Kalinga History

The Kalinga are one among seven ethnolinguistic groups which inhabit the Central Cordillera region
ofNorthern Luzon, Philippines. The other six are: the Ibaloi, Kankanai, Bontoc, Ifugao, Tinguian, and
Isneg .... All ethnic appellations presently applied to the populations of the Central Cordillera region of
Northern Luzon, Philippines, are inventions by their lowland Filipino neighbours, by invading colonialists,
anthropologists, and linguists. The name Kalinga itself is a very good illustration. It is the designation
given by the Ibanag of the Cagayan Valley to the people living on the mountains in the high er reaches of
the Chico River. These highlanders used to come down to the valley and raid Ibanag settlements for
human heads and cattle. For that reason, they were called kalinga, which in Ibanag language means
enemy. If these ethnic names have any meaningful sense at all , it is that they reßect the outsiders' and
foreigners' perceptions of the Cordillera inhabitants and the kind of relation they have had with them.
How then do the Kalinga call or identify themselves? While the exigencies of modern life have made
them accept the ethnic label which they now carry, traditionally they referred to themselves collectively
as tagu (humans). And when a Kalinga is further pressed about his individual identity and to distinguish
himself from other men and groups, he answers by giving his personal name and follows it, not by a
family name for the Kalinga do not have family names, but by the name of his ili (village) of origin. In
short, the Kalinga identify themselves as men living in villages, which indeed continues to be the
actuality of their social existence .... It is no accident that the Kalinga, when identifying themselves, add
to their personal name that of their ili of origin as if it were their family name. It is a specification of
identity which touches on the very corners tones ofhuman social organization and social theory. When
the Kalinga name their ili as the second element of their identity, they mean to say that the ili is their
second self, their social self, a second definition of their human existence. What are the characteristics
ofthis second self? What is its mode ofbeing? The word ili, as used by the Kalinga, first of all refers to the
settlement, the clustered complex ofhouses, the human community. Space in the community is
classified into three categories. 1) The surrounding space constituting the edge of the settlement called
pidong. This area, generally planted with coconut trees and other fruit trees in addition to natural
vegetation, serves not only as dustbin for all kinds of refuse materials and as a "communal toilet" for the
inhabitants of the ili but also as a buffer zone between the settlement and the rice terraces. 2) The
empty, unoccupied res identiallots called sa' ad. These lots, very much like the pidong, are often used as
depositories for refuse and dirt. As such, they are likewise considered as convenient habitats for agents
of disease and lurking places for invading aran (spirits of the locality) from foreign lands, especially at
night. However, during community festivities, such as the inauguration of a peace-pact or celebration of
a marriage, one of these lots is cleaned and becomes the setting for dancing and general merrymaking.
3) The settled lots, da -naboboroyan, the agglomeration of houses called boboroy. Secondly, i/i refers to
a wider geographical area which establishes the ultimate boundaries, called ka'is, ofthe village
community. This wider area comprises the pappayaw (rice terraces) and the taron (forest). The taron
encompasses the communal forests where all members of the community can go and gather firewood,
root-crops, fruit, berries, and other edible plants; the hunting grounds; the fishing grounds; and the
areas where people of the locality can build their uma (swiddens). This wider expanse constitutes the
territory of the ili both as an economic and political entity. Moreover, it is recognized by neighboring
groups as the proper domain ofthe group occupying it. Thirdly, this wider territory also constitutes the
religious world of the Kalinga. It is a religious world in the sense that, in this particular territory, tagu
(humans) and aran (spirits) are destined not only jointly to elaborate a common mode of social existence
but also to cooperate in protecting the ili from outside attacks. The ethic of this social mode of existence
sterns from the ngilin and paniyaw (taboos and prohibitions) surrounding the personality and status
attributed to spirits, people, animals, places, times, social relations and activities. The Kalinga recognize
kigad (boundaries) in space as they do in time. In the ili territory, the forests and lakes, except those put
to cultivation by man, belong to the nature deities, who build their