BY SAJJAD HUSSAIN CHANGEZI CALLS for protests against inflated electricity bills and increased fuel prices have become common in Pakistan's big cities, bur one wonders how poor families in the rural areas are faring in the midst of such hardship. A household survey of 600 families in district Kech in Balochistan, Pakistan’s poorest province, gives shocking details. Survey respondents included families apparently benefiting from the BRACE, Programme, an EU-funded poverty reduction initiative implemented by the Balochistan and National Rural Support Programmes, The survey reveals that although average monthly household income has increased by 29 per cent since the baseline in 2018, monthly expendi- ture has risen by more than 34pe. Despite the best efforts of NRSP and supporting partners, the end result is that poverty in these households has increased, with a net negative saving amount. If the benefi- ciaries of a poverty-reduction initiative are suffering setbacks, one can only imag- ine what rural families not covered by any social protection scheme must be going through. Foresight Research, a Karachi-based research firm, conducted the baseline in 2018, midline in 2021 and endline in 2023. ‘The surveys also reveal that the lion’s share, ie, 72pe of total household expendi- ture averaging Rs24,720 is spent on food. ‘This was 60pe in 2018 and 66pe in 2021. If three-fourths of a family’s budget is taken up by food expenses, there is no room to build assets or invest in personal and pro- fessional skills development. This is also evident from the land ownership pattern which has reduced since 2018. A decline of 5pe has been reported. In other words, most households are living at the basic sur- vival level or even struggling to maintain the ownership of their assets. Another major finding of the survey is that the impact of climate change has made its way from science conferences and university research papers into the common people’s lives. Nothing shows that more clearly than when people from two tehsils of a single district complain about two contrasting weather phenom- ena. In Tump tehsil in Kech district, 45pe of the respondents complained about ‘excessive rainfall’, whereas 50pe of the respondents in ‘Turbat tehsil of the same district cited ‘lesser rainfall as the major climate problem. A climate change expert can explain that although the obvious impact may vary from one village to another, droughts and floods are two sides of the same coin, ie, climate change. The unpredictability of rainfall has made it difficult for rural communities to Washed away make arrangements for the safety of their families, crops and livestock. Over the last five years, loss of livestock has reportedly increased from 24pe to 45pe, loss of agricultural output from 15pe to 44pce and damage to personal property from 19pe to 26pe. Families and communities usually step up in response to external challenges but beyonda certain threshold, they lose their stamina to put up a united front against visible external threats such as climate change. It is a most worrying finding that, after the initial increase in collective efforts to protect the environment, as noted in the midline survey, fewer respondents now say they are continuing tree plantation efforts, preventing defor estation or adapting to extreme weather conditions by means of improved house construction, Economic hardships beyond a certain threshold also result in social deteriora- tion. This is evident from the fact that the perception of people helping each other in need has decreased from S6pe in 2018 and 30pe in 2021 to 20pe in 2023. Not surpr ingly, when sur- veyors inquired about trust in local represent- Families in Balochistan are nosediving into poverty. atives, an increased per centage of respondents — 29pe in 2023 compared to 20pe in 2021 and 1Spe in 2018 — opted for ‘no trust’. Balochistan has long suffered from political instability and economic depriva- tion but now poor families across the country are nosediving into poverty. The middle class is rapidly thinning and mil- lions of families find it hard to keep their hopes alive for economic betterment. The economic situation needs stable political leadership to plan and implement con- crete measures, especially in regions vul- nerable to climate change. As for the international community, these findings should serve as yet another reminder that the regions and communi- ties surveyed, though contributing least to environmental pollution are the ones bearing the brunt of climate change. The European Union has focused on Balochistan but the centre and the provin- cial government need to lead from the front to support the rural, poor and mar- ginalised communities of Balochistan. m The wniter is a development professional from Balochistan. X (formerly Twitter): @ ChangovskiBY NIAZ MURTAZA OUR demoeratic journey is like that of a small boat caught in stormy seas. But in a country where the vast majority has not seen the fruits of democracy in real life, it is often hard for many to realise that democracy matters. Even highly educated persons often argue that we need good governance, whether it comes from democracy or autocracy. Such talk reflects the sorry reality that even after 75 years, we have no consensus on democracy, unlike in most Saarc states where democracy is a given and the only debate is on improving it. It also reflects the sorrier fact that such people have not done a serious analysis of our own and global trends to realise that only democ- racy leads to durable good governance. ‘Thus, such talk is reflective of not wisdom but naivete. Democracy is a form of governance based on participation, tolerance and human rights unlike despotism. But for even many educated people, these are abstract luxuries that we can’t afford yet and governance must yield immediate economic progress, infrastructure, utili- ties and law and order even if via autoc- racy. A regime that doesn’t ensure partici- pation, tolerance and human rights can’t give the latter concrete outcomes for too long, as global trends show. Among the four autocracy types, monar- chies are almost all gone, except the Gulf ones which thrive only on oil money. Army regimes today all do poorly in Myanmar, Sudan, Egypt and West Africa. Theocracy in Iran and Afghanistan is struggling. Among one-party autocracies, only China and Vietnam do well, but most others — as in North Korea, Cambodia, Laos and Central Asia — don’t. Also, none of our par- ties have the strength to be given carte blanche. Against this, dozens of democra- cies are doing well, even regionally. But democracy takes time to mature and deliver. In India, SriLanka and Bangladesh, it took decades, Yet people there still stuck with it to later pick its tasty fruits. In Pakistan, even a few years of bad out- comes under a severely controlled democ- racy grappling with the bad legacies of Jong autocracy are enough for us to yearn for autocracy despite its decades of poor outcomes notwithstanding absolute pow- ers and lavish US aid. Many blame all our ills on democracy even though we have not had even for one day the unshackled democracy some of our neighbours have had for decades. There were no national polls from 1947 to 1958 and a dubious con- stitution only lasted two years. Since 1958, our history is simple: we have been ruled directly by the establishment or by three parties (the PPP, PML-N and PTT) whose Democracy stalls founders were initially brought into poli- ties by the establishment which later fell foul of all three. Thirteen out of our 15 national polls and referenda since 1958 were seen to be rigged by the establish- ment and one by civilians (1977). We have dubiously invented a fifth autocracy type- hybrid musical chairs — where the estab- lishment keeps changing the junior civil- ian face once it invariably becomes too big for its boots and starts wanting to don the establishment’s bigger and shinier boots, only to be booted out. Until 1971, the main impetus for autoc- racy came from the Bengali numerical edge that banded together western civilian and khaki elites against democracy. Since then, the main impetus is the establishment's unwillingness to let civilians rule. All three civilian elite groups — landed, commercial and middle class—have taken turns at form- ing parties, winning with varying levels of establishment support initially and then try- ing to tame it, Our problems are not the fruits of democracy but the thorns of autoc- racy as even our civilian regimes are establishment-con- Only trolled. democracy The five forms of autocracy can't ee deliver in a huge, good diverse and unruly state like ours. The governance. way forward is democracy. Despite all the beating democracy has taken, its pre-fruits quickly sprout whenever the establishment loosens its grip even briefly asin 1972-77 and 2008- 2018 in the form of the Constitution, devo- lution and fair polls. True, governance was still bad as democracy matures slowly. Yet, our situation now isso bad, we can’t wait for democracy to yield good govern- ance slowly. We need good governance right after the next polls to avoid doom. But we must not try to get it via a hybrid regime; it must be through fair polls. The media, civil society, the people, donors ete must democratically pressurise the win- ner to appoint a competent prime minister and cabinet, from its ranks and beyond, which undertakes equitable reforms while the Zardaris, Sharifs and Imran run their parties and support reforms. The next regime may be a make or break one for us. We can’t afford another business- as-usual one. If it fails, so may Pakistan. The writer is a political economist with a PhD degree from the University of California, Berkeley. murtazaniaz@yahoo.com X (formerly Twitter): @NiazMurtaza2BY JAWED NAQVI ij PRESIDENT Biden was assiduously cultivat Ing leaders of Pacific Island nations the other day when in the distant Maldives archipelago in the Indian Ocean an electoral run-off was poiaed to evict @ friendly head of state. The White House mecting underscored how any piece of land along the soa-lanes plied by China or Russia were coveted i anichor to upstage strateic Hivals: The Maldives was under British adminis tration when an Italian ship was sunk off its ‘coast during World War I, It faded from impor tance with the arrival of the Diego Gareia base loaned by Britain to tie US in the Indian Ocean, not far from the Maldives, from where the Trad, invasion was earried out. Mr Biden's meeting with Pacific avowedly a response to China's inroads into the oceanic region where Beijing has struck up a ly partnership with akey island state. In this one ean see that a setback may have ‘occtirred for Mr Biden when Mohamed Muze re Maldives race, However, iris difficale ro eu how India stood to lose from the election of a Ieader described curiously. in’ Indian and Western press as an anti-lndia and pro-China man. If Mulzu and his party proclaim them ly anti ‘diplo- mats to ponder. Is the Maldives alone in being, ‘antilndia (and pro:China) in South Asia, ifa all it'is that? Or is It the same rubbish at work whereby entire communities “at-home are damned by India’s state-backed TV channels ‘with hostile propaganda, simply because some Sikhs or Muslims, or any other, may not soe eve to eye with an increasinaly delinquent state Leave alone. the Maldives. What about Sri Lanka where Chita has # strong presence? Or Bangladesh where Beijing hastraditionally had a key presence despite India’s seminal role in the creation of the nation in 1971? Why is predomi nantly Hindu Nepal looking sucha piece of heavy ‘weather for Indian diplomacy? Even Bhutan, ‘which has a treaty that tethers ito India in era. ‘ial ways, is spending extensive time in quiet ‘confabuations with China, We need not even get toPakistanand Afghanistan from the st of coun: tries that were once eyeing at least a courteous o3i relationship with India under the canopy of Saare, the South Asian club that Indi under Prime Minister Modi, for reasons best known to nlm, has throttled into near extinction. Iiitsessence, Mr Muizzt’s election needn't be a threat to India or a favour to China, Irmay be justa rap on the knuckles for diplomatic sullen- hessat the most. As such, the entire India-China- Maldives discourse seems likes hangover from thebloe days of the Cold War. The truth lieselse- ‘where. The Indian middle class has nurtured Sreams of a Mitty-esque conquest of the world, a If Muizzu and his party proclaim themselves to be anti-Indian yet not as openly anti-West, there is something for Indian diplomats to ponder. self-congratulatory arrival of the Vishwaguru, the spiritual and temporal leader of the world. In this dream sequence, they have been obsessively busy courting the plobal stage in the footsteps of the prime minister: Many went berseri with the G20 summit Mr Modi hosted recently. The runs. Dlings waiting to erupt in Canada were ignored and dismissed curtly. This was also the time when the UK was suddenly distancing itselt from its own duplicity in buying refined oi prod cit from India whose source wat Ioeated in Russia. Then Australia admonished Hindurva activist over a vandalised Hinda temple falsely Dlamed on the Sikh diaspora. Allin all, not great tidings for the sell:proclaimed Vishwagura. ‘Contrast the absence of marked diplomatic finesse of recent days with approaches signalled by" provious prime ministers. Indira Gandhi hosted 130 non-aligned movement leaders in 1983, followed by the mega Commonwealth sum iit in Goa. At the NAM summit in Pidel Castro's u Maldives and its neighbours company, she led a united appeal for denucleari ‘sation of the Indian Ocean while the summit also Called on the US to vacate the Diego Garcia base. lipped that poliey, allowing India fed into a self-defeating anti-China ‘mbit that serves Western interests without nec essarily addrossing New Delhi's border issuos with China, if they ever could. An approach to pragmatic diplomacy was shown by Inder Gujral shortly after the end of the Cold War. He directed the Indian intelligence pparatss to suspend their agpressive presence in countries in India’s neighbourtiood, partieularly son Pakistan, He met Nawaz Sharif in Male dur ing the 1997 Saare summit and rekindled recom Ciliation with Islamabad as part of a foreign poliey Structured in concentric circles, giving priority 0 relationships closor home. That line was pursued byManmohan Singh, Despitetheterrer unleashed in Mumba in November 2008 with an unspeal: Die massaere of elvilians by armed killers from across the border, Singh preferred a rapproche ‘ment with Islamabad at Sharm el Sheikh in Egy. Ho was like Arjun, the hero of Mahabharae who ‘was famously riveted to the eye of the fish to shoot the arrow at In Singh's case, the eye was the som ing free maticet economy he had initia “Thore are rare oceasions whon their morality tested for nations flaunting democratic and lib feral eredentials. One such occasion came in the Maldives at_a regional summit when member states showeased thelr respective cultures and heritage. It was around then that Pakistan, under Asif All Zardari's presidency, if T remember ight, sot up an exhibition in Malo, claiming Pakistan’ Buddhist lezacy asa major component of its national identity. This was no small depar- ture from the puritan path the Zia regime had prescribed for cultural preferences. Muslim zeal- (ot from Male ransacked the exhibition aan. Islamic. It was just the time for India to speak up for Pakistan, One can't remember a squeak from New Dell. ‘The fault, therefore, is not in the stars, Or, as Samuel Beckett says: ie doesn’t help to blame the boots forthe faults of the fy ‘Tho wnter is Dawn's correspondent in Delhi. Jawednaqui @gmail.com $78 12ASBY ARIFA NOOR ®4 From hero to zero The infighting is so great that it infects everything around it. AS we obsess about the economy and the past mistakes which led to the economic crisis, the ‘saga of Reko Dig comes up frequently. The story is brought up agin and again, and among the essone we are told to learn ia the overreach of the judiciary. But then, the judiciary and its past ‘mistakes are a pet theme, these days. I's the new ‘black’ s0 to speak, in our polities. Thordor to learn from the past, itis important to remember more than just the events them selves. However, we Find it convenient to do the exact opposite. This is Justas true of the Reko ‘Big story and the role played by the judiciary. To doo, is perhaps to miss the wood for the trees ‘In fact, there is another way to view the Relco Dig story —a perspective in which the Reko Dig agreement became part of the larger story of Perver Musharrat'srise and fall [rasa story In which Musharraf waa firee welcomed whet he took over the country, but then, over the years, his popularity and acceptability waned, leading 19 a political erisis, Pakistan frequently onds up with dictators, bbutin comparison to many othor countrios wher ‘men on horseback gallop in as saviours and then. never dismount, we tire of our uniformed say Joursrather quickly. Elsewhere, th piles of similar leaders having ruled for decades {ta stretch. The problem is ~ and this is univer Sally true — that the mon on horseback, once they make a grand entrance, don't have an exit plan, especially because they don't believe in ‘Quiet retirement, So it was with Mushatrral ‘As a result, a little help" is offered, invisibly, ‘and Musharraf was no exception. Pakistan was in turmoil for @ good two years to convince him tomake up his mind, Ifit began with the reversal of the Steel Mills privatisation, irgathered steam, ‘with the judiciary movement and then the siege ‘of Lal Masjid. Each sch event rocked the entire country and weakened the man in charie. ‘Teevorlse attacks picked 1p pace till Renazie Bhutto was assassinated; and eventually, ‘Musharraf got the message and went home. But in this period, Musharraf was not just weakened bur also delegitimised. And every thing and everyone in is vicinity wastarnished, incliding the politicians. For instance, it was Tic. And when Asif AH Zardari called the PML. , the ‘Qatil League, few felt it was perhaps tnnesessary. Todemoniseall that wasMusharrat ‘as the Mavour of those heady days Trwas within thislarger context, which contin ued even after elections were held, that news bbogan to trickle out about the big, bad Reko Dig deal which was then overturned (as had been the ‘Steel Mills privatisation). Even the Musharraf ‘era Gwar Port deal was put aside ‘That there was a price to be paid for all this became evident years later, when Reko Dig ‘ended up in international arbitration. Even the ‘cost of not privatising the Stool Mills back in 2006, as planned, has now become evident to ‘many who highlight the large sums the govern. iment continues to sink into this black hole year “after year. Hindsight, as the lich goes, is 20-20. ‘The point of narrating all this is not simply to ‘imprest upon the reader how long] have been rat ling on for, watching Pakistani polities from the Sidelines, but to point out that wien wo bemoan ‘our inability to ensure consistency of policy, itis Tinked to our failure to have a consensts oft political system aad the rules for allowing leaders tox, Antd while thi is te of the men on horse ‘back, iris also truefor our political leaders. “The former may have no exit plan but even those who are clected are then shunted ost roth a process which is anything but an clee tion. And once ayain, this process includes insta bility and demonisation. ‘The infighting as the country tumbles from regime ta regime and fram setup to setup, and the accompanying polarisation, is so groat that it infects everything around it. The LNG deal by the PML-N was a ease in point during the transh ton in 2018 as was the PDM's treatment of the Sehat Insasf ear Policies are not shaped or abandoned because of a sarious analysis of their costs and benefits bur because of the larger political crisis of bik: ing up one side and demonising the other. Since the people's choices have to be shaped and moulded, demonisation and glorification have become an essential part of the process, worse SUI], the men and Womet are moved from hero to zero to hero again rather quickly ‘And until this comes to.an end, the notion that a charter of economy can fix the larger economic problem is an idea that is bound to fal ‘This has now become particularly problematic ‘because our systenaie swings from demonialng fone group and helping another to then pulling a Switeheroo are now becoming shorter. And along with this, demonisation ir nowrequiring a bigwer fand bigger effort. This time around, the efforts to dismantle PTI have required a lovel of effort and ‘repression far greater than what was femplayed when the PML-N had to be pushed back 2017 onwards. This also raises fears about ‘what the reaction will be like atice the current policies are reversed, ‘This perhaps if the reason for my: scepticiem about the steps taken by the caretaker govern ment. The tue is not about whether or not the policies are right but the manner in which theyre being pat in place and by whom. Their continnity ‘might be sacrificed once again a the altar of polit {eal expedioney, once the swing is sot in the oppo- site direction. For nothing suggests any change in fur inability to agree on transitions — political and institutional. And this is the primary issue Pakistan has to addresebiet continues to ignore. The waters a joumalist.Relying on debt AKISTAN is in a debt spiral that may push it over the P cliff should the world decide to remove the drip-feed of bilateral and multilateral loans that is keeping its failing economy on life support. Grappling with several economic problems — elevated inflation, large fiscal deficits, low industrial and agricultural productivity, a frail balance-of-payments position, a weak exchange rate, etc — Pakistan’s dependence on cash injections from its few foreign friends and global lenders is increasing by the day. For the last few decades, we have been a most loyal customer of the IMF, the World Bank, and others to pay our bills, because we do not collect enough taxes to finance our budget, and the country’s capacity to earn enough dollars to pay for imports from its own pocket is severely hampered by low productivity. Thus, it is no surprise that Islamabad was the top borrower of cheaper funds from the International Development Association among South Asian countries. The World Bank’s annual report for 2023 says Pakistan had secured $2.3bn in financing from the IDA during the last fiscal year. With the government’s reliance on domestic and external loans growing rapidly to meet all its expenditures after making escalating debt payments, Pakistan’s debt hangover is worsening rapidly. State Bank data shows that the total public debt rose to 74.3pc of GDP at the end of FY23 from 73.9pc a year ago. The mounting debt stock is not only making the government borrow more to pay back its creditors but also eroding its capacity to support inflation-stricken people and grow the economy to produce jobs. Sadly, the ruling military and civil elite haven’t grasped the seriousness of the situation, in spite of repeated warnings from multilateral agencies and ‘friendly’ countries. Instead of taking measures and making sound economic policies to solve the fundamental weaknesses in the economy, they continue to grope for a big bailout from the Gulf monarchies. The materialisation of the promised multibillion-dollar investment bailout may provide temporary relief — just like the recent $3bn IMF loan delayed sovereign default has — but it will not change the inevitable. No amount of bailout dollars can take the place of basic economic reforms. There are no quick-fix solutions to the multidimensional economic crisis. Successive governments have delayed fundamental reforms for far too long, owing to political reasons, and have used borrowed cash to pump economic growth. Once the short low-growth spurts end, the economy will find itself in a much deeper hole, with the man on the street left to bear the increased cost and pain. of new adjustments while the elite classes keep enjoying their privileges. As the nation tries to control grave internal political and faith-based conflicts, it is postponing economic reforms. This will prove disastrous for the country.Palestine abandoned T appears to be only a matter of time before a normalisation I deal is announced between Saudi Arabia and Israel. While significant questions remain unanswered, specifically about the fate of the two-state solution, signals from all major stakeholders — Riyadh, Tel Aviv and Washington — indicate a deal is on the horizon. The recent statement by White House spokesman John Kirby that the “basic framework” of the plan was ready only strengthens claims by Saudi and Israeli leaders that normalisation is at hand. While the Saudis have long said they stand by the two-state solution, the commitment to this goal may be diluted in order to make peace with Tel Aviv. For example, the Palestinians may be given cosmetic guarantees that their quest for statehood will be supported in order to make the ‘mega-deal’ a reality. The truth is that the Israelis are unlikely to make any major concessions for peace, specifically where the right of return and ending illegal settlements are concerned This ‘mega-deal’ is simply a bilateral understanding between Riyadh and Tel Aviv blessed by Washington; the Palestinians are but an irritating detail. Moreover, even if the Palestinian Authority is won over by the Saudis with promises of funds and support, this does not mean the Palestinians will accept the bartering away of their historical homeland. After all, the PA is widely seen as corrupt and inefficient, in fact, an extension of the repressive Israeli occupation. And without Hamas, which rules Gaza, on board, the deal cannot be seen to have full Palestinian support. Just as Oslo and the so-called Abraham Accords have failed to end the brutal Israeli occupation and pave the way for a viable Palestinian state, the Saudi-Israeli normalisation, too, won’t achieve anything. If the deal goes through, many Arab and Muslim states will shed their inhibitions and extend a hand of friendship towards Tel Aviv. Never mind the fact that extremist ministers within the current Israeli cabinet have talked about “wiping out” Palestinian towns and have refused to give up an inch of illegal settlements. The Arab and Muslim worlds will have to decide which side they are on: will they stand by the oppressed and call for the end of the Israeli occupation? Or will they choose the path of realpolitik, and sue for illusory peace with an apartheid state?Killjoys in Swat N yet another blow to women’s rights in Pakistan, a group I of young, spirited girls seeking to participate in a Sunday cricket match in Swat’s Charbagh town were robbed of the opportunity. The hopes of the 12-year-old organiser were dashed when the girls were sent away by angry men, telling them playing in an open ground would be ‘immodest’. How can playing a sport, a celebration of one’s talents, be seen as amark against one’s modesty? The tehsil chairman cited ‘unstable security conditions’. After outrage ensued on the media, the local government promised a match ‘in a week or two’. What a shame that where Malala’s fight for the rights of young girls was born, such events continue to transpire. While age-old prejudices might have had a hand in the obstruction of an innocent game, such biases have no place in contemporary Pakistan. Our nation has seen the ascent of women in all spheres, including sports, proving that skill knows no gender. The stifling of these young girls’ dreams is another reminder that the fight against extremism goes beyond kinetic action: it requires dealing with a regressive mindset. When the girls were denied permission to play, they were denied the simple joys and life lessons that sports offer, such as teamwork, perseverance and discipline. Addressing the issue requires a multifaceted approach. Community awareness programmes, promotion of female role models, the start of a dialogue with religious leaders, the creation of safe spaces for women, and introduction of sports into school curricula will all go a long way in changing deeply ingrained beliefs. It is also important to engage men and boys to stand up for the rights of their sisters, daughters and friends. Our country’s future lies in the empowerment of its youth, regardless of gender. The valleys of Swat should echo with the sound of the bat striking the ball, and with cheers, not with the silence of dreams deferred.Even security officials involved in smuggling won't be spared: Bugti Says COAS has warned top brass of action; terms prospect of Nawaz’s return ‘encouraging’ By Our Staff Reporter ISLAMABAD: Admit- ting that some officials of the armed forces were involved in cross-border smuggling, Caretaker Interior Minister Sarfraz Bugti on Monday said such officers would be court- martialled and sent to jail. “Tt won't be correct if I say that security forces aren’t involved in it, as [smuggled] items are transported via trucks, not camels,” Mr Bugti said while addressing a press conference alongside Information Minister Murtaza Solangi. The minister’s remarks come amidst a stepped-up crackdown against smug- glers transporting wheat, sugar, fertilisers and dol- Jars to Afghanistan and oil to Pakistan. The interior minister also claimed that during a meeting, Chief of Army Staff (COAS) Gen Asim Munir told his officers that whoever was found involved in cross-border smuggling would face the consequences. “Pakistan’s army chief had told his people very clearly that they won’t only be court-martialled, but those involved in such activities would also be sent to jail,” Mr Bugti said while referring to a meet- ing, where he claimed to be present as well. The army has an accountability mecha- nism little known to the general public, he said, rring to action against officers over alleged negli- gence on May 9. In June, three army officers, including a lieu- tenant general, were sacked following “two comprehensive inquiries”. ‘Civilian shortcomings’ The interior minister said there were weak nesses on the civilian side Continued on Page 5PPP won’t ‘sit around and wait’ for poll schedule ¢ Bilawal asks people to hold political parties accountable for endorsing delay in elections ¢ Farhatullah Babar decries tallx of poll delay based on negative ‘vibes’, says genuine democrats must be ready to face voters ¢ Ex-PM Gilani seeks level playing field for all, pins hopes on election watchdog By Imran Ayub KARACHI: The Pakistan Peop- les Party on Monday called out its former allies for apparently endorsing a delay in general elec- tions, vowing that the party would not rest until a date for general elections is announced by the Election Commission of Pakistan. After publicly criticising the PML-N multiple times over the past few weeks for allegedly accepting a delay in general elec- tions beyond three months, PPP Chairperson Bilawal Bhutto- Zardari took exception to a state- ment recently issued by Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (JUL-F) chief Mau- lana Fazlur Rehman, wherein he had questioned the possibility of elections in the winter season. ‘Addressing local bodies’ repre- sentatives at Bilawal House in Karachi, Mr Bhutto-Zardari, who served as the foreign minister during the previous regime, said only the PPP was consistent in its demand for timely elections. “One [PML-N] says that fresh delimitation is crucial for the next elections and the other [JULF] questions the possibility of polls in January and February due to harsh winter. The people of Pakistan now should know and identify all those whoare running away from elections,” he said. “Let me be very clear, we won't sit by idly. We will keep raising our voice for timely elections,” the PPP chief said, also asking people to hold those political par- ties accountable who were trying to run away from elections. ‘Vibes’ are off The PPP chairman’s doubts and frustration about the general elections were also echoed by the JUL-F wants polls in Nov or Feb: Page 5 second tier of the party leader- ship, which questioned the tim- ing of different incidents, sus- pecting they would cause further delays in the democratic process. The latest protestation came from veteran PPP leader and spokesman Farhatullah Babar, who took to social media to share his thoughts. While reacting to a recent statement by the JULF chief, he said: “Some say winter not conducive, others say fix economy first & then polls. This is running away from polls. Hold free & fair polls, without engi- neering, to resolve problems. Genuine democrats must be ready to face defeat if that is what people decide,” he wrote on Continued on Page 5Cy [BALOCHISTAN GOVT ANNOUNCES « ‘ALL-OUT WAR? AGAINST TERRORISTS