Professional Documents
Culture Documents
2013
John Paul
Washburn University
Recommended Citation
Decker, Stephanie & John Paul. 2013. "The Real Terrorist was Me: An Analysis of Narratives Told by Iraq Veterans Against the War in
an Effort to Rehumanize Iraqi Civilians and Soldiers." Societies Without Borders 8 (3): 317-343.
Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/swb/vol8/iss3/1
This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Cross Disciplinary Publications at Case Western Reserve University School of Law
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University School of Law Scholarly Commons.
Decker and Paul: The Real Terrorist was Me: An Analysis of Narratives Told by Iraq
Stephanie Decker
Washburn University
John Paul
Washburn University
Abstract
War often necessitates or compels the dehumanization of the enemy. Taking away
the humanity of a group of people makes them easier to kill and commit atrocities against
them while relieving the soldiers, as well as the public at large, of having to deal with any
moral dilemmas related to their actions. Additionally, once a people have been
dehumanized, it is a difficult task to change those attitudes, particularly when it causes
one to examine their own role in civilian causualties, war crimes, and other abuses. While
it is not a new phenomena for servicemen and women to return from war and join a social
movement dedicated to educating the public and politicians about the human costs of
war, we have chosen to focus on just one such organization: Iraq Veterans Against the
War (IVAW). Examining IVAW narratives is especially useful to the literature on
dehumanization and rehumanization as the veterans were not only witnesses to the Iraq
War, but also actors within the war. Their narratives include insights into the
dehumanization process and rehumanization process that are not found in the narratives
of other antiwar activists. This research was done by collecting and analyzing testimonies
given by members of IVAW during their Winter Soldier event. Through this method we
found that members of IVAW used narratives to rehumanize enemy civilians and soldiers
in an effort to decrease public approval of war. Members used several methods to
rehumanize the Iraqi people and decrease apathy among Americans concerning the War
in Iraq: they asked their audience to take the perspective of Iraqis, employed role
reversals, emphasized the social roles and family ties of civilians, and highlighted the
effects of war on children.
Keywords
Dehumanization, Rehumanization, War Crimes, Antiwar Movement,
Veterans
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necessary not only for soldiers to take part in the violent acts that
constitute war but also for public approval of war. When individuals are
dehumanized, they no longer evoke compassion and moral emotions and
are subject to moral exclusion, or the belief that certain individuals are
“outside the boundary in which moral values, rules, and consideration of
fairness apply” (Opotow 1990: 1). Anthropologists Montague and
Matson (1983) explain that when people are reduced to objects, they
become dispensable, making almost any atrocity justifiable. On the topic
of dehumanization, psychologist Zimbardo (2008) states, “under such
conditions, it becomes possible for normal, morally upright and even
usually idealistic people to perform acts of destructive cruelty” (3).
Given the context of this paper, we are interested in the processes
of dehumanization (and later techniques of rehumanization) that have
been used to label and construct images of Iraqis and Arab and Muslim
men and women since 9/11 and the American Invasion of Iraq.
Following 9/11, Americans were “drawn back into the body politic,”
becoming less critical of social institutions and more jingoistic (Carey
2002: 87). While media coverage and social-political discussion of
Muslims increased dramatically after 9/11, the conversational milieu
often failed to provide a nuanced and contextual understanding of Iraq,
Islam, and Muslims in general (Steuter and Wills 2008). Indeed, as
Malcolm, Bairner and Curry (2010: 216) write: “Edward Said’s claim
that ‘malicious generalizations about Islam have become the last
acceptable form of denigration of foreign culture in the West’ (1997: xii)
seems more pertinent now than ever.”
Further, Edward Said’s Orientalism (2003) provides an
interpretative framework from which to understand this dehumanization
and the imagined, oppositional relationship between the “‘West’ and the
‘Rest’ and Muslims in particular” (Saeed 2007: 447). Said’s work
explores the history of the “Us versus Them” binary in which Islamic
and Arab cultures have been defined as deficient and antithetical to
Western culture. In this way then, orientalism constructs cultural
generalizations and stereotypes that depict the Orient (and its members)
as “irrational, backward, violent, animalistic, untrustworthy and corrupt”
(Steuter and Wills 2008). To be sure, the extent to which Arab and
Muslims have been dehumanized and degraded in post 9/11 orientalist
frameworks is extensive and is well documented (David and Jalbert
1998; Steuter and Wills 2008; Smith 2011).
Having identified this, our task now is to examine efforts to
rehumanize “the other” and to identify specific strategies of
rehumanization. As several scholars have implied, such efforts of
rehumanization (for both the other and self) are efforts “to heal the
burdens of psychic injury” (Lyons 1998: 195) and to cleanse a spoiled
self (Oelofsen 2009). While there is much literature on dehumanization,
academic research on rehumanization is still sparse. Much of the current
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this most common characteristic is the family. David and Jalbert (1998:
32-33) write:
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Prysner explained how dehumanizing the term haji can be, saying,
“When I got to Iraq in 2003, I learned a new word, ‘haji.’ Haji was the
enemy. Haji was every Iraqi. He was not a person, a father, a teacher, or
a worker.” Another IVAW member, Casey5, made the following
comments to a journalist at an anti-war rally:
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Role reversal
Members of IVAW also worked to rehumanize Iraqis by taking
part in role reversal and portraying themselves as villains. Narratives
create verbal representations of society and allow individuals to
understand their place within the social order (Maynard and Whalen
1995; Goffman 1981). Typically social movements use narratives to
identify some individuals as victims, some as villains, and others as
heroes (Benford and Snow 2000; Oliver and Johnston 2000; Turner
1996). Doing so identifies dedicated members in a positive light and
reinforces negative views of individuals that are seen as challengers to
the movement, thereby supporting the status system of the group (Fine
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This story not only demonstrates the way that war disrupts the family
unit, but also demonstrates that the individuals detained and killed in the
war are all real people with family members. Such narratives make it
easy for others to relate to Iraqis and to see them as humans.
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almost takes two men to do it, just to put the door onto
the hinge, and these doors are just really heavy, and a
moving vehicle opening this door, swinging it out and
hitting this kid, um, I’m sure that kid must have died.
And I was in the truck, I was on the gun on the truck
behind the truck that did it, and we finally pulled up the
base where we were headed to, we were on an escort
mission, and uh, the TC came around and was screaming
and yelling at the kid who did it, and I was like ‘Thank
God,’ you know, something is being done, and uh, the
kid was left alone and he’s pissed off that he got yelled
at, and I was asking him about it and he said that he got
in trouble because he endangered himself and his crew
by opening the door and there could have been a
possible IED (Reece 2076).
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End Notes
1
John Kerry is an American politician and current U.S. Secretary of
State. He was a combat veteran who later became an anti-war advocate
and outspoken member of the Vietnam Veterans Against the War. He
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was the presidential nominee for the Democratic Party in the 2004
presidential elections.
2
The number of times that the videos have been viewed on YouTube
varies between a couple hundred times and over one million times.
3
Michael Blake served in the Infantry Division of the U.S. Army. He
was deployed to Iraq from April 2003 to March 2004. Following his
return he filed for and received Conscientious Objector Status and an
honorable discharge.
4
Michael Prysner served in the United States Army Reserve as an Aerial
Intelligence Specialist. He was deployed to Iraq from March 2003 to
February 2004. He was 24 years old at the time of Winter Soldier
(IVAW 2008: 98).
5
Jody Casey served as a 19 Delta Cavalry Scout sniper in Iraq.
6
Christopher Arendt served as a Specialist in the United States Army
National Guard. He was deployed to Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, and was 23
years old at the time of Winter Soldier.
7
Kristopher Goldsmith was a Sergeant in the United States Army and
served as a Forward Observer. He was deployed to Sadr City from
January to December 2005. He was discharged from the military after
attempting to commit suicide to avoid further deployment. He was 27
years old at the time of Winter Soldier (IVAW 2008: 185).
8
Ryan Endicott served in the United States Marine Corps in Iraq and
Southeast Asia at the rank of Corporal (IVAW 2009).
9
Jon Turner was a Lance Corporal in the United States Marines and
served as an automatic machine gunner. In 2006 he was deployed to
Fallujah, Abu Ghraib, and Ramadi. He was 22 years old at the time of
Winter Solider (IVAW 2008:23).
10
Andrew Duffy served as a Sergeant in the Iowa Army National Guard.
He was deployed to Abu Ghraib from October 2005 to October 2006 and
worked as a medic.
11
Jason Hurd served as a Specialist in the Medic Troop of the Tennessee
National Guard. He was deployed to Central Baghdad from November
2004 to November 2005. He was 28 years old at the time of Winter
Soldier (IVAW 2008: 38).
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12
Scott Ewing held the rank of Specialist while serving in the United
States Army as a Calvary Scout. He was deployed to Tal Afar from
March 2005 to March 2006 (IVAW 2008: 70).
13
Kelly Dougherty originally served in the military police unit of the
Colorado National Guard and was deployed to Iraq from March 2003
until February 2004 as a medic.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank our colleagues, especially Kristine Hart, for their
helpful comments and suggestions on this paper. We also thank the brave
men and women of IVAW for sharing their stories.
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