John Lee, Religious Persecution - An Examination of Cardinal Manning's Letter in The New York Tribune, July 3, 1886

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RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION.
An Examination of Cardinal Manning's Letter in the New York

Tribune, July 3, 1886.
BY
REV. JOHN LEE , A. M. B. D.
I have done my duty. The rising generation must meet this

[Jesuit invasion] as the burning issue of their day ; they may meet it
as " sheep for the slaughter ;" but I think they will be more likely
to confront it like the Huguenots .-BISHOP COXE.
PRICE, 25 CENTS A COPY,
CHICAGO :
CRANSTON & STOWE,
57 Washington St.
Copyrighted by John Lee, 1887.

NC
RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION .
AN EXAMINATION OF CARDINAL MANNING'S LETTER IN
THE NEW YORK Tribune, JULY 3 , 1886,
BY
REV. JOHN LEE , A. M. , B. D.
I have done my duty. The rising generation must meet this [Jesuit
invasion] as the burning issue of their day ; they may meet it as " sheep for
the slaughter ;" but I think they will be more likely to confront it like the
! Huguenots.-BISHOP COXE.
PRICE, 25 CENTS A COPY,
CHICAGO :
CRANSTON & STOWE,
57 Washington St.
26117
L478r
Copyright by JOHN LEE, 1887. All rights reserved.
Press of W, P. DUNN & Co. , 57 Washington St. , Chicago.

Remember the days of old, consider the years of many
generations : ask thy father, and he will shew thee ; thy elders,
and they will tell thee. - Moses.
Nothing so provokes me as to hear intelligent men al-
ways talking of the past.- Monsignor Capel.
Let us search more and more into the Past ; let all
men explore it, as the true fountain of knowledge ; by whose

light alone, consciously or unconsciously employed, can the
Present and the Future be interpreted or guessed at. —Thomas
Carlyle.
Of what weight or authority is human history in mat-

ters of faith ? Hand over your documents, the forged and
the true ; the forgeries we will find out ; the true we will inter-
pret.-Cardinal Manning.
We have a right to look for arguments, not mere asser-

ertions . -Cardinal Newman.
657585
DEDICATED TO
AN HONORED FRIEND AND FORMER TEACHER,
REV. BISHOP W. X. NINDE, D. D.

OF THE
METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH .
PREFACE .
Strong convictions , as a Christian minister, and an Amer-

ican citizen, have compelled me, amid the busy labors of the
pastorate, to examine in the light of history, some statements
found in a letter written by the head of the Anglo- Roman
Church , and printed in one of the most influential papers pub-
lished in this country. Whether the examination has been con-
ducted in a fair, impartial spirit, the reader must decide.
There is nothing gained, and a great deal lost, in incorrectly
representing the views of those from whom we politically or
religiously differ. Extremists defeat the very end they have in
view. That man is truly wise " who can use history as a clew
to decipher the often mysterious pages of his own age." (a)
This is my purpose. No matter in what else this may be
wanting, in honesty and truthfulness it will not be deficient.
To throw some light on the following pages it will be
proper to state, not in my own words but in the words of distin-
guished Roman Catholics, some facts in reference to persecution,

the value of oaths, and liberty of conscience. Lord Acton, in a
letter to the Editor of the London Times (b), asserts : " He [Pope
Pius the Fifth] , assured the King of France that he must not
spare the Huguenots, because of their offenses against God . "
" When Henry of Valois swore to respect the liberty of con-
(a) Miscellaneous Writings by Francis Lieber, LL. D., vol. I., p. 189. J. B. Lippincott &
Co., Philadelphia, 1881.
(b) November 24, 1874.
6 Religious Persecution .
science in Poland , the Cardinal Penitentiary informed him that

it would be a grievous sin to observe his oath, but that, if it was
taken with the intention of breaking it, his guilt would be less."
The very Rev. Canon Oakley, in a letter some years ago to Mr.
Gladstone, wrote : "As to liberty of conscience , we are thankful
even to avail ourselves of it, although none the less convinced
that it is abstractedly opposed to the Catholic theory." (c) The
Catholic World (d) affirms : " We do not pretend that the Church
[of Rome] is or ever has been tolerant. She certainly is opposed
to what the nineteenth century calls religious liberty. Always
and everywhere does the Church assert, and, as far as she can,
maintain, the full and perfect liberty of religion , the entire free-
dom and independence of the spiritual order, to be itself and to
-
act according to its own laws — that is, religious liberty in her
sense, and if the words mean anything, religious liberty in its
only true and legitimate sense." One of the most notable eccle-
siastical gatherings in 1863 was the Roman Catholic Congress
at Malines, Belgium. Among the eminent speakers were
Cardinal Wiseman, of England , and Count Montalembert, of
France. In a speech on " Freedom of Worship," the eloquent
Frenchman said : " I must confess that the enthusiastic devotion
Cath . for religious freedom by which I am animated is not everywhere

to be found among Catholics. They desire freedom for them-
intel.
selves, but that is of no great merit ; men in general want
freedom of every kind for themselves. But the freedom of
creeds which we reject and deny, terrifies and troubles many
(c) London Times, November 17, 1874.
(d) Vol. XI., p. 8, April 1870 The Catholic Publication House, New York.
Religious Persecution, 7
among us. If we enquire into the origin of this terror , we

shall find that it rests on the notion entertained by many
Catholics thatfreedom of worship is of anti- Christian origin. ”(e)

Americans may be induced to believe that Cardinal Manning's
Church has abandoned persecution when she destroys at least one
of her works of art. Emile De Laveleye tells us in the Contem-
porary Review (f) : " Before entering the Capella Sistina in the
Vatican you pass through a magnificent hall called the Sala
Regia. On the walls are pictures by Vasari, representing the
triumphs of the [ Papal] Church. Four of these frescoes show the
horrors of the massacre of the Huguenots on the St. Bartholo-
mew's eve. It was Pope Gregory XIII . who ordered the per-
petuation on the walls of the Vatican of the memory of this

crime, which drew tears from the eyes of old Voltaire." Can it
be that an English Cardinal could view unmoved that " which
drew tears from the eyes " of a French infidel ? Again and again
this prince of the Church has surveyed those "triumphs " of
Romanism, and as he contemplated still further " coercive power
to constrain to unity of faith " (g), up to his remembrance came
the lines of his distinguished countryman :
"We kill the heretics that sting the soul-

They, with right reason, flies that prick the flesh." (h)
To any careful observer of the times it is evident, that the
leading spirits in that gigantic religio-political organization ,
(e) Appleton's Annual Cyclopædia for 1863, p. 821.

(ƒ) Vol. XLVI. , p. 296, August, 1884.
(g) The Vatican Council and its Definitions, by Manning, p. 103. D. & J. Sadlier. New
York, 1871.
(h) Queen Mary, by Alfred Tennyson, Act III., Scene IV.
8 Religious Persecution.
which aims at universal rule, have determined to capture this

""
country, "the people " which, we are told, " must have a master."
" We wish this country," says an American Roman Catholic
philosopher, "to come under the Pope of Rome. As the
visible head of the Church, the spiritual authority which Al-
mighty God has instituted to teach and govern the nations, we
assert his supremacy, and tell our countrymen that we would
have them submit to him." (i) That the Papal Syllabus - which
every Roman Catholic is required to believe-condemns the teach-
ings of the Constitution of the United States, no intelligent

Romanist can deny. To interfere with the rights of govern-
ments has ever been a marked feature of the Papal Church.
To appeal to history in order to establish the falsity of her
many claims, Mr. Gladstone assures us, Cardinal Manning
considers treason. If this act of treason on my part tends to
move my fellow citizens, ere it be too late, to protect the Re-

Ceath.
public from its sworn enemies, then after I am dead, on the
stone that marks my resting spot, let Cardinal Manning, or some
one on his behalf, trace, " Here lies one guilty of treason. "
JOHN LEE.
Wyanet, Illinois, March 1, 1887.
(i) Brownson's Essays , pp. 380, 383. D. & J. Sadlier & Co., New York, 1852.
RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION .
The New York Tribune informs us that " an American
friend " called the attention of Cardinal Manning to the Rev.

William Arthur's assertion in a letter to the London Times, that
it is a moral mystery how any friend of religious liberty could
consent to " hand over Ireland to Parnellite rule. " To this friend
the Cardinal replied in a letter, a startling production to emanate

from such an intelligent man in such an intelligent age. A care-
ful examination of some statements in this communication will
repay the thoughtful, unprejudiced student.

I. Let us commence with the opening paragraph :
" LONDON, July 1 , 1886.
" DEAR MR. HURLBERT- You ask me whether I share the
fears expressed by Mr. Arthur as to the religious liberty of the
Protestants in Ireland from the handing over of Ireland to the
Parnellite rule. I have no such fear. First, because Mr. Par-
nell is himself a Protestant, and the other day declared his hope
that he should live and die a Protestant. He is not the man,
either by his American kindred, or his Cambridge education , or
his Irish sympathies, or his English antecedents , to persecute
Protestantism anywhere, least of all in Ireland . And, further,
because the whole power wielded by Mr. Parnell in the sympathy
and trust of the Catholic people of Ireland, in whose behalf I
have no hesitation in saying that they never have persecuted
their Protestant neighbors in the matter of religion , and have
been always the conspicuous examples of respecting the liberty
of conscience which has been so cruelly denied to them. " ( 1 )
(1) New York Tribune, July 3, 1886 ; London Times, July 6, 1886 ; Baltimore Catholic
Mirror, July 31 , 1886.
Cardinal Manning believes that " the handing over of Ireland

to the Parnellite rule " would not endanger " the religious liberty
of the Protestants in Ireland," and one reason assigned for that
belief is, " because Mr. Parnell is himself a Protestant, and the
other day declared his hope that he should live and die a Pro-
testant." Who thinks there is any argument in that statement ?
When the Cardinal was a married Protestant clergyman, (2)
he too, probably, to his excellent and passionately beloved wife,
would have " declared his hope that he should live and die a
Protestant." Undoubtedly Mr. Parnell would not persecute,
but he can only control the Nationalists so long as he voices
their views and moves at their behests. When he ceases to
be their mouthpiece, no matter how outspoken their views

may be ; when he refuses to move, no matter how gentle
the undertone in which the command is given ; when he asserts
his Protestantism, if his religious belief be worthy of the name,
he would instantly be relegated to oblivion. The Irish Nation-
alists would have no further use for him. Mr. Parnell can
learn a lesson from the treatment the Irish Protestant, Henry
Grattan, received from those for whom he burned the candle of
life at both ends. In the Encyclopædia Britannica we read
as follows : " After the rejection of the Catholic Relief Bill
of 1813 , which was accompanied by a clause reserving to the
English sovereign the power of veto in the election of Catholic
bishops, the Catholic board repudiated the proposed compromise
(2) This sometimes disputed point is settled by communications from Archbishops

Kenrick, of St. Louis, and Corrigan of New York, kindly informing me that his Eminence
was a widower when he became a Roman Catholic. From another source I learn that Mrs.
Manning was an excelleut woman, and that the marriage was a happy one.
Religious Persecution . 11
and declined to entrust Grattan further with their cause." (3)

If Mr. Parnell can learn no lesson from Grattan , then let him go
back to 1641 , and look into the face of Colonel Mervyn , another
Irish Protestant, " the most eloquent of the patriotic orators " in
the Dublin Parliament of that day. He lived to deeply bewail,
according to his own acknowledgement, the course he had pursued ,
and one feels that there is the ring of truthfulness in the
Colonel's words, when he speaks of " the rebels, under pretence of
convoy, inviting the scattered and hidden Protestants into a
body," and then murdering them " one by one " in the presence
of the priest. Can Mr. Parnell for one moment question the
veracity of this eye-witness , when he says ? " Out of the County
of Fermanagh, one of the best planted counties with English , I
could never give account of twenty men escaped , except, which
is most improbable, they should flee to Dublin . Having en-
quired from prisoners by name for such and such, they have
informed me they were all massacred. The Blackwater in
Tyrone, had its streams dyed in blood , there being at one time
200 souls murdered on the bridge and flung down the river. " (4).
Dr. Thomas Maguire, a loyal Irish Roman Catholic, Professor of
Moral Philosophy in Trinity College, Dublin, in his excellent
pamphlet says, " Mr. Parnell knows well that his greatest enemy
could not inflict on him a greater curse than to give him the gov-
ernment of Ireland , and leave him to satisfy his hungry satel-
lites." (5 ). Mr. Arthur is a Protestant, and some Romanists
(3) Vol. XI, p . 56, Ninth Edition, American Reprint. J. M. Stoddart & Co., Philadelphia.
(4) Froude, The English in Ireland, vol. I, bk. I, ch. ii, p. 102. Note. Scribner, Arm-
strong & Co., New York, 1873.
(5) England's Duty to Ireland, p. 13. William MacGee, 18 Nassau Street, Dublin.
might, doubtless, say that his Protestantism unfitted him for an

impartial investigation of the Irish question. Dr. Maguire is a
life long Roman Catholic. Cardinal Manning is not. Dr. Maguire
was born and educated in Ireland, knows the genius of the Irish
people, and is therefore, in every sense, better fitted than the
Cardinal to express himself intelligently concerning the religious
feature of Home Rule. He affirms : " Home Rule means the
boycotting and massacre of the loyalists . Boycotting and

Massacre ! This cannot be too often dinned into the ears of the
thirty odd millions ( 6 ) of all shades of race, religion and politics.

We are told the majority will tolerate and protect the minority.
Will they ? Everything tells the other way. Boycotting has
reached the Dublin tradesmen and shopkeepers, and the Catholic
professional men, legal and medical, are for the time being in the
hands of the clergy. Cardinal McCabe (7) directed that no
legal or medical man should be employed unless he belonged to
the Royal University." (8) Within the last few months, the Pro-
fessor's assertion about boycotting has been strongly corroborated .
On the 12th of November, 1886, in one of the Dublin courts , a
tradesman testified that he had been bankrupted by a boycott of
the National League which reduced his business sixty per cent.
(9) The most influential Roman Catholic paper published in this
country says : " The blue-blooded Duke of Norfolk comes for-
ward with an indictment against the Bishops and Priests of Ire-

land, accusing them of being revolutionists, foes of law and
(6) The estimated population of Great Britain and Ireland.
(7) For Cardinal McCabe's Pastoral, see Dublin Freeman's Journal, November 13, 1882.
(8) England's Duty to Ireland, pp. 8, 9, 11.
(9) The Chicago Inter Ocean, November 15, 1886.
Religious Persecution . · 13
order and instigators of riot and bloodshed. " ( 10 ) The writer

of this article affirms, and Irish history supports him in his
affirmation, that "the blue-blooded " Roman Catholic Duke is
right.
Concerning his co-religionists in Ireland, the Cardinal asserts :
" I have no hesitation in saying that they never have persecuted
their Protestant neighbors in the matter of religion, and have
been always the conspicuous examples of respecting the liberty
of conscience which has been so cruelly denied to them ." His
Eminence makes a simple assertion , but I shall present historical
evidence, clearly establishing that the Irish Romanists " have
persecuted their Protestant neighbors in the matter of religion,"
and that they are not " conspicuous examples " of " liberty of
conscience." For this evidence I will interrogate Romanist
and Protestant. Let the reader follow with utmost care every
statement. I wish him to accept none of my assertions unless I

produce in their support substantial evidence. I note first.
(1.) The Irish Rebellion of 1641 was entirely unprovoked
on the part of the Protestants. It was a cold-blooded butchery
for which there was not even the shadow of an excuse. Lord
Castlehaven, a Roman Catholic, says, concerning that Rebellion :

" It was certainly very barbarous and inhuman," and he also
affirms that it commenced " in a time of settled peace, without the
least occasion given. " (11) The Rev. Dr. Killen tells us : " On one
occasion Sir Phelim O'Neill-the leader of the Northern Irish-
commanded all the Protestants in three adjacent parishes to be

(10) Baltimore Catholic Mirror, March 13, 1886.
(11) The Earl of Castlehaven's Review of His Memoirs, p. 16. Dublin, 1815.
massacred , and the bloody order was fulfilled . " ( 12 ) In the Library
of Trinity College, Dublin , there are thirty - two volumes in manu-
script which reveal an awful tragedy. O'Mahony, an Irish Jesuit ,
in his Disputatio Apologetica , published in 1645 , confesses that
" his party " had cut off 150,000 heretics . ( 13) Thomas Moore,
a Roman Catholic, in his History of Ireland ( 14) expresses him-
self thus concerning the Rebellion of '41 : " To the Catholic it
brings a feeling of retrospective shame, like that which wrung
from Lord Castlehaven - himself a Catholic peer-those empha-
tic words, ' Not all the water in the sea could wash away the
guilt of the rebels.' " Here we have the testimony of three
Roman Catholic historians who, if prejudiced at all , would not
be likely to be predudiced against the church of their own
faith . Their statements are unequivocal ; they are indepen-
dent chronicles , and fairness can ask no more than the tes-
timony of three witnesses to the fact. These witnesses bring
to our view a rebellion " barbarous and inhuman," a rebellion in
66
which many thousands of heretics were cut off " by "the
Catholic people of Ireland , in whose behalf " Cardinal Man-
ning asserts , " I have no hesitation in saying that they never
have persecuted their Protestant neighbors in the matter of re-
ligion." Call to remembrance, the expressive words quoted from
(12) Ecclesiastical History of Ireland, Vol. 2, p. 36. MacMillan & Co. , London, 1875.
See also Moore's History ofIreland, vol . 4, p. 228. Lardner's Cyclopædia, London, 1837.
(13) Reid's History of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland, vol. 1, ch. 7, p. 324, note .
Whittaker & Co., London, 1853.
(14) Vol. IV., p. 230. " To a Christian and a Bishop, that is now almost seventy, no death
for the cause of Christ can be bitter. Consider that God will remember all that is now
done." From Bishop Bedell's letter to the Roman Catholic Bishop of Kilmore. This letter,
the last that the sainted Bedell wrote, and which is characterized by " Christian meekness ,
discretion, and firmness of the highest order, " is found in Reid's History ofthe Presbyterian
Church in Ireland, vol . I., ch. 8, pp. 321-322, note.
Religious Persecution.
Thomas Moore, and then while thinking about " the conspicuous
examples " of " liberty of conscience," remember the com-
ments of the Rev. Dr. Charles O'Connor on that dark deed
which " not all the water in the sea could wash away." Rec-
ollect also that in listening to the following utterance of Dr.

O'Connor, it is the utterance of a distinguished Roman Catholic
clergyman: " Our ancestors were guilty of abominations, atroc-
ious crimes, to which the present generation , thank God , look
back with all the horror and indignation they deserve." ( 15)
Sir John Temple was so affected by the awful scenes of

which he was an eye-witness in Dublin that in describing them
his language " rises into a tone of profound and tragic solemn-
ity." Who, unmoved , can read such a passage as this ?
"Wives came lamenting the murder of their husbands ;
mothers, of their children barbarously destroyed before their
faces. Some, overwearied with long travel, and so surbated , came
creeping on their knees ; others, frozen with cold, ready to die in
the streets. The city was thus filled with most lamentable
spectacles of sorrow, which, in great numbers, wandered up and
down in all parts , desolate, forsaken, having no place to lay their
heads on, no clothing to cover them , no food to fill their hungry
bellies. The Popish inhabitants refused to minister the least
comfort to them, so as those sad creatures appeared like ghosts in
every street. Barns, stables, and out-houses were filled with
them , yet many lay in the open streets, and thus miserably per-
ished." (16)
(15) Historical Addresses, part 2, p . 223. See also Wylie's History of the Waldenses,
ch. 13, pp. 139-140. Cassell, Petter, Galpin & Co. , London.
(16) Temple's History of the Irish Rebellion, p . 93. Cork, 1766. "On the day after the
commencement of the Rebellion (24th October, 1641) 196 English Protestants, including
(2.) This unprovoked rebellion was carefully planned. It

was not the conception of a brainless fanatic. It was not the
dream of those who expected an end to be accomplished without the
use of means. To it months and years of thorough preparation had
been given. " The cursed work," says the Rev. Patrick Adair,
66
was long in contriving, some of the Irish confessing that they
knew of such a design intended seven or eight years before the
execution of it, and that, all that time, meeting with disappoint-
ments, and things not succeeding as they would, they continued
their design notwithstanding, and , for that end , kept up corre-
spondence with their party in France, Spain, and Flanders, wholly
managed by the conclave of Rome." (17) The Protestant
Bishop of Kilmore tells us, that " for a twelvemonth before the
Rebellion " he observed " frequent and extraordinary meetings of
priests and friars almost everywhere and under color of Visita-
tions," and he also assures us that they met " at the first sum-
mons of friars to the number of two or three thousand in a com-
pany." They " borrowed what sums of money they possibly

could from the British, and often without any apparent necessity,"
and " neither did it afterwards appear what they did with the
money so borrowed , for they would not pay any man a penny." (18)
On the night of October 22, 1641 , Owen O'Connolly, a Pres-
men, women and children, were drowned at the bridge at Portadown." Killen's Ecclesiasti-
cal History of Ireland, vol. II, bk, IV, ch . ii p. 36. Note. About thirty Protestant clergy-
men were massacred in a small portion of the north of Ireland. From Reid's History of
the Presbyterian Church in Ireland, vol. I, ch. vii, pp. 317-318, we learn that the Rev. Mr.
Mather, of Donoughmore, was " cut to pieces and left unburied; " Rev. Mr. Fullarton, of
Loughgall, " was stripped and murdered;" Rev. Mr. Blythe, of Dungannon, was " hanged;"
Rev. Mr. Flack, a minister in County Fermanagh, and his two sons, were " offered up to God
as a sacrifice. "
(17) The Presbyterian Church in Ireland, by the Rev. Patrick Adair, p . 79. C. Aitchison,
Belfast, 1866.
(18) Borlase's History of the Irish Rebellion. Appendix, p. 126. London, 1680.
byterian elder, " discovered unto me," says Sir William Par-
66
sons, a wicked and damnable conspiracy, plotted and contrived
by the Irish Papists. " This plot was revealed to O'Connolly by
an Irish Roman Catholic while under the influence of drink, who
thought that O'Connolly's Celtic blood would conquer his relig-
ious convictions. This informant assured the Presbyterian elder,
"that all the Protestants and English throughout the whole king-
dom, that would not join them, should be cut off. " (19) At a
meeting of the leading Romish clergy and laity convened at
a Franciscan abbey in Westmeath in the beginning of this
memorable October, to decide whether the Irish Protestants
should be banished or massacred after they were dispossessed , the
clergy gave it as their opinion that no mercy whatever should be
shown to the heretics . ( 20) In a letter to King Charles the First,
a member of the Privy Council of Ireland writes concerning
those who were engaged in the Rebellion : " Their priests and
Jesuits have with so great artifice and cunning entertained them,
making them believe that the Romish religion was presently to
be rooted out here, that horrid persecutions were now intended ,
and cruel massacres to be suddenly executed upon all professors
of the same." (21 ) Steady the hand, resolute the will, and
trained the mind of those who were the leading spirits in
that rebellion, and the leading spirits were the Roman Catho-
lic clergy. Was not Bishop MacMahon, "the brain of the
enterprise ? " (22 ) Is it not an undisputed fact, that Arch-
(19) Froude, The English in Ireland, vol. I., bk. I, ch. ii, p. 100, note. See also Gordon's
History ofIreland, vol. I., ch. xxii, pp. 379-381. London, 1806.
(20) Hibernia Anglicana. Appendix, 9.
(21) Froude, The English in Ireland, vol. I , bk. I, ch . ii , p. 105, note.
(22) Froude, The English in Ireland, vol . I, bk. 1, ch. ii, p. 96.
bishop O'Kelly, on an October Sabbath day, more than two

hundred and forty years ago, instead of celebrating mass fell
"covered with wounds " while leading on and inspiring his flock
to destroy men, and helpless women , and their still more helpless
children, when the only crime of these men and women was
that they felt resolved to exercise the right of "liberty of
conscience " in the worship of the King of kings ? ( 23) .
(3) The Rebellion that was entirely unprovoked and carefully
planned met with the hearty approval of the Pope. He desig-
nated it " a well arranged movement by the prelates and other
clergy, who willingly gave both advice and assistance. " (24)
This Papal approval of the Irish Rebellion will not surprise
Americans in the least, who are familiar with the letter that
Pope Pius the Ninth wrote to Jefferson Davis, approving his
rebellion, ( 25) a letter which is now in the Treasury Department
at Washington . (26.)
In spite of this terrible massacre Evangelical Protestant
Christianity still lives in Ireland and shines forth with a reful-
(23) Rev. Dr. Killen's Ecclesiastical History of Ireland, vol. 2, bk. 4, ch. iii, p. 68.
(24) The Embassy in Ireland of Monsignor G. B. Rinuccini, translated into English by
Miss Annie Hutton, p. 35. Dublin 1873.
(25) Appleton's Annual Cyclopædia for 1863, p . 820. See Appendix.
(26) " I will write a letter, " said Pope Pius IX., on the 4th of November, 1863, to
Mr. A. Dudley Mann, the Confederate commissioner, " for you to convey to Mr. Davis, of
such a character that it may be published for general perusal." " On the 3d of December, "
we are told, " Cardinal Antonelli transmitted to Mr. Mann the Pope's answer to Mr. Davis,
in which he said he was overjoyed to find Mr. Davis so peaceful in his nature, and expressed
a wish that other rulers and people in America might be animated with the same feelings.
Withinthe last few months at Beauvoir, Miss ., where Mr. Davis resides, while seated one day
on his broad veranda, commanding a magnificent view of the Gulf of Mexico, the ex-Presí-
dent of the Confederacy said to a representative of the press that Pope Pius IX. , was
"an angelic man." After the close of that terrible Rebellion, the very thoughts of which
make us shudder, when-to use the Pope's language-"the illustrious and Honorable Jeffer-
son Davis, President of the Confederate States of America " was undergoing a richly mer-
ited imprisonment, "a voice, " he tells us, " came from afar to cheer and console me in my
solitary captivity. The Holy Father sent to me his likeness, and beneath it was written, by
his own hand, the comforting invitation our Lord gives to all who are oppressed in these
words: " Venite ad me omnes qui laboratis, et ego reficiam vos, dicit Dominus. " That the
inscription was autographic was attested by " Af Cardinal Barnabo, December, 1866, " under
his seal'."-Baltimore Catholic Mirror, October 9, 1886.
Religious Persecution. 19
gence that increases as the years go by. How true the remark,
" Herod's murdering the children to destroy Him that was born
King of the Jews, made his birth more conspicuous in the
world ; snuffing the candle makes it burn the clearer." (27)
The Rev. Dr. Reid gives facts, thoroughly authenticated in his
admirable " History of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland. " (28)
These move the intelligent reader to smile at the credulity
the Cardinal expects on the part of readers of the New York
Tribune, and compels him to wonder when, where, or how it was .
revealed to this prince of the Church, that the Irish Roman
Catholics have always been " conspicuous examples " of " liberty
of conscience " and strangers to " religious persecution." What
Mr. Gladstone said about certain reckless statements of the late
Pope Pius IX., I may with equal propriety say about the
reckless statements of Cardinal Manning : " It is really idle
to talk of dark ages. There never was, until the nineteenth
century and the Council of the Vatican , an age so deeply

plunged in darkness worthy of Erebus and Styx, as could
alone render it a safe enterprise to palm statements like these
on the credulity even of the most blear-eyed partisanship. " (29)
We learn on the authority of the Right Rev. Dr. Maxwell,
Protestant Bishop of Kilmore, that these people, who, as Car-
dinal Manning affirms " never have persecuted their Protestant
neighbors in the matter of religion, " dragged his brother out
of bed while he was in a burning fever, and put him to
(27) Charnock on Providence. Works, vol. I, p . 542, edition 1699.

(28) Ch. vii, pp. 283-329.
(29) Speeches of Pope Pius the Ninth, by the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M. P. , p. 26.
Harper & Bro., New York, 1876.
death in the most cruel manner, though he knew not what

that brother had said or done. This eminent divine also
tells us that his wife being in labor, the rebels stripped her
"stark naked and drove her about an arrow flight to the
Blackwater and drowned her." (30) The above are only modest
samples of the many terrible doings of people maddened by the
false representations of " priests and Jesuits," Any one who reads
Bishop Maxwell's deposition, made on the 22d of August, 1642,
will find it one of the most awful chapters of horrors in the
world's history. (31) " The priests and Jesuits " says an eye-
witness, " commonly anoint the rebels with their sacrament of
the unction before they go to murder and rob, assuring them for
their meritorious service, if they chance to be killed , they shall
escape purgatory and go to heaven immediately. " (32 ) This
statement might seem incredible, but a council established at Kil-
kenny by the Roman Catholics for the government of Ireland , were
delighted beyond measure in receiving the Pope's blessing on their
heroic efforts " to extirpate and root out from among them the
workers ofiniquity." (33) The laity in this Council advised mod-
eration, and were in favor of making peace with the king, but the
clergy would make no concession whatever. To sustain the lat-
ter in their purpose, the Pope sent a Legate with arms, gun-
powder, money and Italian priests. The Legate issued a decree
(30) Borlase's History of the Irish Rebellion . Appendix , p. 133. See also Hibernia
Anglicana. Appendix, p. 10.
(31) Borlase's History of the Irish Rebellion . Appendix, pp. 126–137.
(32) Froude, The English in Ireland, vol. I, bk., I ch. ii, p . 112. Note.
(33) Hibernia Anglicana, Appendix, p. 15. " Moreover, I entreat thee, brother, to beware
of the emissaries of the Bishop of Rome, whose hands have been dipped in the blood of the
saints." Letter of Bishop Heber to Mar Athanasius. Last Days of Bishop Heber, by
Thomas Robinson, A. M., p. 266.
in which he excommunicated , execrated , and anathematized all

who " after the publication of this our decree and notice " should
be in favor of the policy advocated by the Irish Roman Catholic
Peers ; and " chiefly those " who in any manner whatever should
give aid to "the Puritans or other heretics at Dublin, Cork,
Youghall, or of other places in this kingdom . " ( 34) When we
read the following, " The wife of Bryan Kelly of Loughgall
murdered five and forty with her own hands,” ( 35) let us not
blame that woman , nor call her monster, for what other course
could she pursue and feel that after this life everlasting happiness
was hers, if the teachings of the Jesuits, and the Papal Legate,
and the Pope himself, were true ? According to an estimate made
at the time it was acknowledgod by the priests appointed to col-
lect the numbers, that during the first five months of the Rebel-
lion there were murdered of men, women and children 105,000. ”
(36) Since those who incite to crime deserve punishment when
alive and execration when dead , the responsibility for blood shed
in that " well arranged movement by the prelates and other
clergy " lies at the door of the Roman Catholic Church, and not
of a people so generous and warm hearted , that concerning
them it can be said , as Paul said of the Celts nearly 2,000 years
ago, " I bear you record , that, if it had been possible, ye would
have plucked out your own eyes , and have given them to me." (37)
II.
Cardinal Manning affirms : " In 1689, the Catholic Parlia-
ment in Dublin passed many laws in favor of liberty of con-
(34) Clarendon's History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in Ireland, p. 46.
' (35) Borlase's History of the Irish Rebellion . Appendix, p . 123.
(36) Killen's Ecclesiastical History of Ireland, vol. II, bk. IV, ch . ii, p. 39. Note.
(37) Galatians, iv, 15.
science." Anxious to determine what these " many laws " were, I
consulted one of the best authorities in the English language, and
in it found the following sentence, which throws some little light
on what was accomplished for " liberty of conscience " by the Dub-
lin " Catholic " Parliament. "When James the Second landed in
Ireland, 1689 , to assert his right to the British throne, he held a

Parliament in Dublin, which passed acts of attainder against
99
upwards of 3,000 Protestants .' As the next sentence contains
some valuable information about the kind of liberty Irish Prot-

estants enjoyed , it will not be amiss to give it also . " The gov-
ernor of the city, Colonel Lutterell, at the same time issued a
proclamation ordering all Protestants not , housekeepers, excepting
those following some trade, to depart from the city within twenty-
four hours , under pain of death or imprisonment, and restricting
those who were allowed to remain in various ways." ( 38 )
The Cardinal himself, instead of being a friend to liberty of
conscience, is a decided opponent of this inestimable blessing.
He maintains that it is one of the principal errors of our time to
believe, that " Every man is free to embrace and profess the relig-
ion he shall believe true, guided by the light of reason." (39)
When Protestantism, to- day, speaks of " liberty of conscience "
she means that every man shall be permitted to worship God in
accordance with his own convictions. When Romanism, to-day,
66
speaks of liberty of conscience " she means that every man
shall be permitted to worship God in accordance with the
convictions of the Pope. To substantiate this I quote a sentence
(38) Encyclopædia Britannica, vol. VII, p . 433. See also Killen's Ecclesiastical His-
tory of Ireland, vol. II , bk. IV. , ch. v, pp. 166-168.
(39) The Papacy and the Civil Power. Thompson , Appendix, p . 729.
found in a memorable article, entitled " The Catholics of the

Nineteenth Century," a sentence which is unmistakable in its
meaning: " It is clear that religious liberty must consist in
the unrestrained freedom and independence of the Church to
teach and govern all men and ' nations, princes and people,
rulers and ruled , in all things enjoined by the teleological
law of man's existence, and therefore in the recognition and
maintenance for the Church of that very supreme authority
which the Popes have always claimed , and against which the
Reformation protested ." (40) With the Roman Catholic hier-
archy the phrase " liberty of conscience " means simply " the
right to embrace, profess, and practice the Catholic religion " in
Protestant countries ; with them it does not mean " the right to
embrace, profess, and practice " the Protestant religion in Roman
Catholic countries. About thirty years ago public attention was
drawn to the Madiai family, natives of Tuscany, who, simply for
becoming Protestants and reading the Bible, were subjected to im-
prisonment and prosecution. Their shameless and sinful treat-
ment led to the formation , in England , in July, 1857, of a Society
for Protecting the Rights of Conscience. The late Archbishop
Whately presided at the first meeting. Whether the author of
" The Vatican Council and its Definitions " presided at the second ,
or any subsequent meeting of that Society, I have never yet been
informed. The good Archbishop of Dublin said on that occasion :
" But when attempts are made to compel men to conform to what
they do not conscientiously believe, by the fear of starvation, by
(40) Catholic World, vol. XI . , p . 8, April 1870. The Catholic Publication House, New
York.
turning them out of employment, when they are honest and indus-
trious laborers, by refusing to buy and sell or hold any intercourse
with them, then I think it is, and then only, that a society like
this ought to come forward, and that all persons, whatever religion
they may be of, or whether they are of any religion at all or not,
in a feeling of humanity and justice, ought to look with a favor-
able eye on such a society as yours , provided it keeps itself within
its own proper bounds. " Little did the distinguished prelate
think when uttering these words , that a quarter of a century later,
resulting from the industrious life of an Irish farmer, Charles
Boycott, a new word should be added to the English language,
expressive of the evil he so vigorously describes . Would to God
that henceforth not only the great controlling spirit of Anglo-
Romanism, but also the Latin Church everywhere, in letter and
in spirit, would endorse and emphasize the following words of
Whately: " We merely maintain that a man has a right, not neces-
sarily a moral right, nor a right in point of judgment, but a civil
right, to worship God according to his own conscience, without
suffering any hardships at the hands of his neighbors for so
doing. " (41 ) English Protestants have " liberty of conscience "
in their native land to become Roman Catholics, and openly
profess, teach , and propagate that religion . But have Spanish
Roman Catholics " liberty of conscience " in their native land
to become Protestants and openly profess , teach , and pro-
pagate that religion ? The New York Christian Advocate
(42) will give his Eminence some little help in answering

(41) Civil Liberty and Self-Government, by Francis Lieber, LL. D., ch. 10, p . 98, note ;
Revised Edition, J. B. Lippincott & Co., Philadelphia.
(42) February 28, 1884. The following is a translation of an editorial that appeared on
the 29th of July, 1883, in a Spanish Roman Catholic periodical, entitled La Bandera Catolica
this question : "Wonders never cease. The Spanish Govern-

ment has ordered thirteen hundred copies of the New Tes-
tament to be burned . More than that, the order has been exe-
cuted, and thus we have the picture, in this late year of grace,
of a deliberate and public burning of the Word of God on
the ground of its being a Protestant book. The history reads ,
like a romance — one of those grim realities of the bloody period
of the Spanish Inquisition ." Pope Pius V. declared that he was
willing to spare a culprit guilty of a hundred murders
rather than a single notorious heretic. " (43) Pope Pius IX .
wrote a letter to the unfortunate Maximilian , in which he said,
" The Catholic religion must, above all things , continue to be the
glory and the mainstay of the Mexican nation , to the exclusion
of every other dissenting worship ." (44) And the present Pope,
in a communication written by him on March 25, 1879, to the
Cardinal Vicar, positively affirmed " that if he possessed the power
he claims he would employ it to close all Protestant schools and
places of worship in Rome." (45)
I will now investigate the character of the presiding genius of
the Dublin Parliament of 1689 and the " many laws " passed
(The Catholic Banner) : " Thank God, at last we have turned towards the times when heretical
doctrines were persecuted as they should be, and when those who propagated them were pun-
ished with exemplary punishment. Catholic Barcelona, the country of St. Eulalia, and of
Blessed Oriol, has had the very great pleasure of witnessing an "Auto de Fe " in the last part
of this nineteenth century. On the 25th inst., the festival of the Apostle James, in the
Custom House yard of this city, one of the most glorious traditions of the Catholic religion,
was carried out by the burning of Protestant books [Bibles] , destined to pervert the tender
hearts of our children. There is but a step between this event which we now record, and the
setting up of the Holy Inquisition." For this valuable note from La Bandera Catolica I
am indebted to the July number, 1886, of The Converted Catholic, an excellent monthly
magazine, edited and published by Rev. James A. O'Connor, 60 Bible House, New York.
(43) London Times, November 24, 1874. From a letter of Lord Acton, a Roman Catholic
nobleman, to the Editor.
(44) Appleton's Annual Cyclopædia, 1864, p . 526 ; 1865, p . 749.
(45) London Times, April 11, 1879.
by it in favor of "liberty of conscience." Are we to re-

gard the act passed by the Dublin Parliament in favor of
"liberty of conscience " as a dead letter, or are we to consider
it as voicing the real wishes of King James and his Roman
Catholic Irish subjects ? There is abundant evidence that this
Parliament and the Roman Catholic monarch were just as
sincere in their profession of love for " liberty of conscience "
as Judas Iscariot was in his profession of love for the great
Galilean when he said, " Hail, Master ; and kissed him." " (46)
In order to form a correct opinion of a certain Old Testament
character, not only must we listen to him blessing Israel in the
sublimest strains of sacred poetry ; but we must also call to re-
membrance the well administered reproof he received from his
own ass. Hear him counselling Israel " to commit whoredom with
the daughters of Moab, " (47) see him fighting among the ranks
of the enemies of God's people ; view him as he lies prostrate on
the field of battle after having received a sword thrust, and as his
life- blood ebbs away and his eyes are closing in death and we cannot
help exclaiming,. " O God, is this the man, who , less than a year
ago, said, ' Let me die the death of the righteous , and let my last
end be like his ! "" (48) James, a friend of " liberty, of con-
science ! " In order to form a correct opinion of this English
monarch, not only must we listen to him advocating " liberty of
conscience," but we must also remember the following facts :
(1. ) Never were the Puritans more severelypersecuted than
they were during the earlypart ofthe reign of this Roman Catho-
(46) Matthew, xxvi, 49.
(47) Compare Numbers xxv, 1, with Numbers xxxi, 16.
(48) Numbers xxiii, 10.
lic king. (49) The great John Howe complained that he was afraid
" to walk the streets of London . " (50) The author of " The
Saint's Rest " was in prison, (51) sent there by the bloody mon-
ster whom James made Lord Chancellor of England , as a reward
for his crimes, or—to use the language of the London Gazette
(52) of that day-for " the many eminent and faithful services
which he had rendered to the crown." In these persecuting
times worship was performed by Christ's faithful ones ,

" sometimes just before break of day and sometimes at dead of
night." This was the condition of things in England, how was
it in Scotland ? There James " acted as a pure despot. " (53 ) He
wrote a letter to the Privy Council of Scotland , in which he

stated his wishes to be that the Scotch Roman Catholics
should be exempted from all the laws which imposed penalties

and disabilities on them because of their religion, but that
the persecution of the Scotch Covenanters should continue with-
out the slightest mitigation whatever. (54) Doubtless Cardinal
Manning considers the treatment which the English Puritans
received, and the treatment which the Scotch Covenanters re-
ceived as his ideal of religious liberty.
But let us now turn our attention to Ireland. There James
produced sweeping changes . One sentence from an Irish Roman
(49) Neal's History of the Puritan's, vol . II, part 5, ch. i, pp. 315-334. Harper & Bros.,
New York, 1871.
(50) Rogers' Life of John Howe, ch. ix, p . 225. The Religious Tract Society, London, 1862.
(51) The Priest, Puritan and Preacher. By Bishop Ryle , pp. 140-144.
(52) October 1 , 1685, Macaulay's History of England, vol. I , ch. v, p . 611, note.
(53) Green's History of the English People, vol. IV, bk. VIII, ch . iii, p . 13. Harper &
Brothers, New York, 1880.
(54) The Scottish Covenanters. By James Taylor, D.D., pp. 131, 173-174. Cassell, Pet-
ter, Galpin & Co. , London.
"28 Religious Persecution.
Catholic historian gives us an idea of his movements in that

unhappy country. "The army was, however, soon filled with
Catholic officers, the bench with Catholic judges (except three
who retained their seats), the corporations with Catholic mem-
bers, and the counties with Catholic sheriffs and magistrates."
(55) James dismissed from office his two brothers-in -law, the
Earls of Clarendon and Rochester, because they were Protes-
tants. " From that time," says Macaulay, " it was clear that
what he really wanted was not liberty of conscience for the
members of his own Church, but liberty to persecute the
members of other churches." ( 56 ) Full of truth , indeed, are
the words of " the founder " of political science in this coun-
try, " The fiercest despot desires liberty as much as the most
ardent republican . " (57) James, by his own absolute authority,
published in 1686 a Declaration of Indulgence, in which he ex-
pressed an earnest wish to see his subjects become members of
the Church of Rome. Since this was not possible, and because
"conscience was not to be forced " and persecution was inimical

to " population and to trade," he had decided to abolish all penal
laws against Roman Catholics and Protestant Dissenters and
grant them permission to conduct their worship publicly. The
majority of the Protestant Dissenters and their leading clergy-

men -some of whom , such as Baxter, Howe, and Bunyan, had
suffered severely from the tyranny of James-saw clearly through
this Jesuitical ruse and firmly believed that it was only a step for
(55) Plowden's Historical Review of the State of Ireland, vol. 1, p . 178. London, 1803.
(56 ) History of England, vol . II, ch . vi, p. 148.
(57) Lieber's Civil Liberty and Self- Government, ch. ii, p 25.
the advancement of Romanism and the subjugation of Protestant-

ism . When it is remembered that at the Court of St. Germains ,
James would not allow those Episcopalians, who had sacrificed
everything for him, the modest privilege of meeting privately to
receive the sacrament of the Lord's Supper from a clergyman of
the Church of England ; when it is a well known event that to
the Rev. Dr. Granville, whose faithfulness to the ungrateful king
cost him " one of the richest livings in England," permission
was refused by this self- same king to read the Episcopal prayers
to the members of his own church ; when it is a thoroughly es-
tablished fact that to a Protestant of the highest rank and most
unexceptionable morals - who for James ' sake had forsaken home
and country, and wealth, and friends- when he died, " even a
grave " was refused, and, like the Earl of Dumfermline, " a hole
was dug in the fields, and , at dead of night, he was flung into it
and covered up like a mass of carrion ; " ( 58 )—in the light of these
actions of the Royal bigot, who will say that the Puritans were
wrong in the opinion they formed concerning "liberty of con-
science " on the lips of a king who gave " stronger proofs of a
cruel nature " than any sovereign that ever sat on the English
throne?
So much for James ; what about " the Catholic Parliament in
Dublin," over which he presided ? The Act passed by it in favor
of " liberty of conscience " was the work of a monarch, who in
England wished to appear to his English subjects as a warm ad-
vocate of toleration in order to reconcile his Protestant subjects
to the re- establishment of that religion whose professors had
(58) Macaulay's History of England, vol . IV, ch. xx, p. 347.
burned their fathers at the stake. The American Cyclopædia-

a work thoroughly revised ( 59) in order to make it fully accepta-
ble to a certain class of readers-says concerning King James
the Second, " He set himself systematically to work to effect two
ends ; the overthrow of the Constitutional system of England,
and the restoration of the Catholic religion . " (60) The devil's
real policy, as shown by his subsequent history, when he con-

versed with Eve in Eden, was not to impart earthly wisdom .
King James' real policy, as shown by his subsequent history,
when he held his Parliament in Dublin, was not to grant religious
liberty. Parliamentary acts are one thing, historical facts quite

another. The historical facts compressed into very few words
are : Protestants were removed from all public offices, and these
were filled with Roman Catholics , or-as The American Cyclo-
pædia puts it-with " Protestants ready to do the work of Cath-
olics." (61) No, the real aim of the Dublin " Catholic Parlia-
ment " of 1689 was to ruin the Irish Protestants. It repealed
the Act of Settlement, an Act on which all title to property
rested, thereby depriving the Protestants of the bare and impov-
erished lands which they had purchased in good faith and brought
to a high state of cultivation. (62) It passed an Act of Attain-
der, unequaled in the history of any civilized country, condemn-
ing to death every Protestant who was either absent from Ireland,
(59) Johnson's New Universal Cyclopædia, vol. IV. Testimonials of Comparison,

pp. 4-6. Ed. 1877.
(60) Vol. IX, p. 518. D. Appleton & Co., New York, 1873.
(61) Vol. IX, p. 518.
(62) Archbishop King's State of the Protestants in Ireland. London, 1692. Appendix
pp. 22, 23. See also Wynne's History of Ireland, vol II, pp. 297-298. London, 1773.
or who for safety had removed to that part of the country pro-
fessing allegiance to William . Archbishop King, in his " State
of the Protestants in Ireland," gives a list of between 2,000
and 3,000 Protestants whom the Dublin Parliament attainted
by name. Condemned without a trial ; such was the fate of
every one in this long list. Worse still ; their names were not
published . More hideous yet ; no one, for any consideration ,
could get a glimpse at that list until the day of grace fixed by
the Act was passed . Still more awful ; James actually gave his
consent to a bill which deprived him of the pardoning power.
That I may not misrepresent this poor specimen of humanity ;
that I may do him all possible justice, let me quote from the
Rev. J. S. Clark's Life of James the Second." (63) This
work was " collected out of memoirs " written by the King's
"own hand," and we are told that his Majesty determined
at last "to give his royal assent " to the Act of Attainder,
"though he saw plainly it was highly prejudicial to his in-
terests." " He agreed also to his being foreclosed in the Act
of Attainder from the power of pardoning those comprised

in it. " An eminent English statesman , speaking of the Par-
liament that had such a profound respect for " liberty of con-
science," says : "That Parliament excelled every legislative
assembly the world has ever seen, in tyranny, in oppression, in

injustice, and in cruelty. " (64) If, instead of being a clergyman
in the Protestant Episcopal Church in England, during the
(63) Vol. II, p . 361. London, 1816.

(64) London Times, June 28, 1886. For a vivid and faithful portraiture of this Parlia-
Iment see Knight's History of England, vol. 5, ch. vii, p. 96. Bradbury & Evans, London.
years that Queen Victoria was establishing a reputation for being

one of the noblest sovereigns that ever grasped England's scep-
ter, Cardinal Manning had lived 200 years ago, and had been a
clergyman in the Protestant Episcopal Church in Ireland dur-
ing the time that James was holding his Parliament in Dub-
lin, he too would doubtless have been included in that Act of
Attainder, and he would have discovered to his sorrow that
no matter how great James ' anxiety might have been to par-
don him, he could not do it, because he was bound hand and
foot by that Parliament which passed " many laws in favor

of liberty of conscience." An English king, who, at the bid-
ding of a Parliament-which, in the judgment of one of its
ablest members, was largely made up of " a mere rabble, ” (65)
—would sign away his own pardoning power, was a coward,
and by that act convinced intelligent students of history that
there was truth, as well as wit, in what Dean Swift wrote on
the margin of his own copy of Clarendon , " How old was he
(James) when he turned Papist and a coward ? " The Fel-

lows and Scholars of the Dublin University were most uncer-
emoniously turned out of that institution by King James ,
though he had promised to its rulers that " he would protect them
in the enjoyment of their property and their privileges . " (66)
Darker still is this picture. These men were forbidden,
forbidden , on pain
of death, to meet together in greater number than three ; the
Protestant Episcopal clergy were deprived of their livings ; Pro-
(65) Macaulay's History of England, vol. 3, ch. xii, p . 187.

(66) Macaulay's History of England, vol. III, ch. 12, p. 201. "The policy pursued by this
infatuated monarch and his agents indicated a determination to root Protestantism out of
Ireland." Killen's Ecclesiastical History of Ireland, vol . II, bk. 4, ch. 5, pp. 164-165.
testants were not allowed to leave their homes after nightfall, and
if more than five met together death was the punishment ; Ron-
quillo, a bigoted Spanish Romanist, informed the Pope that the
sufferings of the Irish Protestants were terrible . With this
awful picture of persecution before their eyes , who will say

that the language used by Phillip Henry in a sermon that he
preached at a monthly fast on the 12th of July, 1693, was too
strong ! " Learn," said this saint of the living God , " to hate and
abhor that religion that hath no better way to propagate it than
by fire and sword. Have we forgot the work that was in Ireland
three or four years ago ? the flaying of some, the slaying of others ,
the burning of houses and towns ? " (67) How old, we won-
der, was James when he learned religious toleration ? It must
have been some time after the 16th of September, 1701 , on which
day all historians are agreed that he died . Of what use is a
doctor to a dead man, and of what use were laws in favor of
"liberty of conscience " to Irish Protestants when, in the judg

ment of not a few, the course of procedure pursued by James
and his Parliament would just as effectually have banished them
out of Ireland as, tradition says , St. Patrick banished the snakes ?
During 1886 there appeared these expressive words in an
editorial in the organ of the Vatican, " We yearn to see Protest-
antism extirpated from Ireland." ( 68 ) That was the object of
(67) Sermons by the Rev. Philip Henry, A. M., p. 239. London, 1816.
(68) Moniteur de Rome, January 25, 1886. "A Protestant should not live in Ireland, be
he of what nation he would. "-Sir Phelim O'Neill to Lady Strabane. Reid's History of the
Presbyterian Church in Ireland, vol . I, ch. 8, p . 333. Note. From the Baltimore Catholic
Mirror of December 25, 1886, we learn that an " eminent Catholic Irishman" whose heart had
been gladdened " by the authoritative utterances of the Osservatore Romano and the
Moniteur," in writing to the latter journal from Cork, says : The beautiful tribute recently
rendered on a solemn occasion to the Moniteur de Rome by Mgr. Walsh, Archbishop of
Dublin, shows how the Irish appreciate the services which you have rendered to this
Catholic nation.
the Dublin " Catholic Parliament " of 1689. But to stop the
earth in its motion around the sun would be almost as easy a task,
for Irish Protestantism is a sturdy plant, a plant like Joseph's
"fruitful bough, " (69) a plant that will " exist in undiminished
vigor " centuries after Macaulay's celebrated New Zealander
" shall, in the midst of a vast solitude, take his stand on a broken
arch of London Bridge to sketch the ruins of St. Paul's ." (70 )
During the seventeenth century the great mass of the Irish
people, under the influence of the Church of Rome, and most
particularly the clergy of that Church, denied " liberty of con-
science " and asserted " the right to persecute when there was the
power." To-day, as well as then, there are some most honorable
exceptions, but these exceptions neither reflect nor breathe the
spirit of true Romanism, a spirit that heeded not the cries of
God's suffering saints, though
" Their moans,
The vales redoubled to the hills , and they
To heaven." (71)
6
I now ask, " Does this denial of liberty of conscience ' and
(
this assertion of the right to persecute when there is the power '
exist during the present century? A well-known English states-
man writes : " The satisfactory views of Archbishop Manning
on the present rule of civil allegiance have not prevented him
from giving his countenance as a responsible editor to the
lucubrations of a gentleman who denies liberty of conscience,
and asserts the right to persecute when there is the power ; a
(69) Genesis xlix, 22.
(70) Macaulay's Miscellaneous Writings , vol . II, pp. 615-616. Harper & Brothers, New
York, 1880.
(71) Milton. See Emerson's Parnassus, p. 195.
right which, indeed , he has not himself disclaimed ." (72) If

Cardinal Manning had visited the parish of Culfeightrin , in
County Antrim , Ireland , in 1844 , he would have experienced no
difficulty in finding Charles MacLaughlin , who for some time had
been in the habit of reading the Irish Bible and explaining its
truths to his neighbors. For this action his Eminence would
then have, no doubt, commended him, but the action did not
meet with the approval of his parish priest, Father Luke Walsh.
The Savior said , " Search the Scriptures ," (73) but the priest
commanded him not to do this thing. MacLaughlin decided to
obey God and disobey the priest. As a result of MacLaugh-
lin's disobedience Father Walsh threatened to put " man, woman
and child from speaking to him ; " that " not one would walk
on the same side of the road with him ; " that " he would not
get a hand's turn to do ; " that " he, the priest, would make
the mill -race as dry as the road ; " while " the grass would
grow before the door." The priest, we are told , warned those
to whom MacLaughlin " owed any money, or who had any deal-
ings with him, to get their claims settled at once, as after a
certain time they must hold no communication with him, and as to
the clause in their leases which bound them to grind their corn at
his mill, they must sell their corn and buy meal. " On Sunday,
August 18 , 1844, Father Walsh , after celebrating mass, spoke as
follows : " My curse, and God's curse on Charles MacLaughlin,
Hugh Shields and John MacCay, and on all who shall hold
any communication with them, or eat at the same table with
(72) Vaticanism, by the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M. P., p. 13.
(73) John v, 39.
them." Then the bell was rung, the book was closed , the lights
extinguished , and these men were cursed with " Bell, Book, and
Candle." Thus were they relentlessly persecuted because they
wished to enjoy " liberty of conscience," to read that Book which
tells us what God is and what men are. As a result of this curse
no Roman Catholic would go near MacLaughlin . He was " un-

clean." His business was ruined. By whom? God's represent-
ative !! This entire scandalous affair was brought to the knowl-
edge of the public at the Spring Assizes, Carrickfergus , in 1846 .
It was argued in behalf of the priest that he simply carried out the
discipline of his Church by the authority of his Bishop. The civil
court did not see things exactly from an ecclesiastical point of view.
The jury found a verdict for Charles MacLaughlin against his
parish priest " seventy pounds damages with costs . " (74) Of the
thirty-two counties in Ireland this ecclesiastical tyranny took place
in the most Protestant one. " If they do these things in a green
tree, what shall be done in the dry ? " (75 ) If Father Walsh, of
Culfeightrin, could perpetrate such an outrage when Ireland is a
part of the British Empire, what may you expect from Arch-
bishop Walsh of Dublin with a Parliament in College Green ?
Does Cardinal Manning commend or condemn the course pursued
by Father Walsh, and approved by his Bishop? If he commends ,
then in what sense is he a friend of liberty of conscience ? If
he condemns, civilization will await that condemnation, and hail
it with delight. He knows that " each inferior may appeal against
his superior ; but he appeals to a tribunal which is secret, which
(74) The Irish Christian Advocate, Belfast, April 18, 1884.
(75) Luke xxiii, 31 .
is irresponsible, which he has no share, direct or indirect, in con-

stituting, and no means, however remote, of controlling ; and
which, during all the long centuries of its existence, but especially
during the latest of them, has had for its cardinal rule this— that
all its judgments should be given in the sense most calculated
to build up priestly power as against the people, episcopal
power as against the priests, Papal power (76 ) as against all
three ." (77)
Let me cite another case of persecution . The Rev. Nicholas

Foster, Rector of St. Mary's Protestant Episcopal Church,
Belfast, stated February, 1886, that from 1863 to 1872 he was
Rector of a large parish in southwest Kerry ; that there only
"a small remnant " remained from what was once " a great
Protestant population ;" and that among the members of his

Church not a few were fishermen. "Because they were Pro-
testants," says this venerable minister, " the priests each year
prevented their Roman neighbors from joining them in their
fishing adventures, and many a day I saw my men standing
idle on the cliff, unable to earn a livelihood on account of
their Protestantism, and one after another of these men had to

leave the country on account of the liberty to live which was
denied them ." Here is a clergyman of unquestioned veracity,
and what he says leads us to think that those " pastors " of
(76) More than twenty American Bishops voted against Papal Infallibility, at the Vatican
Council, chief among whom was Archbishop Kenrick of St. Louis, but the Holy Pontiff
in the end overawed them. The Papacy and the Civil Power, Thompson, ch. 20, p. 628.
Harper & Brothers, New York. "The American petition against Infallibility was signed by
Purcell, of Cincinnati ; Kenrick, of St. Louis ; MacCloskey, of New York ; Connolly, of
Halifax; Bayley, of Newark (now Archbishop of Baltimore), and several others. " Schaff's
Creeds of Christendom, vol. 1, p. 152. Note. Harper & Brothers, New York, 1884. Epis-
copal
rule. power in the case of every one of these American Bishops had to give way to Papal
(77) Gladstone's Vaticanism, pp . 67-68.
"Catholic Ireland " with whom he became acquainted are not so

" profoundly conscious " of certain " truths " as Cardinal Man-
ning seems to think they are. Are Romanists in England sub-
jected to treatment equal to that of those Protestants in Ireland
of which Mr. Foster tells us in the next sentence that he was an
eye-witness ? " I myself witnessed scenes of boycotting during

these years the living boycotted while they lived, the dying
boycotted as they lay a-dying, and the dead bodies boycotted
when their souls had gone to eternity. I only mention one
district. I could , did time permit, tell you of districts -
— north,
west and south - and less or more the same story would apply to
each a great, violent, virulent endeavor to crush the Protestant
religion from amid the people of Ireland , to press out every sign
of life and every evidence of vitality." Sad as all this is, there
is worse yet ! Let Mr. Foster speak once more : " There is
another feature of the South of Ireland which has not been
sufficiently brought before you, and that is the attempts frequent-

ly made to murder whole families. " (78)
This bitter, persecuting spirit which denies "liberty of con-
science, and asserts the right to persecute when there is the
power," extends into the year 1886. Within the last few months,
Mrs. Daubeny of London, presented to the Town Commission-
ers of New Ross, County Wexford, a beautiful and valuable
fountain, the design of which, previous to its erection, had been
submitted to the Town Commissioners, and they signified their
hearty approval of it. The following highly appropriate inscrip-
(78) The Belfast News-Letter, Ireland, February 9, 1886. "Whether do you consider
Ireland or Fiji the safer place of residence in this year of grace 1880? " At Home in Fiji.
By C. F. Gordon Cumming, ch. 12, p. 118. Note. A. C. Armstrong & Son, New York, 1882.
tion was engraved at the bottom of the column : " If any man thirst
let him come unto me and drink. ” —John vii, 37. Mr. Patrick
Byrne, Chairman of the Town Council , at the opening ceremony
read a letter from Mrs. Daubeny, during the reading of which,
the local National newspaper says, " frequent bursts of applause
broke from the audience, and enthusiastic cheers and hearty bless-
ings were given the writer." Mrs. Daubeny, in sending over the
fountain from London , accompanied it with a box containing 600
copies of the Gospel of St. John . When the box reached its
destination, any one who wished, was free to take a copy. In a
short time, the contents of that box were removed with the excep-
tion of about sixty copies, and these, accompanied with a " curt
note," were forwarded by the Chairman, without the knowledge
of the other members, to the kind lady in London . At the first
meeting of the Commissioners, after this strange action of the
Chairman, a resolution was passed that Mrs. Daubeny be in-
formed that the action of the Chairman was neither authorized
nor approved by them . Observe what follows : On the following

Sunday the five Roman Catholic Commissioners who voted for
the resolution were denounced by the priest from the altar; still
more, the good lady in London came in for a share of abuse for
her action in sending the Gospels. In a resolution unanimously
passed by the St. Thomas ' Young Men's Catholic Association-
an Association presided over by a priest - we find this expressive
language : " We, in a special manner, vehemently condemn and
reprobate the scandalous proceedings of the five Catholic Com-
missioners who, by their deliberate votes, censured the Chairman
for sending back to its polluted source, the remnant of the poisoned
stuff; and, that we declare such religious profligacy on the part of

those gentlemen is deserving the just execration of all sincere
and high-minded Catholics. " Think of the spirit of the mem-
bers of a Young Men's Roman Catholic Association, and of
its presiding officer, a clergyman of the Church of Rome,
who could stoop to use such vituperative language as " polluted
source " about a benevolent, kind -hearted Protestant lady ! And
if the action of these Commissioners is to be considered " re-
ligious profligacy," and the writings of the " disciple whom
Jesus loved " are to be designated " poisonous stuff," is not the
Cardinal's effort to make Americans believe, that either the
Church he represents is a friend of toleration , or the people

whose cause he espouses are examples of toleration, a crown- .
ing and complete failure ?
Well may the reader ask, what next ! These five Com-
missioners, being business men, and dependent on the people
for their support, had to suppress the voice of conscience, and
make an apology expressive of their " regret," and at a subse-
quent meeting of the Town Commissioners the following reso-
lution was unanimously adopted : " Proposed by Mr. Hutchinson,
seconded by Mr. Tierney - That we erase the text, which is as
follows ; ' If any man thirst let him come unto me and drink.'—
John vii, 31 - as it is calculated to wound Catholic feeling,

whether intended or not." " (79)
The design of the fountain, when submitted to the Town
Commissioners was approved, and their after action about the
(79) The Irish Christian Advocate, Belfast, August 20, 1886.

wounding of " Catholic feeling " was produced by priestly intol

lerance. This is obvious .
Parnellite or Home Rule would , most unquestionably, endan-
ger the liberties of Irish Protestants . That venerable and highly

intelligent body, the General Assembly of the Presbyterian
Church of Ireland , in its address to the Presbyterians of America
says, that " the proposals contained in the government of Ireland
bill more than justify the worst fear of the Assembly as regards
Home Rule ; " that " in common with their Roman Catholic fellow-
countrymen, the Presbyterians of Ireland have suffered much from
religious and class ascendancy ; " that " just at the moment when
the country was beginning to realize the full measure of civil and
religious equality accorded to it, and when denominational rancors
were fast subsiding, it is proposed , by committing the legislative
and administrative authority to a Dublin Parliament, certain to be
controlled by the National League, to re-establish a religious and
class ascendancy in no degree less injurious to the best interests
of Ireland than the inequalities so lately removed , and whose
pressure our people felt so keenly; " that "the guarantees pre-
sented for the rights and privileges of the minority, both resident
in Ulster, and scattered throughout Ireland, are wholly illusory; "
that there is only one safeguard that can adequately protect the
rights of minorities wherever situated in Ireland , and that is the
maintenance of the present relationship of Ireland to England ,
involving the abiding presence of the moderating influence of
British justice and British law ; " that " the Assembly acknowl-
edges to the full that large sections of the Irish people have in
the past suffered many and grievous wrongs , but it is convinced
that there are no grievances removable by legislation which

cannot be removed by the Imperial Parliament ; " " that Irish
interests and welfare will be best subserved by leaving them
to the good will and good sense of the inhabitants of the three
kingdoms, and not by rashly handing them over to a section
numbering only one tenth of the whole ; " that " the establish-
ment of a legislative assembly for Ireland would most seriously
aggravate many evils already existing in the country ; " that " it
would intensify poverty by hastening the exodus of capital and
capitalists, by imposing exactive and excessive taxation, by depre-
ciating the value of Irish investments and securities , by shatter-
ing mercantile confidence and credit, and by preventing the
natural development of industrial enterprise ; " that " it would
tend to the lowering of public morals by proclaiming that privi-
leges were to be granted to the demands of violence and outrage
rather than to the claims of constitutional agitation ; " that " it
would immensely exacerbate the spirit of party which for so long
""
has been the disgrace and curse of many districts in Ireland ; '
that " the birth of the new system will but be synchronous with
the inauguration of fresh agitation , whose object will be not
merely to shake off the disabilities attached to the constitution,
but to shatter to the uttermost, and one by one, the ties that
remain to bind Ireland to the Empire ; " that " no other conclu-
sion is possible from the so far uncontradicted utterances of the
Nationalist leaders ; " that " if the government proposals are
carried into effect the Presbyterians of Ireland will feel them.
selves cruelly abandoned and betrayed by their British fellow-
citizens, whose forefathers planted them in this country 250 years
ago ; " that they " have been appealed to to accept the proposed
new order of things and make the best of it ; " that " beyond a
doubt, if it could be shown to the General Assembly that Home
Rule was to be a benefit to Ireland , she would be found in the van
of the movement demanding it ; " that " because she believes that
in every sense and every degree the granting of it would
only end in disappointment and disaster, she feels bound to resist
to the utmost of her power the ill-omened proposals of the prime
minister. "(80) Lord Robert Montagu , who, several years ago,
went over to the Church of Rome, but who returned to the
Protestant fold again, sent, about a year ago, a startling commu-
nication to the London Times. In that communication there
was enclosed a letter written by Cardinal Manning, as follows :
" Sir :-I should be glad , with your kind permission, to place
before the public a few extracts from a correspondence which, when
a Roman Catholic member of the House of Commons, I had with
some eminent ecclesiastics of the Church of Rome, and which may
now be useful in the discussion of the vital question of a separate
Legislature for Ireland . What led to this correspondence was the
receipt of the following letter from Archbishop Manning :
APRIL 23, 1872 .

My Dear Lord Robert :-I much wish to see you on a matter
relating to yourself and the next election. (81) Could you come to
me on Thursday morning before 1 o'clock ?
Yours truly,
HENRY EDWARD, ARCH. OF W.
(80) The Chicago Daily News, morning issue, May 10, 1886 .
(81) " Rome cannot keep his finger out of the political pie. " The Northwestern Christ-
ian Advocate, Chicago, May 19, 1886. "When the [ Roman Catholic] Churchman turned pol-
itician it was not to advance the temporal happiness of the people. It was to increase the
power and the prerogative of the Church . " The Chicago Tribune, August 13, 1883.
Acting upon this invitation, I waited upon the Archbishop , who

gave me a copy of Mr. McCarthy's book on Home Rule, and at the
same time urged me to obtain a seat in Parliament for some Irish
constituency at the next election . This was with the view of sup-
porting Home Rule, which he considered would be highly beneficial
to the Roman Catholic Church."
In this communication Lord Robert Montagu states, that on
the 11th of June, 1873, he received a letter from Father Gallway,

who, at that time, was the Father Provincial of the Jesuits in
England, in which this distinguished son of Loyola gives his " own
opinion " of Home Rule : " It would certainly be a great step
toward the destruction of Protestant ascendancy." On the 21st of
June, 1873 , he received another letter from Father Gallway, in
which was enclosed a letter from Father O'Reilly, who at that
time was the Father Provincial of the Jesuits in Ireland, and the
Irish Jesuit fully agrees with the English Jesuit : " I think it
very probable, from what I hear, that a good move for Home
Rule is the only way to get fair play for Catholics . "
In an old story book we learn that " On the the margin of a
large lake, which was inhabited by a great number of frogs, a
company of boys happened to be at play. Their diversion was
duck and drake ; and whole volleys of stones were thrown into
the water, to the great annoyance and danger of the poor, ter-
rified frogs . length, one of the most hardy, lifting up his
At length,
head above the surface of the lake, ' Ah! dear children , ' said he,
' why will you learn so soon to be cruel ? Consider, I beseech

you, that though this may be sport to you, it is death to us. " (82)
(82.) Esop's Fables Illustrated, p. 199. The World Publishing House, New York, 1876.
" Fair play for Catholics , " on the lips of a Jesuit, means
"death" to Protestants. Hundreds of thousands of Protestants
who " were slain for the word of God , and for the testimony
which they held," (83) could have cried to their persecutors from.
the midst of the fire and in the presence of the descending
sword, " Though this may be sport to you, it is death to us. " (84).
Speaking of the outcome of the last general election, the organ
of Irish Presbyterianism said : " It is a question of life or death
to Ireland. (85) That sweet and gentle spirit who kept silent
until " the burden grew heavier than could be borne, " who only
lifted up his " voice " when his " heart was bleeding," is so well
and favorably known by Americans, that one may dispense

with any fears about his letter being " an appeal to the animos-
ity of flesh and blood in the name of religious liberty." Mr. Ar-
thur writes : " Long before the matter had been brought into
the field of what is called practical politics , I had considered it,
and had concluded that it involved the interests of both civil
and religions liberty in Ireland, and the latter to a degree so

high as to be not easily appreciated by those who have lived
only in England, and as not to be fully appreciated even by
those who have lived only in the Protestant parts of Ireland , or
yet in Dublin and the region round about ; but only by those
(83. ) Revelation , vi, 9.
(84.) Inquisition Unmasked by Puigblanch,vol. i, ch. iv, pp. 250-254, London, 1816. Wylie's
History of the Waldenses, chapters xi, xiii, xiv. Cassell, Petter, Galpin & Co., London
Prescott's Philip the Second, vol . i, book ii, ch . iii, pp. 415-446. J. B. Lippincott & Co., Phila-
delphia, 1864. Prescott's Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. ii, part second, ch. vii, pp. 425-455,
J. B. Lippincott & Co. , Philadelphia, 1873, The value of Prescott's historical statements are
much enhanced from the fact that Dr. M. J. Spalding, a Roman Catholic Archbishop of
Baltimore, speaks of him as " our great historian, " (Protestant Reformation, vol. ii ch. vii,
p. 305,) who has produced " a standard work of American literature, of which his country
may justly be proud. " (Miscellanea, vol. i, ch. xi , p . 233.
(85.) The Witness, Belfast, July 2, 1886.
who, like me, know some remote districts of the West or the
South. Last year I was resolved to offer to any such meas-

ure, if proposed by a Conservative Government, any little op-
position I could ; not that last year the idea of a measure of
such a scope as has since been proposed had ever entered my
imagination. So soon as it began to define itself, I felt that the
interests of religion were involved to an extent which caused me
untold anxiety. In this view I found that I was at one with
everybody representing any community of Protestants in Ireland :
-the Disestablished Church , the Presbyterians, the Non-sub-
scribing Presbyterians or Unitarians , the Moravians, and finally
the three Methodist bodies : Weslyan, New Connexion, Primi-
tives. Saving only the Church of Rome, the representatives of
every community in the country agreed that the religious privi-

leges of Protestants were about to be put in peril. Most firmly
did I believe, and do I now believe it. No matter what Govern-
ment had proposed such a measure, I should have looked upon it
in the same light ; but had it been a Conservative one, my oppo-
sition might have been suspected of party bias.
" You may say that my fears were exaggerated . Both in
respect of the danger of civil war, and in respect of peril to relig-

ious liberty, my views were checked by comparison with those of
practical men, men of firm nerve and full local knowledge . A
Roman Catholic Baronet, well known in public life here, as well
as in Ireland, told me that he believed that whatever might be

the laws on the statute book under the new government, the life
of Protestants in the south would be made practically intolerable.
To this he added, that in a southern city he had expressed this
opinion to a well-known Roman Catholic judge, who fully agreed

with him. .
Furthermore, he said that the Roman Catholic dean
of the same city came in while they talked , and he confessed that
his own opinion was the same, adding that on that very ground
he was opposed to the change." (86)
Rev. John Fleming, Incumbent of Ventry, County Kerry,
was boycotted by the National League. In the midst of this
persecution his wife died of " a serious illness. ” "When at her
worst " the local band turned out, and the large crowd that
accompanied it, commenced shouting and groaning within fifty
yards of her bedroom window. To wreak vengeance upon a
suffering woman at the hour of death, because she was the wife
of a Protestant clergyman , would not satisfy the National
League. It must boycott her lifeless body. No coffin could be
obtained nearer than forty miles. (87)
A respectable Scotchman rented a rabbit-warren in the South
of Ireland , and with its proceeds , supported his family. He was
the embodiment of industry, and his very industry was a crime,
though his Protestantism was a still greater one. April 19, 1885 ,
a number of disguised Nationalists entered his house, and in the
presence of his wife, daughters, and a young son, gave him an
unmerciful beating, breaking a gun on his head. To get protec-
tion for his father, the lad, accompanied by a sister, went to a
police station four miles distant, and , from the fright and a chill ,
died in about a month. Ten days later the father died , leaving a
wife and three daughters, one an invalid , without any support.( 88)
(86.) The Irish Christian Advocate, Belfast, August 13, 1886.
(87) London Times, June 17, 1886.
(88) London Times, June 21 , 1886,
Though what an English Protestant lady says, is perfectly true,

" The Irish are a most affectionate people," ( 89) yet to account
intelligently for some of the strange actions of this " most affec-
tionate people," we must remember what an English Roman
Catholic nobleman says, " One of the later Popes has declared e
that the murder of a Protestant is so good a deed that it man
atones, and more than atones,for the murder of a Catholic."(90)
Does the evidence, now adduced, from Romanist and Protestant S
sources, indicate that Irish Protestants would be free from per- d
secution, if that unhappy land were under the control of Parnell Rev
and the priests ?
But what are Cardinal Manning's own views on this matter? str
In " The Present Crisis of the Holy See " (91 ) he says : " The ther
Catholic Church cannot be silent- it cannot hold its peace ; it Pe
cannot cease to preach the doctrines of Revelation , not only of "
the Trinity and of the Incarnation, but likewise of the Seven T
Sacraments, and of the Infallibility of the Church of God, and
of the necessity of Unity, and of the Sovereignty, both spiritual nora
and temporal of the Holy See." " Do not think me fanatical ,"
says an eminent authority , " or blind, or senseless, if I affirm that bat
the Temporal Power is not ended yet, and that the Roman ques- vend
tion is only now once more begun . " ( 92) He believes that in Leo
all the Pope's utterances concerning " faith or morals " he is
infallible. (93 ) Everything that pertains to the building up of Ro
(89) Lettersfrom Ireland by Charlotte Elizabeth, p . 44. Charles Scribner, New York, 1852. Dat
(90) Lord Acton's Letter to Mr. Gladstone, published in London Times, Nov. 9, 1874.
(91) p . 73.
(92) Manning, Ecclesiastical Sermons, vol. III, p . 147.
(93) Manning, The Vatican Council and its Definitions, p . 240. D. & J. Sadlier, New
York, 1871.
the Latin Church comes under this head . Therefore the follow-
ing, found in a letter written by Pope Leo XIII , in March ,

1879, to one of his Cardinals is infallible : " His gradually in-
creasing insistance on the restoration of the temporal power is
prompted by the equally increasing conviction that until the
Roman Pontiff regains earthly sway in this city it will be im-
possible for him to prohibit liberty of worship and instruction ."
(94) Since his Eminence asserts " that the Temporal Power is
not ended yet," and is worthy to be placed with " the doctrines
of Revelation ; " and since his Holiness affirms that if he pos-
sessed that power he would " prohibit liberty of worship and
instruction," it follows that Cardinal Manning himself " alto-
gether worthy to be the successor of Pius IX. in the chair of
St. Peter," (95) would " prohibit liberty of worship and instruc-
tion " in Rome, and if in Rome, why not in Ireland?
Then we are obliged to admit that if it is morally right to
"prohibit liberty of worship and instruction " in Rome, it is also
morally right to prohibit it in the United States.
Americans are informed by Archbishop Ryan of Philadelphia,
that Pope Leo XIII is “ remarkable for his knowledge " of " the
genius of this century " (96) ; they are also informed by Pope
Leo XIII . "that if he possessed the power he claims, he would
employ it to close all Protestant schools and places of worship in
Rome. " ( 97) Cardinal Gibbons says "in no country of all the
nations of the earth does he (Pope Leo XIII) find more loyal
(94) London Times April 11 , 1879.
(95) Schaff's Creeds of Christendom , vol . I, p . 153. Harper & Brothers, New York, 1884.
e (96) Baltimore Catholic Mirror, July 3, 1886.
(97) London Times, April 11 , 1879.
and devoted spiritual children than among the clergy and laity of
this free Republic ." (98) Loyal and devoted children ever walk
in the footsteps of their father. By and by when American
Protestants sleep a little longer and these " loyal and devoted
1 children " gather strength, and their older brother in Baltimore,

who received the red beretta so recently, acquires a little more
courage ; from the aged sire who possesses such a knowledge of
"the genius of this century " a command will come to the
United States similar to that which went to Mexico some years
ago : " The Catholic religion must, above all things, continue
to be the glory and the mainstay of the giant Republic of
the West' (99) to the exclusion of every other dissenting
worship." (100 )
III. The great English Cardinal asserts : " The unity of Christ-
ian Europe was an ancient and precious inheritance, and they who
broke it were each one severally and personally guilty of the act.
The preservation of religious unity for the peace of commnon-
wealths, and for the inheritance of posterity, was the duty of
States, but when unity is once broken, the generations born into
the confusions and divisions of the past are in a condition in
which persecution is a crime and heresy. It is a crime because

the millions are unconsciously born into a state of privation of
which they are not the authors, and a heresy because faith is a
moral act of human liberty in reason, heart, and will. Force
may make hypocrites -it can never generate faith. ”
(98) Baltimore Catholic Mirror, July 3, 1886.
(99) From Cardinal Gibbons ' Address to the Christian Brothers. Baltimore Catholic
Mirror, July 3, 1886.
(100) Appleton's Annual Cyclopædia , 1865, p. 749.
In " The Vatican Council and its Definitions, " ( 101 ) Cardinal
Manning assures us that " Unity with the Roman faith is
absolutely necessary, and therefore the prerogative of absolute
infallibility is to be ascribed to it, and a coercive power to con-
strain to unity of faith, in like manner, absolute ; as also the
infallibility and coercive power of the Catholic Church itself,
which is bound to adhere to the faith of Rome, is absolute. " A
document issued by Pope Pius IX. in 1864, teaches : "The
[Roman] Catholic religion should be maintained as the only re-

ligion of the State to the exclusion of every other. " ( 102) In
what light does Cardinal Manning view this document ? His
language is, " The hated Syllabus will have its justification . The
Syllabus which condemned Atheism and revolution would have
saved society. But men would not. They are dissolving the
temporal power of the Vicar of Christ. And why do they dissolve it?
Because governments are no longer Christian . " (103) The
Pope's temporal power was dissolved , not because the various
governments of Europe and America were "no longer Christ-
ian ; " but because the Papal government was the worst in
Europe. A French Roman Catholic, who traveled over " every
part " of the Papal States, conversed with men of " all opin-
ions," and collected information " on the spot," says of the
Papal government : " If you can show me a worse, I will go

and announce the discovery at Rome, and I rather fancy I
shall considerably astonish the Romans. " (104) .
(101) p. 103.
(102) The Papacy and the Civil power, by Thompson, ch. vii . pp . 219–220.
(103) The Vatican Council and its Definitions, by Manning, p. 165 See also The Pope,
the
1877.Kings, and the People, by William Arthur, vol . II, p . 266 William Mullan & Son, London,
(104) The Roman Question, by Edmund About. Translated from the French by H. C.
Coape, p. 86. D. Appleton & Co., New York. 1859.
No fond mother could nurse a loving babe more tenderly than

does Cardinal Manning the system " which would have saved
human society. " When we think of this friend of " human
society, " who believes in " Coercive Power to constrain to unity

of Faith, " and who believes that " persecution is a crime and
heresy, " let us not forget: " Force may make hypocrites- it
can never generate faith. " " Have no pity on the heretics ; "
" establish the Catholic religion by force ; " " light up the stake ; "
"leave the Calvinists no alternative but the mass or death " is
the language of Pope Gregory XV. to the King of Spain . "

( 105) Thus we see how the despotic abomination of the seven-
teenth century, is reproduced and re-enacted in the nineteenth .
" When unity is once broken, the generations born into the
confusions and divisions of the past are in a condition in which
persecution is a crime and heresy. " When was " unity " broken ?
Was it when Luther burned the Pope's Bull, or when the Augs-
burg Confession was read before Charles V.? Was " the unity of
Christian Europe," that " ancient and precious inheritance,”
severed when, without being reconciled to the Romish Church,
the monk that shook " to its foundation " the " papal monarchy,'
( 106) breathed his last, or did it occur on the 4th of December,

1563, when the Council of Trent held its last session and failed
to heal the great " schism " in the Christian world ? That the
religious movement which Protestants call the Reformation took
(105) De Cormenin's History of the Popes, vol. II , p . 296. T. B. Peterson, Philadel-

phia, 1846.
For obvious reasons I quote from De Cormenin, a Roman Catholic, in preference of
Ranke, the great German Protestant historian.
(106) D'Aubigne's History of the Reformation, vol. II, book vi, ch . iii, p . 96. Oliver
& Boyd's ed. revised by the author. Edinburgh 1846.
place in the first half of the sixteenth century, his Eminence, I

think, will not deny. (107) Unity was broken before Martin
Luther went home to heaven. The awful " Massacre of St. Bar-
tholomew ," (108 ) took place more than a quarter of a century after
that blessed occasion. An overwhelmingly large proportion of
those who perished in this massacre were " born into the confu-
sions and divisions of the past." A distinguished English
Roman Catholic Bishop says : " When Catholic states and
princes have persecuted Protestants, it was done in favor of an

ancient religion ." " If Catholic states and princes have enforced
submission to their Church by persecution, they were fully per-
suaded that there is a divine authority in this Church to decide
in all controversies of religion , and that those Christians who
refuse to hear her voice, when she pronounces upon them, are
obstinate heretics . " ( 109) Who was the " authority in this Church
to decide in all controversies of religion " when the blood of the
Huguenots flowed like a river? It was that Holy Father, Greg-
ory XIII., who was " a man ofconvivial habits, and left a natur-
al son." ( 110 ) About twelve years ago, Lord Acton, in a letter to
Mr. Gladstone said : " Now Pius V. , the only Pope who has
been proclaimed a Saint ( 111) for many centuries, having deprived

Elizabeth, commissioned an assassin to take her life ; and his
next successor, on learning that the Protestants were being mas-,
1867.(107) Manning's England and Christendom, p. 50. Longmans, Green & Co., London,
(108) Zurich Letters, 1558-1579. Parker Society, Letter cv, p. 276.
(109) End of Controversy, by the Right Rev. John Milner, D.D. Letter xlix, pp . 312,
313. Edward Dunigan and Brother, New York.
(110) Johnson's New Universal Cyclopaedia , vol . II, p . 697.
(111) " To his last breath Pius retained the same thirst for the blood of the heretics of
France." The Rise of the Huguenots of France, by Henry M. Baird, vol. II, bk. ii, ch.
xix, p . 567. Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1879.
sacred in France, pronounced the action glorious and holy, but

comparatively barren of results. " He [ Gregory XIII. ] “implored
the king during two months, by his nuncio and his legate, to carry
the work on to the bitter end until every Huguenot had recanted
or perished." ( 112 ) This , and other statements of a like nature,
called forth a storm of indignation . About two weeks later the
world, from the Thames to the Tiber, was profoundly stirred by
another letter from Lord Acton to the London Times, a few sen-
tences of which will be interesting reading.
66
Many persons have called on me, both in public and in
private, to furnish the means of testing certain statements made
by me in a letter of November 8, to Mr. Gladstone . Those
statements are easy to verify. But I comply with their appeal
in order to repel the charge that the facts were invented for a
theory, or that a faithful narrative of undogmatic history could
involve contradiction with the teaching or authority of the church
whose communion is dearer to me than life." "Having stated
that Gregory XIII. , approved the massacre of St. Bartholomew,
but complained that too little had been done, I have been
assured by a Doctor, and former Professor, of Divinity, who
has devoted twenty years to these researches, that this is a hack-
neyed story which the veriest bigot is ashamed to repeat. I sub-
mit to the later and better judgment of my correspondent the facts
which I am about to prove . When Gregory was informed that
the Huguenots were being slain over the whole of France, he sent
word to the king that this was better news than a hundred battles
(112) London Times, November 9, 1874. " For seven days and nights the streets [ of
Paris ] ran with Protestant blood . " Short History of the Reformation, by [ Bishop ] John
F. Hurst, D.D. , ch. xiii., p . 92. Harper & Brothers, New York, 1884.
of Lespanto. The Pope proclaimed a Jubilee, principally to

thank God for this great mercy, and to pray that the King might
have constancy to pursue to the end the pious work he had begun .
This Bull has not, I think, been reprinted . I take the words
from one of the original placards distributed in Rome from the
press of the Apostolic Chamber. A rumor gradually spread to
the effect that the slaughter, far from being an act of religion ,
had been provoked by the detection of a Protestant conspiracy .
The Nuncio Salviati informed the Pope that this was an utter
falsehood, too ridiculous to be believed. The letters of Salviati
are preserved in Paris in copies made by Chateaubriand , and I
am quoting his translation of them. There were signs of inter-
mission, and Gregory required the Nuncio to insist on the utter
extirpation of the heretics. Cardinal Orsini, having been dis-
patched as Legate from Rome, with extraordinary solemnity, to
congratulate Charles and to support the exhortations of Salviati ,
describes, on the 19th of December [ 1572 ] , his audience with the
king. Orsini assured him that he had surpassed, by this action ,
the glory of all his forefathers, but he pressed him to fulfill his
promise that not a single Huguenot should be left alive on the
soil of France. " (113. )
Lord Acton's first letter made this second one necessary. In
the same issue in which his first letter appears, Cardinal, then
Archbishop, Manning has also a letter. Does any one think that
his Eminence read nothing in The Times of November 9, 1874,
but his own letter ? He unquestionably read, and carefully
studied, every sentence of Lord Acton's two letters . How, in
(113) London Times, November 24, 1874. See also Edinburgh Review, vol. XLIV., June
1826, and read carefully. pp. 94-155.
the light of these letters, corroborated by indubitable evidence,

this Prince of the Church could pen such a letter as appeared in
the New York Tribune is a mystery.
There is another class of evidence in addition to Lord Acton's
letters . Bishop Foss of Minneapolis, Minnesota, has in his

possession one of the medals struck in the mint of Gregory XIII.
to commemorate the slaughter of the Huguenots. On one side
is an image of the Pope, on the other an angel holding in one
hand a cross and in the other a sword while the ground at his feet
is strewn with dead heretics, and the inscription, " v gonottorum
strages, 1572." The owner of this medal, has " reliable informa-
tion " as to how and when it came from the Vatican. (114) On
the authority of Lord Acton, " when Gregory was informed that
the Huguenots were being slain over the whole of France, he
sent word to the King that this was better news than a hundred
battles of Lespanto." He requested the Nuncio " to insist on
the utter extirpation of the heretics ;" he pronounced the massacre
of these unoffending Protestants an " action glorious and holy.”
He dispatched Cardinal Orsini as Legate to France to urge
Charles IX. " to fulfil his promise that not a single Huguenot
should be left alive on the soil of France." On the authority of
Cardinal Manning the persecution of those " born into the
confusions and divisions of the past " is nothing less than a
" crime and heresy." If so, an infallible Pope was a " criminal ”
and a " heretic."
" Force may make hypocrites-- it can never generate faith."

In the British Museum there is a work, written by Alphonsus
(114) I have lying before me while I write impressions of this medal, kindly sent me by
Bishop Foss.
a'Castro, Archbishop of Compostella, in which he maintains that

heretics should be killed , (115) yet this divine, as a political
measure, preached a sermon on the 10th of February, 1555, before
Philip, husband of Queen Mary, in which he told the king that he
was guilty of innocent blood . Alphonsus, for ends satisfactory
to himself, preached against persecution , but carefully maintained
that heretics should be killed . Cardinal Manning simply main-
tains that the Church should correct them by the use of " all its
powers." (116)
" Archbishop Manning assures us, " Mr. Gladstone says ,
" that the members of his communion would not make use of
force if they were able, but nowhere disclaims the right. " Mr.
Gladstone also affirms, " Indeed , he can not ; he dares not. The
inexorable Syllabus binds him to maintain it, as Ixion was bound
to his wheel." ( 117) Has not history something to teach ? It is a
historical fact admitted by Romanists and Protestants that when
"the first Pope " exercised force, his Holiness received from the
Saviour a withering rebuke : " Put up again thy sword into his
place ; for all they that take the sword shall perish with the
sword." (118)
" Force may make hypocrites- it can never generate faith."

A blessed truth, but only a few short years ago his vigor-
ous pen assured us that " the hated Syllabus will have its
(115) Alfons a' Castro De justa haeret, punit. Lib . II , ch. xii , fol. 121 , Salmant. 1547.
Copy, British Museum.
(116) Vatican Decrees, by Archbishop Manning, p . 53.
(117) Vaticanism , by the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P. , p. 55.
(118) Compare John xviii. 10, 11, with Matthew xxvi, 51, 52. "The very passage in which
the Son of God authoritatively rebukes his own Apostles for intolerance, is explained, with
a reservation of the duty of putting heretics to death : -Rheimish Bible, Luke ix, 55. " The
Quarterly Review, vol. XXXIII, p. 35. Dec. Mar. 1825-26.
justification " that it " would have saved society." ( 119) Let
Americans, remember, that that which " would have saved
society " teaches : "The [Roman] Catholic Church has the
power of availing herself offorce, or any direct or indirect
temporal power." (120) Let them also remember " The author-
ity of the State must be braved, human affections must be dis-

regarded, life must be sacrificed, when loyalty to the truth and
to the will of God requires it. " (121 ) When The Catholic World
speaks of " the truth," it means Roman Catholic truth, and by
the phrase " will of God," it means the will of infallible pontiffs.
Tell us not that the Roman Catholic Church changes. Her
own boast is that she never changes. ( 122) Tremendous press

of surroundings may compel her to change tactics ; her spirit is
ever the same ; the same to-day (123) as when the blood of the
Huguenots stained the soil of France, as when the blood of Irish
Protestants crimsoned the once Isle of the Saints, and, as when
Milton breathed into the listening ear of God,
" In Thy book record their groans
Who were Thy sheep , and in their ancient fold ,
Slain by the bloody Piedmontese, that rolled
Mother with infant down the rocks." (124)
" Force may make hypocrites- it can never generate faith. "
But if faith accompanies force, what then ? It has been said,
" Whatever's dune wantin' faith maun be sin ; it canna help it.
But whatever's dune in faith canna weel be sin, though it may be
(119) The Vatican Council and its Definitions, by Manning, p, 165. See also The Jesuits
by Griesinger, vol. II, bk. vii. , ch. iv. , p . 323. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York, 1883.
(120) The Papacy and the Civil Power, by Thompson, ch. vii, p . 216.
(121) The Catholic World, July, 1868, vol. VII, p. 438.
(122) Butler's Book of the Roman Catholic Church, p . 11. See also Edinburgh Re-
view, vol. XLIII, p. 125, November, 1825.
(123) Encyclopædia Britannica, vol. XIII, p. 95.
(124) Emerson's Parnassus , p. 195.
a mistak." ( 125) The application of " force " to heretics " may
make hypocrites," and yet the Church of Rome must compel
these " dissenting brethren " by the use of " all its powers " to
abandon heresy for hypocrisy. Is the Cardinal's opposition to
force seeming or real ? His own writings furnish a reply.
"Shifty," " anything but creditable," " do not meet the main
issue," is the language of the London Spectator ( 126 ) concerning
letters written by him a few months ago. Stronger yet, " A man
in Cardinal Manning's position should face the matter boldly ,
and not play hide-and-seek behind a number of empty general-
ities." Sharper still , “ But all these beatings about the bush do
not seem to us worthy of him ; and we are quite sure that they
will increase the prejudice against the strategy of his Church. ”
Is it not possible that the head of the Anglo - Roman Church
believes that a long enough application of " force " might " gen-
erate faith ? "
" But that I may not be suspected," says Cardinal Manning ,

" of only giving my private opinion , I will quote an authority
before which even Mr. Arthur will, I hope, be silent. Leo XIII .,
on the 1st of November last year, promulgated these words to
the whole Catholic world : " The Church, it is true, deems it un-
lawful to place the various forms of divine worship on the same

footing as the true religion. Still it does not, on that account,
condemn those rulers who, for the sake of securing some great
good or of preventing some great evil, allow by custom and

usage each kind of religion to have its place in the State." "
(125) Donal Grant, by George Macdonald, ch. vi, p. 147. D. Lothrop & Co. , Boston.
(126) November 13, 1886.
I will quote an authority before which even Cardinal Man-

ning will, I hope, be silent, and that authority is Pope Leo
XIII. On the 24th of December, 1884 , His Holiness said
that " it is an immense regret and deep anguish to Us to see the
impiety with which Protestants freely, and with impunity, spread
their heretical doctrines and attack the most august and most
sacred dogmas of our most holy religion, even here at Rome ; "
that " it wrings Our hearts to see that, under the protection of
public laws, the temples of the heterodox increase," that the
present situation was " contrary to the dignity and independ-
ence of the Sovereign Pontiff, and detrimental to the liberty of
the Bishops of Rome in the exercise of their supreme power."
( 127) The Pope wants liberty for Leo XIII . He will not grant
to others what he himself claims. He will, however, accept the
rare privilege which this country affords for the establishment of
" the true religion." How kind he is ! How intense his love for
freedom of action ! Has this freedom of action, enjoyed by the
Bishops of Rome for ages, been blessed by the All Wise One to
the lifting up from the abyssmal depths of degradation the
descendants of the warriors and orators, poets and writers of the
world ? Sampson, with his eyes out and bound with fetters of
brass, grinding corn for the Philistines in that prison house in
Gaza, ( 128) is hardly a sight more pitiable than to see the off-
spring of Cæsar and Cicero, Virgil and Tacitus, accompanied by
a monkey, perambulating the streets of our cities, grinding music
(127) The Boston Pilot, January 24, 1885. For an echo of this speech see the address
of His Holiness on the seventh anniversary of his coronation, in the Boston Pilot, March 28,
1885. The Pilot, in this issue, speaks of the intolerable nature of the situation in which
he [the Pope] is placed." A vivid description of the present " situation " of His Holiness is
found in Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress, pp. 80-81 . Union Publishing Co., Chicago.
(128) Judges , xvi, 21.
for the offspring of " naked ," " wild and savage men. " ( 129) If
the present Pope should become a temporal ruler to -morrow,
66 great evil to be pre-
can any "great good to be secured," or
vented," be conceived which could possibly induce him to allow
"by custom and usage " established now for sixteen years-
" each kind of religion to have its place " in the once more
reconstructed Papal States ? The letter already alluded to, from
Leo XIII. , in 1879, answers this . Cardinal Manning admits that
"to place the various forms of Divine worship on the same
footing as the true religion," the Church deems " unlawful,"
.
but a man of his intelligence must know that in the country
of which we are citizens, the Constitution teaches that this is
not " unlawful, " but lawful. Our Union is " great," " majestic,"
as he says, but its teachings are diametrically opposed to the

teachings of his Church.
The repressive policy of the Papacy is abundantly illustrated
in the well-known condition of modern Italy. Some time pre-
vious to September, 1870, a highly respected citizen ( 130) of “ the
great American Union " spent a winter in Rome, at the house of
a cousin of the late Cardinal Antonelli, Papal Secretary of State.
He had a commission from one of our States to investigate pub-
lic education in the Papal States, but particularly in the Holy
City. He tells us : " For carrying on my person a pocket Bible
I was warned that I ran the risk of twelve months ' imprison-
ment. On applying to Mr. Cass, the then American Charge
d'Affaires at Rome, I was informed by him that I had better put

(129) Tacitus , vol. II. , pp. 291 , 305. The Oxford Translation. Bohn's Classical Library,
London, 1884. See also Casar, p . 25. Bohn's Classical Library, London, 1885.
(130) Dexter A. Hawkins, Esq., who died a few months ago.
the Bible out of sight till I left the Papal States , as, if I got
into trouble on account of it, he might not be able to help me." "
(131). In this country such a state of affairs would not be pos-
sible. Not only is the Bible an open book, but " the conferring
upon one Church of special favors and advantages which are
denied to others " (132) is strictly forbidden by the first Amend-
ment of the Constitution of the United States. And this is our
chief offence at Rome.
We know that " the veiled prophets behind the throne, by

whom the Latin Church is governed," (133) wish to overturn
and destroy our civilization . We know that Bishop Coxe is no
alarmist when he says : " I never before saw such elements of
hope as regards this red cloud of Romish aggression ; " and that,
" Under the guise of an institution of learning, a Jesuit College is
about to be established in Washington . It will be the seat of
intrigue with our politics and politicians . There our elections
will be managed and results secured for the Court of Rome.
Most quietly at first, with the utmost audacity very soon, this
society will practically neutralize our Constitution , or, what is
more likely, bring on a social war of religion. ” ( 134) The spirit
of the Syllabus would " close all Protestant Schools and places
of worship " in the world ; the spirit of the Constitution permits
even the Jesuits-a society that has " been banished from every
(131) The New York Christian Advocate, January 1 , 1880.

(132) Cooley's Principles of Constitutional Law, ch. xiii, p . 205. Little, Brown & Co. ,
Boston. 1880.
(133) Vaticanism, by the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M. P. , p . 5.
(134) From the Address of the Right Rev. A. C. Coxe, D. D., on the 21st of September,
1886, at the Diocesan Council of Western New York. -The New York Churchman, October
2, 1886. "The Papal diplomats are at this moment sighing to have an Italian Archbishop as
their accredited ambassador, or nuncio, at Washington." -The New York Standard, January
15, 1887.
papal kingdom in Europe as insufferably aggressive ( 135 ) toward

all governments and constitutions " ( 136 )—to found a university
under its protection .
We are assured, however, that the Pope would not " condemn
those rulers who, for the sake of securing some great good, or of
preventing some great evil, allow by custom and usage each

kind of religion to have its place in the State, " and yet the Pope
himself admits that if he possessed " earthly sway " he would
not " allow " this privilege. Under certain circumstances the
Pope is compelled to " allow by custom and usage each kind of
religion to have its place in the State." As Mr. Gladstone says :
" But no man is entitled to take credit for not doing that which
he has no power to do . And one of the many irregularities in
the mode of argument pursued by Vaticanism is , that such credit
is constantly taken for not attempting the impossible. It is as
if Louis XVI., when a prisoner in the Temple, had vaunted his
own clemency in not putting the head of Robespierre under the
guillotine. " (137) The infallible decree of Pope Leo XIII .
in July, 1886 , restoring the Jesuits to all their former rights and
privileges, made null and void the infallible decree of Pope
Clement XIV . in July, 1773, suppressing " these burglars of the
universe." ( 138 ) Cardinal Manning believes that an infallible
letter from Pope Leo XIII . , on the 1st of November, 1885,
made null and void an infallible speech delivered by the same
Pontiff on the day before Christmas , 1884.
(135) The Jesuits, by Griesinger, vol. II, bk. vi, pp . 67-186.

(136) Bishop Coxe. See New York Churchman, October 2, 1886.
(137) Vaticanism, p. 59,
(138) From Bishop Coxe's Address, See New York Churchman, October 2, 1886.
It is a mystery how any friend of liberty, in the light

of the foregoing facts, can give his consent to the handing
over of Ireland to the rule of Parnell and the priests —a rule that
unquestionably means the destruction of religious freedom . The
Irish Christian Advocate of January 8, 1886, says , and truth-
fully too, " Home Rule for Ireland means the ruin of the coun-
try. Its inspiration is religious antipathy, its methods plunder,
its object Protestant annihilation. " On the authority of an
able and painstaking Roman Catholic writer, there is " no in-
considerable number of English and Scotch Catholics " who
believe that it is their duty to offer uncompromising resist-
ance to those, whom Mr. Gladstone described , not so very long
6
ago, as marching, through rapine, to the dismemberment of
the empire, and even to the placing of different parts of the
empire in direct hostility one to the other ;" " " that the best
reparation for past misrule in Ireland is to rule her justly, firmly,
and beneficently in the present ; " and that to abandon this task
at the bidding of Mr. Parnell and his followers would bring a
load of infamy upon the country. ( 139) That there has been
" past misrule " in Ireland on the part of England I frankly admit.
In an article which appeared in the New York Observer some
months ago (140) entitled " Irish Presbyterianism and National-
ism ," I took occasion to say : The General Assembly, without a
dissenting voice, raised a clear, vigorous and manly protest against
Nationalism . It also pointed out what, in its judgment, ought
yet to be done for the settlement of the land question . This is a
(139) W. S. Lilly, in The Dublin Review, July, 1886, p. 75.
(140) May 20, 1886,
subject so vital for Ireland's welfare that its value cannot be

overestimated . The Assembly admits that there are many
existing evils,' but it has no faith in the Home Rule ' cure.
6
The people whose wrongs at bottom were more cruel than those
of any other section of the Irish nation ' prefer English misrule
to Romish tyranny. They are confident that the misrule of a
fallible government will come to a close ; they have no hope that
the tyranny of an ' infallible ' church will ever end. "
The statements then made I see no reason for modifying now.
I agree, as probably Cardinal Manning does, with the statement
of a distinguished historian , of whose work an able Roman

Catholic quarterly says : "We consider these pages as one of the
best fragments of Christian ' apology ' in the English language.
Indeed, it would not be easy to find in any other language an
argument so thoroughly honest, so firmly founded on facts, and
so admirably expressed. " ( 141 ). This historian confesses that he
is " of opinion that the Catholics of 1778 were right in think-
ing and in owning that the Legislature had ' some excuses ' for the
penal legislation against Catholics . " ( 142 ). And it is the spirit
deprecated here that would exalt itself against the Irish Protest-
ants , to-day, if that country were handed over to the tender mer-
cies of these priest-ridden enthusiasts . This is the judgment of
that gentle-spirited and fearless statesman, John Bright : " I can-
not intrust the peace and interests of Ireland , north or south , to the
Irish parliamentary party to whom the government now proposes
to make a general surrender. My six years ' experience of them
(141) The Dublin Review, July, 1886, p . 176.
(142) The Dublin Review, July, 1886, p. 75 ; W. S. Lilly, in Pro Vivis et Defunctis.
and their language in the House of Commons, and their deeds in

Ireland, make it impossible for me to hand over to them the
industry, prosperity and rights of 5,000,000 of the queen's sub-
jects. Our countrymen in Ireland, leastways 2,000,000 , are as
loyal as the people of Birmingham. I will be no party to a
measure thrusting them from the generosity and justice of the
united and imperial parliament. I have written so that nobody
may be ignorant of my views. My vote in the recent division
has given great grief, but my judgment and conscience made the
other course impossible. For forty years I have been a friend of
Ireland . Long before any Parnellite now in parliament, or any
member of the present government, opened his lips to expose and
condemn the wrongs of Ireland I spoke for her people in the
House of Commons and on public platforms. It is because I
am still a friend of Ireland that I refuse to give her up to those
to whom the recently defeated bill would have subjected her. " (143) .
He who would truthfully forecast the future of an individual,
nation, or church, must not ignore the past. If we would know
something of the persecuting spirit of Romanism in these mod-
ern times, let us read from the " History of England in the
Eighteenth Century " by Lecky, ( 144) who is pronounced by
(143) See The Northwestern Christian Advocate, June 30, 1886. London, Feb. 11, 1887-
John Bright has written another letter in criticism of Mr. Gladstone's Irish policy. Mr. Bright
says: "My views regarding Liberal reunion have remained unchanged since I spoke at Bir-
mingham in July. What has happened since has confirmedthe views I then expressed. I
attribute the break in the Liberal party to the unwisdom of its leader and to the most de-
plorable abandonment by the bulk of the party of its position and policy at that leader's
invitation or command. They talked and voted on measures few understood, accepting them
from a popular minister. I dare not surrender the interests of the Irish people to a con-
spiracy bent on destroying the land owners of the country as a first step toward servering
Ireland from England-a conspiracy to which so much of Ireland's present suffering and
demoralization is que. I have been associated very intimately for twenty years with this
popular minister. I have spoken for Ireland for thirty; I have implored successive Prem-
fers to do the utmost legislation could do for Ireland. My sympathy for Ireland is now as
warm and real as ever. I believe the majority of instructed and thoughtful Irishmen prefer
the protection and justice of the Imperial Parliament to the rule of conspiracy under an
Irish parliament." See The Chicago Inter Ocean, February 12, 1887.
(144) Vol. I., ch. ii, pp . 290–293, D. Appleton & Co. , New York, 1882.
competent Romish authority (145) " one of the most able and
impartial of living historians. " ( 146) If we would know some-
thing about the gentle spirit of Romanism in December, 1886 ,
let us look at Archbishop Corrigan of New York, forbidding the
funeral services, in the Cathedral, of the late Judge Alker , whose
only crime was his patriotism. (147)
With Home Rule in Ireland , what proportion of the money
granted by Government for benevolent and religious purposes
would the Church of Rome receive ? In the province of Ontario
where Roman Catholics " only form sixteen per cent of the
population, the Blue Books show that of all the money granted
by Government for benevolent purposes , exclusive of that given
for the support of general hospitals " the Church of Rome
receives " sixty per cent. " (148 ) Romanism, where her numerical
strength is only sixteen per cent., by giving her vote to one of the
political parties , receives as a compensation sixty per cent. of all
government money donated for benevolent purposes . In Ireland
Romanism has a numerical strength of about seventy- six per
cent. , (149 ) which on the same basis would give her almost five
times as much. Events in the Republic give no uncertain
sound. ( 150) " Is the next President of the Republic ," says the
(145) William Samuel Lilly.
(146) The Dublin Review, July, 1886, p . 76:
(147) New York Tribune, December 9, 1886.
(148) See Rev. W. S. Blackstock's article in Zion's Herald, Boston, January 5, 1887.
(149) 76.6 in 1881. See Encyclopaedia Britannica , vol. XIII, p . 245.
(150) For peculiar ecclesiastical tactics in New York City, see Dexter A. Hawkin's
articles in New York Christian Advocate, January 1 , 1880, and January 29, 1880. Says the
New York Tribune: "Perhaps one of these days American Congressmen and other offi-
cials will awake to the sense that this is an American government, and that there is a vote
still stronger than the Irish vote, in which it becomes them to take a little interest. The
Irish influence in questions of an international character is directly hostile to the United
States, and it is one of the most serious dangers against which we have to provide." The
Northwestern Christian Advocate, December 26, 1883, in commenting upon the Tribune's
timely remarks, observes : " We feel like responding with a hearty, unmodified amen.'
New York Churchman of February 5, 1887, " to be the man who

will concede the most to foreign aggression ? There are fools who
delight in the exercise of this foreign influence, so long as , for ex-
periment, the Court of Rome exerts it in a line with their own sen-
timents. Fools and blind ! ' Do they not see that, once established
as a power in politics, the same influence will be worked against the
national institutions , and for the enforcement of ' the Syllabus,'
which is a foe to all freedom and enlightenment ? Now, we use
6
well-chosen words when we speak of the Court of Rome,' for
for we make no issue here with Rome as a Church. Americans
allow the fullest liberty to its religion as a religion; but Rome

as a foreign court is another thing. The Court of Rome has
only the position of a deadly foe to all American institutions,
and its intriguing interference with politics is a thousand times
more perilous than the ships and armaments of other enemies to
American liberties." These are words weighty and wise ; they
are a bugle blast at a timely moment in the history of the
Republic. " It may be news to the general public " says the
New York Standard, ( 151) “ but it is , nevertheless , a fact that
Archbishop Corrigan, in the last election , (152) not only wanted
to defeat a certain candidate, but also wanted to defeat the call for
a constitutional convention ; that letters from him were sent to
(151 ) January 15, 1887.

(152) The New York Tribune, January 31, 1887 in giving an account of a meeting at the
Academy of Music to " protest against ecclesiastical interference in politics, and to express
the sympathy of American citizens of all creeds with the Rev. Dr. McGlynn""" reports J. J.
Gahan, Editor of The Catholic Herald, as saying " Neither Jacobini, nor Simeoni nor
Macaroni will be allowed to dictate to Catholics their course in politics. I, as an Irish
Catholic, with not a drop of Protestant blood in my veins, here inform Archbishop Corrigan
that I will obey him with childlike submission if he tells me to-morrow is a fast day; but
when he tells me that I must vote for this man or that man I will resist him with all the
power that is left me." This language will do for the platform , not the confessional ; in life,
but not at the hour of death.
priests telling them to work against the convention, and that at

a gathering where one of these priests endeavored to carry out
this instruction, a proposition was made to get hold of the bags
containing the ballots in favor of the constitutional convention ,
and by making away with them, to lessen the vote in its favor. "
To a reporter for the New York Herald, Archbishop Corrigan.
said that this statement was " false," and through a reporter for
The Tribune, that it was " ridiculous," but The Standard (153)
affirms that if his Grace comes out " over his own signature and
makes an unequivocal denial, " it will either give its " authority"
or retract the statement. Archbishop Corrigan remains silent.
These things clamor for attention. In 1875, we are informed,
when Archbishop Corrigan was Bishop of Newark, he exerted all
his ecclesiastical power and influence to defeat amendments to
the Constitution of New Jersey. The following letter, whose
authenticity has never been disputed, was sent to the priests of
the diocese, and appeared in the Newark Daily Advertiser the
evening before the election :
NEWARK, Sept. 3, 1875.
Reverend and Dear Sir-Having taken legal advice, I am
informed that by the new constitutional amendments clerical property
is liable to taxation . This would involve so heavy an additional
burden to the diocese that I feel it my duty to recommend you to
INSTRUCT your people to strike out the objectionable clause, or,
better still, to make assurance doubly sure, let them strike out the
whole ballot.
It is not enough to abstain from voting ; let them vote, and vote
against the amendment.
Very truly yours ,
MICHAEL, Bishop of Newark.
(153) January 29, 1887,
P. S.- Remember that our people must cancel by pen or pencil

the whole ballot and then vote it thus canceled , in order to protest
against injustice .
Remember, also, that the special election in regard to these con-
stitutional amendments will take place next Tuesday, Sept. 7.
The priest who would have failed to recognize the force of the
words " my duty to recommend you to instruct your people,”
would soon have been , like poor Father McGlynn, a priest without
a parish. How the Bishop's letter, though a confidential one ,
found its way into print The Standard of January 29, 1887 ,
informs its readers . " There was, however, in the diocese a German
priest, whose knowledge of English was so extremely limited
that he interpreted the word ' confidential ' written across the
bishop's letter to mean ' confide all ' —that is to say, ' tell every-
body ; ' ' publish this broadcast,' and finding privately that this
was his notion of confidential,' some American priests took
means to quietly intimate to a Newark Advertiser reporter that
` he had better go to see the German priest and ask for a copy of
the bishop's letter, as a matter of course. The reporter went ; the

German priest instantly complied , glad to get the opportunity to
obey what he thought was the injunction of his bishop , the
Newark Advertiser published the letter, and the waggish priests
had a laugh which comes back yet whenever the incident is
recalled . " Ecclesiastics in America , as well as in England, some-
times find that for the public welfare their " confidential " political
letters are interpreted to mean " confide all ."
Let him who thinks that Irish Nationalism would be friendly
to Protestantism remember the following historical fact. In his
Religious Persecution , 71
trip around the world, General Grant-a man whose memory all
true Americans delight to honor-was treated with the respect
becoming his rank by the Sultan of Turkey ; accorded a warm
reception by the Khedive in the land of the Pharaohs ; designated
" the King of America " in far off China ; spurned by the City
Council of Cork ; trampled upon by Irish Nationalists on account
of his Protestantism. (154) Let him who thinks that what are
usually designated " Irish rights " and " Catholic interests " lie
far apart, listen to the words of Daniel Crilly, M. P. for North

Mayo: " The men who champion Irish rights are the same who
safeguard Catholic interests. " ( 155 ). " The Revolution incarnate,"
as described in Mr. Parnell's organ, and " the speech of Father
John O'Mahony, of Cork," clearly indicate " altered times ." (156)
And these "altered times " are not confined to Ireland.
An American paper, on which the Pope bestows his " Apostolic

Benediction," says that the existence of Protestantism " is the
most grievous and most frightful event in the world's history,"
66
(157) and still further speaks : Impudent sects of heretics, in-
fidels, atheists, claim to be treated by States on an equal footing
with the one true Church. How shall we view this deplorable
and perplexing problem? " (158 ) A Roman Catholic Arch-
bishop, of Baltimore, assures us : " The climate of Spain is too
(154) The Life and Travels of General Grant, by Hon. J. T. Headley. Part second, pp.
181, 115, 391, 278. Hubbard Brothers, Philadelphia, 1879.
(155) The American Catholic News, New York, December 1, 1886.
(156) United Ireland, Dublin, September 5, 1885. " No one can deplore more than I do
what is taking place in Ireland, and it is a special grief and shame to find that some of those
whom one would naturally look to to guide the people in a dark and dangerous hour, have
given their countenance to so much which all must deplore and detest. " -The Duke of Nor-
folk. See the London Tablet, February 27, 1886.
(157) Baltimore Catholic Mirror, January 2, 1886.
(158) Baltimore Catholic Mirror, November 19, 1885.
warm for Protestantism ." ( 159) How soon, we wonder, will the
climate of the United States become " too warm " for the " im-
pudent sects of heretics ? " Let these " impudent sects of here-
tics " ponder the following from a Roman Catholic magazine,
published in Dublin, which has the warm support and hearty ??
approval of the Irish priesthood : " The woes of Ireland are all
due to one single cause—the existence of Protestantism in Ire-
land . Away with the propagandists of Protestantism , and Ire- of
land would be saved . Unless Ireland is governed by England as
a Catholic nation , and full scope given to the development of the AT
Catholic Church in Ireland by the appropriation to the Catholic
religion of the funds that go to religion , the recurrence of such
events as are now taking place in Ireland cannot be prevented .
Any other remedy based on a political economy, without refer-
ence to religion, must fail." " Would that the misappropriated
funds were sufficient to buy off all the Protestant landlords , and
that every Protestant meeting-house were swept from the land .
Then would Ireland recover herself. Outrages would then be
unknown, for there would be no admixture of misbelievers with
her [Rome's] champions. " (160) Does the Englishman ( 161)

whose " valorous love of justice " has helped Ireland by " the
banks of the yellow Tiber " (162 ) believe that " the woes of Ire-
land are all due to one single cause? " " A miserable un-
National, un-Christian , and altogether God-forsaken class is the

wretched faction in a little corner of the North of Ireland ." ( 163 )
(159) Miscellanea by M. J. Spalding, D D. , vol. I, p. 214. John Murphy & Co , Baltimore,
1869; see also Lieber's Miscellaneous Writings, vol. II, pp. 307–308.
(160) Catholic Progress, February and March numbers, 1881 .
(161) Cardinal Manning.
(162) The Nation, Dublin, January 22, 1887,
(163) The Irish American, New York, June 19, 1886.
If " every Protestant meeting-house were swept from the land "
and that " God-forsaken class " ( 164 ) and all their co-religion-
ists in the South and East and West were swept away also,
would " Ireland recover herself," and " outrages then be un-
known? "
Thirty Irish Archbishops and Bishops , on the 25th of Janu-

ary, 1826, in the city of Dublin, solemnly swore, " in the pres-
ence of God," that their " declaration, and every part thereof,"
was made " in the plain and ordinary sense of the words of their
oath, without any evasion , equivocation, or mental reservation
whatsoever." A " part " of that declaration reads as follows :
" The Catholics of Ireland not only do not believe, but they de-
clare upon oath that they detest as unchristian and impious the
belief that it is lawful to murder or destroy any person or per-
sons whatsoever for or under the pretence of their being heretics ; '
' that it is not an article of the Catholic faith, neither are they
thereby required to believe, that the Pope is infallible.” (165)
I turn to Macmillan's Magazine, (166) and over the signature
of Henry Edward, Archbishop of Westminster, I find the fol-
lowing assertion : " The Pope did not begin to be infallible in
1870; nor were Catholics free to deny his infallibility before
that date." In justice to Cardinal Manning, it may be said that
he is in hearty accord with Jefferson Davis's " angelic man. " (167)
(164) In speaking of this " God-forsaken class " whose home, we are told, is " a little
corner, 27 The Chicago Evening Journal of May 12, 1886, comments as follows : " The Pro-
testant population are highly intelligent, are of Scotch descent, are bold and aggressive, and
have all the elements of Scotch character, strenghtened by the vivacity, the activity, and the
brilliancy of the Irish race."
(165) This document is very difficult to obtain. It is found in Killen's Ecclesiastical
History of Ireland, vol . II. , Appendix, pp. 555-565. Macmillan & Co. , London, 1875.
(166) Vol. XXXI ., November, 1874, to April, 1875, p. 87.
(167) Schaff's Creeds of Christendom , vol. I., ch . iv. , p. 156.
Both the language of his Eminence of Westminster and his

Holiness, Pope Pius IX. , prove that a part of that oath made in
1826 by the Roman Catholic prelates of Ireland , " without any
evasion, equivocation, or mental reservation whatsoever," was as
false as false could be. " Falsus in uno, falsus in omnibus."
If that part of the oath which I have italicised was false, may
not Americans conclude that the Papal Church teaches to-day, as
she did in the days of Gregory XIII , " that it is lawful to
murder or destroy any person or persons whatsoever for or
under the pretence of their being heretics? " I repeat what has
been observed elsewhere : "If every Roman Catholic Archishop,
Bishop, and Priest in Ireland would pledge themselves under

6
solemn oath to secure to the minority perfect right of con-
science,' that pledge would mean nothing. Pronounce me neither
an alarmist nor an extremist, for I will substantiate my state-
6
ments. Cardinal Newman, in a pamphlet entitled : A Letter
to His Grace the Duke of Norfolk, on Occasion of Mr. Glad-
stone's Recent Expostulation ,' ( 168) states that the assurances
given to the British Government by the Roman Catholic Bishops
in 1825-26 have not been strictly fulfilled ; that the statement of
the eminent Irish Bishop, the Rt. Rev. Dr. Doyle, requires 6 some
pious interpretation ,' and that ' no pledge from Catholics was of
any value to which Rome was not a party.' ( 169) It was on the
strength of the oaths of Bishops Doyle, Murray and Kelly, that
the Roman Catholic Emancipation Bill was carried through the
British Parliament. (170) Archbishop Kenrick, of St. Louis,
(168) Pp. 21-22, 15, 18. The Catholic Publication Society, New York, 1875.
(169) See the Chicago Inter- Ocean, June 12, 1886.
(170) Johnson's New Universal Cyclopedia, vol. II., p . 1186.
some years ago expressed himself on this subject. (171 ) In 1839 , in

South Carolina, a Romish Bishop, in a controversy with a Baptist
minister, affirmed that the teachings of authors, professors, and
councils of his Church, from the days of the Apostles to the present
time, were that " perjury is the violation of a lawful oath, or the
taking of an unlawful one ; " that he who takes an unlawful oath
is " obliged to go against the words " by which he " appeared to be
bound, because it is no oath, but a perjury ; " that in the case of a
conflict between the Church of Rome and the State, the Roman
Catholic " is bound to the State in every point save that in which
the conflict exists." (172) Archbishop Bayley-late of Baltimore
—in a letter written in November, 1874, recommended the works
of Balmez as a cure for Mr. Gladstone's " nonsense." Balmez is a
Spanish priest, and the author of a work which teaches that " the
oath of allegiance to our Government, taken by a Roman Catho-
lic, amounts to nothing when the welfare of the Roman Catholic
Church requires it to be disregarded." (173) Some little side

light is now thrown on the action of the Irish Bishops . Just as
sure as night succeeds day, so surely will the Home Rule of the
Irish Roman Catholic hierarchy destroy religious liberty. In his
History of the United Netherlands, ( 174) Motley speaks of " a
million and a half of souls " engaged in a " desperate " contest in
which " the religious question swallowed all the others ." In Ireland
a million and a half of souls are engaged in a desperate contest
in which the religious question swallows all the others. Is it not
an indisputable fact that in 1815, when the King of the Nether-
(171) Vaticanism, by the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M. P., p. 36
(172) The Papacy and the Civil Power, Thompson, ch. xviif., pp. 567-574. In the cita-
tions, with few exceptions, the italics are my own.
(173) The Papacy and the Civil Power, Thompson, ch. xviii, p . 576.
(174) Vol. I, ch. i, p. 9. Harper and Brothers, New York, 1873.
lands gave to Belgium a Constitution guaranteeing religious lib-
erties, all the Belgian Bishops ( 175) objected ? " To swear to

maintain liberty of religious opinions, and equal protection of all
worship means the protection of error as well as truth, the
development of anti - Catholic doctrines , the blending of the tares
with the wheat, and the slow but certain extinction of the true
faith in these happy countries. To swear fealty to a law bestow-
ing equal rights on loyal subjects of various beliefs, would sanc-
tion all measures entrusting the interests of our holy religion in
thoroughly Catholic provinces to Protestant functionaries ." (176)
To sum up : Cardinal Manning teaches that the Roman
Catholic Church should correct heretics by the use of " all its
powers ;" looks approvingly upon " coercive power to constrain to
unity of faith," and in the face of all this has the audacity to
attempt to make Americans believe that his Church would not
persecute. Per contra I have summoned witnesses, Romanist
and Protestant, living and dead, and they have given evidence.
They speak for themselves. I have given their own words. In
foot notes I tell the volume, chapter, page and edition where those
words are found. One of these witnesses , Mr. Froude, the histo-
rian, in a recent personal letter, says :
“ When I was in America, thirteen years ago, a gentleman ,
I think Colonel Meline, accused me of misquotations, etc. As
the authorities which I had used were chiefly in manuscript I

could not refer to them while in the United States, nor could the
general reader ascertain for himself whether the charges against

(175) " The Church [ of Rome] first, everything
99 else afterwards, has been the motto of
Pontiffs, Cardinals, and Bishops in all ages. ' The Chicago Tribune, August 13, 1883.
(176) Contemporary Review, vol. XLVI, p. 295, August, 1884.
me were just or not. I therefore offered publicly on a platform

at Boston to allow Colonel Meline to select any hundred pages.
which he pleased from any part of my historical writings . These

should be submitted to the keeper of the records in this country,
who might appoint some one or two of his assistants to examine
them and examine the manuscripts by the side of them . I would
myself bear the expense if, supposing the verdict to be in my
favor, my accuser would apologize for the expressions he had used .
This offer of mine the New England press generally thought Mr.
Meline (I think that was the name) ought to have accepted. He
did not accept it, and I have given no further attention to him or
to anything that he said. " ( 177) I feel confident that should
Cardinal Manning charge with dishonesty Mr. Froude, or any
writer living, from whom my citations are taken , they would
respond as quickly as did Mr. Froude to his traducer in Boston ..
The assertions that the Irish Romanists 66 never have perse-
cuted their Protestant neighbors in the matter of religion ; " that

the people of Ireland, who receive their religion from the Roman
Catholic Church, " have been always conspicuous examples " of
" liberty of conscience ;" that the Dublin " Catholic Parliament ”
of 1689 was pronounced in its advocacy of religious freedom ; that
the Latin Church has not persecuted those who were " born into
the confusions and divisions of the past ; " that, since the Refor-
mation, the exercise of " force " in religious belief the Church of
Rome considers " a crime and heresy ;" all these assertions are
without a shadow of support, alike from the history, traditions.
and temper of the Church of Rome.
(177) See the Chicago Inter- Ocean, October 2, 1886.
APPENDIX A.
THE POPE AND THE CONFEDERACY .
The following correspondence, to which reference is made

on page 18 , will be read by American citizens with some little
surprise :
RICHMOND, September 23, 1863.
Very Venerable Sovereign Pontiff : The letters which you
have written to the clergy of New Orleans and New York have
been communicated to me , and I have read with emotion the deep
grief therein expressed for the ruin and devastation caused by the
war which is now being waged by the United States against the
States and people which have selected me as their President, and
your orders to your clergy to exhort the people to peace and charity.
I am deeply sensible of the Christian charity which has impelled
you to this reiterated appeal to the clergy. It is for this reason that
I feel it my duty to express personally, and in the name of the
Confederate States, our gratitude for such sentiments of Christian
good-feeling and love, and to assure your Holiness that the people,
threatened even on their own hearths with the most cruel oppression
and terrible carnage, is desirous now, as it has always been, to see
the end of this impious war ; that we have ever addressed prayers to
heaven for that issue which your Holiness now desires ; that we
desire none of our enemy's possessions , but that we fight merely to
resist the devastation of our country, and the shedding of our best
blood, and to force them to let us live in peace under the protection
of our own institutions, and under our laws, which not only insure
to every one the enjoyment of his temporal rights, but also the free
exercise of his religion. I pray your Holiness to accept on the part
of myself and the people of the Confederate States, our sincere
INC
University
Library
thanks for your efforts in favor of peace . May the Lord preserve
the days of your Holiness and keep you under His divine protection . 1
JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Illustrious and Honorable President : We have just received ,
with all suitable welcome, the persons sent by you to place in our
hands your letter dated 23d of September last. Not slight was the
pleasure we experienced when we learned, from these persons and
the letter, with what feelings of joy and gratitude, you were ani-
mated, illustrious and honorable President, as soon as you were
informed of our letters to our venerable brothers, John, Archbishop
of New York, and John , Archbishop of New Orleans , dated the 18th
of October of last year, and in which we have, with all our strength,
excited and exhorted these venerable brothers that in their episcopal
piety and solicitude they should endeavor , with the most ardent zeal ,
and in our name, to bring about the end of the fatal civil war which
has broken out in those countries , in order that the American people
may obtain peace and concord, and dwell charitably together. It is
particularly agreeable to us to see that you, illustrious and honor-
able President, and your people, are animated with the same desires
of peace and tranquility which we have in our letters inculcated
upon our venerable brothers. May it please God at the same time
to make the other peoples of America, and their rulers, reflecting
seriously how terrible is civil war, and what calamities it engenders ,
listen to the inspiration of a calmer spirit, and adopt resolutely the
part of peace. As for us, we shall not cease to offer up the most
fervent prayers to God Almighty that He may pour out upon all the
peoples of America the spirit of peace and charity, and that He will
stop the great evils which afflict them . We , at the same time,
beseech the God of mercy and pity to shed abroad upon you the
light of His grace , and attach you to us by a perfect friendship.
Given at Rome, at St. Peter's, the 3d day of December, 1863, of
1 our Pontificate 18 . PIUS IX.
The above documents are found in Appleton's Annual Cyclo-

pædia for 1863, page 820. The italics are mine.
APPENDIX B.
POPE PIUS IX. AND THE CONFEDERACY .
The following communication to The Chicago Daily News*

is from the pen of William E. Curtis :
WASHINGTON, D. C. , January 16 , 1887.

For twenty-five years it has been charged and denied , and
denied and charged, that the Vatican was in sympathy with the
South during the war. In his political history of the Rebellion,
McPherson, who, in matters of doubt, always and naturally leans
to the Northward, says that the Church took no official action ,
although Archbishop Lynch went to Rome as an agent of the
Confederacy. He also gives a letter from Cardinal Antonelli ,
addressed to A. Dudley Mann, J. M. Mason , and John Slidell,
commissioners of the Confederate States of America, acknowl-
edging on behalf of the Pope the receipt of a manifesto from
Jefferson Davis, and expressing the hope of the Pope that war
between the States may be speedily terminated. This is all I can
find in history on the subject, beyond numerous general assertions
and denials that the Pope did officially recognize the Confederate
government and give Jefferson Davis his august blessing. That
Davis sought the same has never been disputed , and that he
received it has been claimed by nearly all the historical writers
on the Confederate side. High functionaries of the Church have
repeatedly denied that the Pontificial benediction was ever pro-
nounced upon the Confederacy, and their denial has been accepted
as final.
* Morning issue, January 17, 1887.
At the treasury department the other day Mr. Crites , of

Nebraska, the chief of the division of captured and abandoned
property, showed me a time-worn paper which was found among
the records captured at the time of the evacuation of Richmond,
that will settle the controversy forever. It has lain all this time
in the pigeon-holes of the department, unknown and unnoticed,
while the historians and theologians have been disputing its ex-
istence. Attached to it is the following letter of transmittal :
BRUSSELS, May 9 , 1864 .

To the President : Herewith I have the honor to transmit the
letter which his Holiness Pope Pius IX . addressed to your Excel-
lency on the 3d of December last. Mr. W. Jefferson Buchanan has
obligingly undertaken its conveyance, and will deliver it to you in the
person. This letter will grace the archives of the executive office
in all coming time. It will live, too, forever in story as the produc-
tion of the first potentate who formally recognized your official
position and accorded to one of the diplomatic representatives of the
Confederate States an audience in an established court palace, like
that of St. James and the Tuileries. I have the honor to be, with
the most distinguished consideration, your Excellency's obedient
servant. A. DUDLEY MANN .
To his Excellency Jefferson Davis, President C. S. A. , Richmond.
The letter of the Pope is written upon parchment in the

quaint, ecclesiastical style, in Latin , of course, and is addressed as
follows : " Illustre et Honorabile Viro Jefferson Davis , Præsidi
Fodoratarum America Regionum, Richmond ."
Through the kindness of Rev. James W. Lee, of Lanark, Illi-

nois , I am able to give a copy of that " time-worn paper," the
very " existence " of which "historians and theologians " have
long disputed . " I copied this," says Mr. Lee, " from the original
letter of Pope Pius IX., which I found in the archives of captured
and abandoned property in the treasury department at Washing-

ton, D. C. , December, 1882. It is indexed among the papers of
' Rebel Archives .' I made search for this letter because I knew
of its existence from the Macon (Ga.) Telegraph, of November,

1864, which I obtained soon after we left Atlanta, Georgia, in
'Sherman's March to the Sea.' "
"Illustre et Honorabile Viro Jefferson Davis, Præsidi Fœdor-

atarum Americae Regionum, Richmond."
PIUS P. P. IX.
ILLUSTRIS ET HONORABILIS VIR, SALUTEM: Omni qua par erat,

benevolentia nuper excessimus vions a Nobilitate Tua Missos
ut Nobis Tuas redderent Litteras die 23 proxime elapsi Mensis
Septembris datas. Non Mediorem certe voluptatem cepimus ,
cum exeisdem viris, ac nobilitatis Tuae Litteris intellexerimus
quibus tum laetitiae tum gratissimi erga nos animi motibus affec-
tus fueris, Illustris et Honorabilis Vir, ubi primum novisti
Nostras Litteras adistas venerabilies Fratres Joannem Archiepisco-
pum neo-Ebrosa-ensem, et Joannem Novae Aurelia Archiepisco-
pum , die 18 , Octobris Superiore Anno Scriptus , quibus ipsos Ven-
erabiles Fratres etiam atque etiam Excitavimus, et exhortati
fuimus, ut pro egregria eorum pietate et Episcopai solicitudine
omnem intentissimo studio operam nostro quoque nomine im.
penderent, quo fatate civile bellum in istis regionibus exortum
finem haberat et iste Americae populi communem interse se
pacemet concordiam genuo obliverant, ac mutua se cavitate dilig-
erent. Ac pergratum nobis fuit agnoscere, Te Illustris et Honor-
abilis Vir, istosque populos eisdem pacisac tranquillitatis sensibus
esse animatos, quos in commemoratis Nostris Litteris ad prae-
dictis Venerabiles Fratres datis tantopere inculcavimus . Atque
utinam alii quoque istarum regionum populi, eorumque moder-

atores serio considerantes, quam grave, et quam luctuosum sit
intestinum bellum, velint tranquillatis animis, pacis inire et
amplecti consilia. Nos quitem haud desistemus ferventissimis
precibus Deum optimum Maximum Orare et Obsecrare, ut super
omnes istos , Americae populos Christianae Cavitatis et pacis
spiritum effundat, eosque a tantis, quibus Affliguntur, malis
eripiat.
Atque ab ipso dementissimo Miserationum Domino etiam
expascimus, ut Nobilitatem , Tuam divinae suae gratiae lumine
illustret, et perfecta Nobiscum Cavitate conjugat.
Datum Romae Apud S Petrum die 3 Decembris , Anno 1863 .
Pontificatus Nostri Anno Decem- Octavo.
PIUS P. P. IX.
May the day be near at hand when that letter, intended to

"grace the archives of the executive office " of the Confederacy
" in all coming time," shall be printed in every Latin text-book
in every College in the United States ! Let every colored man in
America remember that the Pope was "the first potentate " to
accord to a Confederate emissary " an audience in an established
""
court palace like that of St. James or the Tuilleries. " " Think,"'
says The Northwestern Christian Advocate , † “ of a negro at con-
fession after the benediction upon a war waged to defend slavery."
The Almighty condemns traffic in human beings. Pius IX.,
who claimed, as every Pope claims, to be Christ's vicegerent,
blessed that which Jehovah cursed, smiled at the chains of the
oppressor, and encouraged him to rivet them the closer around
the oppressed. God reigns, the Confederacy is no more, the
Pope's temporal power is among the things that were.
+ January 19, 1887.
Deuteronomy xxiv., 7.
"
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John Lee, Religious Persecution - An Examination of Cardinal Manning's Letter in The New York Tribune, July 3, 1886

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John Lee, Religious Persecution - An Examination of Cardinal Manning's Letter in The New York Tribune, July 3, 1886

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This is a reproduction of a library book that was digitized

by Google as part of an ongoing effort to preserve the

An Examination of Cardinal Manning's Letter in the New York

REV. JOHN LEE , A. M. B. D.

I have done my duty. The rising generation must meet this

PRICE, 25 CENTS A COPY,

Copyrighted by John Lee, 1887.

AN EXAMINATION OF CARDINAL MANNING'S LETTER IN

THE NEW YORK Tribune, JULY 3 , 1886,

REV. JOHN LEE , A. M. , B. D.

PRICE, 25 CENTS A COPY,

Copyright by JOHN LEE, 1887. All rights reserved.

Press of W, P. DUNN & Co. , 57 Washington St. , Chicago.

Nothing so provokes me as to hear intelligent men al-

ways talking of the past.- Monsignor Capel.

men explore it, as the true fountain of knowledge ; by whose

Of what weight or authority is human history in mat-

We have a right to look for arguments, not mere asser-

AN HONORED FRIEND AND FORMER TEACHER,

REV. BISHOP W. X. NINDE, D. D.

Strong convictions , as a Christian minister, and an Amer-

guished Roman Catholics, some facts in reference to persecution,

science in Poland , the Cardinal Penitentiary informed him that

Cath . for religious freedom by which I am animated is not everywhere

among us. If we enquire into the origin of this terror , we

Catholics thatfreedom of worship is of anti- Christian origin. ”(e)

petuation on the walls of the Vatican of the memory of this

"We kill the heretics that sting the soul-

(e) Appleton's Annual Cyclopædia for 1863, p. 821.

which aims at universal rule, have determined to capture this

ings of the Constitution of the United States, no intelligent

move my fellow citizens, ere it be too late, to protect the Re-

The New York Tribune informs us that " an American

friend " called the attention of Cardinal Manning to the Rev.

the Cardinal replied in a letter, a startling production to emanate

repay the thoughtful, unprejudiced student.

Cardinal Manning believes that " the handing over of Ireland

be their mouthpiece, no matter how outspoken their views

(2) This sometimes disputed point is settled by communications from Archbishops

and declined to entrust Grattan further with their cause." (3)

might, doubtless, say that his Protestantism unfitted him for an

boycotting and massacre of the loyalists . Boycotting and

thirty odd millions ( 6 ) of all shades of race, religion and politics.

ward with an indictment against the Bishops and Priests of Ire-

order and instigators of riot and bloodshed. " ( 10 ) The writer

statement. I wish him to accept none of my assertions unless I

Castlehaven, a Roman Catholic, says, concerning that Rebellion :

commanded all the Protestants in three adjacent parishes to be

ollect also that in listening to the following utterance of Dr.

Sir John Temple was so affected by the awful scenes of

(2.) This unprovoked rebellion was carefully planned. It

pany." They " borrowed what sums of money they possibly

bishop O'Kelly, on an October Sabbath day, more than two

century and the Council of the Vatican , an age so deeply

(27) Charnock on Providence. Works, vol. I, p . 542, edition 1699.

death in the most cruel manner, though he knew not what

in which he excommunicated , execrated , and anathematized all

Ireland, 1689 , to assert his right to the British throne, he held a

some valuable information about the kind of liberty Irish Prot-

found in a memorable article, entitled " The Catholics of the

(42) will give his Eminence some little help in answering

this question : "Wonders never cease. The Spanish Govern-

by it in favor of "liberty of conscience." Are we to re-