neither new nor limited to GB. Mortality associated with
poor mental health is only the tip of the iceberg. It is known that mental disorders
are also the leading cause of ‘years lived with disability’ (also referred to as YLDs).
Globally, one in eight (over the age of 10) suffer from a mental disorder, and this
burden tends to rise to approximately one in five in countries that face
humanitarian challenges. And Pakistan’s ongoing economic, political and
environmental challenges only compound the population’s high risks for mental
health.
Internationally, there is an encouraging movement to support the cause of

mental health.
On paper, Pakistan is committed to meeting the Sustainable Development Goals,
including SDG 3.4 that is related to the burden of non-communicable diseases and
mental disorders; the Comprehensive Mental Health Action Plan 2013-2030 by the
WHO; and a National Vision 2025 to improve the health of all citizens, including
those who are the most vulnerable. However, mental health deserves to be
prioritised in a healthcare system that is struggling to respond to the challenges of
the pandemic, overpopulation, polio and tuberculosis. Psychosocial support for
mental wellbeing can and should, in fact, be an integral element for a
comprehensive response to all public health challenges.
While the provinces have the mandate and authority (in terms of human resources,
infrastructure development and financial resource allocation) to develop and
implement localised health policies, there has been a realisation that developing
capacity to respond to their population’s mental health needs is important. The
perpetuation of the status quo owes in large part to, inter alia, the absence of
technical expertise and the shortage of cost-effective, tangible solutions.
To prevent and control mental disorders, the UHC Benefit Package consists of the
Essential Package of Health Services at five unwieldy levels: community level,
primary healthcare centre, first-level hospital, tertiary hospital and population level.
Ensuring basic mental healthcare to 30 million deserving candidates is by no means
easy. This task needs a major multisectoral undertaking to engage local communities,
build primary healthcare staff capacities through training and supervision to treat
common mental disorders, address a critical data gap that exists because of a
defunct health management information system, strengthen specialist services at the
district level and develop an effective referral mechanism to specialist services.
There are avenues of hope. Tasked with directing a long-term vision for the country,
the Ministry of Planning, Development and Special Initiatives formulates a broad
sectoral policy framework and undertakes strategic planning. It also has the
mandate to identify an overlooked area that needs attention and launch it as a
special initiative. In 2021, as part of the country’s emergency response to Covid-19 in
2021, and supported by Unicef, the ministry launched a Mental Health and
Psychosocial Support (MHPSS) initiative, to develop and test a digital, multilayered
model for mental healthcare.
Driven by evidence, this rights-based and scalable model took local needs and
resources into account, and was designed to be integrated with a telecom solution
for a support helpline. To build the capacity of a mental health workforce,
internationally recognised training resources, including the mhGAP guidelines by
the WHO, have been contextualised and translated for Pakistan. Under the model
and as a pilot in Islamabad Capital Territory, a team of 10 mental health specialists
was trained to strengthen existing services and supervise primary healthcare staff
through training.
Furthermore, 20 clinical psychologists were trained as part of the model to support

stress-afflicted populations, even remotely if required. Because of the use of digital
technology, including a learning management system and three custom-designed
mobile applications, this workforce could be a much-needed resource for other
regions in the country, including GB. Strong intersectoral links were developed at the
community level in Islamabad to train hundreds of community workers, Lady Health
Workers, teachers and students to provide psychological first aid and identify
citizens in need of mental healthcare. These experiences can now potentially be
replicated in other regions, if they find the requisite political backing.
The ministry is well-placed to disseminate this model to the provinces and special
areas like GB and Azad Kashmir, and to support its implementation in collaboration
with line ministries. Internationally, there is an encouraging movement to support
the cause of mental health through enhanced commitment and funding. As a result,
the WHO and many other humanitarian agencies are looking to support low- and
middle-income governments that are investing in mental health projects.
The MHPSS model thus promises a way forward to achieve the minimum standards
of mental healthcare as outlined in the World Mental Health Report, and turn
around mental healthcare for our communities.
Asma Humayun has been senior technical adviser, MHPSS, Ministry of Planning,
Development and Special Initiatives. M. Asif is chief health, Ministry of Planning,
Development and Special Initiatives.

The invisible half
dawn.com/news/1698308/the-invisible-half
July 5, 2022
WHAT better illustrates the Afghan Taliban’s misogynistic and

mediaeval worldview than the fact that not a single woman was
invited to the three-day gathering in Kabul of over 3,500 clerics
and ‘people of influence’ from around Afghanistan? As though to
reinforce the irrelevance of women and the fact they are not
considered individuals in their own right, the Taliban asserted
that women would indeed be represented, but only by their
fathers and sons. The meeting, where participants pledged
allegiance to the Taliban and its reclusive leader Mullah
Hibatullah, failed to address contentious issues such as allowing
girls access to secondary education. No wonder that, on Sunday,
Afghan women activists in self-exile denounced the Taliban as
illegitimate rulers because their regime was endorsed by those
who represented only half the nation.
The Afghan Taliban have proved they are no different from the
earlier cohort that ruled much of Afghanistan from 1996 till 2001.
The extreme manifestations of misogyny that marked that first,
brutal regime are apparent this time around as well. One
objective is to make women invisible by excising them from
government jobs, closing off avenues of education to them and
by ordering them to cover themselves up in all-encompassing
burqas. Such steps, as well as the ban on women travelling alone
by air or on inter-city routes by road, are calculated to strip them
of their agency and financial independence. The effect that these
repressive measures are having on their mental well-being can
only be imagined. That the Taliban leader, when he spoke at last
week’s gathering, issued a rebuke to those urging the hard-line
regime to keep its word to the international community about
respecting women’s rights, indicates a change in attitude is not
on the cards. The only way out of this depressing situation may
be for Muslim countries to continue to engage with the Taliban
and impress upon them the long-term damage they are inflicting
on their nation by trampling on the rights of half its population.
Opinion
LNG emergency - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1698309/lng-emergency
July 5, 2022
PAKISTAN is looking to buy a lot of LNG amid ongoing

countrywide blackouts. The government has just released one of
its biggest LNG purchase tenders ever to procure 10 cargoes for
delivery through September. Even if its tenders get a response
from the international suppliers — considering a restricted LNG
market because of the Russia-Ukraine conflict — it will cost
Islamabad around $1bn to purchase all those cargoes at current
spot market rates. The problem is that it does not have sufficient
cash at the moment to buy even a single cargo at present prices.
Read: Pakistan losing LNG bidding war to Europe
In the last two months, the government has thrice tried to

procure LNG for July delivery. Only one supplier responded the
last time, asking the highest-ever price of just below $40mmBtu.
The authorities rejected the offer since it was not affordable.
No wonder the coalition government has approached Qatar, one

of the world’s largest LNG suppliers with whom Pakistan has had
two long-term contracts, for additional shipments of 400mmcf to
500mmcf a month on ‘deferred’ payments to curb the growing
power outages in the country.
But the Qatari authorities do not appear enthusiastic about the

request due to the massive demand for its gas from Europe as
well as owing to Pakistan’s failure to remove bureaucratic
impediments to the establishment of a merchant LNG terminal
near Karachi.
Read: Does LNG hold the key to Pakistan's energy woes?
In order to appease Doha, the minister of state for petroleum,

Musadik Malik, has again written to Qatar, expressing Pakistan’s
“desire to enhance the number of cargoes of LNG from Qatar
under the two existing long-term sale purchase agreements on
deferred payments”. At the same time, he has sought to reassure
Doha that “the government in Islamabad is diligently working to
do away with the stumbling blocks ... to accelerate the process of
investment by Qatar Energy in infrastructure development for
LNG import”. Will that be enough for Doha to commit more gas
to Pakistan at a time it can sell it to any one for cash?
That’s not the only issue the government has to deal with while
ramping up LNG supplies. The absence of adequate
infrastructure to handle additional gas could also be a problem,
which can be tackled in a few months by allowing existing
terminals to expand their re-gasification capacity now and
removing bureaucratic hurdles in the way of the construction of
new ones on a business-to-business model without any
government guarantees involved.

Warming ties - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1698310/warming-ties
July 5, 2022
BILATERAL ties with the US are clearly on the mend after an

extensive rough patch under the PTI government. While the
‘Cablegate’ saga, as elucidated by former prime minister Imran
Khan, was an attempt by the superpower to get rid of his
government, Washington has repeatedly claimed it had nothing
to do with Mr Khan’s removal. Interestingly, there are now
reports that Mr Khan’s party is trying to reopen channels with
America in an effort to ‘forget the past’. Since the departure of
the PTI government, frosty ties have warmed at a quick pace.
Pakistan’s foreign minister met his American counterpart in New
York in May while later that month the first full-time American
ambassador in nearly four years took up his post in Islamabad.
More recently, a number of visitors from Washington have been
in Pakistan to improve ties. These include the US special
representative on business and commercial affairs, as well as the
assistant secretary of state dealing with international narcotics
and law enforcement.
While the US has undeniably played a role in making and

breaking governments across the globe, there is little evidence it
hatched the plot to send Mr Khan’s administration home. After
all, governments are not destabilised by ciphers; there are other,
more sinister methods usually involving intelligence agencies at
work to achieve this end. The PTI, unfortunately, played up the
Cablegate affair to cater to its domestic vote bank and discredit
its opponents. Yet the impact this manoeuvre had on Pakistan-US
ties was anything but positive. There is now a need to rebuild
bilateral ties and address structural weaknesses that stand in the
way of their improvement.
For starters, ties must be based on an equal relationship,

stressing respect, particularly for sovereignty, and go beyond the
transactionalism that has marked relations since the Cold War
era. As a developing country, Pakistan needs American help in
realising its full economic potential. The US can help in removing
barriers that stand in the way of Pakistani products reaching
American markets. Additionally, more American investors should
consider putting their money in this country and tapping its
human resource potential. Collaborations in academia and other
sectors can also be taken forward. The US should also consider
restarting the strategic dialogue that Pakistan desires. Yet what
Pakistan should not do is take diktat, however subtle, from any
foreign power. Who this country trades with; who this country
builds political and military alliances with should solely be the
decision of its government and people. No foreign power has the
right to interfere in these affairs. After all, the double standard is
hard to miss if the US lectures Pakistan about not trading with
Russia, or the ‘pitfalls’ of CPEC, yet looks the other way if India
trades with Moscow. A rejuvenated, beneficial Pakistan-US
relationship is worth pursuing, as long as this country is not
asked to take sides in global power games.

Education apathy - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1698311/education-apathy
July 5, 2022
LAST year, the Sindh education minister said at a press

conference that 5,000 “unviable” primary schools in the province
would be closed and their premises used for community welfare
purposes.
The race to open schools had started in the mid-1980s under PM

Junejo. It accelerated during the Musharraf era, when more
powers were devolved to the district level. District nazims
enjoyed unprecedented powers, but were inexperienced in
administration and development and vulnerable to local
pressure. Many schools — mostly one-roomed — were
sanctioned and constructed over the years on the
recommendations of influential persons. Multiple schools would
crop up regardless of whether there was a need for more than
one school in the same village. The motive was to create jobs for
family members or voters and many schools were actually being
used for ceremonial purposes.
The decision to close these schools was based on a report by the

Reforms Support Unit (RSU) of the Sindh Education Department,
which was assigned the task of conducting a survey of non-
functional or dysfunctional schools. The list of schools proposed
to be closed was published in newspapers to invite any objection.
Many of the schools listed had been functional for more than half
a century, but had fallen into a state of disrepair.
The havoc wreaked by political pressure and teachers’

associations on the schooling system has been unimaginable.
There was a much-publicised story recently regarding the severe
beating given to biometric staff by college teachers in
Government College Pir Jo Goth. This was not an isolated
incident: threats and harassment of biometric staff and refusal of
teachers to use biometric machines are common problems.
Schools cannot be described as ‘unviable’.
In the initial years, results from biometric attendance machines

had exposed thousands of teachers who were habitual absentees.
The majority of those who had reached the pensionable service
threshold had decided to retire. Those who had opted to continue
rarely focused on teaching, and instead, maintained a formal
presence in school. In such a scenario, how could families expect
children to benefit from going to school? Dropout rates rose as a
result.
The RSU would have known this if it would have engaged in

dialogue with locals to ascertain the actual causes of desertion in
schools, instead of simply recommending their closure on the
presumption that parents are not willing to educate their
children. A former RSU head confided that the survey staff never
even surveyed school-age children within the vicinity of the
village, as they should have before recommending the closure of
their schools.
One may not disagree with the argument that some schools
would have to be shut because the school-going population in a
village or surrounding areas was less or enough for one school
only. However, did policymakers in the Sindh government ever
consider population growth over the last 30 or 40 years in those
villages? Can a single example of a village be given from where
the entire population has migrated? No doubt there is seasonal
migration, specially from Thar, Kachho (Kirthar range) and the
coastal belt to upper Sindh and southern Punjab, but that should
not justify the closure of schools. Rather, school-age children
should be given incentives to stay back to complete the academic
year. One may also agree with the former head of the RSU, who
said: “There is no justification for six schools to be operating
within a two-kilometre radius.” But it is also a fact that rural
taboos in Sindh still hinder co-education. Hence, more than one
school can be taken as a blessing and girls can be placed in a
separate school.
Similarly, the system of ‘split-up’ education, in vogue in some

primary schools in the UK, can be replicated. Under this system,
students are grouped according to the infant level and junior
level ages and placed in separate classrooms. In the case of
Sindh, the introduction of this system requires serious thought as
compulsory schooling age has been raised to 16 years. Another
option could be that, instead of placing all students from nursery
to Class 5 in one classroom, students in senior classes can be
placed in a nearby village/ mohalla school, and vice versa.
The school is a place of learning and growth, and can therefore

never be described as ‘unviable’. It will be needed tomorrow, if
not today. Till such time, vacant buildings may be converted into
computer learning centres and stocked with reading material.
Sadly, the Sindh bureaucracy has always been shy of interaction
with the locals, as is evident from the fact that communities were
not consulted at the local or District Reforms Oversight Support
Committee level, let alone at the provincial level. This is the root
of education apathy in Sindh, nothing else.
The writer is a former civil servant.
meer.parihar@gmail.com

Protecting children
dawn.com/news/1698312/protecting-children
July 5, 2022
IN most parts of the world, when a child is groomed, abducted

and married, the state is on its side and does its best to protect
the child. Here in Pakistan, it is the opposite!
An adolescent girl recently told the court that she was an adult.
In such a case a very thorough investigation of the marriage
process and legal documents would be required. However, the
girl was allowed to live with the culprit.
The details of the birth certificate, school documents and her

parents’ marriage certificate appeared to be overlooked. An age
determination exam and test were ordered. Pubertal
development assessment and radiological ossification tests
require expertise, and results are given in ranges. In this case, no
one seemed to check the reliability of the report signed by a
junior doctor. A medical board has now verified that her age is
between 15 and 16 years (closer to 15).
When the police had presented their challan report, they

reported no evidence of abduction and advised that the case
should be dismissed as it was a ‘free-will marriage’. It is such
official dereliction of duty that results in children being abused,
abducted, married off, and trafficked. Where should one ask for
justice?
The state has failed to curb child marriages.
Child marriages are widespread in Pakistan. Although, the Sindh

Child Marriage Restraint Act, 2013, is most progressive in setting
the age limit at 18 unlike the other provinces, Sindh still has the
highest prevalence of child marriages. The lack of formation of a
proper system for solemnising a wedding, and no strict rulings
for the parties involved, have hindered efforts to stop child
marriages.
Simple measures like showing valid CNICs to ensure that the

bride and groom are 18 or above should be mandatory for the
bride and groom.
As is the practice in many other countries, registering the

marriage at a government office to verify identity cards through
biometrics should be compulsory. Nadra should then provide a
marriage registration certificate. And the nikah should not be
performed without the availability of this certificate. With
Nadra’s computerised system, this could quickly be done and will
help reduce the incidence of child marriages. Also, punishments
for the parents, the nikahkhwan, and all the adults who
participated in conducting a child marriage should be strictly
followed.
Adolescence is a complex developmental process taking place

between the ages of 10 and 21 years. A child may be physically
mature in the late adolescence phase, but the brain’s cognitive
development, abstract thinking and proper reasoning continues
well into the 20s. In early and middle adolescence, there is
impulsiveness and a lack of understanding of the consequences
of one’s actions. Therefore, when the grooming process — where
the perpetrator focuses on a vulnerable child — of the victim is
initiated, her brain is not yet prepared to understand the
complications. Grooming can take place in person, online, on
social media or gaming platforms. The dark web is notorious for
these kinds of activities. Perpetrators gain the trust of the victim,
and entice them by giving them attention. They entice them with
attention, promises and gifts. They get them to agree to run away
with them or find out their whereabouts and kidnap them. Often,
they are not only individuals but a whole gang, and the child
trafficking mafia is involved.
In some parts and communities of Pakistan, child marriages are

not considered improper by the parents, who must be made to
understand that child marriages affect children’s psychology and
may hinder their personal and educational growth as they are
given more responsibilities than they can handle. Pregnancy and
childbirth put an extra burden on the health of the girl and is
known to create further complications at a later age. Studies
have shown that increased risk of mental health problems and
domestic violence is associated with child marriages.
Often such marriages are conducted under the pretext of religion

by convincing/ forcing the child to convert. Recently, some good
decisions were made by the Islamabad High Court on child
marriages. But the Council of Islamic Ideology has challenged
this, saying child marriages should not be added to the sexual
abuse and rape articles in Pakistani law. This kind of advice will
push us behind and remove the progress made so far.
Marrying a child takes away their right to enjoy their childhood

and to seek an education that can make them independent. Also,
children are unprepared developmentally to take on the burden
of responsibilities. Not that we do not have laws to protect our
children. We have good laws but are not interested in enforcing
them. It is time to enforce the law, not simply to ‘fulfil’ pacts we
have signed but also for our children’s safety, protection, healthy
development, dignity and survival.
The writer is a paediatrician at AKUH.
Twitter @kishwarenam

Fight is on for a just world
dawn.com/news/1698314/fight-is-on-for-a-just-world
July 5, 2022
THERE’S no denying that India’s Muslims are a major target in

the culture of hate being fomented across the country. It’s equally
true, however, that Muslims are not alone in being hunted and
hounded by an increasingly wilful right-wing state.
Let’s not ignore too the virtual absence of Muslims from struggles
in India on issues that may not seem to involve them as a
community per se but in a wider shared sense of the fight for
democracy do.
Seldom if ever has one seen the community taking to the streets
on issues of education and health, or even jobs for their people or
other Indians. There’s an invisible obstacle as it were to a full-
throated participation like, for example, the time when a
controversial citizenship law is being imposed on the community
or when majoritarian groups make offensive remarks about
their religion. Let’s see what so many non-Muslim activists are
doing for the Muslims and for the country as a whole of which
the Muslims are such a large if grudging part. Is there a way to
cut loose from the self-limiting worldview?
Let’s begin with today. July 5 makes it a year since Father Stan
Swamy died in a Mumbai prison.
Read: To shun the poisoned chalice
Millions had celebrated the 84-year-old Jesuit priest as a selfless

worker for the Dalit and tribal people of Jharkhand and also for
his commitment to the constitution’s secular, democratic and
socialist objectives.
Then one day Swamy became the oldest member of a clutch of

renowned public intellectuals who were thrown into prison
under reason-defying anti-terror laws. Swamy died of Covid-
related complications, a scourge his younger colleagues in prison
somehow survived.
A gentleman to the core, Fr Swamy knew he was innocent though

the charges did not surprise him. “What is happening to me is
not something unique or happening to me alone, it is a broader
process taking place all over the country. We all are aware how
prominent intellectuals, lawyers, writers, poets, activists, student
leaders are all put in jail because they have expressed their
dissent or raised questions about the ruling powers of India,” he
told an interviewer.
Let’s see what so many non-Muslim activists are doing for the Muslims and for
India as a whole.
In his meticulous fight for justice, one of Swamy’s several

campaigns sought the implementation of a supreme court order
that said: “Owner of the land is also the owner of sub-soil
minerals.” It naturally made him highly unpopular with the
mining barons who control the state’s economy.
Christophe Jaffrelot in his book ‘Modi’s India: Hindu Nationalism

And The Rise Of Ethnic Democracy discusses in detail the Bhima
Koregaon case in which Swamy and some of India’s most selfless
rights activists stand targeted as “urban Naxals”.
Says Jaffrelot: “The way the urban Naxals have been harassed
and arrested in India before and after 2019 suggests that police
forces reporting to BJP ministers have emulated the Hindu
nationalist vigilantes to some extent, and appear to be translating
into action the increasingly authoritarian strategy of the
government, a trend that also manifested in the decline of
freedom of expression…”.
Many eyebrows were raised recently when the supreme court

gave a clean chit as it were to Prime Minister Modi in cases
pertaining to anti-Muslim pogroms during his tenure as chief
minister of Gujarat. What caused greater consternation was the
court’s censure of the petitioners and an unusual order that those
who pursued the case for over 16 years be put in the dock.
Read: India’s demonisation of Muslims
Consequently, rights activist Teesta Setalvad and two former top

cops were slapped with charges and jailed. All three have stood
shoulder to shoulder with the Muslim victims of the pogroms.
But, the debate over the shocking judgement hasn’t significantly
enthused major Muslim groups — barring some individual
responses — that seem to confine their interest to religious
disputes.
The Indian state has acquired additional features of a police state

under the post-2019 BJP-led government. Immediately after Modi
II was formed, recalls Jaffrelot, Indian parliament passed a law
that empowered the state to designate individuals as terrorists.
Previously, that was the case only for organisations.
Among those arrested were Surendra Gadling a lawyer, Shoma

Sen a retired English professor, Sudhir Dhawale a poet and
publisher, while Mahesh Raut and Rona Wilson were human
rights activists. Soon, the police arrested, in the same case, the
poet activist Varavara Rao, the lawyer and trade unionist Sudha
Bharadwaj, who gave up her US citizenship to join the Indian
struggle, and the human rights activists cum authors and
columnists Arun Ferreira and Vernon Gonsalves.
In April 2020 Anand Teltumbde, a regular contributor to the
Economic and Political Weekly, and professor at the Goa Institute
of Management was arrested followed by Gautam Navlakha,
former consultant with the Economic and Political Weekly and a
member of the People’s Union for Democratic Rights. Then Hany
Babu, an associate professor of Delhi University, was arrested as
“co-conspirator” for propagating Maoist ideology. Finally, the
Jesuit priest was thrown in jail.
They were all accused of conspiracy to overthrow the

government and assassinating the prime minister. Amnesty Tech
(Amnesty International digital security team) was to later
discover that one of the seized computers contained malware
allowing remote access through which incriminating letters
could have been planted. The idea that the letters had been
manufactured was supported by the fact that Naxals’
communication is heavily coded, says Jaffrelot.
Eminent historian Romila Thapar and other scholars filed a

petition against the targeting of intellectuals but lost the appeal.
The dissenting judge, Justice D.Y. Chandrachud observed “that a
clear-cut distinction has to be made between opposition to the
government and attempts to overthrow the government by rising
up in arms”. For him, the Bhima Koregaon case was “an attempt
by the state to muzzle dissent … Each of them is prosecuted for
being a defender of persons subjected to human rights
violations”. Justice Chandrachud is expected to become chief
justice in November 2022.
The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Delhi.
jawednaqvi@gmail.com

Read more
Comments (2)
500 characters
COMMENT MOD POLICY
Kris
28 minutes ago
There is a clear distinction between treason and sedition.

Sedition has already been nullified by the Indian Supreme Court
pending a governmental review. It is beneath the stature of any
state, let alone the largest democracy, to target individuals unless
there are clear provable treasonous acts.
Reply Recommend 0
Kris
12 minutes ago
Indian Supreme Court is a balanced institution. But when they

issue verdicts against muslims, they are tagged as communal.
Justice Chandrachud is an upright judge, just like the current
Chief Justice. They don't get the credit they deserve.
Reply Recommend 0
The Punjab question
dawn.com/news/1698315/the-punjab-question
July 5, 2022
A COALITION government, uncertain number, courts

proceedings about dissenters, Punjab and all things in between
— the PMLN-led government seems as comfortable as the
proverbial film character hanging on to a branch over the
mountain’s edge. Or for those who still remember it, the coach
teetering over the cliff, at the end of the original Italian Job
paints a better picture.
The coalition government may be able to pass the budget, elect

its prime minister and chief minister, and put together cabinets,
but the sense of a still-to-come nail-biting denouement refuses to
go away.
This is not due to Shehbaz Sharif or the various allies, who have
become the proverbial boy who cried wolf. The problem lies
elsewhere. This Hitchcockian uncertainty is perhaps largely due
to the most powerful stakeholder — the most important ally of
any government and the one whose departure signals the fall.
Call it the establishment, the agri department or the neutrals; as
Shakespeare once said, “a rose by any other name… .”
The problem is that this ally appears confused. To borrow an

analogy, the ally picked up a load and now it is not too sure of
carrying it all the way to the destination. Not everyone is agreed
on this journey.
Indeed, the events of the past few months have polarised not
only society and polity but also what constitutes the most
powerful stakeholder. What exactly their difference of opinion is
on may not be too obvious to outsiders. One can only wonder if
they are worried about the corruption versus incompetence
debate or their concerns are about more professional matters,
closer to home. After all, we mortals, unlike Puck, know little of
the tussles between the gods though we can become collateral
damage of their infighting.
Khan and Sharif have the same goal: ‘pick me, choose me, love me’.
Had this difference of opinion not existed, Imran Khan’s (still)

vague attacks on ‘namaloom afraad’ or the neutrals would have
seemed no different from the PDM’s initial campaign when
Nawaz Sharif too aimed a blistering assault in the same
direction. But the unease seems greater now, even though both
Khan and Sharif have the same goal — pick me, choose me, love
me, in the words of Meredith Grey.
Consider that when the senior Sharif had done it, the discomfort
in his party ranks and within the PDM was obvious. Most of his
loyalists, too, found it as difficult to adopt the line as willingly as
they embraced ‘vote ko izzat do’. But this time around, some
among the second tier of the PTI are no less aggressive than their
leader. Why do they think they can get away with the rhetoric
that earlier only the top men or women could afford to indulge
in?
Editorial: Establishment’s role
In addition, their rhetoric is also echoed by some of those who

have moved on to golf courses. The last time, they had spent
more time talking than playing golf was back in 2006-07. Which
was also the last time, the institution had to publicly announce its
orders of asking officials to stay away from politics.
This time, it appears, Khan’s attacks are not uniting the

establishment against him, as did Nawaz’s, despite the anger on
the street (be it the PDM campaign or Khan’s, the people have
been struggling with inflation).
But many would dismiss these accounts as conjecture. Stuff that

we can and do discuss earnestly over coffee or in drawing rooms,
backed up by little more than ‘I was told by a friend or a relative
or…’. And in oral societies such as ours, this doesn’t translate into
fact. But there is perhaps another factor at play here. More than
internal differences of opinions, the powerful are facing an
onslaught from ‘their own kin’.
For this we need to understand PTI’s support base, which

includes the more comfortable, middle class and (self-described)
upper middle class members of Punjab. And many of them are
not happy at the recent twists and turns of our politics. Because
they are comfortable and secure enough to express their opinion,
they have also made their concerns heard. They can afford to be
loud and they are. As a journalist recently said in a speech which
went viral: “aap ko takkar ke log milain hain” (you’ve met your
match in your rivals). His words were even more insightful than
he realises.
Read: Politics of establishment
This loud minority matters greatly to the establishment, not

because they are relatives but because they are the ones who
provide the legitimacy and sense of popular support to it. We
have been told, time and again, since many of us were in our
diapers that if there is a saviour and a guardian for us, internally
and externally, it is just one organisation. But perhaps those who
bought this lock, stock and barrel are mostly the comfortable and
well-off in Punjab.
The other three provinces share a far more difficult relationship

with our power centre. These are the citizens whose experience
is shaped more by violence. For these less vulnerable, from the
other provinces, the riyasat is rarely maa jaisee (like a mother)
and it is more the disciplinarian father, which makes the
relationship with Punjab all the more critical. If this relationship
runs the risk of turning bitter, it will have to be addressed. This is
what PTI is counting on, to an extent that Nawaz Sharif could not.
To come back to the uncertainty surrounding the government,

this internal friction and criticism from parts of Punjab are the
reasons the present set-up continues to be in danger. The most
obvious solutions seem to point to fresh elections and this is
apparent from the identity of many who are calling for the
country to head to the polls.
However, this is not reason enough for the PTI to celebrate,

despite its desire for fresh elections. It would do well to
remember that the resolution to a crisis does not necessarily end
the way it is envisaged. The present economic crisis can make the
existing players irrelevant, by throwing up new ones. For while
we are focusing on the wrangling within our elites, which is a
story as old as Pakistan, the economic crisis and its intensity can
play havoc with everyone’s calculations. Economic crises can and
do change politics beyond recognition.
The writer is a journalist.

Transgender job quota
dawn.com/news/1698479/transgender-job-quota
July 6, 2022
IN a society where transgender persons often face violence and

abuse, the Sindh Assembly’s decision to reserve a 0.5pc quota for
members of the community in the province’s public-sector
institutions is a welcome, progressive move. The Sindh
legislature passed the relevant law in a unanimous decision
during Monday’s session, with the parliamentary affairs minister
saying that the quota would also be implemented in the private
sector. Earlier, several departments in Punjab had also
announced quotas for the transgender community. Giving its
members the ability to make a dignified living is essential to
ensuring their basic rights, as the usual modes of employment
available to this group is begging, or the flesh trade.
The announcement of the job quotas, as well as other moves at

the state level, have marked a welcome official approach. For
example, transgender people can now apply for CNICs; without
the basic identity document, members of the community found it
impossible to operate bank accounts, apply for decent jobs, etc.
Moreover, the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act,
2018 is a landmark law that signalled that the state was ready to
recognise and protect the community. The latter has indeed
begun to emerge from the margins, with community members
entering the police force, becoming doctors, lawyers and
mediapersons. However, where considerable progress has been
made in securing transgender rights, members of the community
continue to be vulnerable targets. For example, numerous cases
of murder have been reported, particularly of transgender
persons in KP. Very often the killers get away with their crime as
families — who usually disown trans members, especially in the
more conservative parts of the country — are not interested in
pursuing the case. This impunity must end and the murderers
must be brought to justice. All other rights will only be of value
when transgender people’s right to life is protected by the state.
Therefore, police forces need to be sensitised in order to protect
the community, and take action against those who harm or
murder its members.
Opinion
Phone tapping - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1698480/phone-tapping
July 6, 2022
IT is the season of audio leaks. No sooner does one

‘incriminating’ clip lose its shock value than another emerges on
social media or a TV channel, from what appears to be a
cornucopia of illicit recordings of phone conversations — usually
serving the ends of whoever is in power. The latest snippet
purportedly captures ousted prime minister Imran’s Khan’s wife,
the reclusive and ‘non-political’ Bushra Bibi, instructing the PTI’s
head of digital media Dr Arsalan Khalid to trend a ‘traitor’
hashtag on Twitter targeting people speaking against her
husband, herself and her friend, Farah Shahzadi. Another
recording obtained through phone tapping, say PTI leaders
themselves, is about to surface — this one of a conversation
between Mr Khan and his then principal secretary Azam Khan.
On Monday at a press conference, former human rights minister
Shireen Mazari called on the Supreme Court to take suo motu
notice of the tapping of the former premier’s phone.
While Dr Khalid has been non-committal about the authenticity

of the latest audio leak, PTI’s Shahbaz Gill has termed it a
fabrication. That, however, is missing the wood for the trees.
Phone tapping is illegal and has been declared so on several
occasions. In 1997, the Supreme Court ruled the practice as
violating the dignity of an individual and their constitutional
right to privacy. Exceptions have been made: the Fair Trial Act
2012 allows security agencies to collect evidence by means of
modern techniques, including wiretapping, but only for the
purpose of tracking and prosecuting suspected terrorists.
Nevertheless, it is an open secret that the country’s intelligence
agencies tap the phones of many individuals — politicians,
journalists and judges in particular — that fall outside that
category. In June 2015, the ISI informed an apex court bench that
it had tapped nearly 7,000 phones in the previous month, while
IB said it had tapped close to 5,500 around the same time. Earlier
this year, Maryam Nawaz, after the recording of a discussion
between her and PML-N’s Pervez Rashid was leaked, demanded
an apology and asked who had the right to tap her private
conversation. Given that politicians across the board have been
burned by this unlawful and untrammelled use of phone
tapping, it seems worthwhile for all to desist from political point-
scoring through leaked audios. It speaks to the the bankruptcy of
our political discourse and the weakness of our accountability
mechanisms that such tactics are used to discredit rivals.
Opinion
Miftah’s misery - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1698481/miftahs-misery
July 6, 2022
IT cannot be easy to be finance minister in times like these, with

friend and foe alike gunning for you over difficult decisions that
you were forced to take in the greater national interest. This is
the sorry predicament Miftah Ismail finds himself in at the
moment, merely two and a half months since he took over
arguably the most difficult job in Pakistan.
It is unclear why he is being given such short shrift. It appears

from a recent statement made by Defence Minister Khawaja Asif
during a TV show that some within the party hold Mr Ismail
responsible for eroding the PML-N’s political capital. However,
this is quite an amnesic reaction on the part of these individuals,
considering that the risks to the PML-N’s electoral prospects
arising from the economic adjustments the coalition government
was going to be forced to undertake were extensively discussed
and understood. The party knew what it was getting into when it
decided to stick it out in Islamabad after ousting the PTI from
power.
There was nothing easy or simple about the task Mr Ismail was
handed, but he had a plan even before he was anointed finance
minister. In fact, it seems that the government got delayed in its
response to the economic crisis because individuals within the
PML-N initially did not want to give Mr Ismail the go-ahead to
execute his agenda.
Read: Miftah won't mind leaving finance ministry if Dar returns

but not open to state minister's role
This was apparent after the London episode, when most of the
PML-N cabinet was summoned to the UK for deliberations with
Mian Nawaz Sharif on the best way forward. Insider accounts of
that meeting indicate that former finance minister Ishaq Dar did
not agree with Mr Ismail.
Mr Dar apparently had very different ideas about how to

extricate Pakistan from the current economic morass. It seems
his misgivings never really went away, even though Mr Ismail
was allowed to start rolling out his plan in bits and pieces. If
rumours are anything to go by, Mr Dar plans to displace Mr
Ismail from his post upon his expected return to Pakistan later
this month.
There is nothing reassuring about this tug of war, which bodes ill
for economic stability. Much damage has already been done to
the economy due to the PML-N’s infighting over key policy
decisions over the past two months. Tussles within the party
created political instability, spooking capital markets and leading
to considerable damage before budget negotiations with the IMF
finally created some hope for stability and led to the restoration
of a semblance of order.
The market now expects the finance minister to deliver on the

IMF front. By most accounts, we are now on the last stretch of
negotiations. Any major upheaval in the finance ministry —
especially one that sees the main decision-maker changed — is
likely to once again set the process back. Is that something we
can afford?
Summer of ’72 - Newspaper
dawn.com/news/1698482/summer-of-72
July 6, 2022
OVER the decades I have tended to look upon 1972 as something

of a halcyon year for a diminished Pakistan. There were elected
governments in place at the centre and in the provinces, and a
sense that after the trauma of the previous year, the nation was
on the cusp of a hopeful new beginning.
The sense of liberation wasn’t restricted to what had until very

recently been the eastern wing of the nation. The shadow of
seemingly endless military rule had suddenly been lifted.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto may have assumed power as the nation’s first
chief martial law administrator, but the masses seemed to be
mostly behind him.
One of his stock phrases initially was: ‘give me more time’.
Miracles cannot be achieved overnight. But the degree of
anticipation he had built up in the preceding years came back to
bite him at a moment when he seemed to be in charge of
everything.
That wasn’t entirely an illusion. Perhaps for the first time, the
hitherto ruling force didn’t have a leg to stand on. Its strategy
through 1971 had led to the loss of East Pakistan and culminated
in more than 90,000 prisoners of war. On the western front in
December 1971, Pakistan had captured little more than 600.
The change in Pakistan 50 years ago proved insufficient.
After toying with the idea of extending martial law until later in
the year, Bhutto eventually decided to dispense with it in April
1972. He also replaced the army and air force chiefs he had
appointed a few months earlier.
It wasn’t because the army was interfering too much in political

affairs, but because of its reticence — Gen Gul Hassan, Yahya
Khan’s replacement as commander-in-chief, for instance, was
reluctant to help repress the police strike that had erupted
shortly into the Bhutto tenure. His successor as military chief (the
C-in-C post was discontinued), Tikka Khan — already known in
some circles as ‘the butcher of Bengal’, and not long afterwards
as ‘the butcher of Balochistan’ — had no such qualms.
It wasn’t just the police, mind you — workers in various
industries across the country went on strike when their
expectations of the new regime were not matched by the
unfolding reality, notwithstanding labour reforms and sweeping
nationalisation of certain industries. In that sphere, too, brutal
repression wasn’t a rarity.
Bhutto frequently appealed for more time, arguing that his

promises could not instantly be implemented. He appears to
have been aware, though, that his window of opportunity might
be brief. Biographer Stanley Wolpert quotes Yahya Bakhtiar as
relating that when, during an early visit to China, Zhou Enlai
asked Bhutto why he was in such a rush to push through his
reforms, ZAB responded that he couldn’t be sure how long the
military would tolerate him.
He was well aware, it seems, that his populist charm had its
limitations. Those limits were both extended and tested when he
embarked in June on his journey to a Simla summit with Indira
Gandhi. Given the circumstances — Pakistani forces had lost on
the battlefield just six months earlier — it remains arguably the
most significant encounter between the leaders of India and
Pakistan.
Last-minute compromises secured the agreement that was

concluded 50 years ago last week, although the POW question
was deferred until Pakistan formally recognised Bangladesh.
Bhutto did not return home empty-handed, but faced accusations
of selling out both from the opposition and sections of his PPP. He
responded with a reportedly three-hour harangue in the National
Assembly that defanged most of the doubters.
His considerable oratorical skills — unmatched in Pakistani

politics — were insufficient nonetheless to ward off a creeping
loss of faith in his abilities, or inclinations, to implement the pro-
mises made in the PPP’s 1970 election manifesto. The sense of
disillusionment was deepened by the fact that key party
stalwarts who had reposed too much faith in the ‘socialist’ aspect
of ‘Islamic socialism’ — the likes of Mairaj Mohammed Khan and
Mukhtar Rana — were not just discarded but sentenced to
rigorous imprisonment.
The following year brought even bigger reverses, not least the
effective demise of provincial democracy in Balochistan and
NWFP. Bhutto did not — or could not — follow Zhou’s advice to
replace the regular military with a ‘people’s army’, but he did set
up the wretched Federal Security Force that eventually
contributed to his downfall.
There can be no doubt that 1972 was a turning point in the

history of what remained of the nation, chock-full of both
hopeful developments and profound disappointments. The latter
incontestably contributed to the disarray that paralyses the
nation today. It’s hard, though, not to look upon it as a year of
previously thwarted opportunities that could potentially have
fed into very different consequences, not least personally for
ZAB.
That must remain a source of enduring lament, particularly if it
turns out that now it’s too late for remedies.
mahir.dawn@gmail.com

Irrigation woes - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1698483/irrigation-woes
July 6, 2022
PAKISTAN is among the countries most dependent on irrigation.

Its food security relies on the irrigation infrastructure that takes
freshwater to more than 40 million acres of land in the canal
command area. But, according to official reports, reservoirs were
at dead level even in early June. Flows in the Indus and its
tributaries were 151,800 cusecs, whereas the average five-year
flow for the same period was 264,000 cusecs. Similarly, storage in
dams was merely 148,000 acre feet against a 10-year average of
2.4 million acre feet. This shows that the threat of climate change
is no longer a future one but a present-day reality with dire
consequences for food and national security.
Pakistan’s water sector infrastructure consists of large dams,
barrages and canals — all of them state assets. Water courses
numbering over 100,000 are the last mile of the irrigation system.
They take water from the distributary/ minor canals to the
farmers’ fields and are community assets. But the irrigation
system cannot meet climate change adaptation demands.
Pakistan has low water storage capacity and its barrages are old.
Similarly, vast parts of the canal network are leaky, leading to the
wastage of half of the precious freshwater — equivalent to
several Tarbela and Mangla capacities combined.
It is obvious that the government does not have the fiscal space
to invest in water conservation. Policymakers would need to
attract international investors for private finance and climate
change aid mechanisms. This would require creative policies.
Investment in water conservation investment — from upstream
dams to farms downstream — would require tens of billions of
dollars, as well as strong diplomacy, and smart plans to sell to
international investors. It is important that farmers are made a
part of these plans. The government should provide incentives to
local banks and non-bank financial institutions to provide funds
for watercourse lining and drip irrigation through private
financial channels without the meddlesome role of government
departments. This is doable if policymakers understand the
situation on the ground. The demand for such a radical shift in
the water conservation financing policy should come from the
farmers. While the whole country stands to lose when a policy
fails, in the case of freshwater and irrigation, the farmers are the
first to feel the effects; it is they who should demand better
services.
Climate change mitigation and adaptation plans relating to water
do not exist and we now routinely face irrigation shortages in the
non-Kharif and early Kharif period. The current budget reflects
the narrow fiscal space, with debt servicing taking up half of the
total revenue collection. Waiting for conventional policies to
work will exacerbate the crisis.
We lack the fiscal space to invest in water conservation.
It is also important for policymakers to realise that the supply

side aspect of water conservation investment must be in sync
with the demand side to convince international investors or
friendly bilateral donors to finance water needs. The cost
recovery for macro-level investment like dams may continue to
come from general taxes but new financing for water
conservation at the tertiary level (ie water courses and farms)
should entail full-cost recovery plans involving government and
consumer/ farmer contributions. But the irrigation user rates
were fixed in the 19th century, so who will invest tens of billions
of dollars now? Irrigation user charges known as abyana are less
than Rs100 per acre per crop — ie less than 50 cents.
Understandably, increasing abyana charges would upset the

farmers, especially considering the quality of irrigation services
they receive. Since the Indus Basin is located on a slope and its
original design did not involve lifting irrigation water through
mechanical means to bring it to the farmlands, this lifting of
water adds to the farmer’s cost of doing business. This writer,
himself a small-scale farmer, lifts water at three points to bring it
to the crops. So it is natural that farmers would resist an increase
in abyana charges. The problem has been compounded by
suppressed food prices to keep urban food consumers happy as
they have more destabilising power compared to rural food
producers.
Policymakers and irrigation consumers ie farmers, particularly

those who are sitting in our parliament, have to break the cycle
of mistrust and come up with a vision and a practical plan if this
country has to build up resilience and successfully cater to its
food security and water needs. Whether we like it or not, Israel is
the model for both irrigation infrastructure development and
farm-level water conservation. Israel started work on its
irrigation infrastructure in the early 1950s with the money the
new state received from the Germans as war reparations. It was
a unique way. After 80 years, the world sees how visionary those
policymakers were.
The writer is a farmer.
aijazniz@gmail.com

The worldwide labour crisis
dawn.com/news/1698484/the-worldwide-labour-crisis
July 6, 2022
PEOPLE are flocking to Disneyland in Orlando, Florida, just as

they do every summer. The relaxation of pandemic rules means
tourists feel much more comfortable interacting with others in
crowded places. Surprises await those who venture to Orlando.
The US labour shortage means that America has millions of more
jobs than it has workers.
At Disneyland, this has meant closed rides and limited restaurant

availability simply because there aren’t enough people to work
there. According to Disneyland, the worst shortages are being felt
in live entertainment and hospitality, sectors that have been left
flailing in the post-pandemic hiring market.
It is not just a Disneyland problem. All over the United States,
Americans are witness to a phenomenon they have never
experienced before. Fast-food restaurants are closing drive-
through lanes because there are no people to work them. At
enormous supermarket chains like Walmart and Target,
checkout lanes have been reduced to one or two cashiers as
hundreds of customers wait in line for their turn. And the
problem is worse for small business owners, some of whom have
closed up shop altogether because they have not been able to
maintain staff.
The US Chamber of Commerce, described as the “world’s largest

business organisation”, says: “During the pandemic reshuffling,
jobs that require in-person attendance and traditionally have
lower wages, have had a more difficult time retaining workers.
For example, the leisure and hospitality and retail industries
have had the highest quit rates since November 2020,
consistently above 4.5 per cent.”
Read: Professions that are in demand globally
Things are not very much better in the United Kingdom. Over the
past few weeks, disturbing photos of Heathrow strewn with
massive piles of abandoned luggage have circulated all over the
internet. Some of the poor passengers who have had to travel
through the airport have reported not being able to retrieve their
luggage for five or six days. In fact, those are the lucky people
who have been able to make the flight at all. At Charles de Gaulle
in France, people have to line up for more than three hours prior
to their flight to be able to successfully clear security. There
simply aren’t enough security guards to keep the lines moving at
a reasonable pace.
As a labour-exporting country, Pakistan should take advantage of the dearth of
workers abroad.
There isn’t one reason for or solution to this labour crisis. Both
the US and the UK have low population growth rates. Add to this
the reshuffle caused by Covid-19 and the phenomenon called
‘The Great Resignation’ (that saw millions of Americans quit their
corporate jobs), and you have the disaster that is the current job
market.
It is also true that the jobs that people are leaving are the ones
that do not have a good long-term prognosis. The hospitality
industry has seen huge cuts during and after Covid-19 as
business travel, their biggest driver of revenue, lags behind pre-
pandemic rates. As for working checkout lanes and stocking
shelves — well, everyone in the fast-automating retail sector
knows that these jobs are soon going to be replaced by robots
and other forms of automation.
Adjustments for all of this, however, would still leave millions of

jobs open. Last week, the Baker Institute at Rice University
released a report arguing that foreign-born workers must be part
of the solution. The report points out that although only 1.8pc of
American immigrants work in farming, fishing or forestry, they
account for nearly 35.3pc of all the workers in the occupation.
Similarly, high percentages of immigrants make up the workers
in construction, hospitality, cleaning and building maintenance.
Read: Number of Pakistanis going abroad for jobs rises 27.6pc
The Baker Institute’s report sees no way out of this conundrum

except for the United States to create work-based immigration
programmes that allow foreign-born labour to fill the gap in the
American economy. “The government should also expand some
of the current temporary visa programmes and design different
programmes for additional temporary workers,” it says.
While this report primarily looks at low-skilled workers,

companies are struggling in their attempt to hire high-skilled
workers as well. Tech companies report being desperate to hire
cybersecurity workers; according to Cybersecurity Ventures, over
700,000 cybersecurity jobs are lying open and unfilled in the US.
As a labour-exporting country, Pakistan should be paying close

attention to the emerging demand for workers abroad.
The current anti-immigrant sentiments in the US and the

generally broken US immigration system mean that any job that
can be automated or shifted to remote work will go that way.
While jobs that require physical labour will be filled by migrant
workers from Mexico and the southern border, most of the
others will be automated and sent abroad. Automation may
mean that jobs like operating the checkout counter at a
supermarket — traditionally a job that required a worker to be
physically present — may now be done by a worker living in
another country thousands of miles away.
According to a recently aired segment on the US news show 60

Minutes, before the pandemic, one in 67 US jobs was remote and
could be done by a worker situated anywhere in the world. In
post-pandemic America, one in every seven jobs is said to be
remote. Currently, most of these job positions are filled by US
workers, since most like the flexibility of remote work. However,
remote work may also turn out to be the employment
opportunity of the century for skilled workers in other parts of
the world.
While it is likely that US lawmakers will eventually pass laws

preventing the ‘export’ of remote jobs, currently these do not
exist. Highly skilled workers in Pakistan should spruce up their
resumés on LinkedIn and be proactive in applying for positions
that were previously unavailable to them because of visa issues.
While the US may have fewer workers than ever before, there
are millions of them eager and available to work from Pakistan.
The writer is an attorney teaching constitutional law and political

philosophy.
rafia.zakaria@gmail.com

Intimidation by the ‘unidentified’
dawn.com/news/1698485/intimidation-by-the-unidentified
July 6, 2022
THE identity of the ‘unidentified’ assailants who assaulted

journalist Ayaz Amir in Lahore last week was not unknown. One
of Pakistan’s most respected newspaper columnists and a
television commentator, he was dragged out of his vehicle and
manhandled on a busy street in full view of the crowd that had
gathered there. His cellphone was taken away.
It all happened a day after his speech at a seminar in Islamabad

that went viral on social media. It was scathing and full of
sarcasm. It irked the powers that be who seem to be on edge
these days. Tolerance levels seem to have gone down in the
current political storm.
Ayaz Amir may have been scathing but there was nothing in his
remarks that is not being talked about. He didn’t reveal any state
secrets. It was the truth, perhaps, put too forthrightly for the
liking of some elements belonging to a ‘sensitive’ institution —
hence the response in the shape of the crude use of power that
we have witnessed so often being applied against those who dare
to speak out.
Ayaz may be the latest and a more high-profile victim of this

high-handedness, but there have been a number of other such
cases in recent times. Distressingly, there are a growing number
of reports of journalists and rights activists being harassed,
beaten and intimidated. These attacks are invariably traced to
the not-so-invisible state within a state.
The attacks are invariably traced to the not-so-invisible state within a state.
His Islamabad speech may have been the proverbial last straw
but Ayaz had been warned earlier of dire consequences if he did
not restrain himself in his comments on television. According to
Ayaz, the person who came to see him with the message
sometime back didn’t even bother to hide his identity and the
name of the organisation he worked for.
Reportedly, the name and the messages of that official were

erased when he got back his cellphone. That just shows the
increasing brazenness with which these so-called unidentified
elements operate. As per routine, the prime minister ordered an
inquiry into the incident and the police have reportedly filed a
case against the ‘unidentified’ persons. But this is just a formality.
For who will dare touch these elements, even if their identity is
apparent as in the latest case? It has happened in other instances
too. Some journalists complain of constant harassment by callers
using unknown numbers and of being threatened by them. It’s
not that it has not happened before but such cases seem to have
increased significantly over the past months. Even those who
once toed the line are now complaining.
Some of the TV anchors while speaking at a PTI seminar at

Islamabad vented their anger at the security establishment
accusing its leadership of ‘betrayal’ by changing political tack.
They lamented about being used. The so-called patriotic brigade
is now training its guns on its erstwhile patrons.
Read: Politics of establishment
The entire episode highlights not only the consequences of the

deep involvement of the security agencies in political
engineering but also their role in manipulating sections of the
media. This was much more pronounced during Imran Khan’s
hybrid rule. Propped up by the security establishment, the Khan
government shut its eyes to reports of intimidation of journalists.
In fact, some of the senior politicians even tried to justify those

illegal actions. But with the fall of the government, the PTI
leadership too is on the warpath with their erstwhile
benefactors. They are extremely upset with the decision of the
military leadership to step back and stay ‘neutral’ in the ongoing
political power struggle.
The former prime minister describes the move as ‘perfidy’ and is
now spearheading a relentless campaign against the leadership
whom he had once declared as a ‘champion of democracy’. He
demands that the security establishment restore hybrid rule. It is
a highly dangerous game, and one that has laid bare his
undemocratic credentials.
The deep involvement in political engineering and manipulation

by sections of the establishment has made the current army
leadership and security agencies controversial. Observers have
pointed out that the leadership has not faced such an aspersive
campaign as the current one on social media. Curiously, much of
it seems to be run by the PTI’s own followers who were hitherto
hard-core supporters of the establishment.
The whole battle is to push the military deeper into politics.

Imran Khan wants the army to overthrow what he describes as
an ‘imported regime’ and ‘illegitimate rulers’.
Read: Country to head towards civil war if elections not

announced, says Imran Khan
Indeed, the army leadership’s decision to step back from its

partisan role is commendable. But it should not just be about
staying ‘neutral’ in the ongoing political fray: the military’s
shadow over politics should diminish and civilian rule and
institutions must be allowed to work unhindered. Of course, the
security establishment must support any democratically elected
government.
But there should be no return to the hybrid rule. Political
engineering has weakened the democratic process and badly
damaged civilian institutions. While, the political process should
be allowed to work without any interference, it is also imperative
for parties to work within a democratic political framework,
however flawed it may be. Involving the security establishment
in political matters has prevented institutional democracy from
taking root.
Instead of pulling the establishment into the political realm, the

PTI should learn to work within the system. It would be better for
the party to return to parliament rather than trying to blackmail
the security establishment. By paralysing the system, Imran Khan
has strengthened extra-constitutional forces. He should learn
from history that he cannot bring about any change through
agitational politics. He is mistaken that it is the security
establishment that can bring him back to power. His hope of
returning to power lies only through the democratic process.
It is imperative for the military leadership to pull itself out

completely from the political power game, and also important for
security agencies to refrain from indulging in illegal actions. The
Ayaz Amir incident raises questions about the claim that security
agencies will not be used for intimidation and unlawful actions.
The writer is an author and journalist.
zhussain100@yahoo.com
Twitter: @hidhussain

Mob ‘justice’ - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1698116/mob-justice
July 4, 2022
OVER the past few days, a string of deadly incidents has been
reported from Karachi in which enraged mobs have lynched
individuals over allegations of their involvement in criminal
activities. Moreover, most of the incidents have been reported
from one particular area of the metropolis: Orangi Town and its
peripheries. Last Tuesday, a mob got hold of a suspect, shot him
and set him on fire after the victim had apparently shot a citizen
during a robbery attempt. A few days earlier, two suspects were
lynched under similar circumstances, though relatives of the
men claimed they were innocent. Meanwhile, early in June, two
men met the same grisly end after a mob caught up with them
following a reported robbery incident. These shocking episodes
reflect a highly disturbing trend which needs to be curbed
immediately before the law of the jungle starts to prevail in this
unwieldy city.
While violent street crime is a valid concern and citizens are on

edge, such instances of vigilante justice should simply not be
tolerated. This is especially so when incidents have occurred in
the past of people being lynched after being accused of
involvement in a crime, only for it to emerge afterwards that
they were murdered due to personal vendettas. Considering that
the recent lynchings have occurred in the same area, police need
to be on alert, while those involved in this vigilantism must face
the law. Moreover, the fact is that in order to prevent such
barbaric acts from happening, the police must seriously improve
their performance where law enforcement is concerned. While
mischievous elements do try to exploit the situation and settle
scores, if the general public saw that the police was more active
in nabbing and punishing criminals, perhaps they would hand
suspects over to the law enforcers instead of delivering ‘justice’
themselves. There can be no space for lynchings in a civilised
society and law-enforcement officials need to confront this ugly
trend before it results in further lawlessness.
Opinion
Hazardous waste - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1698117/hazardous-waste
July 4, 2022
GIVEN we have not yet developed streamlined systems for

managing locally produced hazardous waste, we are inviting
disaster by becoming a dumping ground for global hazardous
waste. A parliamentary committee on climate change was
informed on Thursday that massive amounts of such material
was being imported from a number of countries, including the
UK, Iran, UAE and Saudi Arabia among others. Last year, the UK
alone dispatched 40,000 tonnes of waste to Pakistan, while Iran
and the UAE accounted for 25,000 and 20,000 tonnes,
respectively. As explained in the meeting, the recycling industry
across the country extracted metals such as gold, copper and
aluminium from the imported waste. The economic benefits of
developing countries importing waste from developed nations
are lost when the practice is not properly regulated. Indeed,
many environmentalists criticise the international waste trade
for reinforcing inequality on a global scale.
Pakistan itself generates 30m tonnes of municipal solid waste

annually. Of this, 10pc to 14pc is categorised as hazardous waste,
which includes hospital waste, e-waste and pesticides. Our
surface and groundwater resources are already under threat
from climate change and unsustainable industrial and
agricultural practices. The lack of comprehensive legislation and
an unscientific approach towards recycling — including
inappropriate handling and disposal of hazardous waste — is
exacerbating the issue, and posing risks to human health through
diversified channels. There are various ways of recycling
hazardous waste. These include reclamation, which entails
processing a material to salvage a reusable product; combustion
for energy recovery that involves burning the hazardous waste
as a fuel or using it as an ingredient to create fuel; etc. However,
such recycling requires significant safeguards to be in place if the
process itself is not to pose risks. That is also an area where
properly implemented regulations come in. But there is a lot of
ground to cover before we can arrive at that level of competency.
Consider that in 2019, 624 containers carrying all manner of
waste were dumped along the country’s coastline, with the
private party that imported it unable to be traced. It is vital that
the government devise policies and related implementation
mechanisms to effectively collect and manage waste as well as
rationalise the import of hazardous waste. Last week, the federal
cabinet approved the National Waste Management Policy 2022
which aims to do precisely that. In this endeavour, the provinces,
particularly their environment protection agencies, have a
critical role to play.
Opinion
Wise counsel - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1698118/wise-counsel
July 4, 2022
AMIDST the din of hateful rhetoric that tends to dominate the

public discourse when discussing Muslims in today’s India, that
country’s top court has made welcome observations regarding
the incendiary comments spewed by a BJP spokesperson during a
TV debate.
While hearing a number of complaints against the ruling party

leader, the Indian supreme court observed that Nupur Sharma’s
“loose tongue” had “set the country on fire” and that she “should
apologise to the whole nation”.
The court’s firm words need to be compared to the often arrogant

and insensitive remarks emanating from India’s executive
branch, as well as heavyweights within the BJP, where Muslims
are concerned.
The insulting remarks directed at the Holy Prophet (PBUH) by the

party spokeswoman last month had elicited a strong reaction
from India’s Muslims as well as Muslim states, with
demonstrations sweeping the country and around 20 states
summoning Indian envoys to express their displeasure.
Linked to the controversy was the grisly beheading of a Hindu

tailor in Udaipur late last month allegedly by two Muslim
suspects after the victim had reportedly supported the
blasphemous remarks on social media.
In order to prevent communal frenzy, responsible pillars of the
Indian state, as well as civil society, need to speak up against
bigotry, much as the supreme court has done.
Read: India has turned Muslims into a 'persecuted minority', says

Noam Chomsky
Unfortunately, under the BJP’s watch hate-mongers and Muslim-

baiters have been given free rein to demonise the community,
while the state itself has played a central role in legalising anti-
Muslim discrimination. This has resulted in the ‘otherisation’ of
Indian Muslims, as well as extremist reactions such as the one
witnessed in Udaipur.
The ideologues of the Sangh Parivar want nothing more than

there to be a permanent state of conflict between Hindus and
Muslims. That is why progressive elements in India must play a
bigger role in countering anti-Muslim venom.
Moreover, India is extremely sensitive to outside critique. That is

why foreign states must call out New Delhi if it continues its
prejudiced policies.
In this regard, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif raised the issue of

Islamophobia in India with the US ambassador, while the
American secretary of state had earlier expressed concern about
“rising attacks on people and places of worship” in India.
The US needs to ask India to do more to protect its minorities,

just as it asks its rivals — such as China — and countries like
Pakistan to protect religious freedom. As for the rich Gulf Arab
states, they also need to send a message to India that trade ties
will be affected if anti-Muslim violence persists.
At the core of the matter is the fact that the Sangh Parivar and its
political underlings refuse to acknowledge India’s Muslims as full
citizens of the country, with fundamental rights to be protected.
Fuelling the fires of communalism for petty political gains is
dangerous and can have a long-lasting impact on India’s stability.

Right to privacy - Newspaper
dawn.com/news/1698120/right-to-privacy
July 4, 2022
THE inviolability of a person’s privacy of home and dignity is a

fundamental right under Article 14 of the Constitution. It is one
of the rare strongly worded constitutional rights which has not
been further saddled with ‘reasonable restrictions as per law’.
However, despite the drafters specifically using the word
‘privacy’ (unlike in the US Constitution where the right to privacy
was recognised by interpreting penumbras cast by other
constitutional protections), there is still scant understanding of
what the term ‘privacy’ really means and what types of
restrictions it entails.
In simple speak, the right to privacy can be best understood as

just that: the right to keep private, the right of a person to keep
any matter free from any type of unwarranted interference or
surveillance (government or private). The right to privacy is
divided into four major substantive areas: territorial, bodily,
communications and information privacy.
Territorial privacy is arguably the oldest conception of privacy.

Arising from the capitalist concept of land ownership —
territorial privacy entails the right of a person to enjoy solitude
within their own home or any other property they might own. A
strict textual interpretation of Article 14 would suggest that this
is the only form of privacy guaranteed in Pakistan. However, the
Supreme Court in ‘Mohatarma Benazir Bhutto vs President of
Pakistan’ read Article 14 expansively, to provide the blanket of
privacy protections to all facets of Pakistani citizens’ lives: “The
term ‘privacy of home’ cannot be restricted to the privacy in
respect of home, the privacy within the four walls of the home. It
refers to the privacy, which is sacred and secure like the privacy
a person enjoys in his home. Such privacy of home a person is
entitled to enjoy wherever he lives or works, inside the premises
or in open land. Even the privacy of a person cannot be intruded
in public places.”
Bodily privacy is a more contemporary interpretation of the

concept of privacy which has been relied upon by feminist
movements to enforce the broader right of bodily autonomy. In
January 2021, Justice Ayesha Malik upheld this form of privacy
when the Lahore High Court in the ‘Sadaf Aziz vs the Federation
of Pakistan’ declared the two-finger test for female sexual assault
survivors (known as the ‘virginity test’) to be illegal and
unconstitutional because it was “by its very nature invasive and
an infringement on the privacy of a woman to her body”.
Information privacy has arguably become the hottest topic.
Privacy of communications and correspondence has always been

well understood — society has frowned upon eavesdropping on
private conversations. As technology has evolved, the techniques
of interception and mass surveillance have expanded as well,
birthing the need for even more advanced legal protections to
curtail and regulate the government’s powers of eavesdropping
on its citizens. The Supreme Court of Pakistan in the
aforementioned ‘Mohatarma Benazir Bhutto’case upheld this
form of privacy when it clearly stipulated restrictions on
government surveillance of citizens’ communications: “It is
unlawful to intercept, reveal the existence of and disclose or
divulge the contents of, wire or oral communications, unless the
interceptor has previously obtained an order of a court
permitting a wiretap or other interception of the communication,
or one party has consented to the interception.”
Finally, we come to information privacy, which has become

arguably the hottest topic in privacy law in modern times due to
the advent of Big Tech, surveillance capitalism and predictive
behavioural AI algorithms. Information privacy arises from the
collection and processing of personal data/information of people
by government and private entities for commercial or any other
reasons. Informational privacy has recently taken centre stage in
privacy circles because of the Snowden Leaks and Cambridge
Analytica scandals. While the former exposed how people’s
information on the World Wide Web is being massively
surveilled by US intelligence agencies, the latter exposed an even
darker reality: how information being shared by us with
seemingly harmless social media companies can actually be used
to psychologically profile us, manipulate our political choices,
and polarise our democracies.
In Pakistan, the right to information privacy is still not

acknowledged as evident in the complete lack of any national/
provincial/ comprehensive or sectoral data protection
regulations. Nor is there any judicial precedent. The status of
Pakistan’s draft data protection bill is also in limbo at the
moment due to the recent change in government. Our
legislatures and courts need to move fast and recognise and
affirm our right to keep our information private so as to fulfil
and secure the promise of Article 14 — or else the citizens of
Pakistan will risk losing their privacy and dignity in the digital
era.
The writer is a data privacy and technology law specialist.

Karachi’s lost buses
dawn.com/news/1698121/karachis-lost-buses
July 4, 2022
IN an impressive ceremony last month, a new bus service was

launched in Karachi to address the difficulties of commuters.
Officials said the buses would ply on seven routes. Operations on
the first route have begun. Other routes will gradually become
functional. Many observers see this as a move towards winning
votes in the approaching local bodies polls. After all, Sindh had
launched a similar service with 10 buses before the 2018
elections!
A similar government-subsidised venture was launched two

decades ago. Several bus routes were created in Karachi.
Attractive but expensive buses were imported and operated on
these routes with the support of the erstwhile City District
Government Karachi. Within a few years, the buses became
fewer in number and were eventually phased out. Clearly, it was
difficult to sustain government-subsidised transport in the city.
But officialdom has learned no lessons.
Whenever citizens question the state of public transport in

Karachi, they are told that once the bus rapid transit (BRT)
becomes fully functional, these problems will go away. So far, 80
buses are operating on the Green Line from Surjani Town to
Numaish Chowrangi. Work on the Red Line has begun — its most
‘notable’ feature being the cutting down of trees, unfortunately.
Contrary to what the consultants involved in this project say, it is
unlikely that the dream of affordable and comfortable travel will
be realised through these buses.
There are many challenges. If and when all seven BRT corridors
become functional, they will still cater to less than eight per cent
of the total number of passenger trips in the city. They have been
built at a very high cost. Loans have been taken from
development finance institutions. To run these buses, an annual
high subsidy will be needed, which will be next to impossible for
the government to provide. Once the financial burden proves too
much, the buses will come to a grinding halt — as did the bus
services of the Karachi Transport Corporation in 1996 and the
Karachi Circular Railway trains in 1999.
Commuters’ problems won’t go away with the new bus service.
Everyone criticises the old rickety buses. But there are multiple
reasons why the operating conditions for public buses have been
impacted. Rising fuel prices, the poor condition of roads,
extortion by traffic police, limited credit facilities for
maintenance of buses and virtually no possibility of accessing
affordable credit to buy new buses are among them.
Previously, Karachi neighbourhoods were linked to the city

centre, industrial zones, educational and major healthcare
facilities with public buses, and later minibuses, which provided
an affordable and dependable option of commuting. Studies for
the Karachi Development Plan 1973-85 showed that about 70pc of
passenger trips were accomplished through public buses. Federal
‘B’ Area residents were served by bus fleets taking routes 5C, 6,
6A, 6B; New Karachi 4H; Federal Capital Area and Moosa Colony
5A, 5B and 5D; North Nazimabad 3, 2K, 2D, 2; Clifton 20; Orangi
Town 1D, 1C etc. Some buses and minibuses operated almost
round the clock. The operators connected with the commuters
reasonably well. In some cases, conductors were given
instructions to help the elderly and children board the vehicle
and alight at their designated stops. Special people were offered
a seat out of consideration for their state. Female passengers
used buses with few concerns.
Private cars and motorcycles were far less in number. For work,
education and recreation, Karachi buses were a common option.
Residents could easily change buses to arrive at relatively far-off
destinations. Karachi’s low-income settlements were well-
integrated into city life thanks to these buses. It is sad then that
ordinary bus services are not the focus of transport policy and
assistance. In fact, during episodes of unrest, the vehicles are
often burnt and vandalised. Through their associations, the
affected bus operators ask the government for compensation but
are given only partial relief after continuous requests. If we
provide an enabling environment, buses and minibuses can
serve ordinary residents without being a burden on public funds.
Given our present economic situation, officialdom would do well

to rationalise its policies for ordinary buses. Multiple
conversations with transporters and an analysis of the situation
reveal that rudimentary interventions in the sector can bring
about effective revitalisation of public transport. The provision of
affordable credit lines to transporters, the development of
terminal spaces, drivers’ education and training, checks on traffic
police and protection against attacks on buses in case of riots are
important. Also, with more buses, tri-wheelers can adjust to
feeder routes and strike a working relationship with bus and
minibus operators.
The writer is an academic and researcher based in Karachi.

A challenging census
dawn.com/news/1698122/a-challenging-census
July 4, 2022
PAKISTAN has planned the next (digital) census in October 2022

after an inter-censal interval of just five years — instead of the
conventional 10 years followed by other countries — and after
missing the 2001 and 2011 censuses. The last census, conducted
in 2017, was based on the traditional methodology with an
application of conventional tools and a paper-based
questionnaire, and its results were challenged. Pakistan is taking
a big leap of faith in planning to move to a so-called digital
census with only a few months of preparation.
In the meanwhile, other countries have made significant

progress in both the methodology and use of technology.
Neighbouring Iran and Egypt have successfully conducted a
digital census while Turkey has made progress in introducing the
combined census methodology. Better capture of urban areas in
censuses have also been significant in Bangladesh and India. But
all these countries, according to experts who attended the 22nd
Annual Conference of the Population Association of Pakistan,
went through long periods of preparation and iterative testing.
Iran’s design and planning for the 2016 e-census took two whole
years with 20 dedicated working groups and committees. Egypt
took two years to prepare, design, plan, and initiate the pilot
testing of the 2017 e-census. The question is, how strong is our
groundwork for undertaking the 2022 digital census? Is the
Pakistan Bureau of Statistics (PBS) prepared and confident or
merely complying with political expediency and the whims of
transitioning to the electronic age without serious consideration?
The planning phase is vital and central for a census. A census
technical committee was constituted in 2021 and was asked to
complete its recommendations for the next census in a record
three months. The recommendations have already been
published by the PBS. A National Census Coordination Centre has
been announced to oversee the actual census. However, a census
action plan elaborating all the operational stages of the census is
missing. This has either not been prepared or has not been made
public.
If the pilot testing in August is to be followed by the full census in October 2022,
it must entail a full dress rehearsal.
A fully digitised census, as defined by the United Nations

Statistical Commission (UNSC), requires key geospatial
technological tools for use in census mapping, including satellite
images, aerial photography, geo-referenced address registry and
GIS for enumeration maps. Accordingly, the automation (e-
census/ digital census) would include a pre-enumeration phase/
delineation of enumeration areas through the utilisation of
digital maps at all levels. Such maps, if shared widely with the
public and political leadership, would give everyone much
greater confidence that their jurisdictions are adequately
covered.
While the PBS does expect to transfer data collected in face-to-

face interviews with the handheld data collection instrument,
other steps such as GIS facilities for data collection as well as
data edits and cleaning require a trained cadre of professionals
and a qualified internet network to allow direct transfer of data
from the handheld instruments to the central data centre. It is
not clear whether the GIS Wing under the Support Services Wing
of the PBS has the systems in place to meet the standards set by
the UNSC, as well as the requirements for the first-time digital
census of Pakistan. The National Statistical and Spatial Data
System is said to be capable of providing a map-digitising facility,
for accuracy and better visualisation of enumeration areas using
imagery. If these maps are shared with the public, they would
allay many of our fears that several parts of the country might be
erroneously missed.
A pre-test is scheduled for August. The testing of the

questionnaire in the environs of large cities will not be enough to
assess the challenging new methodology of the forthcoming
census. Before the actual roll-out and implementation of the e-
census, Iran and Egypt conducted two pilot tests. For the 2016
Iran census, the first pilot test was conducted in 2014 to check the
information that was already available and to compare
preliminary results. The second test conducted in 2015 tested,
checked and validated the prerequisites. If the pilot testing in
August is to be quickly followed by the full census in October
2022, it must entail a full dress rehearsal. It should not be limited
to the census questionnaire(s); it should also test prerequisite
arrangements of the 2022 census.
Foremost are concerns about the anticipated response rate. What

is the expectation for Pakistan, where illiteracy rates are high
especially among women? After all, the 2017 census done
through standard paper interviews was misconstrued and is still
disputed. The response rate in Iran for the online completion of
census was encouraging. In highly educated Canada, the online
completion only reached 68 per cent in the third round of this
type of census. The transition to digital and self-enumeration
needs to be gradual, based on the experience of other countries
of the world.
Questions about the 2022 census are already on the public’s

minds. Above all, the public deserves a full explanation of the
steps planned and confidence in the system through open
communications on the census prior to its start.
The PBS has successfully managed the use of computer tablets in

its two recent large-scale activities, but there is a big difference
between surveys and censuses. Census results, with which
political demarcation and financial resources are tied, cannot
afford to be contested in each round. Lessons learnt from the
earlier Census 2017 is that execution in two long spells was
counterproductive. The duration of the enumeration phase must
be short and continuous. And full transparency of data collection
and data processing, especially with the provinces, should be
ensured.
Undoubtedly, the use of technology in all census phases would

help alleviate mistrust of the census data and build confidence. A
high-level advisory committee could be established by engaging
provinces, different ministries, and universities and, like Egypt, it
should be headed by a federal minister and include civil society
and government experts. Above all, the 2022 Census Action Plan
must be shared in advance with parliamentarians as well as
major political parties and media to avoid the pitfalls of rejection
of the results even before the expensive and laborious census
process starts.
Dr G.M. Arif is President, Population Association of Pakistan.
Dr Zeba Sathar is Country Director, Population Council.

A national consensus agenda
dawn.com/news/1698123/a-national-consensus-agenda
July 4, 2022
IN today’s polarised and charged political environment the idea

of national consensus may seem implausible if not impossible.
But that doesn’t detract from its importance as key issues
consequential to Pakistan’s future are in urgent need of national
consensus. The complex nature of the country’s overlapping
challenges and the fact that no single party can tackle these on its
own should urge political leaders to rise above partisan interests
and consider evolving agreement on core issues even as they
continue to compete with each other.
What are these core issues?

Economic revival: First and foremost, economic recovery and a
plan to achieve this. The economy is obviously not out of the
woods. Policy actions agreed with the IMF to address Pakistan’s
financial crisis should not become a source of contention or be
politicised, when both the government and opposition know that
without a Fund deal the country will be unable to meet its
external obligations, repay debt and access financing from other
sources. But the IMF programme should be a part of, and not a
substitute for, a broader homegrown economic strategy.
Stabilisation measures are necessary but not sufficient. Pakistan
needs a path to growth and a plan to fix structural problems to
end the vicious cycle of high budget/ balance-of-payments deficits
and chronic foreign exchange crises that have led to repeated
IMF bailouts.
Unless underlying structural issues are tackled, the country will

not be able to escape from the trap of slow growth, low savings
and investment, high deficits, heavy borrowing, growing
indebtedness and soaring inflation. A band-aid approach is
unsustainable. Consensus is necessary on longer-term, structural
measures. As a narrow tax base, reflected in a low and almost
stagnant tax-to-GDP ratio, is the source of fiscal problems, serious
tax reform is a priority. This should aim at an equitable, simple
and nationally enforced regime to give the country a single tax
system. Ending exemptions, simplifying the convoluted sales tax
structure, and ensuring tax compliance should be part of reform
actions. Pakistan also needs to square the circle between over-
taxation and under-collection.
Pakistan needs champions of reform, not champions of empty rhetoric.
The energy crisis is taking a heavy toll on the economy and

testing people’s patience. That gives urgency to power sector
reform which requires tough decisions and the widest political
support. Similarly, agreement is essential on privatising loss-
making, state-owned enterprises that bloat budget deficits. A
single, liberal business regulatory framework for the country and
commitments for policy continuity are crucial to build and
sustain investor confidence. The State Bank’s operational
autonomy with the market deciding the exchange rate should
also be agreed. An ailing economy cannot be in anyone’s interest.
Consensual democracy. Political stability, on which economic

revival depends, requires consensus between all stakeholders
not just on continuance of democracy but its functioning by
tolerance and consensus. Democracy shouldn’t be limited to the
ballot box. It should determine how the country is governed
between elections. The federal nature of the polity makes this
imperative. As does the regionalisation of politics and electoral
outcomes that leaves different provinces in the hands of political
parties distinct from the one controlling the centre. The federal
government has to work with and not against opposition-run
provinces to build inter-provincial consensus on major issues.
While the central government can enact laws and take reform
measures, their enforcement requires the consent of all
provinces. The role of the military is another crucial area that
needs agreement. A firm popular consensus already exists that
elected representatives should be in charge of governance. This
indicates the delegitimisation of military intervention in politics
and governance in public eyes. But political leaders must also
embrace this consensus and not seek to drag the army into
politics to fight their battles. The military too should respect the
principle of civilian supremacy even though on security policy it
will continue to have a significant voice. This civil-military
rebalancing of power will help to promote political stability.
Education: No issue is more consequential to a secure and

prosperous Pakistan than the coverage and quality of education
available to our children. Yet the facts remain grim. Pakistan has
the world’s second highest number of children out of school —
22.8 million. Twelve million are girls. It means 44 per cent of
children aged five to 16 years do not go to school. This violates
the constitutional obligation set out in Article 25A that enjoins
the state to “provide free and compulsory education to all
children of the age of five to 16 years”. Of those who go to school
drop-out rates are high. All this is the result of decades of neglect
and chronic underspending on education by successive
governments. At 2.6pc of GDP, this is among the lowest in South
Asia. Just 14 of 195 countries spend less on education than
Pakistan. Given Pakistan’s demographic profile, young people
face a jobless and hopeless future unless the scale and quality of
education is expanded. This should spur the country’s leaders
into treating education as a national emergency. Pakistan needs
champions of reform not champions of vacuous rhetoric on
education.
Population planning: Pakistan’s population of over 224m makes

it the the world’s fifth most populous nation. In 2040, the
population is projected to reach 302m. The annual growth rate of
2pc is among the highest in the region. This has far-reaching
economic and social consequences. Yet this pivotal issue rarely
figures in any government’s priorities. The demographic
structure, with youth constituting 64pc of the population under
30, means almost 4m young people join the working age
population every year. This in turn requires 1.4m new jobs to be
created annually, according to a UNDP report. The confluence of
demographics, economic stagnation and persisting education and
gender gaps confronts Pakistan with the spectre of social
instability even social breakdown in the decades ahead if
consensus is not forged on population control measures.
These fundamental issues among other critical ones, including

water scarcity and climate change, will determine Pakistan’s fate
and fortunes. They represent tests of leadership for all the
country’s political players. Can they rise above their narrow
interests and defy the widespread perception that Pakistan is a
state bereft of statesmen?
The writer is a former ambassador to the US, UK & UN.

Assaulting journalists
dawn.com/news/1697950/assaulting-journalists
July 3, 2022
ANOTHER day, another citizen roughed up for speaking his mind.

The assault on veteran journalist Ayaz Amir by unidentified men
in Lahore late Friday night is just the latest reminder that
speaking the bitter truth never goes unpunished by those who
have been allowed to run amok in this land of the pure. What
was Mr Amir’s ‘crime’ that he was subjected to such brutish
treatment? That he had not pulled any punches when he went
after the military, real estate tycoons and former prime minister
Imran Khan while addressing the latter during a symposium he
had addressed a day earlier? Mr Amir had been quite unreserved
while holding the establishment responsible for the political
crisis faced by the country, but he had also criticised the PTI
government for acting as a facilitator while it seized greater
control of the levers of power. He had also slammed Mr Khan for
pandering to real estate tycoons and giving them too much space
to tear and destroy while lining their own pockets. The public
had found his speech refreshing for its audacity. Even PTI
supporters were supportive of the journalist’s decision to speak
the ugly truth in public. Yet somebody, clearly, was not amused.
The question of who is behind the assault on Mr Amir may be as

yet officially unanswered, and, as in other such cases, it is likely
to remain so. Nevertheless, some are quite convinced that the
usual suspects were involved. Whatever the case may be, the
sheer brazenness of the attack should give us some pause. It
seems that the message is that one should expect prompt
‘disciplining’ if they cross the line. Never mind the age of the
victim, their health, or their standing in society: hired guns will
be set upon you to inflict physical and psychological pain if you
step too hard on a powerful ego. Tragically, this is Pakistan on the
eve of the 75th anniversary of its independence.
Published in Dawn, July 3rd, 2022
Opinion
Flooding alert - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1697951/flooding-alert
July 3, 2022
THE Gilgit-Baltistan government has issued an alert about the

possible flooding of areas along river banks and nullahs owing to
the rapidly melting glaciers amid an ongoing heatwave. The next
few days will be critical — especially for communities living
under constant threat in the downstream areas and near lakes
and rivers. In recent years the region has been hit by an
increasing number of natural disasters — flash floods, glacial
lake outburst flooding, landslides and earthquakes —as a result
of the changing global climate. Reports suggest that the incidence
of landslides and flash floods has increased in both winter and
summer after the 2010 super floods. According to a report,
melting glaciers in the Himalayan, Hindu Kush and Karakoram
mountain ranges have created thousands of glacial lakes in the
north. In the last couple of months, for instance, people from
several districts of the region have seen their roads, bridges,
homes and livelihoods washed away by floods triggered by
torrential rains and glacial lake outbursts caused by fast-melting
glaciers. The recurrent flooding has damaged crops and trees,
and displaced communities. In some cases, lives have been lost.
Even though the government and its disaster management
agencies claim they have a plan to deal with the situation, past
experience shows that help always arrives a little too late.
Disaster management has remained a problematic area in the

country, despite the investments of billions of rupees and the
creation of new agencies to deal with catastrophic situations.
That is mainly because the role of the disaster management
agencies has remained limited largely to the provision of rescue
services and shelter for the victims. There’s no comprehensive
strategy to minimise the impact of disasters, especially floods, on
the people and economy. A few weeks ago, the federal climate
change minister warned that large parts of the country could
face floods in the aftermath of torrential rains this year and that
there was a “clear risk of flooding in Karachi, Lahore, Multan,
Peshawar, Islamabad and other big cities”. Has anything been
done to prepare for such a situation? No. True, no one can avert
natural disasters. But this should not stop governments from
taking steps to mitigate their impact. With experts predicting
more extreme natural events in the years ahead, because of the
effects of climate change, it is imperative that the role of disaster
management agencies is redefined and investments are made in
communities that are more vulnerable to dangerous weather
events.
Opinion
Skyrocketing prices
dawn.com/news/1697952/skyrocketing-prices
July 3, 2022
IT is a record that the new government would have wished to see

remain unbroken. Inflation in the month of June smashed
through the 20pc ceiling for the first time since December 2008,
registering at a bruising 21.3pc for the month. A weakening of
the rupee — caused in part by the new government’s policy
uncertainty and waffling statements regarding the resumption of
the IMF programme — added to woes by inflating the cost of
imports even further.
The 13-year inflation peak came on the back of runaway fuel

prices, which — as part of measures to woo the IMF — were
unfettered from an unsustainable price cap imposed by the PTI
government in late February.
Worryingly, food inflation registered a staggering 25.9pc increase

over the previous year, threatening the food security of those
most vulnerable to inflationary shocks. There has been a major
crisis due to an edible oil shortage following an export ban
imposed on the commodity by Indonesia, the world’s largest
exporter of edible oil. Ghee and cooking oil prices were rising
nearly on a weekly basis at one point as hoarders and miscreants
sought to take advantage of the demand-supply shortfall in the
absence of any regulatory oversight by the government.
Read: Price gouging adds to ‘double whammy’ of hike

Not only edible oil, traders also looked to take advantage of the
prevailing uncertainty to jack up prices of meat, fruit and
vegetables in both urban and rural centres as the government
failed to put in place any regulatory mechanisms to prevent
price-gouging. What should really worry the government is that
food inflation in rural areas surged to 27pc year-on-year last
month, putting major pressure on rural incomes during a time
when most crops remained extremely water-stressed and
depleted. A wheat shortage is also looming on the horizon, which
is likely to make it even more costly for the average citizen to eat.
The economy is going through a painful adjustment at the

moment and all markets are in disequilibrium as demand and
supply adjust to inflationary pressures. Some sellers are seeking
to take advantage of the prevailing disorder by creating artificial
shortages or jacking up prices based on different pretexts.
Economics dictates that prices will eventually reach a rational
level as buyers adjust their spending and sellers realise they
cannot continue to make unnatural profits during an economic
downturn.
However, the government cannot give profiteers and hoarders a

free hand till the markets reach a new equilibrium. Global
market conditions may be uncontrollable, but oversight of local
markets is still very much in the state’s domain. The government
must act in coordination with the provinces to take strict action
against exploitative practices and protect citizens’ interests
where it can. Taking a back seat during a period when the
average citizen is being crushed under unprecedented economic
pain could prove politically disastrous for the PML-N and its
allies.

Economic engagement
dawn.com/news/1697953/economic-engagement
July 3, 2022
INTERSTATE economic engagement has emerged as a priority

strand of modern-era diplomacy. An instructive example is the
US-China relationship. Both countries are vying for influence
across continents, and yet remain engaged in complex economic
interdependence. In 2021, the US and China traded goods and
services worth $755 billion. Besides, Beijing has purchased
significant US Treasury securities. Similarly, India and China
have clashed over border issues yet their bilateral trade has
blossomed as have investments in each other’s country.
Another feature of interstate economic engagement is the

emergence of interests-based ties and coalitions. It is possible for
two countries to be partners on one global or regional issue and
rivals on the other. For instance, Italy and Germany are
neighbours and partners in the EU, yet have divergent positions
on UNSC reform, where Germany wants a permanent seat. India
may be a strategic partner of the US in the latter’s competition
with China, but shares many positions with China on climate
change negotiations.
Given such a competitive yet interdependent world, the one

criterion that seems to rule today’s diplomacy is the pursuit of
national interests on the basis of mutuality of economic and
other benefits. Examples are aplenty. India hasn’t given up on its
traditional friendship with Russia despite close engagement with
the US in recent years. In fact, Russia remains a large supplier of
military equipment to India, and more recently, India decided to
buy Russian oil disregarding the Western sanctions imposed on
Moscow due to its war with Ukraine. Another example is of the
ties between Japan and China. Both nurse a traditionally difficult
relationship, and yet are engaged in commerce, trade and
investments.
Indians and Pakistanis should be stakeholders in regional peace.
No wonder Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari, speaking at

the Institute of Strategic Studies Islamabad last month, called for
engaging closely with regional nations to unlock the potential of
regional cooperation. The approach makes sense. However, in
South Asia’s case, the challenge is the deep mistrust between
India and Pakistan and the lingering conflicts between them,
particularly the Kashmir dispute. The other complication is that
the Modi government has shunned India’s earlier policy of
pluralism and secularism. It has embarked on a Hindutva-driven
policy of creating a Hindu rashtra. This approach is causing a
commotion in India, with severe implications for the minorities.
To overcome this challenge, India and Pakistan could do what the
rest of the world is doing. Both countries would be better off if
there were ways to increase interaction not only between the two
governments but also among the multiple stakeholders of their
respective polities, including traders, investors, scholars and
sportspersons. The objective is to make the people of India and
Pakistan stakeholders in regional peace. The most promising
area would be bilateral trade, which builds peace constituencies
on both sides. Investments raise mutual stakes and thus act as a
peace enabler. Scores of studies have been conducted to illustrate
the enormous potential that Pakistan-India trade holds for the
economic well-being of both peoples.
Total disengagement works to the advantage of the detractors of

peace. Pakistan has often argued with India that every time there
is a terrorist attack, India suspends or stops bilateral engagement
with Pakistan, thus fulfilling the aims of those who committed
terrorism and stopping cooperation between the two countries.
India’s disengagement policy is costly for both states. For
instance, India’s suspension of dialogue with Pakistan
immediately after the Mumbai terrorist attacks in 2008 wasted
considerable positive work that had been done jointly by the
Farmers Association of Pakistan and the Centre for Research in
Rural and Industrial Development in Chandigarh to promote
agriculture-related cooperation. The plan had identified scores of
complementarities, which could have served both countries well
had India not disengaged.
For their part, Pakistani leaders, policy practitioners, diplomats
and scholars should define Pakistan’s national interests in terms
of the socioeconomic well-being of our citizens. True, security is a
precondition for any economic enterprise. The new thinking,
however, is that while holding firm to our policy on core issues,
especially Kashmir, building economic stakes with neighbours
and beyond actually makes our nation far more secure. The
National Security Policy unveiled earlier this year also rightly
accorded primacy to economic security. Pakistan must leverage
its geography to become a pivot that connects South Asia to
Western and Central Asia. This would complement the North-
South connectivity which Pakistan and China are pursuing
through CPEC.
The writer, a former foreign secretary, is DG, Institute of Strategic

Studies Islamabad and the author of Diplomatic Footprints.

‘The writer is a lawyer’
dawn.com/news/1697954/the-writer-is-a-lawyer
July 3, 2022
READING these pages for the first time as a child, I was

particularly fascinated by the kinds of people who wrote for
them.
They all seemed very cool and intelligent; otherworldly beings

descended to impart their wisdom on us mere mortals. Authors,
economists, journalists, civil servants. But more often than any
other, the description at the bottom of a column bore the five
words at the top of this one. Nothing more. Nothing less.
If you were to look up the writer for more details, you’d quickly
discover that they’re a senior partner at a successful firm, went
to an Ivy League university, and famously won a case that made
constitutional history and rescued an orphanage or something.
But for now, the simple fact of their profession is all they’d like to
convey.
Today, many of those otherworldly beings seem a lot more

human. I sometimes write for these pages too, my description
bearing a few extra words (mainly because I view my work as a
writer to be wholly separate, rather than an extension of the day
job). But a question remains: of all the professions in this
country, why do the voices of lawyers tend to be the loudest in
activism?
The world is cruel, but the justice system is crueller.
For a start, there’s a lot of them. Seemingly defying all logic,

countless people every year take a deep dive into a job where the
vast majority are underpaid, overworked, and (considering some
recent events) not winning any popularity contests either.
Starting out isn’t easy. You often see folks in their 50s referred to
with utmost sincerity as ‘rising young lawyers’. One can only
then assume that a fresh grad in their 20s is an unborn collection
of bacteria, not yet worthy of the oxygen it consumes. But fear
not, because it’s moulded in the most humbling of training
grounds.
See, the world is cruel, but the justice system is crueller. And this
is a job where you’re constantly exposed to everything corrupt
and crooked about society. A typical workday can deal with
decades-old disputes, familial betrayals and varieties of
fraudulence as abundant and unique as flavours of ice cream.
Like a doctor might become desensitised to the sight of blood, so
do lawyers to the painful reality of injustice. But of course, it
changes you. For some, that can make them cold and ruthless in
the face of ambition; or bitter and angry, fostering tribalistic
tendencies (the kind that lead you to attack hospitals or beat up
policemen).
But to others, it can remind them of why they got into this job in
the first place — a sincere desire to make society better. That
sincerity will be tested time and time again, and its proponents
will need a crocodile-thick skin if they are to get anywhere.
After all, writing about what you believe in is an exercise in

audacity (who am I to think I have anything worth saying?). And
on most days, even the most simple, convincing arguments will
(to quote Asad Rahim Khan), have “the effect of most columns,
which is to say none”.
Nevertheless, the perseverant succeed. Asma Jahangir made this

country a better place for its most vulnerable citizens by
speaking out and following through with action. Her legacy lives
on in countless lawyers struggling for the same goal. In Pakistan’s
history there has been no other group as consistent in its
opposition to dictators. A 1964 article in Time Magazine mentions
president Ayub Khan deriding lawyers’ groups as ‘mischief
mongers’ for supporting Fatima Jinnah’s struggle for democracy.
That same mischief persists to this day. May it continue
evermore.
Anthony Bourdain wrote a beautiful piece for the New Yorker in
1999 about being a chef in New York. He described it as “the
science of pain”, deriving from the principles of stoicism in the
face of humiliation, injury, fatigue, and the threat of illness.
And while I’m still a few decades short of enough experience to

reflect on the profession, I’ll exercise some of that writers’
audacity and describe law in Pakistan as the science of the
absurd. (The second half of Bourdain’s statement doesn’t differ
too much here.) Laws will be flawed, judgements will be baffling,
the game will be rigged, and there will be nothing you can do
about it. So, you will find some solace in speaking your truth,
even if it falls on deaf ears, does you more personal harm than
good, and proves to be nothing more than a shout into the void.
But what if it isn’t? What if the words on these pages mean

something, occasionally fall onto the right eyes, and make a tiny
difference in the grand scheme of the absurd? After all, this
country came into existence because of the dream of a poet and
the efforts of a lawyer, right?
But Quaid-i-Azam dreamed of playing Romeo at the theatre, and

Allama Iqbal was a barrister with a legal practice in Lahore.
These are often presented as contrasting identities — the lawyer
and the dreamer, the professional and the creative, the sacred
and the profane — when really, they’re two sides of the same
coin. Interwoven.
The writer is a lawyer and columnist from Okara.

Twitter: @hkwattoo1
Roshan solutions for innovation
dawn.com/news/1697956/roshan-solutions-for-innovation
July 3, 2022
WHEN the State Bank of Pakistan launched the Roshan Digital

Account initiative for overseas Pakistanis in September 2020, it
had at its core a principal premise and a proposition. The
premise was that overseas Pakistanis want to save and invest in
Pakistan but are hampered by three key hurdles created by our
banking system: difficulties in opening an account including the
requirement for physical presence and extensive and varied
documentary requirements; regulatory restrictions against
taking their investments out of Pakistan at will without the need
for regulatory approvals; and the anxiety posed by an
unpredictable taxation regime on the earnings from investments
brought into Pakistan.
The proposition was that if the regulator recognises and
addresses these hurdles, overseas Pakistanis will step forward
and send their savings to Pakistan for investment and other
purposes. This core idea proved essential to Roshan’s eventual
success where previous initiatives to mobilise the diaspora’s
savings, such as Pakistan Banao Certificates, had failed.
The time has come to apply the same core ideas that were behind
SBP’s Roshan initiative to another key constituency that needs to
be better supported by our banking system: Pakistan’s innovators
and especially those working in technology-related areas. This
group includes start-ups, companies offering IT and IT-enabled
services (ITeS) including software exports, and freelancers. Their
frustrations with our banking system are similar to those that
overseas Pakistanis experienced until the Roshan initiative:
difficulties in opening a bank account and accessing key banking
services, inability to easily repatriate foreign currency that they
may bring into the country from selling their services abroad or
raising foreign capital, and fear of unpredictable taxes on
earnings from funds they may bring from abroad.
Read: Roshan Digital Account: a landmark initiative for NRPs
Take start-ups for instance. By media accounts they raised more

than $350 million in 2021, partly helped by SBP’s relaxations of
the foreign exchange regulatory framework in early 2021 for
raising foreign funding. However, most start-ups are not bringing
into Pakistan the funds they have raised overseas. Typically, they
bring in only the minimum amounts needed for local expenses.
Similarly, software exporters and freelancers are earning foreign
exchange through exporting their services but keep as much of
the proceeds abroad as possible. As a result, Pakistan is deprived
of foreign exchange that is badly needed especially at this
juncture. More importantly, our innovators may be missing out
on opportunities for growth and effectively competing in the
international marketplace for the services they provide because
the financial system — instead of supporting them — is
hindering them.
The time has come to apply the core ideas behind the Roshan initiative to
another key constituency.
How could the key principles behind the Roshan initiative be

applied for the banking system to better support Pakistan’s
innovators? First, all key stakeholders in the public sector would
need to embrace the goal that this constituency needs to be
supported. The area that traditionally has given consternation to
a regulator is repatriability: that whatever you bring in from
outside is free for you to take back along with any earned profit
on the investment. On the one hand this would appear logical. On
the other, our history is rife with good-intentioned initiatives
being misused. The same concerns arose at the time of launching
Roshan. The solution was to devise safeguards in the process to
limit misuse. The same approach is needed in this case with the
view that the benefits of giving such flexibility would more than
outweigh any risks. Besides, if we don’t try, how would we know?
Second, it would be important for the initiative to be owned and

driven by the central bank. This is to assure the intended
beneficiaries that the policy would not change with any changes
of government. Similar concerns arose with Roshan at the time
of the recent change in government. Rumours began circulating
on social media that the political change may mean
discontinuation of Roshan. SBP had to step in to reiterate that
Roshan was an initiative of the central bank. Investors and
foreign exchange earners need to have the comfort that the
policy regime under which they may bring their foreign
exchange is not tied to politics.
Once the ownership has been established, creating the

framework for the banking system to facilitate innovators would
be straightforward. SBP’s learnings from the launch of Roshan
would help get this off the ground quickly. The first step would be
digital account opening through a streamlined customer journey
with standardised requirements. In the early stages of launching
Roshan, SBP officials had to sit with the IT teams of banks and
prod them to redesign their customer journeys to achieve the
goal of customer facilitation. The same approach may be needed
here. As part of the customer due diligence there would need to
be a mechanism to ensure the account beneficiary is a start-up,
an IT or ITeS company, or a freelancer. One simple approach
would require proof of appropriate registration with SECP or the
Pakistan Software Exports Board; other solutions would also be
possible.
The second element of the framework would be repatriability of

funds brought from abroad and attractive returns on foreign
currency held in Pakistan as was done for Roshan. To avoid
arbitrage opportunities, it may be simplest to offer the same
terms as through Roshan. And finally, and critically, the
framework would need a simple and full-and-final taxation
regime on profit earned on such funds brought from outside, as
was done for Roshan.
Supporting our nascent innovation sector is key to support

growth and a diversified economic structure. Our main
industries as well as our export structure are largely the same as
a decade ago. Rapidly growing emerging markets are promoting
innovation and competition to shake up existing structures and
introduce new products, services and brands. The global space
for housing innovators is also getting competitive. We don’t want
to lose Pakistani innovators to nearby jurisdictions just because
we are unable to proactively address their needs. For innovation
to flourish in Pakistan our financial system has to step forward to
offer Roshan solutions to our innovators.
The writer is former governor of the State Bank of Pakistan.

Twitter: @rezabaqir

It’s the elite capture, stupid
dawn.com/news/1697955/its-the-elite-capture-stupid
July 3, 2022
THE phrase ‘It’s the economy, stupid’ was coined in 1992 by

James Carville, a campaign strategist on Bill Clinton’s successful
White House bid team, who saw the need to make the US
recession into a major election issue and carried the day.
Clinton campaign staffers were told by Carville to hammer in the

message at every opportunity to underline their stance that the
incumbent, president George Bush, was out of touch with reality
and incapable of setting the economy right, even as the economy
had, in fact, turned the corner.
The economy was coming out of recession and had posted

several consecutive months of growth, but the Carville-authored
Clinton campaign mantra worked wonders. Clinton took 370
electoral college votes to Bush’s 168. Breaking a three-term run of
Republican presidents, he also won the popular vote by a margin
of nearly six million votes.
This, despite George Bush’s approval rating running at a

staggering 89 per cent, as the president had just prosecuted a
successful war in the Middle East and kicked out Iraq from
Kuwait.
Of all political slogans, the one that targets issues related to the electorate’s
pockets will win.
The lesson in this campaign mantra win was that of all political
slogans, the one that targets issues related to the electorate’s
pockets will win, unless there is an issue often transient in nature
that dominates an election on a one-off basis.
The reference here is to elections in more developed democracies

where, apart from winning over voters with legitimate or, as has
been witnessed in recent years in the US and UK particularly,
manufactured issues, even messages of hate, there is little else to
influence electoral outcomes.
The military, the security services and the judiciary are not seen
running parallel campaigns — subtly or blatantly, manipulating
election results and undermining elected governments with a
mandate and sending prime ministers packing or worst still to
the gallows.
This has weakened democracy and the democratic dispensation
to the extent that ‘elected’ parliaments and prime ministers and
their governments have publicly conceded their helplessness in
even addressing issues such as enforced disappearances of
dissident political activists.
Elected parliaments can’t even legislate to ensure the basic right

to life and liberty of citizens. Let alone that, they can’t even
forcefully say that someone accused of having committed a crime
should face the charges in a court of law and not go missing.
In our case, geography, ethnicity, location, bad timing and a

range of similar factors seem sufficient grounds for the midnight
knock and someone’s disappearance from the face of Mother
Earth without a trace.
The long-term effect of such pain, brutality on the traumatised

family, friends and society at large is beyond the scope of this
column. Mental health experts have written volumes that are in
the public domain and easily accessible, if anyone at the helm is
interested.
This is an issue that does not seem to be on the priority list of

anyone in the corridors of power. In our experience, the matter
receives some attention from those aspiring to power or nearing
it, but once they are home, it is left at the door.
Many politicians privately argue that given the ground reality in
our beautiful, yet blighted country, they can’t really push very far
and hard as they would run the risk of upsetting the apple cart
and losing whatever few democratic gains there have been after
years of struggle.
Even if democratic gain was their solitary rationale, it would be a

faint, weak one for what good is a ‘democratic gain’ if the citizens
can’t even be assured of their right to freedom of expression, and
their liberty is threatened by the state itself?
For a moment, let’s say the politicians are indeed hamstrung by

extra-parliamentary forces. Are they, truly, free of blame
themselves? International banker, author and economic analyst,
Yousuf Nazar, who happens to be my cousin, argues that is not
the case.
The present government is asking the people to make huge

sacrifices to stabilise a near-bankrupt economy by raising energy
prices in line with the global price escalation (which has spurred
over 20pc inflation), raising personal income taxes of the salaried
classes, and levying a 10pc one-time super tax on industries
making multiples of billions in profits.
Against this backdrop, Yousuf Nazar looked at the published

figures of the taxes paid by the parliamentarians themselves. The
summary analysis of incomes and taxes paid by MNAs for the tax
year 2019 showed shocking details.
On an income of 312 MNAs totalling Rs9,575m, the effective tax

rate, that is at which income tax was paid, was 4.28pc. The rate
was even lower at 3pc for those claiming a part of their income
from agriculture.
The highest-earning MNA paid tax at the rate of 7.5pc of his
declared income of Rs1,876m and the lowest rate of tax turned
out to be 0.7pc on an income of Rs146m. This range of tax rates
from 7.5pc to 0.7pc was reflected in the cumulative effective rate
of 4.28pc.
The easiest and safest tax haven is ‘income from agriculture’ and
is more or less tax-free. If anyone had the will and tasked a
seasoned investigator to look into this, rest assured billions of
non-agricultural income would also be found sheltered here. In
any case, not taxing income from agriculture that accounts for
over 20pc of GDP is mind-boggling.
Whether it is a provincial tax or federal is only a matter of detail.

Untaxed agricultural income, alongside debt-servicing, the
sacrosanct defence expenditure and subsidies to the ultra-rich,
leaves very little leeway in the hands of the country’s financial
managers.
Our very own mantra ought to be: It’s the elite capture of the
economy, stupid. All else is no more than a red herring.
The writer is a former editor of Dawn.

abbas.nasir@hotmail.com

Environmental cost
dawn.com/news/1697775/environmental-cost
July 2, 2022
THE collective impact of climate-disaster-health hazards are

already taking a huge toll on Pakistan’s fragile economy. If
corrective measures are not instituted quickly, these losses could
rise to more than 9pc of the annual GDP. As climate experts have
been pointing out for a long time, global warming is linked to
disease control and food insecurity. The findings of a new report
by the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia
and the Pacific reveal as much. The report, titled Pathways to
Adaptation and Resilience in South and Southwest Asia,offers a
detailed analysis of the combined economic impact of the
confluence of biological and climate change-induced disasters in
South and Southwest Asia. For example, monsoon flooding in
South Asia in August 2020 aggravated the incidence of malaria
and dengue across the region, putting extra burden on health
systems strained by the Covid-19 pandemic. According to the
report, South and Southwest Asia already lose an average $161bn
every year to weather events related to climate change. Were the
situation to worsen even moderately it would drive up the
combined economic loss to $217bn, while the worst-case scenario
would be expected to extract a collective cost of $322bn. In
monetary terms, India is expected to record up to $225bn,
Pakistan $26bn and Turkey $24bn. But the impact would be felt
much more in Pakistan, with losses equalling 9.1pc of its GDP as
compared to 8.7pc in Nepal and 8.1pc in India. Combined with
the already precarious socioeconomic conditions and increased
vulnerability to climate change, this does not bode well for
Pakistan in several respects.
The report, like previous documents, emphasises the increased
intensity, occurrence and length of extreme dry spells and
drought conditions in the region. There is plenty of evidence to
show that countries that invested in sustainable development
fare much better in adapting to the new realities of climate
change. Pakistan needs to learn from them to have a fighting
chance of saving itself from the devastating impact of climate-
induced disasters.
Published in Dawn, July 2nd, 2022
Opinion
Turbulence in tech
dawn.com/news/1697776/turbulence-in-tech
July 2, 2022
THE party seems to have cooled considerably for the Pakistani

start-up scene. With some of the world’s biggest technology
companies taking massive hits to their valuations this year,
capitalists no longer seem as keen to shower funds on up-and-
coming ventures. In a sign that investors are clutching their
purse strings ever tighter, start-ups in Pakistan managed to raise
only $103.8m in the April-June quarter — a 40pc decline from the
preceding quarter, when flows had touched $173m. The
Pakistani start-up scene has recently been rattled by a series of
disappointing developments. Some of the biggest names in the
nascent industry have announced retrenchments and lay-offs to
cope with industry headwinds. Companies that became
household names as the economy boomed in recent years —
Careem, Swvl, VavaCars, Airlift etc — have either rolled back
services or even suspended operations, leaving customers in the
lurch.
It is understandable why both proven and unproven ventures

are facing challenges in raising funds. The Pakistani economy is
headed into a period of painful course correction, which is likely
to result in lower consumer spending on the type of value-added,
lifestyle improvement services offered by many start-ups. Several
of the biggest ventures had grown rapidly during the pandemic
era — for example, grocery and food delivery start-ups, which
benefited from lockdowns by offering users the convenience and
safety of shopping from home. Such companies are now facing
new questions regarding the sustainability of their growth model
as the world adjusts to the post-lockdown realities. As mentioned
in a report yesterday on our business pages, investors are now
reportedly asking enterprises to hit their break-even point as
soon as possible, instead of focusing solely on revenue
mobilisation. This indicates a shift in investors’ priorities from
wanting to see companies ‘grow at all costs’ to pushing them
towards a ‘grow at reasonable cost’ model. Start-up funding is a
risky undertaking, and with the cost of funding going up as the
US and major global economies jack up interest rates, it has
become riskier still. However, periods of adversity such as the
one being faced right now are sometimes also a great
opportunity for growing industries. Difficult conditions push
entrepreneurs to work with more efficiency and adapt in order
to survive against the odds. The Pakistani tech industry has great
potential to create a mark on the global IT market, but it must
first prove itself in this trial by fire.
Opinion
Uncertainty remains in Punjab
dawn.com/news/1697777/uncertainty-remains-in-punjab
July 2, 2022
THE Supreme Court’s order to hold a re-election for the office of

chief minister of Punjab on July 22 may have temporarily settled
the ongoing battle for power between the PML-N-led ruling
coalition and the opposition PTI-PML-Q, but it might have also
created more constitutional and legal complexities.
For many, the decision appears to represent more of a ‘political

compromise’ than a strictly legal interpretation.
The court ruled on a petition filed by the opposition alliance

against a majority Lahore High Court judgement that restored
the status quo ante for a vote recount — without the votes of 25
PTI defectors — in the Punjab chief minister’s election on April
16, besides ordering a run-off election for the top office in case
neither candidate secured the House majority of 186 members.
The Lahore High Court verdict was guided by the Supreme

Court’s ruling given in May in a presidential reference that the
votes of dissident or defecting lawmakers “cast against their
parliamentary party’s directives” in the election for the offices of
the prime minister and chief ministers, or on the money bill,
cannot be counted under Article 63(A) of the Constitution.
Read: Punjab number game 2.0 — the quagmire continues

The Lahore High Court was applying the top court’s decision
‘retrospectively’ when it restored the status quo ante to order a
vote recount. The Lahore High Court decision did not question
the validity or legality of the election per se.
Though the detailed judgement is yet to come, the top court on

Friday apparently invalidated the entire proceedings of the
provincial assembly and election of the chief minister held on
April 16 under yet another Lahore High Court order.
That is not all. Since the re-election will be held five days after
the by-polls on 20 seats that have fallen vacant after the
disqualification of PTI defectors who voted for Hamza Shehbaz,
the new chief minister will now be elected by a new,
reconstituted House with a changed electoral college. Some legal
experts say there is no provision for this in the Constitution.
Perhaps the decision in this case should have been based on the
merits of the law rather than what is seen to be a compromise
resolution of the dispute between the rival parties.
With the latest verdict, the judiciary seems to have

unintentionally entered the political arena, which is not
desirable. Politically, the decision is likely to prolong the
prevalent uncertainty in the province.
Punjab has been in the grip of one crisis after another, with the
fledgling Hamza Shehbaz government focusing primarily on its
survival. The crisis has weakened governance in the province,
with those in authority unsure of where they stand. Will the
outcome of the upcoming by-polls and re-election of the chief
minister cool political temperatures and end the political
uncertainty? We see little chance of that happening anytime
soon.

Faulty yardstick - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1697778/faulty-yardstick
July 2, 2022
GROSS Domestic Product has been used as the primary yardstick

to measure economic growth, income, expenditure and output. It
provides a useful overview of the performance and structure of
the market economy for the formulation of fiscal and monetary
policy. However, as an indicator of national development, GDP
focuses only on produced capital and ignores other forms of
capital such as human, natural and social capital. In the process,
GDP growth is often wrongly equated with national well-being
and progress. Poverty, inequality and nature loss in several
countries and regions with high GDP rates highlight this fallacy. A
rise in GDP does not — on its own — translate into the overall
welfare of a society.
The current methodology of GDP is emblematic of a bigger
malaise. It encourages the depletion of natural resources at a rate
that surpasses the regenerative capacity of the earth. While
profiling income, it ignores the impact of production on other
determinants of human well-being like clean air or clean water.
Secondly, it does not incorporate the contribution of human
capital and natural capital (including minerals, water, forests
and plants) to human well-being. From a larger perspective, GDP-
centred development models do not value nature.
The pursuit of attaining higher GDP at the expense of natural

capital remained unnoticed for as long as the demographic
pressure on natural resources was manageable. Unfortunately, in
the long run, it exacted a heavy toll on the planet. The roots of
unsustainable patterns of consumption and production, which
are undermining efforts for sustainable development, lay
beneath the ‘no-limits to growth’ model attached to GDP. As a
result, the world has witnessed large-scale ecosystem
degradation and increased inequality. Nature’s substantial
contribution to the economy remains largely invisible in GDP
calculations.
Development models based on GDP do not value nature.
These shortcomings of GDP were not lost on economists and

leaders. Robert Kennedy remarked in 1968: “GDP does not allow
for the health of our children, the quality of their education or
the joy of their play”.The European Parliament noted in 2012 that
“GDP does not measure environmental sustainability or social
integration”, and “stressed the need to develop additional
indicators for measuring economic and social progress”. Various
alternative models were showcased including the concept of
‘Gross National Happiness’.
These efforts were challenged by the lack of broad-based metrics
which could measure sustainability and enable countries to
monitor progress towards sustainable development
comprehensively.
To fill that gap, the United Nations Environment Programme led

an initiative to develop an alternate index to the GDP and the
Human Development Index. The Inclusive Wealth Index will
complement GDP, providing a holistic assessment of produced
capital or GDP, human capital and the natural capital of
countries. According to UNEP’s environmental economist,
Pushpam Kumar, IWI is “capable of measuring not only
traditional stocks of wealth but also those less tangible and
unseen — such as educational levels, skill sets, healthcare, as
well as environmental assets and the functioning of key
ecosystem services that form the backbone of human well-being
and ultimately set the parameters for sustainable development”.
UNEP’s Inclusive Wealth Report 2018 showed that out of the 140
countries tracked, 44 suffered a decline in inclusive wealth per
capita since 1992, though GDP per capita increased in most. The
report indicates that in a combined assessment of produced
capital, natural capital and human capital, the growth rate of
inclusive wealth is much slower than GDP growth rate. Pakistan’s
report (1992-2019) provides an insight into the country’s share of
natural capital and encourages policymaking through inclusive
wealth estimations.
In a related development in March 2021, the UN Statistical
Commission adopted the System of Environmental-Economic
Accounting — Economic Accounting, a statistical framework
which will enable countries to measure their natural capital and
understand the immense contributions of nature to human
prosperity.
The UN is moving the needle in the direction of developing a

global consensus to go beyond GDP. Last month, at an
international meeting in Stockholm, the UN secretary general
urged the world to place “true value on the environment and go
beyond Gross Domestic Product as a measure of human progress
and well-being. Let us not forget that when we destroy a forest,
we are creating GDP. When we overfish, we are creating GDP.
GDP is not a way to measure richness in the present situation in
the world”.
As a serious planetary crisis risks our survival, we must value

nature and protect the ecosystem which supports life on earth. It
is time to stop considering mindless environmental destruction
as economic progress. It is time to go beyond GDP.
The writer is director of intergovernmental affairs, United Nations

Environment Programme.

Kissinger order - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1697779/kissinger-order
July 2, 2022
THE foreign policy of a country reflects the latter’s image on the

global dais. It is also a comment on the aspirations of its
architects. But the international community has seen many
formulators of foreign policy exit the world stage, with states
forgetting their contributions but continuing to work within the
foreign policy framework they have left behind. Some, however,
have remained relevant and continued to shed light on world
interactions even when no longer in office.
At 99, Henry A. Kissinger, who served as US secretary of state and

national security adviser under presidents Richard Nixon and
Gerald Ford, has produced yet another masterpiece, Leadership:
Six Studies in World Strategy.
The author of over a dozen titles, he has now completed six
studies on political personalities that he has known. They are
Konrad Adenauer, Anwar Sadat, Margaret Thatcher, Lee Kuan
Yew, Charles de Gaulle and Richard Nixon. (It has been asked
why he has not included Mikhail Gorbachev under whom the
Soviet Union went through a sea change in its interactions with
the rest of the world.) Kissinger has focused on how the strategies
adopted by these leaders have redefined international diplomacy.
The embodiment of realpolitik, Kissinger has been denounced

and appreciated in equal measure. His own world strategy,
though often questioned and critiqued, has a lot to teach us. For
him, security has been an indispensable part of the themes of
leadership and world order.
At 99, Kissinger remains a relevant voice.
According to Kissinger, “The stability of an international system

depends on the degree to which it combines the need for security
with the obligation of self-restraint. To rely entirely on the
continued goodwill of another sovereign state is an abdication of
statesmanship and self-respect. But to seek security entirely
through physical domination is to menace all other countries. For
absolute security for one country must mean absolute insecurity
for all others. Where to strike this balance cannot be determined
in the abstract; it is what makes diplomacy an art and not a
science. But the balance must be established if the international
order is to be stable.”
This was written several decades ago in 1959. But over the years,
he doggedly struck to the theme. What of India, which is now
emerging as the major power in South Asia? Calling India a
“newcomer” as a nation-state, though acknowledging its role in
the non-aligned movement, Kissinger had written that “it has yet
to assume a role commensurate with its size on the international
political stage”.
Clearly, Kissinger was not taken in by the rhetoric, and his

summing up of India’s foreign policy is flawed only in that it
overlooks at times the fact that Indian policymakers mistook
standard rhetoric for the principles of policy. “India,” he wrote,
“did not conceive of foreign policy as a debate in the Oxford
Union, however its diplomats might pretend that they were in
that discriminating audience with the right to choose a winner
purely on the basis of moral merit. India’s leaders had attended
schools in England and had read American classics. They
combined the rhetoric of Wilson and Gladstone with the
practices of Disraeli and Theodore Roosevelt. From the Indians’
point of view, this made eminent sense as long as their
interlocutors did not delude themselves into thinking that Indian
rhetoric was a guide to Indian practice, or that Indian foreign
policy was governed by abstract, prior morality.”
Besides a balance of power, a viable international order must be

based on shared values and a consensus on the fundamentals.
The balance of power inhibits the capacity to overthrow the
international order, and agreement on shared values thwarts the
desire to overthrow it.
There follows a typical Kissinger bon mot: “Power without
legitimacy tempts tests of strength; legitimacy without power
tempts empty posturing.” He puts it in sharper focus when he
approvingly recalls Metternich’s belief that “a shared concept of
justice was a prerequisite for international order”.
In 1989, Kissinger had proposed what came decisively to be

known as Yalta II in which Moscow would agree to allow
liberalisation in Eastern Europe, and in return the US would
agree not to exploit these changes in a way that would threaten
Soviet security (such as trying to take Moscow’s allies out of the
Warsaw Pact). It was to be, of course, a secret deal.
It was suggested to George Bush and James Baker in December

1988, with flattering references to the historic opportunity to end
the Cold War. Kissinger explained it to Gorbachev in 1989. The
Washington Post shot it down: “Some specialists on European
affairs in the State Department have expressed dismay bordering
on horror at Kissinger’s concepts.”
Kissinger has been a tall man in thin company of dwarfs. For all
his plans and strategies, he remains a man of greatness.
The writer is an author and lawyer based in Mumbai.

Rethinking the presidency
dawn.com/news/1697780/rethinking-the-presidency
July 2, 2022
SOME of the recent actions by the president of Pakistan have

revived the debate about the role of the president in a
parliamentary system of government — specifically in our kind
of parliamentary system.
President Arif Alvi had refused to act on Prime Minister Shehbaz

Sharif’s advice to remove the governor of Punjab who had earlier
been appointed by former PM Imran Khan. When the governor’s
appointment was de-notified anyway, the president delayed the
appointment of the new governor proposed by the prime
minister and accepted his advice literally at the eleventh hour.
Read: President or prime minister — who has the power to remove

a governor from office?
He also questioned two important pieces of legislation dealing
with amendments to the electoral laws and the National
Accountability Ordinance passed by parliament and refused to
give his assent to the laws despite their passage by a joint sitting
of parliament.
The role of the head of state is generally considered to be a

ceremonial one in a Westminster-style democracy like ours.
Pakistan, during the 75 years of its existence has, however,
experienced various shapes, sizes and shades of head of state;
among them, we have had powerful heads of state who
dominated parliament for well over 55 years interspersed with
short periods of complete executive authority for the prime
minister — at least on paper.
Until the formulation of our first constitution in 1956, the head of

state was designated the governor general. Since the governor
general was the successor of the viceroy in undivided India, who
had enjoyed wide-ranging powers comparable to those of the
king under the Government of India Act, 1935, the governor
general of Pakistan also became a powerful head of state, with
executive and legislative powers.
A presidency larger than the PM’s office does not make sense in a
parliamentary system of government like ours.
Pakistan had its own version of the Government of India Act,

1935, as its provisional constitution, which not only retained but,
in some respects, enhanced, the powers of the governor general.
The primacy of the president continued even after the adoption
of a constitution in 1956 and became absolute after the
declaration of martial law in 1958. This state of executive
presidency continued through Gen Ayub Khan’s presidential
form of government from 1962 to 1969, Gen Yahya Khan’s
martial law from 1969 to 1972, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s civilian
martial law, and later the interim constitution from 1972 until
the new constitution was enforced in August 1973.
Then followed a brief period of almost four years till July 1977
during which PM Zulfikar Ali Bhutto enjoyed almost complete
authority until another martial law led by Gen Zia struck and all
powers remained concentrated in his hands for 11 long years.
The president’s hold over parliament continued through the
introduction of Article 58(2)(b) which empowered the president
to dissolve the National Assembly, even after martial law was
lifted in 1985.
Another period of empowerment of parliament and, by

extension, the prime minister commenced in April 1997 when
PM Nawaz Sharif’s ruling PML-N, in agreement with the
opposition PPP led by Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto, stripped the
president of the power to dissolve the National Assembly. This
parliamentary spring, however, lasted barely two and a half
years as another period of military rule, with all powers
accumulated in the hands of Gen Pervez Musharraf, began in
October 1999. Following in the footsteps of Gen Zia, Gen
Musharraf reintroduced Article 58(2)(b) to the Constitution when
he restored democracy in August 2002.
Finally, president Asif Zardari persuaded his party and
parliament to pass the 18th Constitutional Amendment and
signed it into law in April 2010. The constitutional powers of
parliament and the prime minister were once again restored
through this amendment and these remain intact.
If we review the roller-coaster history of presidential powers in

Pakistan, the ongoing 12-year period of relative constitutional
stability constitutes the longest continuous spell of an
empowered parliament and prime minister.
Generally, when the president and prime minister come from the
same political party, chances of conflict between the two are
minimal — with a few exceptions like that of president Farooq
Leghari in Pakistan and Giani Zail Singh in India.
However, the parliamentary system comes under strain, and the

limits of democracy are tested if the president and prime
minister are from two different political parties opposed to each
other as in the case of Pakistan at the moment. It is during times
like these that one questions whether the office of president is
facilitating or impeding the democratic parliamentary process
and governance.
This question assumes even greater importance when it is

apparent that the president’s functions are too minimal to make
any meaningful contribution to the democratic process, and that
all he can do is to delay the process by sitting on a ceremonial
function such as signing a summary of appointment of a state
functionary on the advice of the prime minister.
Since the office of the head of state — whatever the title — has
enjoyed extraordinary powers for most of the time since
independence, it has become bloated and turned into a huge
bureaucracy.
Read: No more presidents
A cursory look at the annual budget just approved by the

National Assembly shows that President House has 930
employees with an annual budget estimate of Rs1,056 million. By
comparison, the Prime Minister’s Office has 785 employees and
an annual budget of Rs993m. A presidency larger than the office
of the prime minister does not make any sense in a
parliamentary system of government like ours.
Preserving royalty as a symbolic head of state may have

sentimental value for certain countries like Britain, but Pakistan
doesn’t have any such compulsions.
Keeping in view the limited role which our system formally

assigns to the president, and the need for being prudent in our
expenditures in general, especially under the current economic
conditions, isn’t it time to rethink the presidency? For example,
could the presidency be combined with the office of the Senate
chair so that it can become a truly functional position, along with
ceremonial responsibilities?
The writer is president of the Pakistan Institute of Legislative

Development And Transparency.
president@pildat.org
Twitter: @ABMPildat

Israel’s secret weapon
dawn.com/news/1697781/israels-secret-weapon
July 2, 2022
IS it some international conspiracy — or perhaps a secret

weapon — that allows Israel to lord over the Middle East? How
did a country of nine million — between one-half and one-third
of Karachi’s population — manage to subdue 400m Arabs? A
country built on stolen land and the ruins of destroyed Pal-
estinian villages is visibly chuckling away as every Arab
government, egged on by the khadim-i-haramain sharifain, lines
up to recognise it. Economically fragile Pakistan is being lured
into following suit.
Read: 'Great change' — Israeli president says received delegation

of Pakistani expats
Conspiracy theorists have long imagined Israel as America’s
overgrown watchdog, beefed up and armed to protect American
interests in the Middle East. But only a fool can believe that
today. Every American president, senator and congressman
shamefacedly admits it’s the Israeli tail that wags the American
dog. Academics who chide Israel’s annexation policies are
labelled anti-Semitic, moving targets without a future. The
Israeli-US nexus is there for all to see but, contrary to what is
usually thought, it exists for benefiting Israel not America.
It was not always this way. European Jews fleeing Hitler were far
less welcome than Muslims are in today’s America. That Jewish
refugees posed a serious threat to national security was argued
by government officials in the State Department to the FBI as well
as president Franklin Roosevelt himself. One of my scientific
heroes, Richard Feynman, was rejected in 1935 by Columbia
University for being Jewish. Fortunately, MIT accepted him.
What changed outsiders into insiders was a secret weapon. That

weapon was brain power. Regarded as the primary natural
resource by Jews inside and outside Israel it is an obsession for
parents who, spoon by spoon, zealously ladle knowledge into
their children. The state too knows its responsibility: Israel has
more museums and libraries per capita than any other country.
Children born to Ashkenazi parents are assumed as prime state
assets who will start a business, discover some important
scientific truth, invent some gadget, create a work of art, or write
a book.
Brain power makes teeny-tiny Israel a technological giant before which every
Arab country must bow.
In secular Israel, a student’s verbal, mathematical, and scientific

aptitude sets his chances of success. By the 10th grade of the
secular bagut system, smarter students will be learning calculus
and differential equations together with probability,
trigonometry and theorem proving. Looking at some past exam
papers available on the internet, I wondered how Pakistani
university professors with PhDs would fare in Israeli level-5
school exams. Would our national scientific heroes manage a
pass? Unsurprisingly, by the time they reach university, Israeli
students have bettered their American counterparts
academically.
There is a definite historical context to seeking this excellence.

For thousands of years, European anti-Semitism made it
impossible for Jews to own land or farms, forcing them to seek
livelihoods in trading, finance, medicine, science and
mathematics. To compete, parents actively tutored their children
in these skills. In the 1880s, Zionism’s founders placed their faith
solidly in education born out of secular Renaissance and
Enlightenment thought.
But if this is the story of secular Israel, there is also a different

Israel with a different story. Ultra-orthodox Haredi Jews were
once a tiny minority in Israel’s mostly secular society. But their
high birth rate has made them grow to about 10 per cent of the
population. Recognisable by their distinctive dress and manners,
the Haredim are literally those who “tremble before God”.
For Haredis, secularism and secular education are anathema.
Like Pakistan, Israel too has a single national curriculum with a
hefty chunk earmarked for nation-building (read,
indoctrination). In the Israeli context, the ideological part seeks
to justify dispossession of the Palestinian population. Expectedly,
the ‘Jewish madressah’ system accepts this part but rejects the
secular part ie that designed to create the modern mind.
The difference in achievement levels between regular and

Haredi schools is widening. While all schools teach Hebrew (the
holy language), secular schools stress mastery over English while
‘madressahs’ emphasise Hebrew. According to a Jerusalem Post
article, Haredi schools (as well as Arab-Israeli schools) are poor
performers with learning outcomes beneath nine of the 10
Muslim countries that participated in the most recent PISA exam.
A report says 50pc of Israel’s students are getting a ‘third-world
education’.
The drop in overall standards is causing smarter Israelis to lose

sleep. They fear that, as happened in Beirut, over time a less
fertile, more educated elite sector of society will be overrun by a
more fertile, less-educated religious population. When that
happens, Israel will lose its historical advantage. Ironically,
Jewish identity created Israel but Jewish orthodoxy is
spearheading Israel’s decline.
There is only one Muslim country that Israel truly fears — Iran.
Although its oil resources are modest, its human resources are
considerable.
The revolution of 1979 diminished the quality of Iranian
education and caused many of Iran’s best professors to flee. But
unlike Afghanistan’s mullahs, the mullahs of Iran were smart
enough to keep education going. Although coexistence is
uncomfortable, science and religion are mostly allowed to go
their own separate ways. Therefore, in spite of suffocating
embargos, Iran continues to achieve in nuclear, space, heavy
engineering, biotechnology, and the theoretical sciences. Israel
trembles.
Read: Raisi threatens to target heart of Israel if it acts against Iran
Spurred by their bitter animosity towards Iran, Arab countries

have apparently understood the need of the times and are slowly
turning around. Starting this year, religious ideology has been
de-emphasised and new subjects are being introduced in Saudi
schools. These include digital skills, English for elementary
grades, social studies, self-defence and critical thinking. Of
course, a change of curriculum means little unless accompanied
by a change of outlook. Still, it does look like a beginning.
Israel has shown the effectiveness of its secret weapon; it has

also exposed the vulnerability of opponents who don’t have it.
There are lessons here for Pakistan and a strong reason to wrest
control away from Jamaat-i-Islami ideologues that, from the time
of Ziaul Haq onward, have throttled and suffocated our
education. The heights were reached under Imran Khan’s Single
National Curriculum which yoked ordinary schools to
madressahs. But even with Khan’s departure, ideological poisons
continue to circulate in the national bloodstream. Until flushed
away, Pakistan’s intellectual and material decline will accelerate.
The writer is an Islamabad-based physicist and author.

Gender rights - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1697632/gender-rights
July 1, 2022
IT goes to the credit of gender rights leader Bindiya Rana that

Pakistan is counted among the 20-odd states to have given legal
recognition to the ‘third sex’ — non-binary people. They were
counted in Pakistan’s 2017 census and are entitled to ID cards.
Conservative Pakistan can now be regarded as enlightened in the
matter of gender legalities — but not in terms of transgender
people’s acceptance and inclusiveness in society.
The last census says there are 10,000 transgender persons in

Pakistan. But Nayab Ali, a gender rights leader, disputes this
figure. She calculates that the real strength of the transgender
population is about 300,000.
To learn more, I met Bindiya Rana, president of the Gender
Interactive Alliance which she founded in 2002. She has steered
the GIA through thick and thin to make it the biggest and most
effective organisation for gender rights in Pakistan. Bindiya
continues her struggle even though she’s 70-plus, saying that she
still has a long way to go to raise the status of transgender people
in Pakistan.
She is not alone. Hundreds of similar groups have followed her

lead. Bindiya is a master planner. Once she realised that
advocacy and education were the need of the hour to push the
rights-based approach, she set out to focus on designing a
strategy. “I joined WAF to observe and learn from them. And I
learnt how to create a mechanism to fight for our rights,” she
says. In the process, she also became a member of the HRCP to
strengthen her flanks.
Transgender persons have yet to be accepted by society.
To give credibility to the GIA, Bindiya facilitated medical care,

education and HIV-screening for GIA workers. She also devised a
system of mobilising her members in case of an emergency such
as rape or violence against a transgender person. They assemble
within minutes and act collectively as a pressure group to ensure
that the police take prompt action.
To improve the legal status of the transgender community

Bindiya negotiated shrewdly with the government. She set the
ball rolling by filing a petition in the Supreme Court demanding
constitutional entitlements for her people. The court responded
positively. Nadra was directed to issue ID cards to transgender
persons with their gender initially marked as ‘X’. Subsequently,
three sub-categories were added.
In 2017 came wards for transgender people in hospitals. Finally,
there was a landmark event: the passage of the Transgender
Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2018. Thus this neglected
segment of our population was assured all the rights enjoyed by
all citizens.
The gains have come in quick succession and have been

encouraging. Emboldened, the transgender leadership proceeded
to raise its profile, by jumping into the electoral fray. Bindiya and
Nayab contested the elections in 2013 and 2018 respectively. They
couldn’t win votes but won a victory for their cause.
Bindiya’s political struggle is inspiring given the adverse

circumstances in which she has worked. She attributes her
success to her personal commitment, her sustained activism and
her inclusivity vis-à-vis colleagues who walk with her and not
behind her, learning leadership qualities from her. It was
Pakistan that was lauded when Nayab won the Franco-German
Human Rights Award.
However, winning social acceptance is a different story

altogether. Many transgender persons have a tragic tale of being
rejected by their families. The stigmatisation causes deep
emotional trauma. The only consolation is that there are some
stories of kindly families cherishing transgender children and
giving them normal lives. But they are few in number.
Where do the rejected ones go? The community has found its
own solution. The rejected ones live voluntarily in sanctuaries
where a senior called a ‘guru’ provides the ‘chelas’ (apprentices)
protection and guidance. Living among their own kin organised
systematically gives them emotional security. Yet a chela is free to
leave a guru if s/he is unable to adjust to the leader. A guru who
is kind and accommodating will attract more chelas.
Stigmatisation also has a negative impact on a transgender

person’s job prospects. Unable to find employment easily, many
end up in the sex trade. Others join groups of dancers and
entertainers who are seen at wedding festivities. Yet others
become street beggars.
The police are another challenge. They are the biggest

perpetrators of sex crimes against transgender persons.
According to Bindiya, a chela’s quality of life depends on the

gurus. There are those who have managed to change the lives of
their chelas by empowering them with education as some
families have also done. Professional colleges are now accepting
transgender youth and some of them have become professionals.
Younger transgender persons are articulate in expressing their
self-perceived gender identity. All they want is to be allowed to
live with dignity. Give them this space — with all the rights that
citizens are entitled to.
www.zubeidamustafa.com
Published in Dawn, July 1st, 2022

The sixth wave - Newspaper
dawn.com/news/1697634/the-sixth-wave
July 1, 2022
ARE we in the midst of the sixth wave of the Covid-19 global

pandemic?
This question is ubiquitous these days. However, while the

question may have journalistic value the reality is that cases
have indeed started increasing, whether or not you call it a sixth
wave. More important than naming waves is to understand what
is going on and how to address it. What timely steps the
government should take and what protective measures the
people should adopt.
Cases are increasing in Pakistan though their total number is still

relatively small. At the time of writing on Tuesday, June 28,
Pakistan had a total of 333 confirmed cases in the last 24 hours.
This number does not look like a lot, but in the previous week, on
Tuesday, June 21, the same number was 113, that is, cases had
almost tripled in one week. On Tuesday, June 14, however, the
new cases over the last 24 hours were a mere 54. In two weeks,
the number of cases increased more than six times in Pakistan.
Thankfully though, a growing number of cases has not meant
more hospitalisations, at least not until now. There is generally a
lag of two to three weeks in hospitalisation growth following an
increase in the number of cases. But this was when there were
few or no vaccinations.
Today, more than 85 per cent of the eligible population of

Pakistan, ie those above 12 years of age, are fully vaccinated with
two doses and 21.7 million have received a booster dose. These
are impressive numbers, especially when all the vaccines had to
be imported. The former PTI government deserves full marks for
this. Vaccinations combined with immunity acquired through
infection provide a major barrier against the virus, especially
preventing illness severe enough to require hospitalisation. So,
unlike the first three waves, this time around, even in the case of
the high spread of infection, hospitalisations are expected to be
much fewer than before. Let me quickly add though that no
vaccine provides 100pc immunity. We do come across people
who were vaccinated and still get infected — many actually. But
it is also true that the infection usually remains mild and does
not advance to moderate or serious illness. Vaccination is
critically important but not a perfect barrier against the
infection.
Pakistan may be prepared to handle Covid-19 but this should not mean
complacency.
With the benefit of hindsight, having dealt with five waves, and
with a vigilant National Command and Operation Centre now
more firmly established in the National Institute of Health,
Pakistan is generally in a good state of preparedness to deal with
the next ripples and waves of Covid-19. This should not mean
complacency though as there is still a lot to worry about.
Polymerase Chain Reaction (PCR) testing has drastically gone

down in Pakistan and our disease surveillance system needs
much more strengthening.
On June 28, the total testing figures for the last 24 hours was
13,759 out of which PCR tests accounted for 12,752 tests, while
the rest were rapid antigen tests. This was already an
improvement from the total of 9,371 tests reported on June 14 for
the last 24 hours. There are multiple factors for the decline in
testing: people ignoring mild symptoms, the high price of tests,
home testing not being reported in the national data, the
government not paying enough attention to testing, etc. With the
growing number of cases, this laxity needs to change.
Karachi seems to be an outlier in the current situation and also

shows problems of data. Although Sindh in general and Karachi
in particular always had a higher number of cases, currently,
going by the positivity rate, it can be considered an outlier. Few
tests and a positivity ratio fluctuating drastically between 9pc
and 23pc in the space of a few days says a lot about data issues.
Our data surveillance system needs a sustained effort to build on
a sound basis. It continues to be wobbly and unreliable.
The current variants of the Covid-19 virus (SARS-CoV-2) are BA.4

and BA.5. The exact figures are not known because of limited
genetic sequencing facilities in Pakistan but epidemiologists’
educated guess is that their circulation is rising. The evidence
about the speed of the spread, lethality and the responsiveness to
existing vaccines is also not conclusive though there is some
evidence showing that BA.4 and BA.5 can evade the existing
vaccines.
The rise in cases in Pakistan is not an isolated phenomenon. A

surge is being witnessed in India and other countries in the
region and also in some European countries and the US. So, a
sixth wave of this global pandemic is inching its way up.
No panic but stronger vigilance is in order. The NCOC seems to be

on top of things. According to its recent advisory, and rightly so,
masks have been again made mandatory on domestic flights and
in trains and buses. There may be more restrictions in the
coming days. Experience has shown that compliance with
preventive mandates is low in Pakistan. Until and unless the
government and the people work in unison, issuing advisories
won’t work, anywhere.
People should start taking matters seriously now. There are high
chances that with high rates of vaccination, including boosters,
and adherence to precautionary measures, the spread of
infection won’t go out of control; even if the virus spreads,
moderate to severe cases are likely to be rare. Having said that,
there is always the possibility of something unpredictable
happening in the course of the epidemic.
Avoid unnecessary mingling indoors, ensure fresh air by keeping

the windows open, start wearing a mask in closed places where
people have to sit close to one another, complete your
vaccination course of two doses if you haven’t as yet and get your
boosters if you haven’t. It is time to be alert please! Stay safe.
The writer is a former SAPM on health, professor of health systems
at Shifa Tameer-i-Millat University and WHO adviser on UHC.
zedefar@gmail.com

Tough times ahead - Newspaper
dawn.com/news/1697628/tough-times-ahead
July 1, 2022
THE finance ministry’s projection of 15pc inflation, much higher

than the targeted rate of 11.5pc, during the new financial year, is
perhaps the first official admission of the potential impact that
fiscal stabilisation will have on the lives of most Pakistanis. The
tough economic conditions will not only kick up inflation, they
will also slow down the growth rate and lead to higher
unemployment going forward. Many would argue that the
inflation estimates are still on the lower side considering the
elevated global energy and other commodity prices that the
government has to pass on to consumers to stay solvent. The
monthly economic update and outlook report for June released
by the finance ministry concedes that the interest rates will also
have to be jacked up further in the near term. But the monetary
tightening is unlikely to have any significant effect on the
inflation outlook. The reasons are obvious. Much of the domestic
inflation is being produced by rising costs of energy, food and
industrial raw material that we have to import to meet local
demand.
To say that the coming months will be extremely tough for

Pakistanis, who will see their incomes erode and living standards
decline further, does not capture the current impact of the
deteriorating macroeconomic imbalances on the lives of low- to
middle-income groups. A report, for example, has recently
pointed out that the reversal of oil subsidies since May has led to
increased school dropout rates among female students. The last
three years of two-digit inflation have already led most
households to cut back on health and other essential expenditure
and compromise on the quality of food. True, the government
does not have any control over exogenous factors such as global
commodity markets and the ongoing Ukrainian war that are
responsible for the elevated energy prices and supply
disruptions. But it could have mitigated the adverse impacts of
external shocks by putting its fiscal house in order, scrapping
wasteful expenditure and pursuing prudent growth policies.
Opinion
Trade with Iran - Newspaper
dawn.com/news/1697633/trade-with-iran
July 1, 2022
EARLIER this month, Pakistan’s foreign minister, Bilawal Bhutto-

Zardari, met his Iranian counterpart, Dr Amir Abdollahian, to
review their countries’ relationship. The past few years have
seen serious gains across multiple facets of the two neighbours’
bilateral relations, due substantially to the efforts of Pakistan’s
mission to Iran. The clearest indicator of improving relations has
been the loan of Iran’s Ilyushin 76 — described as the largest
firefighting aircraft in the world — to Pakistan to combat the
deadly wildfires in Balochistan’s Koh-i-Suleman range. However,
the potential of improved Pak-Iran ties goes beyond isolated
demonstrations of goodwill to socioeconomic windfalls for the
two states.
Core to the discussions between the foreign ministers were ways
to improve trade and economic ties, particularly ways in which
the cross-border movement of people and goods could be
facilitated. Despite the two countries’ geostrategic proximity and
potential for trade, for the first 75 years of Pakistan’s existence
the two have shared only one border crossing. Since 2021, two
more have become operational, greatly easing the passage of
trade and peoples between the neighbours, including the
hundreds of thousands of zaireen that cross the border annually.
Border management agreements between the two have also been
inked. These efforts have yielded tangible benefits in increased
border security and counterterrorism efforts. Further, to
alleviate the issue of local communities potentially being affected
by these measures, the two states are instituting visa-free border
markets where these populations can freely mingle and trade.
Discussions also involved the import of additional energy from

Iran to strengthen regional energy cooperation and ameliorate
Pakistan’s current energy crisis and its energy dependency on
Western-adjacent states. Bilawal proposed the resumption of the
Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline project initiated by former president
Asif Ali Zardari. The deal for the 2,775-kilometre pipeline was
struck in 1995. Iran completed its section of the pipeline in 2011;
however, Pakistan’s length of the pipeline has been hampered by
sanctions on Iran. These coercive measures, intermittently
imposed by the US, EU and the UN, have severely hampered
Tehran’s efforts at diplomatic and economic outreach.
The United Nations implemented and progressively broadened

economic sanctions on Iran through UNSC Resolutions 1696,
1737, 1747, 1803, 1835 and 1929.
While the threat of international sanctions remains a key concern for Pakistan,
it does not preclude Pak-Iran economic cooperation.
Against this backdrop, UNSC Resolution 2231, passed in 2015,

represented a key breakthrough for Tehran, outlining a schedule
for the suspension and eventual cessation of UN sanctions. This
resolution was passed after the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of
Action, commonly known as the ‘Iran nuclear deal’. Under the
terms agreed to in the JCPOA, UN sanctions on Iran expired on
Oct 18, 2020.
However, America’s wavering positions on Tehran has created

dilemmas for Pakistan. In 2010, parallel to UN sanctions, the US
imposed secondary sanctions on Tehran, compelling foreign
entities to withdraw their investments from Iran. In 2012, the US
Iran Sanctions Act pressured purchasers of Iranian oil to
progressively reduce their purchases or risk isolation. While the
JCPOA of 2015 suspended the remaining secondary sanctions
against Iran, it retained provisions related to primary sanctions
restricting Iran’s support for extremism, the ballistic missiles
programme, and arms-related transactions.
Also, despite the thawing of relations between the US and Iran

leading up to the JCPOA, sanctions prohibiting commercial
activity between the two have persisted under the US Iranian
Transactions and Sanctions Regulations. In 2018, the US
unilaterally withdrew from the JCPOA, and imposed further
sanctions on Iran. These sanctions were augmented in 2020.
While the US has also granted exemptions to countries such as
Turkey, Iraq, India and others — allowing them to trade in the
energy sector with Iran — it has not extended such favours to
Pakistan.
Another concern for Pakistan is the Financial Action Task Force’s
blacklisting of Iran. While the FATF does not prohibit trade
relations with blacklisted states, such engagements may bring
global scrutiny to Islamabad.
While the threat of international sanctions remains a key

concern for Pakistan, it does not preclude Pak-Iran economic
cooperation. The pipeline today itself is not subject to UN
sanctions, and the US has granted exemptions to countries such
as Turkey, India, and Iraq in petrochemical trade with Tehran. In
any case, Pakistan and Iran may also conduct their trade by way
of barter to ensure that US sanctions are not triggered.
Iran’s place as a regional power and its oil and gas reserves
should prompt Islamabad to improve ties with Tehran. In our
neighbourhood, Beijing accounts for 25 per cent of Tehran’s
imports and is the number one buyer of Iranian oil today. India
was the second-biggest customer of Iranian oil until 2019.
Nonetheless, India remains ready to re-engage with Iran, with an
anonymous Indian official stating that “once the sanctions are
lifted, we can look to resume oil imports from Iran”.
Even if the sanctions persist, there are avenues to explore. In

addition to petitioning the US for exemptions, Pakistan can trade
directly with Iran by way of barter: for instance, trading some of
its rice and meat surpluses with Iran in exchange for Iranian gas
and energy. A similar solution can apply to trade with
Afghanistan, which, in the wake of the crushing US sanctions, has
been left in a state of economic turmoil. Barter would also free
Pakistan from its reliance on the US dollar, easing pressure on
our foreign exchange reserves. Pakistan can also seek to import
petrochemicals from Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan by way of
Iran. It can directly pay royalties for this use of Iran’s pipeline
network or provide Iran with a percentage of the gas so imported
as royalties. Parallels can be drawn with existing arrangements
whereby Pakistan trades with Turkey and other Central Asian
states by way of land routes through Iran.
Pakistan and Iran have shared sociocultural and geostrategic

interests. While Pakistan must continue to foster improved ties
with states further afield, such as the US or the EU bloc, it must
nonetheless cultivate reliable partnerships — in similar vein as
the Pak-China relationship — with other friendly states in the
region. Greater engagement with Iran — particularly on shared
issues such as energy security or counterterrorism efforts — is
thus necessary to ensure a safer and more prosperous Pakistan.
The writer is former legal adviser to Pakistan’s foreign ministry,

and faculty, Lums Law School.

Udaipur killing - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1697630/udaipur-killing
July 1, 2022
THE grisly beheading of a Hindu man by two Muslim suspects in

the Indian city of Udaipur must be unequivocally condemned.
The suspects reportedly committed the crime after the victim
uploaded content on social media apparently supporting the BJP
politician who had earlier made blasphemous remarks about the
Holy Prophet (PBUH). The victim had been arrested a few weeks
ago over the posts but the matter was resolved after members of
the Muslim and Hindu communities held a ‘peace meeting’. After
the murder, the state of Rajasthan remains on edge, with Udaipur
under curfew to prevent communal flare-ups. While the Indian
authorities need to fully investigate the crime and punish the
culprits, there must be no rush to blame Pakistan for this atrocity
— as some in the Indian government have done. Moreover, the
murder must not be exploited by communal forces seeking to
further demonise India’s Muslims.
Indian officials claim one of the suspects was linked to a

Pakistan-based religious group and had visited Karachi in the
past. With regard to these claims, the Foreign Office has said that
“we categorically reject any such insinuations”. If Indian
investigators have solid evidence linking the suspects to any
organisation based in this country, instead of indulging in a
media trial they need to share such proof with Pakistan. Local
authorities — if credible evidence is received — must follow up
and if a link is indeed established, start the legal process. But
India must not jump the gun — as it is prone to doing in
Pakistan’s case.
No doubt, Pakistan continues to wrestle with the demons of
extremism. Yet in India, thanks to the toxic politics engendered
by Hindutva, Hindu majoritarianism and fanaticism are being
promoted at the state level by excluding Muslims from the
mainstream and treating them as perpetual outsiders and
‘enemies’. The crime committed in Udaipur did not happen in a
vacuum. Ever since the BJP took power in 2014, the state has
either kept quiet as Muslims have been lynched, attacked or
disallowed from freely partaking in their cultural and religious
practices, or it has actively participated in their exclusion by
legislating discriminatory citizenship laws. Moreover, senior
members of India’s ruling class — such as the UP chief minister
— have constantly indulged in Muslim-baiting, while the
insulting remarks directed at Islam’s most sacred figure crossed a
red line. It is in such an atmosphere of hate that the crime in
Udaipur took place. While there can be no justification, context is
important. Clearly, if Indian authorities fail to address the rising
trend of Hindu extremism in their country, radical Muslim
elements will emerge to counter it. Meanwhile, progressive
elements in India must ensure that this reprehensible crime is
not used as a rallying cry by the Sangh Parivar to further tighten
the screws on India’s Muslim citizens, and perpetuate the cycle of
hate.
Opinion
Unacceptable demand
dawn.com/news/1697629/unacceptable-demand
July 1, 2022
THE finance ministry’s projection of 15pc inflation, much higher

than the targeted rate of 11.5pc, during the new financial year, is
perhaps the first official admission of the potential impact that
fiscal stabilisation will have on the lives of most Pakistanis. The
tough economic conditions will not only kick up inflation, they
will also slow down the growth rate and lead to higher
unemployment going forward. Many would argue that the
inflation estimates are still on the lower side considering the
elevated global energy and other commodity prices that the
government has to pass on to consumers to stay solvent. The
monthly economic update and outlook report for June released
by the finance ministry concedes that the interest rates will also
have to be jacked up further in the near term. But the monetary
tightening is unlikely to have any significant effect on the
inflation outlook. The reasons are obvious. Much of the domestic
inflation is being produced by rising costs of energy, food and
industrial raw material that we have to import to meet local
demand.
To say that the coming months will be extremely tough for

Pakistanis, who will see their incomes erode and living standards
decline further, does not capture the current impact of the
deteriorating macroeconomic imbalances on the lives of low- to
middle-income groups. A report, for example, has recently
pointed out that the reversal of oil subsidies since May has led to
increased school dropout rates among female students. The last
three years of two-digit inflation have already led most
households to cut back on health and other essential expenditure
and compromise on the quality of food. True, the government
does not have any control over exogenous factors such as global
commodity markets and the ongoing Ukrainian war that are
responsible for the elevated energy prices and supply
disruptions. But it could have mitigated the adverse impacts of
external shocks by putting its fiscal house in order, scrapping
wasteful expenditure and pursuing prudent growth policies.
Opinion
Victim protection
dawn.com/news/1697631/victim-protection
July 1, 2022
CRISES, crime and tragedy traumatise the people. Trauma not

only directly affects the actual victims but also those who witness
the cause of their distress. Such victims, especially the victims of
crime, suffer from physical, financial and emotional trauma.
They need assistance in the process of recovery, restoration and
reintegration. One part of rehabilitation is to prevent secondary
victimisation and the other is to protect the victims from threats
to their lives and property.
There are humanistic and compassionate reasons to assist and

protect victims of crime. But the criminal justice system also
mandates a mechanism for this purpose. The victims come from
different age groups and gender and socioeconomic
backgrounds. They can be affected by a variety of criminal acts,
such as a bank robbery, cybercrime, financial crime, fraud,
domestic violence, child abuse and street crime. Given the
complexity of criminal action and the vulnerability of the victim,
detection and prosecution may become a challenge for the police.
The first challenge lies in winning the trust and cooperation of

the victims. The cooperation of the victims and witnesses is vital
to tracking down criminal offenders. Consistent help from the
victim during the trial can help ensure speedy prosecution and
punishment for the perpetrators.
Victims and witnesses may be unwilling to share information

and evidence because of perceived or actual intimidation or
threats towards them and/or their family. This concern
intensifies when people come into contact with the criminal
justice system as then they are particularly vulnerable. For
instance, because of their age and developing maturity, affected
children require special measures to be taken to ensure that the
criminal justice system appropriately assists and protects them.
Winning trust is crucial to reducing crime.
Victims who receive suitable, authentic and adequate care and

support are more likely to cooperate with the criminal justice
system to bring offenders to justice. In the absence of such a
mechanism, they might mistrust the system or lose interest in
following up on the case. Other inadequacies of the criminal
justice system such as delays, time and cost also add to the
victim’s sense of loss. If contact between police and the victim is
compromised, the damage to the victim, police and the
community as a whole can be irreparable. The victim can easily
be targeted by the offender or be coerced into silence or may feel
pressure to agree to an out-of-court settlement. For the police, the
cost of losing contact with the victim is massive. The offender
walks away scot-free and may repeat the crime, jeopardising the
effectiveness of the police in that area or community.
For this purpose, victim protection programmes are introduced

at the state level and implemented by assisting law-enforcement
agencies. The aim is not only to shield the victim from harm but
to also prosecute the offender, which in turn helps the police
prevent or reduce crime.
More often than not, victim protection programmes incorporate

a section for witness protection as well because of the trauma
and fear a witness experiences during and after the crime.
Unless the witness is also protected against intended threats,
there is very little chance that the criminal case will proceed
smoothly during the trial.
The salient features of these victim and witness protection

programmes are almost universal and can always be customised
to suit a particular policing environment. Under such
programmes, the victim is reasonably protected from the
accused. The detailed contours of protection and assistance
programmes pave the path for an integrated and holistic ap-
proach that starts with the early identification of vulnerable and
intimidated witnesses to the management of the latter by
especially trained law-enforcement officials. In extraordinary
circumstances, witness protection may involve permanent
relocation and re-identification.
Keeping in mind the delays in access to justice, a victim also has

the right to reasonable, accurate and timely notice of any public
court proceeding, or any parole with regard to the crime or of the
accused individual’s release or escape. The victim must be heard
and his or her respect and dignity must be safeguarded against
vilification. Legal assistance must immediately be extended to
them, and if needed, psychological assistance before and during
the trial to cope with emotional obstacles to testifying must also
be provided.
In many cases involving murder or ancestral feuds, protective

measures before, during and after the hearing or trial for victims
and witnesses is to be ensured. This step guarantees the safety of
the victim while testifying so that they can do so without feeling
any pressure or anxiety. It is, therefore, important, that similar
programmes be introduced in Pakistan for strengthening access
to justice and for efficient service delivery.
The writer is a police officer.
Twitter: @MariaTaimurPSP

DM EDITORIALS WHATSAPP GROUP
Antimicrobial resistance 03124191070
dawn.com/news/1699709/antimicrobial-resistance
July 15, 2022
THE World Health Organisation’s call for accelerating the

development of vaccines to prevent infections caused by
antimicrobial resistance shows that the ‘superbug’ apocalypse
that health experts had been worrying about for years is now
well and truly upon us. Describing the growing resistance of
bacteria, viruses and other microbes to the existing stream of
antibiotics as a silent pandemic, the WHO earlier this week
released a report about the vaccines that have been tried or are
being clinically tested for this purpose. Vaccines prevent
infections and reduce their intensity, and the state here has in
place programmes such as the EPI, and more lately, anti-Covid
vaccinations. According to the WHO, vaccines can also be used to
reduce the incidence of AMR. Since infections caused by
superbugs are di cult, and sometimes impossible, to treat,
ffi
vaccines can act as a defence against AMR.
Several examples of AMR can be found in Pakistan, where the

issue is of particular concern to health experts since certain
diseases prevalent in the country, such as tuberculosis and
typhoid, have become resistant to the drugs traditionally used to
counter them. In 2018, there was an outbreak of extensively
drug-resistant typhoid in children in Sindh. The following year,
in 2019, the provincial government carried out a vaccination
drive under which schoolchildren were administered the typhoid
conjugate vaccine. This helped control the spread of the illness.
Pakistan also has the dubious distinction of accounting for more
than 60pc of drug-resistant TB cases in the Eastern
Mediterranean region. This phenomenon has been ‘helped along’
by the over-prescription of antibiotics by ill-informed doctors
and quacks. Across the world, drug-resistant bacterial infections
cause almost 5m deaths each year; more than 1m are directly
linked to AMR. In our own context, there is a need to closely
monitor doctors’ prescriptions and the sale of antibiotics by
pharmacies. What is equally important, though, is disease
prevention. Governments must ensure decent and clean living
and working spaces so that these spots don’t end up becoming
breeding grounds for deadly superbugs.
Opinion
Setting boundaries
dawn.com/news/1699710/setting-boundaries
July 15, 2022
THE Islamabad High Court’s detailed judgement on military

encroachments on Margalla Hills National Park is a warning for
the various parties involved to reassess their involvement in
‘extracurricular’ activities that often cause harm to their
professional responsibilities. By any consideration, the armed
forces should never have gotten involved in activities that are a
distraction from their core responsibility: protecting the nation’s
frontiers and its people from malevolent forces. It is worth
asking what led them to become so invested in commercial
activities like the operation of golf courses or restaurants in the
process of defending the country. The judgement, that follows the
court’s short order in January, has opened the door for this
conversation: “The Pakistan Army has no power nor jurisdiction
to, directly or indirectly, engage in business ventures of any
nature outside its composition nor to claim the ownership of
state land,” it reads. At last, we can talk about the elephant that
has for long been squeezing everyone else in the room.
The judgement certainly does not pull any punches. “The urge of
state institutions to act as a state within the state is obvious,” it
notes in one place. It is important that the court’s rebuke be
taken in its intended spirit: when the most powerful institutions
of the country start acting in defiance or contravention of the law
— the same law they are sworn to uphold and which underpins
the state they pledge to give blood and sweat to protect — it
sends the signal that the state is weak and can be overruled if
one has enough power. This paves the path to disorder and
anarchy, which is the antithesis of the responsibility assigned to
all organs of the state tasked with protecting it. The judgement
makes particular note of this, and it is unfortunate that matters
have come to the point where the armed forces need to be
reprimanded for their transgressions by the courts. It would be
doubly unfortunate, however, if the matter is not taken seriously
and is once again swept under the carpet once the public’s
attention is sufficiently diverted. The unfortunate reality is that
state institutions’ blatant disregard for laws has emboldened
many non-state elements to make very similar attempts to grab
state resources by using some very wrong precedents set by the
former. It is time we drew the line somewhere. The blatant grab
for resources and assets that belong first to the people has to
stop.
Opinion
Bolton’s disclosure
dawn.com/news/1699711/boltons-disclosure
July 15, 2022
THE fact that the US has been involved in regime change for
decades is perhaps the worst kept secret in the realm of
international relations. However, for a high-ranking member of
the American establishment to admit this is significant, as Donald
Trump’s former national security adviser John Bolton has
recently done. While talking to CNN, Mr Bolton — a known
Washington hawk who has served Republican presidents from
Ronald Reagan to Mr Trump — admitted that he was “somebody
who has helped plan” coups d’état and that “it takes a lot of
work”. When pressed further by the interviewer, he mentioned
the 2019 botched attempt to get rid of Venezuelan President
Nicolás Maduro as an example of his regime change experience.
American efforts to make and break foreign governments go

back to the 19th century, but it was perhaps after the retreat of
European empires in the mid-20th century that the US began to
really project its power overseas in a neocolonial fashion. From
overthrowing socialist governments in Latin America to
engineering regime change in the energy-rich Middle Eastern
states, Washington has wielded a big stick and used it far too
often. Sometimes efforts have been overt, involving military
invasions to overthrow unwanted governments, while in other
instances covert methods have been employed, using intelligence
assets to foment social and political unrest in foreign states.
Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria are all recent examples of the
American use of force to change or confront regimes seen as
hostile to Washington. Closer to home, there is a considerable
body of evidence that the US has involved itself in Pakistan’s
internal affairs over the decades, using both carrot and stick.
Washington was certainly happy to see Zulfikar Ali Bhutto go,
and found a fellow cold warrior in the shape of Ziaul Haq to
confront Moscow’s ‘evil empire’ in Afghanistan. And while
officially the US has supported democracy, Washington
policymakers were relieved to find a ‘liberal’ general like Pervez
Musharraf running the show as the US sought to fight ‘terror’
across the globe. In more recent days, Imran Khan has accused
the US of engineering his exit. However, while Washington
apparently did not enjoy cordial relations with the PTI
government, ‘Cablegate’ has been blown out of proportion, and
evidence of an American coup to remove Mr Khan remains
inconclusive.
Has the US learnt any lessons from its history of gunboat

diplomacy and meddling in other states’ affairs? Apparently not.
If anything, others may have been emboldened by America’s
disregard for the sovereignty of foreign states. For example,
Vladimir Putin, before launching his ill-advised invasion of
Ukraine, may have studied the American playbook on how to
engineer regime change. The fact is that ‘responsibility to protect’
and implanting democracy are fig leaves the US has used to
project its power overseas, in the process destabilising states, and
bringing ruin and misery to independent peoples.

Nationhood and Pakistan
dawn.com/news/1699712/nationhood-and-pakistan
July 15, 2022
WITH by-elections looming in Punjab, the question that

necessarily arises is of choice. Independents and contestants
from other parties aside, the tussle will obviously be between the
two main contenders, PML-N and PTI.
The issue is, however, a little more complex. Voters will be faced
this time round not with a conventional political choice, as such,
but rather, in view of the grave economic and political crisis
enveloping the country, something like a historical imperative.
Forethought will be called for, with decisions being driven not by

partisanship or short-term political gain but the larger interest
and the future of the country. Given the present polarities and
the charged political environment, however, that may be too
much to expect.
Even so, it must be realised that chances cannot be taken where

what we seem to be witnessing is a state somewhat precariously
poised as it struggles to reinvent itself. This may be a time of
possibility but it is also one of hazard since errors of judgement,
on the part of the electorate, can easily result in havoc.
The issue is economic but it is also social and cultural.
It is certainly not a time — with inflation and loadshedding at a

record high — when power games are called for. Also, nothing
would be more delusional than for the man on the street to
imagine that there is a glorious political alternative out there
with ready solutions.
Though our political avant-garde likes to think in terms of game

changers, change of a radical kind at this point in time, when the
chips are down, would not be short of disastrous. Also, if the PDM
suffered the rule of the PTI for almost four years, it is only right
that — conspiracy theories aside — the PTI should likewise sit it
out for a while.
Democracy does not, as the PTI chairman seems to believe, allow

for empowerment in perpetuity. Power is not — and cannot be —
owned. It is a given of democracy that power is conferred by —
and, after an allotted period, returned to — the people and that
encores are not always ready at hand.
Interestingly, the PTI chairman likes to think of himself as, in
oracular fashion, speaking truth to power. But the facts have
their own truth to tell. The former cricket star is — manifestly —
a man with an agenda. He is as, if not more, fixated on power
than those currently at the helm.
It does not do a leader of his standing credit, however, to spout

dogma to the masses in his own cause quite as he does at pre-
election rallies. His personal vendetta against the coalition
government is no more than just that. What will matter during
the coming elections is what he delivered — or failed to — during
his stint as prime minister of the country.
The government too is in no position to let up on its efforts on the

economic front or congratulate itself on being out of the woods.
That is not the case. Also, it must bear in mind that it comes with
questionable historical baggage and that probity should be seen
to matter.
That will be hard to establish if camouflage is resorted to in the

guise of a kind of voodoo of economics attended by a principle of
shady reciprocity at play between politicians and our industrial
and agricultural elite.
It is possible that there may be cosmetic changes for the better

with or without a government of consensus being in place. The
fact, however, is that the future of the country will continue to
look bleak in the absence of appropriate reorientation.
It is not enough to sort out a mess left by a previous government.
Important questions need to be asked about where precisely as a
society we are going. As a result of an indecent haste in trying to
‘make it’, we have become brutalised as well as criminalised over
the last few decades.
The issue is clearly economic but it is also social and cultural. We

are passing through a phase where subsistence is self-evidently
of the essence and other concerns will inevitably seem of
secondary importance.
It is understood that material well-being is the chief desideratum

of a progressive modern society. But it is also important that
material aspirations are equally balanced with human
development.
Commentators rightly speak of the need for educational reform

in the country. It is to be regretted, however, that they seem, on
the whole, to be speaking in a vacuum where education has
almost ceased to be a bonum in itself or to be relevant other than
as a pure means to an end — or, in fact, to matter at all.
The issue is fundamental and deserves due attention and redress.

Governments do not seem to be aware of this or to care,
preoccupied as they have traditionally been not with producing a
national meaning or nationhood but merely a culture of avarice
and power — a dead end. We surely owe ourselves more on the
eve of the country’s 75th anniversary.
The writer is the founder chairman of Dialogue: Pakistan, a local

think tank.
‘Maraka’ truths - Newspaper - DAWN.COM
dawn.com/news/1699713/maraka-truths
July 15, 2022
SUICIDES by young men and women have been periodically

reported from Gilgit-Baltistan (GB). Authentic figures are not
available in the absence of scientific surveys and forensic
facilities, which allows ‘honour’ killings to be masked as suicide.
Nevertheless, the suicide rate in this region is, arguably, higher
than the average in Pakistan (8.9 per 100,000).
But we have good tidings from Ghizer in this context. This town
of scenic beauty has been the centre of tragic self-destruction by
youth overwhelmed by despair. Now there is hope. A group of
young men and women, sharing the frustration of their
contemporaries, have decided to act. On June 19, they arranged a
maraka in Ghizer. This is a unique practice. Unlike a jirga, it
offers no verdict. Instead, it offers the opportunity to all
participants to share their views on an issue of concern. Nearly
700 young people and some seniors attended the June assembly
to articulate their thoughts on suicide.
Anayat Baig, who is a trained mental health worker, mobilised

his team — Jabeen Fatima, Ehtisham and Sehr — to take the
initiative.
The guidelines for the maraka were simple: all the youth would
get a hearing without the listeners being judgmental. The
gathering was an inclusive one and all participants were
provided pen and paper for expressing their views. The
preliminary discussion helped frame a declaration of 21
demands. They ranged from a call for declaring a mental health
emergency to counselling being indigenised and cultural
programmes being held for the youth. The written input from the
participants is being analysed for further action.
Nearly 700 young people and some seniors discussed suicide.
One hopes this exercise will bear fruit and that it will lead to
tangible solutions.
For years, those in power have known the youth in GB are

disgruntled and that suicide is common. HRCP representative
Israruddin told me that he had pointed this out more than five
years ago and also suggested that the government should arrange
for research and take suicide-prevention measures. But his voice
went unheeded. GB still lacks medico-legal experts, and medical
and environmental researchers to determine the causes of the
high suicide rates.
Aga Khan University authorities, who run an extensive education

programme in GB, making it one of the most literate regions in
Pakistan, have responded to the suicide challenge by adopting an
interventionist approach from a mental health perspective.
My long conversation with Anayat Baig proved to be most

revealing. He understands the psyche of his people and by virtue
of his training in Karachi is able to take a detached view of his
homeland. He believes that social factors are the root cause of
GB’s suicide crisis. The youth is alienated from the community.
The social/familial, mental health, economic and political
structures are ill-prepared to cope with the challenge. Innovative
strategies to meet the growing psychosocial needs of the people
have not been devised.
The fact is that this has been the perpetual tragedy of Pakistan
for decades. It is Ghizer’s misfortune that it has been hit harder
because the pace of transformation in the region has been rather
rapid and uneven since the turn of the century. This has left no
space for adjustments that normally take place in such a
situation. Education has been the biggest catalyst in changing the
mindset, aspirations and expectations of the young people.
The older generations have not been touched by the winds of

modernisation that have taken the youth by storm. The resultant
clash of generations has brought with it new problems.
Jabeen, who went to Lahore for higher education, identifies
patriarchy as the major cause of friction. She specifies forced
marriages, domestic violence and lack of communication with
parents as factors that make life difficult for girls. Jabeen also
points to the stress that a competitive school system causes in
children.
Integrated and holistic development in every sector is essential

for growth that is balanced; Anayat points out that the
government’s economic and political policies have failed to keep
pace with the development in the education sector in GB. Hence,
unemployment among the educated youth is high. They are
frustrated and life seemingly holds no promise for them. The
political status of GB is in a state of limbo — Islamabad’s promise
to grant GB provincial status remains unfulfilled. This drives
away investment.
In this context, the maraka is a good move. It may lead to local

solutions. Anayat plans to take the assembly to other tehsils of
Ghizer and make it a permanent feature of life as a part of his
Sang project.
He is optimistic as is Jabeen. They believe that sharing their

frustration will help the youth. Jabeen recalls how a female
participant at the maraka told her, “I was contemplating suicide.
Now I am not.” Jabeen inspires hope in her poem Aurat with
lines that translate to: “Life calls out again/ Come let’s learn to
live once more.”
www.zubeidamustafa.com
The cost of no criteria
dawn.com/news/1699715/the-cost-of-no-criteria
July 15, 2022
THERE has been a heated debate going on over the past year or
so about judges’ appointments and whether the criteria for
appointments should be based on seniority or some multifaceted
formula. With respect, I have always felt that the debate was
somewhat premature.
Why, you may ask. Well, firstly, the debate isn’t so much a
consultation with the actual decision-makers, who have the
power to make changes, as it is a discussion among activists
vying for the stakeholders’ nod for their version of what change
must look like. The difference may be miniscule, but it is
significant. A discussion with stakeholders keeps the focus on the
institution’s willingness, or lack of it, to become more
transparent and open about how it appoints judges. It keeps the
emphasis on the institution’s accountability as opposed to which
amongst the two varying public positions on judges’
appointments is right. In short, it keeps the focus on the
institution’s response and not the public’s opinion on what
transparency is.
Secondly, this debate assumes that the stakeholders actually

agree to changing the manner in which judges are appointed,
whereas in reality, the silence from the stakeholders is deafening.
In this heated, and at times bitter, public discussion about what
criteria should be adopted, we have seen very little by way of an
institutional position or input. Yes, there have been occasional
statements and nuggets from time to time in the press about how
the chief justice wants criteria, or how the Judicial Commission
of Pakistan has purportedly agreed to consider certain limited
and broad-ended aspects, which perhaps were already self-
evident, but there has been nothing substantive or forceful, and
certainly nothing which would meet the test of transparency
expected of any public institution, let alone enough to convert
the perception of a spectator judiciary becoming an active
participant in the discussion.
Thirdly, the debate assumes that if nothing else, the stakeholders

are at the very least taking note of the debate and pondering over
the issue. Personally, I am not convinced. If anything, the lack of
cohesion and unity in the public arena allows public institutions
greater space to continue with the status quo, at the same time
relieving any pressure created over time.
Would controversies have arisen about judges’ appointments if open criteria
had been announced?
Hence, on all three counts, unfortunately, there seems to be little

utility to a debate which is divisive amongst the public and yet
not penetrating enough to force engagement with the powers
that matter.
And what situation does that give rise to? Well, it creates a
scenario in which decisions made, even if well intentioned, can
have polarising and problematic consequences for the overall
stature of the institution itself. The most polarising of topics
become a source of paralysis, whereas even the most mundane
of decisions tend to turn controversial. Recent issues pertaining
to the elevation of the current chief justice of Sindh come to
mind, as well as the appointment of junior judges to the Supreme
Court, without the disclosure of the rationale for the same.
However, something more troubling has recently occurred. And

that is why I feel criteria are needed now, more than ever before.
On June 23, 2022, the Sindh Bar Council addressed a letter to the
chief justice of Pakistan in which it discussed how certain names
had been included in an initial list of possible appointees to the
Sindh High Court, and how such names were subsequently
dropped and replaced by others. The Sindh Bar Council was
talking about two lawyers of the Sindh High Court — Ms Sana
Minhas and Mr Kashif Sarwar Paracha. Both lawyers have a good
standing in the high court and would make great judges by all
accounts. However, as circumstances would have it, their names
were apparently dropped, and as per the Sindh Bar Council, this
was perhaps done on account of pressure being exerted on the
judiciary with regard to the candidates’ ethnic origins.
One hopes this is not true, but if it is, it would be a troubling
development. The Sindh High Court has been known as one of
the most competent high courts of the country, with an illustrious
history of being a judicial powerhouse. It has always stood out
for its dedication and commitment to merit, and for the
appointment of judges on the basis of competency and standing
as opposed to a candidate’s family linkages or roots in one
province or the other.
Even if these are simply ill-founded rumours, the very fact that
such a conversation is taking place should be reason enough to
evolve criteriaand put this issue to rest. In fact, there could be no
better reason for doing so.
After all, would such controversies or rumours have arisen if set

and open criteria had been announced by the Judicial
Commission of Pakistan earlier? Would such pressure have even
been exerted, and if so, would it not have been easier for the
judiciary to withstand it, had the institution been armed with
objective criteria which would perhaps be ‘ethnicity’ blind and
competency-minded?
This latest controversy is an alarm bell ringing in the

background, a neon sign of what’s to come, and for lack of a
better description, a red flag fluttering in the winds for all to see.
The warning could really not be more apparent.
But are those capable of heeding the warning shot listening? Are
they even paying attention? Do they foresee the direction in
which we are going? And do they realise that they cannot wish
this issue away, and that indecisiveness may not only delay
things, but also make an already controversial process even
more polarising? We need transparency, openness and a decision
from the judiciary. And we need it sooner rather than later.
The writer is a lawyer based in Karachi
basil.nabi@gmail.com
Twitter: @basilnabi

Inspiration personified
dawn.com/news/1699716/inspiration-personified
July 15, 2022
“I’M no prophet. My job is making windows where there were

once walls,” said Michel Foucault, a maverick French
philosopher of the second half of the last century.
Paul Farmer was one such man in the medical profession who
made windows in the walls of healthcare for the voiceless and
marginalised poor. I say medical profession, but he was not
limited to it. This is about great thinkers and reformers; they
cross the Rubicons of disciplines and intellectually position
themselves at the crossroads of various knowledge streams. Paul
Farmer was a medical doctor but also had a doctorate in medical
anthropology. His life and work are a great example of the
application of integrated knowledge to solve the problems of
healthcare faced by poor people who cannot pay and hence are
of no interest to the health market.
He broke the mould of ‘mainstream’ and went where healthcare

was most needed and made a big difference.
Coming from a poor American family and the scion of a ‘free-

spirited’ father who at one time housed his family of eight in a
discarded school bus and at another time in a houseboat, Paul,
the second of six siblings, focused on his studies. Despite their
poverty, his parents exposed their children to good books of high
literature. After winning a full scholarship to Duke University in
Durham, Paul got interested in medical anthropology. Close to the
university is where he got exposed to tobacco farm workers,
some of whom were Haitian migrants. He got closer to them and
was struck by their poverty and the misery of their living
conditions. This marked the start of his lifelong Haiti project.
Paul Farmer broke the mould of ‘mainstream’ and went where healthcare was
most needed.
He got into a joint medical and medical anthropology

programme at Harvard University. During this time, he also
travelled to Haiti for the first time. From the capital Port au
Prince he travelled with a priest deep inside the country and
ended up in Cange, a small haphazard settlement of people who
had been displaced due to the construction of a dam. Stark poor
and deprived of clean drinking water, with little food, no
education and living in dirty huts, these people were also victims
of rampant malaria, tuberculosis, typhoid and other
communicable diseases. It was among the poorest and the sickest
in Cange that Paul Farmer found his vocation, a calling that he
fully responded to with a lifetime of healthcare development
work.
He pursued his medical degree at Harvard and continued his

work in Cange by commuting between the two for three years.
He had to take long absences from medical school but still
managed high grades. “The experience he was gaining treating
the poor and sick in Haiti was more instructive than any
classroom lecture.”
He founded a community-based health project in Cange. He and

his team started a two-room clinic in 1985. Despite an army coup
and political upheavals in Haiti, Paul and his team continued
their work. Paul wrote an article in the Harvard Medical School
journal about his work and the conditions in Cange. It caught the
eye of the owner of a large construction company in Boston who
decided to visit Cange. Convinced of Paul’s effort, he started
supporting it.
In 1986, the healthcare workers in Cange identified the first case

of AIDS. This is considered to be one of the original flashpoints of
the AIDS epidemic. This is when, with the help of some of his
comrades, Paul decided to set up a charitable foundation called
Partners in Health. Among the people who joined him in setting
up PIH was a Harvard Medical School student Jim Yong Kim, who
later became president of the World Bank (2012-2019). Together
they built up the project from a two-room clinic to a complete
hospital with a nursing school, operating rooms, telemedicine
and a blood bank. It employed healthcare workers from the local
community and provided them with training. They worked on
the determinants of health at the same time by dispensing food
and clean drinking water, provided housing assistance,
education and social services. They built schools, houses,
communal sanitation and water facilities and vaccinated all the
children.
All this resulted in a dramatic reduction in malnutrition and

infant mortality. Locally developed therapeutic strategies for
preventing and controlling infectious diseases, such as
tuberculosis, reduced costs to 100th of the amount that treating
the same disease would have cost in a hospital in the US. Women
literacy and AIDS prevention were great successes. This model of
care and its impact was inspiring and started being replicated in
other places.
One of the reasons for the dissemination of the work of PIH in

Haiti was the prolific writing by Paul Farmer about their work.
He wrote a series of books, including AIDS And Accusation, The
Uses of Haiti, Infections And Inequalities, Pathologies Of Power
and To Repair The World. Tracey Kidder wrote a book about the
work of Paul Farmer and PIH in 2003, Mountains Beyond
Mountains — The Quest Of Dr Paul Farmer, A Man Who Would
Cure The World, which won the Pulitzer Prize. A good
documentary was also made on PIH titled Bending The Arc. Paul
became an icon for improving healthcare for the poor. All big
donors started supporting PIH’s work. WHO used the Cange
experience in infectious disease control in a number of countries
and many awards were bestowed on Paul which he donated
towards furthering the PIH work. President Clinton selected Paul
Farmer as a deputy special UN envoy to Haiti.
As a celebrated icon and role model, Paul used all his charismatic
influence to set up the first of its kind University of Global Health
Equity in Rwanda with the support of the Rwandan government
and a number of donors. The university has been up and running
for the last few years now. This is where Paul breathed his last on
Feb 21, 2022 while sleeping. He was 62.
Today, PIH has projects in a number of African and other

developing countries which are aimed at transforming
healthcare for the poor.
The writer is a former SAPM on health, professor of health systems

at Shifa Tameer-i-Millat University and WHO adviser on UHC.
zedefar@gmail.com

Modern-day slavery
dawn.com/news/1699547/modern-day-slavery
July 14, 2022
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EMPLOYING children as domestic help is a common practice

throughout the country, and it is only when acts of barbaric
violence against minors are reported that society takes notice of
their miserable plight. However, the public outrage is for a
limited period only, and soon enough, these forsaken children
are forgotten, and left to fend for themselves against brutish
employers. The latest incident involving violence against child
domestic workers has been reported from Lahore, where
Kamran, a 10-year-old boy, was allegedly tortured to death by his
employers, while his six-year-old brother Rizwan managed to
survive a savage beating. According to media reports, the boys
were tortured for taking food from the fridge without
permission. This ‘transgression’ reportedly resulted in hours-long
beatings, while police say they found deep bruises caused by
sharp-edged weapons on the body of the murdered boy.
This may be a case of extreme violence, but the sad fact is that
many children across Pakistan have to put up with beatings and
abuse of a similar nature on a daily basis. In fact, it would not be
wrong to say that many employers treat their domestic staff,
particularly minors, as modern-day slaves. Hence, it is not an
employer-employee relationship, but that of a master and slave.
Poor parents are often forced by circumstances to send their
children off to work in the homes of the rich for a few thousand
rupees, and a few scraps of food for the youngsters. Despite
various laws addressing child labour and child domestic work,
implementation is practically non-existent. The fact is that those
who murder and torture children must be punished under the
fullest extent of the law. Moreover, there needs to be stricter
enforcement of child labour laws, and only adults should be
engaged by employers as domestic help. Provincial child welfare
bureaus need to be more vigilant of these exploitative practices,
while the state, civil society, community leaders and ulema must
work together to create consensus in society against the menace
of child domestic labour.
Opinion
Election discontent
dawn.com/news/1699548/election-discontent
July 14, 2022
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IT is getting difficult to keep track of what the PTI wants us to

believe about the July 17 by-elections in Punjab. Going by party
leaders’ recent speeches, the polls have either been completely
rigged, or they will prove to be an overwhelming vindication of
Imran Khan’s politics. Recent statements from former prime
minister Imran Khan and former information minister Fawad
Chaudhry suggest that the party is confused about which
narrative direction to take. On the one hand, the former premier
has repeatedly alleged that a certain ‘Mr X’ and his accomplice,
‘Mr Y’, have been pulling strings to fix the election in favour of
the PML-N. It is understood that these individuals belong to
security institutions, which have otherwise insisted that they
remain ‘neutral’. Mr Khan has also told his supporters that the
PML-N enjoys the support of the chief election commissioner and
that his rival party cannot win the upcoming by-elections
without massive rigging. On the other hand, Mr Chaudhry seems
quite confident of the PTI’s prospects despite his party head’s
fears, asserting somewhat contradictorily that the PTI will secure
the majority of the seats being contested this Sunday and that the
PML-N cannot win even if Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif himself
rigs the election.
It appears that the PTI is playing both victim and victor to hedge
against any outcome that may go against its wishes. As long as
this is just a face-saving tactic, the PTI may perhaps be excused
for playing politics. However, if its intentions are more sinister
and its leaders are laying the grounds for more agitation and
upheaval in the weeks ahead, they should reconsider the party’s
stance. Clearly, the party itself believes there is a chance the
elections are going to be conducted fairly. Why else would Mr
Khan be describing the July 17 by-polls as the “first test” for the
so-called ‘neutrals’ to prove that they are, in fact, non-partisan?
Until they can prove any irregularity, PTI leaders should desist
from bringing the election into disrepute. At the same time, the
Election Commission must ensure that the electoral contest
remains free of controversy. Pakistan cannot afford even more
public discontent and loss of faith in institutions of the state
when economic uncertainty is casting such a heavy shadow on
its future. It is better for the country that the fight between the
PTI and the PML-N remain unimpeachable.
Opinion
The people bomb - Newspaper
dawn.com/news/1699549/the-people-bomb
July 14, 2022
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WE are fighting a losing battle, slipping inexorably towards a

dystopian future where want and deprivation will be our lot. The
reason? There are simply too many of us: the pace at which
Pakistan’s population is growing is fast outstripping our ability to
provide for the millions that call this country home.
Unbelievably, there still appears to be no well-thought-out and
cohesive population control programme in the offing. World
Population Day, that was observed on July 11 as it is every year,
is meant to highlight the importance of population issues in a
world with shrinking resources. Pakistan’s alarming population
growth rate of 2.4pc per annum, which translates to between 4m
and 5m children being added to the total each year, is no less
than an existential threat. The government must snap out of its
ostrich-like attitude and use all the means at its disposal to
address the issue.
The spiralling population also poses grave risks to internal

security. At 230m people, Pakistan is the fifth most populous
nation in the world and on track to balloon to around 300m by
2030. The National Security Policy announced at the beginning of
2022 rightly recognised human security as a precondition for
internal security. It also alluded to the elephant in the room and
made some mention of ‘population management’. But nothing
more has emerged on that score. The government needs to
involve the media in creatively furthering the narrative about
the benefits of limiting family size. That must be backed up with
access to dependable family planning services through the public
healthcare system. Incorporating these in the Sehat Sahulat card
and in the Ehsaas/BISP programmes would accord the issue the
importance it deserves. A recent major study jointly undertaken
by several international organisations including WHO found that
women in Pakistan have an estimated 3.8m unintended
pregnancies each year, most resulting from unmet need for
modern contraception. The data also showed that 52pc of
married women of reproductive age who want to avoid
pregnancy are not using a modern contraceptive method.
We are now faced with a perfect storm. Inadequate investment

in education and poor economic growth have generated
enormous resentment and anger among a youth cohort that sees
few prospects for advancement amid contracting employment
opportunities. The effects of climate change are bearing down
unmistakably upon us, and making scarce resources even more
so. Unpredictable weather patterns and rising temperatures are
adversely affecting harvests and exacerbating food insecurity.
Population pressures also leave us much more vulnerable to
international developments such as the ongoing Russia-Ukraine
war that disrupt global supply chains. Shortages of water and
electricity have already begun to spark unrest; the smallest
provocation, it seems, is enough to trigger mob violence in a
people whose patience has been stretched thin by poor
governance, rising inflation and urban crime. This is not how a
country’s future is secured.

Trade with India - Newspaper
dawn.com/news/1699538/trade-with-india
July 14, 2022
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THE debate over whether or not Pakistan should trade with India
has resurfaced in recent weeks, prompted in part by the poor
health of the economy, as well as recent suggestions that Pakistan
hasn’t quite been able to fully achieve its objectives vis-à-vis the
Kashmir dispute by downgrading relations with India.
There is no disputing the economic justification for greater

engagement with the neighbourhood, or the logic of geo-
economic connectivity, which successive Pakistani governments
have advocated for and which has recently found a central place
in the country’s National Security Policy document.
But while those in favour of re-establishing Indo-Pak trading say
that doing so could usher in economic benefits and foster peace
constituencies, they ignore the logic for disengaging with India.
The logic for disengagement was never grounded in economics; it
was predicated on India’s unilateral revocation of Article 370 in
2019 which altered the status of India-occupied Jammu &
Kashmir (J&K). Pakistan argued that this violated the Simla
Accord. That status remains unchanged, as does the suffering of
Kashmiris which remains singularly non-partisan in its domestic
political appeal across Pakistan.
While there are many examples of adversarial states that

manage to engage economically with one another despite their
differences (for instance, China and India), the India-Pakistan
dispute in its current state simply lacks the structural
foundations on which a politically viable trading relationship can
be built.
What would viable trade ties be based on?
What would such a foundation look like? To start with, it would

need (on either side of the border), a political rationale that is
potent enough to attract and sustain democratic and institutional
buy-in.
We’ve already seen the consequences of attempts to establish

trade in the absence of such a rationale. Two months ago, the
federal cabinet’s approval of a new trade minister in Pakistan’s
diplomatic mission in New Delhi was met with uproar, even
though the cabinet subsequently clarified that the post had
existed for over two decades. Last year, the ECC saw its decision
to import sugar, cotton and cotton yarn from India vetoed by the
cabinet in less than 24 hours, even though the price of these
commodities was cheaper in India. During Nawaz Sharif’s third
government (2013-17), it was ostensibly the military that had
reservations about Sharif moving too rapidly on the trade front
without sufficient movement on other political issues with India.
The purpose of recounting this timeline is to illustrate that

attempts to revive trade with India will always be politically
contentious, to the point of being radioactive, if these are not
indemnified by a stronger political rationale for re-engaging
India that enjoys multiparty and multi-stakeholder consensus.
For now, the only path to locating such a rationale lies in either a)
evidence that the political and human rights situation in J&K
(which was the basis of downgrading ties in the first place) is
seeing demonstrable improvement; or b) evidence that the
situation has stopped deteriorating sufficiently to allow for a
window for conditional engagement with the expressed purpose
of resolving the Kashmir dispute.
Unfortunately, any engagement with India sans either of these

logics, no matter how compelling the underlying economic
justification, will fail to gain acceptance amongst politicians and
the street. There are also no indications that the increasingly
authoritarian BJP-led regime next door is willing to discuss the
J&K dispute bilaterally unless it does so under the narrowly
defined rubric of ‘terrorism’. For the most part, BJP leaders and
politicians have taken the unhelpfully maximalist position that
J&K is an issue internal to India — a position that remains at
odds with the internationally accepted disputed nature of the
territory and one that is unacceptable to Pakistan.
In the face of this intransigence, there is very little space for any
Pakistani government — even one that simultaneously enjoys
both an organic political mandate and a good working
relationship with the military — to make a compelling political
case for resuming trade. And should a government try to do so
under the guise of political pragmatism, it will find itself mired in
accusations of having jettisoned the national interest and
capitulated to the Modi government’s current position on
Kashmir.
Connectivity and regional integration are public goods that the

entire region can benefit from. In the India-Pakistan case in
particular, there are many compelling economic logics to be
made for pushing ahead, beginning with trade. But for trade to
be a viable harbinger of peace, it is imperative that this be
sufficiently politically legitimate, which means enjoying an un-
muddied rationale from the outset. Otherwise, expect political
reversals or U-turns that are symptomatic of difficult
relationships.
The writer is a political scientist at Tufts University.
Twitter: @fahdhumayun

Eid at No. 10 - Newspaper
dawn.com/news/1699539/eid-at-no-10
July 14, 2022
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EIDUL Azha has finally reached 10 Downing Street. This Eid, a

sacrifice was brought into the street and ritually slaughtered
with a knife borrowed from the neighbour in 11 Downing Street.
The victim was of course the British Prime Minister Boris
Johnson.
To read Boris Johnson’s profile on Google is to marvel at how a

man with prodigious ambition and limitless self-forgiveness
could have attained the post once held by his idol Sir Winston
Churchill. Mr Johnson wrote a book about him titled The
Churchill Factor: How One Man Made History (2014). In one
telling paragraph, in which he reveals more about himself than
about Churchill, Johnson writes: “He was eccentric, over the top,
camp, with his own special trademark clothes — and a
thoroughgoing genius … As a young Tory MP, he had bashed and
satirised his own party ... Too many Tories [regarded] him as an
unprincipled opportunist ... His enemies detected in him a titanic
egotism, a desire to find whatever wave or wavelet he could, and
surf it long after it had dissolved into spume on the beach ... He
did behave with a death-defying self-belief, and go farther out on
a limb than anyone else might have thought wise.”
Both Churchill and Johnson achieved fame early, as journalists —

Churchill with despatches from Cuba in 1895 for The Daily
Graphic, and Johnson in the 1980s for The Times and later The
Daily Telegraph. Mr Johnson’s career as a journalist was a paean
to petulance. His tenure as an MP for Henley was tainted with
‘duplicity’. As mayor of London, he hosted the Olympic Games
2012, but to some internationalists he scorched his reputation
when at the World Economic Forum in February 2013, in the
presence of Malaysian prime minister Najib Razak, he suggested
that “Malaysian women attended university only to find
husbands”.
His opponents were treated with loquacious contempt. One

group he dismissed as “great supine protoplasmic invertebrate
jellies”. As foreign secretary and later as prime minister (he
spoke French almost as well as President Macron) he severed the
Brexit knot that his predecessor Mrs Theresa May found so
difficult to unravel.
The Queen may well have her first coloured PM.

Those who still believe that the Palace of Westminster is a
waterfront bastion of democracy should read the political
obituaries of Lady Margaret Thatcher and Mrs Theresa May. Both
believed that they had an electoral mandate to stay in power;
their party and its powerful 1922 Committee (a modern
incarnation of the secretive Star Chamber) decided otherwise.
Now, Mr Johnson too has fallen casualty to its obtuse
machinations, despite having led the Conservative Party to a
landslide victory in December 2019 (its biggest success since
Lady Thatcher’s days).
Who will succeed him? The field is open, with a number of

hopefuls, including Rishi Sunak (former chancellor of the
exchequer), Sajid Javid (health secretary), and Iraqi-born Nadhim
Zahawi (Sunak’s successor as chancellor). These are the sort of
names Queen Elizabeth might have expected to encounter on her
royal tours abroad. If one of them succeeds, Queen Elizabeth may
well have her first coloured prime minister. (Queen Victoria
would have been amused, as would her Munshi.)
One wit has even suggested that if the net could be cast wider,
Pakistan as a member of the Commonwealth could propose a
strong candidate from here — he is an Oxonian, speaks English,
has two British sons, and prime ministerial experience of sorts.
One parliamentary custom we have not inherited from the

British is how to manage a graceful exit. Our democratic
executions perpetuate the Mughal maxim: ‘takht, ya takhta’ (the
throne, or the mortician’s plank). It is either Islamabad or
Raiwind/Bilawal House/Banigala, without a courtesy call in
Rawalpindi to say goodbye.
By the end of July, there could be a change in the chief
ministership in Punjab. By end November, there will be a change
in the leadership of the Pakistan Army, following the anticipated
retirement of Gen Qamar Bajwa. Between now and whenever,
Pakistan could experience the public disaffection that brought
baying mobs into the streets in Colombo last week. Prices there,
as here, have been rising like helium balloons. The government
there, as here, is at a loss how to arrest years of economic
mismanagement.
The crisis in Sri Lanka will cause ripples beyond the Indian
Ocean. In 2005, president Mahinda Rajapaksa sold CPEC to his
voters as ‘a game changer’ and the port of Hambantota as the
twin-pearl to our Gwadar. Like our Sharifs, the Rajapaksa family
is a political dynasty. Their fortunes are linked to the coffers of
CPEC. It cannot please the Chinese to see Mahinda’s brother
Gotabaya Rajapaksa resign as president and then go into exile.
How long before our disgruntled mobs rebel and storm the air-
conditioned citadels of Islamabad?
The writer is an author.
www.fsaijazuddin.pk

The political menu of food
dawn.com/news/1699544/the-political-menu-of-food
July 14, 2022
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EID in Pakistan leaves unwieldy quantities of carcasses to deal

with. But the world’s largest festival of ritual slaughter is held
every five years in Nepal’s Bariyarpur village, mostly of water
buffaloes, for the propitiation of goddess Gadhimai. On the other
hand, The Indian Express reported recently that more Indians
are turning to meat eating than ever before, leaving vegetarian
men in the age group of 15 to 49 — who had never consumed
“fish, chicken or meat” — at a faltering 16.6 per cent in 2019-21.
Indian gurus cite ancient texts to suggest that meat eating makes
us aggressive and vegetarianism has a calming effect.
That’s not the way it always seems to play out though. Are people
who kill people in a riot or a massacre vegetarians or meat
eaters? It is probably the wrong question to pose. I once ordered
a bowl of thukpa at a Tibetan restaurant in Manali. It is a meat
dish with noodles popular among Tibetans who are nearly all
Buddhist. In the meantime, I wondered if the owner could kindly
swat away the flies. There was total refusal to do anything about
the pests hovering over the table. “We don’t kill,” was the clear
but polite reply. What about the thukpa? It has meat. “I didn’t kill
it,” the man smiled.
Within meat-eating and vegetarian groups there are further

subdivisions that can be equally needlessly misleading. Giora
Becker and Gershon Kedar were Israeli diplomats I came to know
in India. Becker was a free-spirited Jew and didn’t hesitate to put
on his plate food that was forbidden in his culture. Kedar was an
orthodox Jew who turned out to be the opposite of Becker in food
habits. He was unprepared, for example, to have a meal
anywhere other than the Dasaprakasa, once a popular vegetarian
restaurant in Delhi. There was no chance of kosher requirements
being violated at the restaurant where meat of any kind was
neither cooked or served.
Their different approaches to food and indeed to their religion

played little or no role in approaching the Palestinian question. If
blood had to flow for their country, rightly or wrongly, it would
be spilt, never mind the key commandment that forbids killing of
humans as a sin.
Are people who kill people in a riot or a massacre vegetarians or meat eaters?
It is probably the wrong question to pose.
Popular belief about food misrepresents men and animals alike.

Indian gurus insist vegetarians are of a calmer disposition while
meat makes one aggressive. A close look would find little or no
evidence for the common claim. In a similar vein, the fact that
snakes don’t drink milk caves before popular belief. Sample the
faulty but commonly used idiom that refuses to yield to the
compelling fact. It insists that feeding milk to a baby snake is to
nurture an enemy.
The Express report on the increasing number of meat eaters in

India struggles against the number of vegetarian leaders the
country has elected, including the current one. The three from
the Kashmiri Brahmin stock — Nehru, Indira, Rajiv — ate meat
and practised yoga. The other meat eaters were A.B. Vajpayee, a
Brahmin from the Hindutva flank. Chandra Shekhar and V.P.
Singh, the two thakurs from Uttar Pradesh, and the two
gentlemen from Punjab, Inder Gujral and Manmohan Singh were
regular omnivores. Gulzari Lal Nanda, Lal Bahadur Shastri,
Morarji Desai, Narasimha Rao, Deve Gowda, and now Narendra
Modi bring up the vegetarian cluster. Shastri and Indira Gandhi
fought wars adroitly despite their different food habits.
There’s another challenge to the vegetarian and non-vegetarian

debate. You may be this or that, or, after today’s fashion, even a
vegan; it will not take you away from your blood-caked past. If
the late Prof Kailash Nath Kaul was right, Indian languages offer
a glimpse into our cannibal origins, which we share with the
wider world. The common threat to drink someone’s blood in a
heated moment or chew somebody raw, or make mincemeat of
one’s quarry may have an unaccepted origin in our early
evolution as social beings.
Movie actor Dharmendra was more popular than his

contemporaries for baying for the enemy’s blood in frequent
climax scenes. He was applauded, not booed for using the north
Indian idiom of bloodlust. The phenomenon is evenly distributed
across many nations. Militaries carry on the tradition of our
headhunting past. If one remembers correctly, there was this
picture of a British soldier with a bunch of decapitated heads of
Malayan communist guerrillas in the 1940s. Accusations abound
of Indian and Pakistani troops periodically indulging in the gore.
According to Harikishan Sharma’s report in the Express, while

the country is increasingly convulsed in the vegetarian-meat-
eating dispute, the truer picture remains studiously aloof from
the debate.
“More people are eating non-vegetarian food than ever before,

and the proportion of Indian men who do so has gone up sharply
in the six years between 2015-16 and 2019-21,” the Express
quotes the National Family Health Survey as revealing. Women
meat eaters too have increased, albeit glacially.
The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Delhi.
jawednaqvi@gmail.com
All eyes on Sunday - Newspaper
dawn.com/news/1699545/all-eyes-on-sunday
July 14, 2022
Listen to article
IT is election time. Twenty seats are up for grabs on July 17 and

their results will be more than just a referendum on the PTI’s
popularity or inflation’s impact on PML-N’s domination of
Punjab. These seats will also decide the future of the government
in Lahore and perhaps Islamabad. More is plaguing the vote than
polarisation, the economic crisis and Imran Khan’s populist
rhetoric; also troubling are the unlikely alliances it has forced
upon parties, especially the PML-N. In many constituencies, the
party’s candidate is a traditional rival, which is why Noon is
struggling — rather than just due to inflation.
But while Khan blows hot, the PML-N enjoys the privilege of
power. Residents and journalists report lower loadshedding in
the by-election constituencies and the presence of trucks selling
utility store items and development work. What else may be at
work can be deduced from the PTI’s allegations about the na
maloom (unknown) X, Y, Z.
The PTI seems to be riding a wave at the moment, though it has

chosen electables for most elections. Few nazriyaatis are in play.
Its jalsas are impressive but doubts remains about the PTI’s
ability to get voters to the polling stations, especially as the other
side is prepared to make the visit a difficult one.
Here are some of the seats up for contest on July 17 chosen in no

particular order and limited only by the word count!
The PTI seems to be riding a wave at the moment, though it has chosen
electables for most elections.
In Lahore, four constituencies are at stake but if observers are to

be believed, only PML-N’s Asad Khokhar is said to be in a
comfortable position to win. For campaign-watchers, the other
three are close races.
The one that has generated the most interest is PP-158, the seat
vacated by erstwhile Khan loyalist Aleem Khan. It is said he
wanted the ticket for his confidant, Shoaib Siddiqi, but the PML-N
preferred to award their own man, who had lost from here in
2018, Rana Ahsan Sharafat. Aleem Khan has not been seen
campaigning for the Noon man amid rumours he is miffed with
the choice of candidate. The PTI has awarded the ticket to Mian
Mehmoodur Rasheed’s son-in-law, Akram Usman. Journalists
such as Habib Akram and Ajmal Jami who have surveyed the
constituency report increasing support for the PTI in the face of
inflation. And this is why Ayaz Sadiq’s cabinet resignation is
being seen as a sign the PML-N camp is worried and wants its top
guns to campaign in the area.
In the other two constituencies, PP-167 and PP-170, PML-N ticket-

holders are former PTI dissidents, Nazeer Chauhan and Amin
Zulqarnain (Aun Chaudhry’s brother). Both are said to be in
trouble because of the PTI’s popularity and PML-N cadres’
unhappiness. Nazeer Chauhan is said to have complained
publicly about not getting support from the ruling party. Amin
Zulqarnain faces Zaheer Abbas Khokhar, who has been elected
MPA previously and comes from a politically influential family.
Moving beyond Lahore, PP-7 Rawalpindi will witness a fight

between Raja Sagheer Ahmed and retired Col Shabbir Awan. Raja
Sagheer won the 2018 election with around 44,000 votes as an
independent and later joined the PTI, only to dissent. He is now
contesting on a PML-N ticket. He is opposed by Awan, formerly
PPP, who joined the PTI in 2013. He is the candidate in whose
favour Zaheer-ul-Islam, former DG ISI, was seen speaking in a
video that did the rounds.
PML-N stalwart Raja Zafar-ul-Haq is said to be not supporting the

PML-N candidate because his son was the party candidate in
2018.
In Sheikhupura PP-140, Mian Khalid Mehmood is the PTI man
who is now contesting on a Noon ticket. He was a PML-Q member
in the past. He faces Khurram Virk from PTI. Though this is a
PML-N stronghold, PTI feels it has a chance because it’s an urban
area. There are also reports that local PML-N leaders are not
favouring Khalid Mehmood.
Another seat up for grabs is PP-97 Faisalabad. In 2018, Ajmal

Cheema had won as an independent candidate and then joined
the PTI. He had been a PTI member but contested independently
because the ticket went to someone else. He faces Ali Afzal Sahi
of PTI, who was runner up in 2018 by around 5,000 votes. The
PML-N candidate in 2018 came third; he had put up his papers
this time around but was persuaded to withdraw in Cheema’s
favour. The Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan is also said to enjoy
support here.
In Jhang, two provincial seats are going to witness elections on

July 17. In PP-125, which is mostly rural, Faisal Hayat Jabwana is
contesting on a PML-N ticket and faces PTI’s Azam Chela. Faisal
Hayat had won as an independent candidate in 2018, securing
over 50,000 votes and then joined the PTI, only to turn dissident.
Chela was the PTI candidate in 2018 too.
Next door in 127, Meher Aslam Bharwana had won

independently in 2018 and joined the PTI. He got the PML-N
ticket for dissenting, and faces Meher Nawaz Bharwana, who
was the PTI’s candidate in 2018. The winning margin in 2018 was
less than 1,000 votes. For this election, the Pirs of Siyal have
announced their support for the PTI as has Sheikh Waqas Akram.
Inflation is said to be an issue in most rural seats because of the
high price of diesel.
In Lodhran, two seats are up for grabs. In PP-228, Nazir Ahmed

Baloch, a PTI dissident is now the PML-N candidate. He is from a
known local family and faces first-timer and PTI man, Izzat Javed
Khan, who is seen as a weak candidate. However, Syed Rafiuddin
Bokhari, who was the runner-up in 2018 on the PML-N ticket and
lost by just 3,000 votes, is now contesting as an independent
candidate.
But the second complicating factor here is that the local

electables group, led by Federal Minister Abdul Rehman Kanju,
may be having second thoughts about Nazir Baloch, who is
aligned with Jahangir Khan Tareen. In addition, Siddiq Baloch,
also aligned with Kanju — he faced JKT in elections — is not
supporting Nazir Baloch.
Next door in PP-224, interestingly, the 2018 candidates are facing

each other but on different tickets. Zawwar Husain Warraich,
who was PTI is now on the PML-N ticket while Amir Iqbal Shah is
PTI instead of PML-N. While Warraich has been in politics since
2002, Amir Shah is from an old, established family and has
defeated the Tareen family previously. The considerable Arain
vote in the area is also said to be favouring Iqbal Shah as is the
Kanju group.
In Muzaffargarh PP-272, dissident PTI MNA Basit Bokhari’s wife

is contesting. Earlier, Basit Bokhari’s mother was the dissident
MPA from here. However, Basit Bokhari’s brother is also
contesting the election while the PTI has given its ticket to Sardar
Moazzam Jatoi. While there are fears of family differences
dividing the vote, Jatoi is seen as a strong candidate, who is
supported by the local PPP stalwart Qayyum Jatoi. Next door, the
contest is less uncertain as the PML-N’s Sibtain Shah is seen as a
strong candidate compared to the PTI’s Yasser Jatoi but Imran
Khan’s large jalsa in the area took people by surprise.
Sunday promises to be a tense day for politics, in more ways than

one.
The writer is a journalist.

Dawn Editorials and Opinions 1-15 July 2022

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A city that always sinks

July 13, 2022

For daily Editorial

In a city that works, special arrangements would be in place to attend to the

The writer is an attorney teaching constitutional law and political philosophy.

Published in Dawn, July 13th, 2022

July 13, 2022

THE wide-ranging inadequacies of what is known as Western-style democracy may

Published in Dawn, July 13th, 2022

July 13, 2022

Published in Dawn, July 13th, 2022

July 13, 2022

Published in Dawn, July 13th, 2022

July 13, 2022

The Sri Lankan turmoil is a classic example of an economy caught in an acute

The writer is an author and journalist.

Published in Dawn, July 13th, 2022

July 13, 2022

Published in Dawn, July 13th, 2022

July 13, 2022

Ending dynastic politics artificially won’t lead to merit in politics.

Published in Dawn, July 13th, 2022

FOR Muslims, Eidul Azha is an occasion for sombre reﬂection on

Clearly, all of us have a role to play. Even without Eid, waste

Published in Dawn, July 8th, 2022

THE State Bank does not seem willing to leave anything to

Published in Dawn, July 8th, 2022

THE 20 by-polls due in Punjab on July 17 will be watched

Currently, Punjab CM Hamza Shehbaz, backed by the PPP and his

Published in Dawn, July 8th, 2022

OVER the past three months, a handful of highly inﬂuential news

The ‘repression’ against these celebrities has only served to make

My sense is that we are never likely to return to the world that

The transformation of the ideological terrain — both in the realm

Put differently, the political right has successfully deployed

Such resistance to state, class, gendered and religious repression

Indeed, irrespective of what ends up happening to these

Such a leftist alternative cannot be forged on social media, not

The writer teaches at Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad.

Published in Dawn, July 8th, 2022

MAHATMA Gandhi’s views about the Holy Prophet (PBUH)

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was by all standards a great

A well-read man who developed his own sartorial style and

Those uttering dirt include Modi’s brainwashed men and women.

Another scholar, Pandit Gyanandra Dev Sharma Shastri, who

On a larger plane, it is worthwhile to know that Jewish scho-lars

As for European scholars’ hostility towards Islam, the profundity

I believe this remark is contained in his classic The Decline and

The writer is Dawn’s External Ombudsman and an author.

THE frequency and ferocity of climate-induced disasters in

First, rather than referring to Pakistan as among the countries

Vulnerability and resilience are not static concepts. They are

The magnitude of the super ﬂoods of 2010 made Pakistan one of

While vulnerability to riverine ﬂoods has reduced, Pakistan still

Additionally, the sources of vulnerability range from tropical

Second, it is a misplaced argument that climate change is a

Third, it is inaccurate to say that climate change can be stabilised

A cursory look at the budgetary allocations since 2012 when the

Climate change is not just a north-south issue, though the West

The writer is an expert on climate change and development.

Published in Dawn, July 8th, 2022

A NUMBER of commentators have been saying that we are in for

Prices also tend to be sticky downwards. This observation by

There is a deeper reason too. William Easterly, in a 2001 paper,