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TECHNOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF THE PHILIPPINES

938 Aurora Boulevard, Cubao, Quezon City

COLLEGE OF ARTS
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

LIFE AND WORKS OF DR. JOSE P. RIZAL (SOCSC 005)

LEOPOLDO CINCO CATCHUELA


Instructor/Lecturer

Doctor in Public Administration (c), EARIST, Manila


Master in Public Administration, EARIST, Manila
Bachelor of Laws (Juris Doctor), University of the East, Manila
A. B. Political Science, San Sebastian College - Recoletos, Manila
(Primary and Secondary Education, Trinity University of Asia, Quezon City)

It is my strong belief that our ultimate aim in life is not to be wealthy, prosperous,
or problem free. Our ultimate aim in life is to bring GLORY TO GOD! In view of this, and
for our FAITH JOURNEY, may I cordially invite you to watch, subscribe, like, comment,
and share my YOUTUBE Channel, SIGE KUYA POL. When we live to the GLORY OF
GOD, we show HIS goodness living through us instead of just ourselves. GOD LOVES
YOU!

COURSE DESCRIPTION: A study of the life, works, and writings of Rizal as they relate to the
socio-political situation in the Philippines. It focuses on the analysis of his two novels, “Noli Me
Tangere” and the “El Filibusterismo” and some selected poems and essays, and various
correspondences as they relate to the present time. The study of his novels and other writings
would allow the students a view into the historical realities of the Spanish colonial era in
the Philippines, specifically the 19th century from the perspective, not only of a direct observer,
but also of a participant in the making of history.

COURSE OBJECTIVE: It aims to expose learners to the life, works, and writings of Rizal as well
as his insights on various issues during his time.

COURSE OUTCOMES: At the end of the course, the learners are expected to be able to:

Recognize the need for, and prepare to engage in lifelong learning. (College
of Engineering and Architecture, College of Arts, College of Business
Education, College of Information Technology).

Preserve and promote “Filipino historical and cultural heritage.” (College of


Arts.
Demonstrate a more meaningful understanding of the relevance of the study
of the multi- faceted aspects of Rizal’s life and truly appreciate his great love
and services to his country and fellowmen;

Imbibe the value of conscientiousness, dedication and determination in any endeavor


as exemplified by Jose Rizal as a child, student, a professional, and as a Filipino
citizen;

Interpret Rizal’s personal experiences in facing adverse situations with honor and
dignity, and how he handled conflicts keeping his principles while here and abroad;

Show strong sense of patriotism and nationalism through selfless and altruistic efforts
in rendering service for others as Rizal did to the marginalized members of the
Philippine society; and

Declare firm resolve to serve and promote the Filipino identity and honor, in whatever
capacity, relative to Dr. Jose Rizal’s heroic act of nationalism.

MIDTERM PERIOD

A. AGRARIAN DISPUTES

Intended Learning Outcomes: At the end of the discussion, the learners should be able to -
(1) Examine Rizal’s life in the Philippines within the wider context of the development in the 19 th
century; (2) Explain how the Hacienda de Calamba issue serves as an exemplary illustration of
agrarian conflicts in the late 19th century; (3) Describe the interplay of several factors that contribute to
the changing landscape of Philippine society and economy.

In 1891, Jose Rizal was in Hong Kong when he received distressing news about his family who
were, at that time, embroiled in a litigation case concerning the Hacienda de Calamba. He heard that
the Spanish authorities were summoning his mother, Dona Teodora, and two younger sisters, Josefa
and Trinidad, for further investigation. In a show of support, he wrote to his family, “I am following
your cavalry step by step. Do not be afraid, I am doing all I can … Patience, a little patience.
Courage!”

Scholars and students of history agree that the conflict between his family and the Dominicans
over the hacienda greatly affected Rizal.

Brief history of Friar Estates in the Philippines


The origin of the friar estates can be traced back to land grants awarded to the early Spanish
conquistadores who arrived in the Philippines during the late 17 th centuries. Approximately 120
Spaniards were given grants that were often composed of a largest tract of land known as sitio de
Ganado mayor (measuring 1,742 hectares) and smaller tracts of land known as caballerias (measuring
42.5 hectares).
The Friars in the Philippines

In time, the Spanish hacenderos failed to develop their lands for three reasons. (1) the Spanish
population in the Philippines was transient. It was a common practice for Spanish administrators to
return to Spain after having served in the country. (2) the marker for livestock products, which
haciendas offered, remained relatively small until the latter part of the Spanish colonial period. (3) the
Galleon Trade that was based in Manila offered bigger economic rewards and attracted more
Spaniards. Because the Spanish hacenderos lacked the interest and inclination to develop their lands,
the religious orders soon took over the task.

Land was acquired by the religious orders through various means. Often, the lands were
donated by the Spaniards seeking spiritual benefits. There were cases, too, in which estates that had
been heavily mortgaged to the ecclesiastics were eventually purchased by the religious orders
themselves. Records reveal that a number of Filipino principals also contributed to the formation of
the friar estates through donations and sales. Despite these methods, there persisted a commonly held
belief among the Filipinos that the religious orders had no titles to their lands and that they had
acquired these lands through usurpation or other dubious means. Nevertheless, religious estates in the
Tagalog region continued to grow that by the 19 th century, they constituted approximately 40% of the
provinces of Bulacan, Tondo (presently Rizal), Cavite, and Laguna.
The preoccupation in the estates was varies during the early centuries of Spanish colonial rule.
In the 16th and 17th centuries, the estates primarily served as cattle ranches as well as farms of
subsistence crops. Rice and sugar latter served as main commodities produced in the haciendas and
became important sources of income for the religious orders especially during the 19th century.

Agrarian relations in the haciendas developed in the time. In the 16 th and 17th centuries, the
social structure found in the haciendas was primarily composed of lay brother administrators at the
top and cultivating tenants below. Although the lay brother administrators were under the direct
authority of the heads of their religious orders, they were relatively free to make their own decisions
on administrative affairs. The tenants, on the other hand, were expected to work the land and pay an
annual rent, which usually a fixed amount of harvest and in later centuries, money.

By the mid-18th century, an expanding economy based on exporting agricultural crops ushered
in change and gradually put into place an inquilinato system. Under this system, an individual rented
land for a fixed annual amount, known as canon. Aside from the rent, the inquilino or lessee was also
expected to render personal services to his landlords. If the inquilino failed to satisfy these
requirements, he could face expulsion from the land. Usually, the inquilino, in turn, would sub-lease
the land to a kasama or sharecropper who would then take on the task of cultivating the soil. Thus, a
three-tiered system emerged with the landlords at the top, the inquilinos at the middle, and the
sharecroppers at the bottom.

The change in the social structure and land tenure practices would eventually render the
haciendas as sites of contestation among the Spanish religious hacenderos, the inquilinos, and the
sharecroppers. It is not surprising, then, that when the Philippine Revolution broke out in 1896, the
abuses in the friar estates were often identified as one of the main causes that instigated the revolt.

Hacienda de Calamba Conflict

Not much is known about the Hacienda de Calamba prior to 1759 other that it was owned by
several Spanish laymen. In 1759, a destitute Spanish layman, Don Manuel Jauregui, donated the lands
to the Jesuits on the condition that he would be allowed to live in the Jesuit monastery for the rest of
his life. The Jesuits would claim ownership to the land for a mere 8 years before they were expelled
from the Philippines through a decree issued by King Charles III on February 27, 1767. As a result of
the expulsion, Hacienda de Calamba, along with other Jesuit properties, were confiscated by the
government and put under the management of the Office of Jesuit Temporalities.

In 1803, the government sold the property to a Spanish layman, Don Clemente de Azansa, for
44,507 pesos. When he died in 1833, the Hacienda de Calamba, which measured 16,424 hectares, was
purchased by the Dominicans for 52,000 pesos. By this time, many families from neighboring towns
had migrated to the hacienda in search of economic opportunities. Among the families that arrived at
the hacienda were Rizal’s ancestors, who eventually became one of the principal inquilinos in the
hacienda.
The Hacienda de Calamba

Although the lands in Calamba were leased to several families, it was Rizal’s family that
rented one of the largest leased lands, measuring approximately 370 hectares. Sugar was a main
commodity planted in the hacienda as there was a demand for the crop in the world market.
Much of the wealth of Rizal’s family came from these lands; hence, it is but natural that when the
conflict began to manifest as early as 1883, there was much for the family to be concerned about.

In 1883, Paciano Rizal wrote that the friars were collecting rents without issuing the usual
receipts. Two years later, the tenants failed to pay their rents because rent had supposedly
increased while sugar prices had remained low. To punish tenants for not paying the rent, the
Dominicans declared the lands vacant and invited residents of other towns to take over the tenancies.
Because only few outsiders responded to the Dominican’s invitation, the friars weakened their position.
Most tenants, except for four or five, were spared from eviction.

The charges against the friars continued with Rizal’s brother-in-law, Mariano Herboso
specifically complaining about the yearly increase in rentals, faulty irrigation systems, and failure to
issue receipts. Coupled with these problems was the fact that at this time, the price of sugar continued
to decline in the world market. The situation became so dire that Paciano, at one point, considered
giving back his lands to the friars and clearing land elsewhere.

Problems continued to escalate when in 1887, the colonial government demanded from tenants
of the hacienda a report on the income and production to the estate because they suspected that the
Dominicans were evading payment of their taxes. The tenants complied and submitted a report, but
they also attached a petition authored by Jose Rizal. The petition presented a list of grievances
against the hacienda owners including a complaint on the increasing amount of rent. To show
resistance, some of the tenants began to withhold rents.

As a form of retaliation, the friars began to evict tenants who refused to pay rent in 1891.
Those who persisted still in resisting the friars were eventually expelled. Among those who were
exiled to remote areas in the country were Rizal’s parents, brother, and sisters. Although Rizal had
worked on reversing the decision of the Philippine courts, his family’s exile would only be lifted upon
the issuance of a decree from another governor-general. The experience affected Rizal deeply and the
increasing despair he felt from the event would be reflected in his second novel, El Filibusterismo.

Group Activity (To be submitted): Read the following excerpts from “Petition of the Town of
Calamba” written by Jose Rizal in January 1888. After reading it, answer the worksheet found at the
end of the text.
From the declaration of the tenants interviewed, it turns out that the products of the Estate – if
by products are to be understood everything that the land produces – have increased for the Estate and
diminished remarkably for the tenants, not only in the years that have passed but also in the last three,
as the enclosed account proves. Such a statement needs to be explained. The products increase to the
benefit of the Estate:
(1) Because the wild forests which are given to the tenants for a low rent at the beginning
according as the tenants clear and clean them, investing large capital in them, according as
the fortune of the farmer becomes involved in them, the contract is arbitrarily altered by the
Estate, the rent rises enormously, there being a case when 45 pesos became 900 in a few
through an annual forced imposition.
(2) Because some lands pay twice for two harvests of rice, where some bamboo groves are
found, the farmer pays for the land and for each bamboo grove besides, regardless of
whether it is useless or it has been felled. In the lands where huts have been erected for the
workers, one has to pay for the lots and the huts besides.
(3) Because the rent of the town lots where houses or warehouses are erected increases every
time an official or servant of the Estate measures them. There seems to exist either a
supernatural power that invisibly extends the land or a natural power that shortens the
measure of the official, who after all is neither an expert nor a surveyor, though he is very
venal indeed. Without this trick, the rent is also raised when the tenant makes improvement
in the lot, or when he replaces the bamboo fence with a stone one, or builds a wooden
house, for comfort and public embellishment; therefore, many do not improve their
dwellings even if they have the means to do so…
(4) Because rice fields that are planted with only 3 or 4 cavanes of seed, pay as if they have a
capacity for 9.5 and 14 cavanes, on pain of being declared vacant and given to others… The
products for the tenants have decreased considerably in spite of continuous labor, not only
before but also these last years as proven by the large number of ruined farmers, indebted
and dispossessed of their property… On the other hand, the desperate ones who wish to
return a parcel of land that is unproductive will not be allowed to do so and they face ruin as
they will be threatened of being despoiled of all their other parcels. It arouses suspicion that
they do not want to write in the receipts the amount paid as rental and the total absence of
any record, especially in these last years…
Provide the required information on the given spaces.

1. Type of document (Encircle the letter that corresponds to your answer.)

a. Newspaper
b. Letter
c. Map
d. Report
e. Diary
f. Others, please specify: __________________________________________

2. Date of document: ________________________________________________


3. Author of the Document: __________________________________________
4. Who is the audience of this document? ________________________________
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___________________________________________________________________

5. List three things in the document that are important: ______________________


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6. Why was this document written? Cite the pieces of evidence in the document that
support your answer.
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7. List two things that tell you about life in the Philippines at the time the document
was written.
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8. Write a question to the author that is not answered by the document.


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Summary

The discussion presented a brief history of the hacienda from its beginnings as a royal land
grant rewarded to the Spaniards who had rendered exemplary service to the Spanish Crown. Later,
these lands came into the possession of the friars by way of purchase or donation. Also pointed out in
the discussion was the change in the landlord-tenant relationships from two-tiered relationships
between a religious administrator and a tenant to a three-tiered one with landlords, inquilinos, and
sharecroppers.

Rizal’s family served as inquilinos in the Dominican’s Hacienda de Calamba. By 1883, the
family began to notice changes in the manner through which the Dominicans collected rent. The
conflict reached its height towards the end of the 1880s when the farmers wrote a petition to the
government detailing their grievances against the Dominicans and with the priests retaliating as a result.
The conflict affected Rizal deeply and was reflected particularly in his second novel, El Filibusterismo.

B. EMERGING NATIONALISM

Intended Learning Outcomes: At the end of the discussion, the learners should be able to –
(1) Examine the causes and effects of the Cavite Mutiny; and (2) Explain the conflict between the
Filipino secular priests and the Spanish regular priests.
When Rizal published El Filibusterismo in 1891, he dedicated the book to the three
martyred priests, Fr. Mariano Gomez, Fr. Jose Burgos, and Fr. Jacinto Zamora. In his
dedication, he wrote: “I have the right to dedicate my work to you as victims of the evil which I
undertake to combat. And while we await expectantly upon Spain someday to restore your good name
and cease to be answerable for your death, let these pages serve as a tardy wreath of dried leaves
over your unknown tombs, and let it be understood that everyone who without clear proofs attacks
your memory stains his hands in your blood!”

Although Rizal was only 10 years old when the three priests were executed, the events of
1872 would play a decisive role in shaping Rizal’s ideas and decisions. This lecture will focus on
these events, particularly the CAVITE MUTINY, the SECULARIZATION MOVEMENT, and the
EXECUTION OF THE THREE PRIESTS – GOMBURZA.

The CAVITY MUTINY. On January 20, 1872, approximately 250 Filipino soldiers and
workers rose in revolt at an arsenal in Cavite. Eleven Spaniards were killed during the mutiny,
but an immediate assault led government forces put an end to the uprising after three days.

An oft-cited reason for the mutiny was a decree released by Governor General Rafael de
Izquierdo. The decree ordered that the arsenal workers would no longer be exempt from the tributo
and polo, a privilege they had enjoyed in the past. Official accounts, however, argued that the revolt
was part of large movement with the aim of overthrowing the Spanish government and asserting
independence.

Official reports also claimed that the leaders of the mutiny had expected the support of close to
2,000 men from regiments based in Cavite and in Manila. The plan was to begin the revolt after
midnight in Manila with rebels setting fires in Tondo to distract the authorities. A signal by way of
fireworks would then be sent to rebels in Cavite who would then lay siege to the arsenal. In reality,
however, the mutiny in Cavite began earlier in the evening and many of those who pledged support
defected and vowed loyalty to Spain. Ultimately, the mutiny failed and the Spanish government used
the incidents as a means to suppress the increasing calls for liberal administration.

Among those who clamored for reforms were Filipino secular priests. To understand how the
Filipino secular priests became involved in the Cavite Mutiny of 1872, a brief historical background
on missionary efforts in the Philippines shall first be discussed.

The SECULARIZATION MOVEMENT. The introduction and the strengthening of the


Catholic faith were largely through the efforts of two types of clergies: (1) the regular priests and (2)
the secular priests. The regular clergy, whose jurisdiction fell on their elected prelates, were
better prepared for missionary work because of their standards of discipline and ascetism. Their
jobs, then, was to introduce the faith, convert the natives, and to establish religious communities.

In the Philippines, five religious orders took on this task – (1) the Augustinians who arrived in
1565, (2) the Discalced Franciscans who arrived in 1578, (3) the Jesuits who arrived in 1581, (4) the
Dominicans who arrived in 1587, and (5) the Augustinian Recollects who arrived in 1606.
The secular clergy, on the other hand, were priests who “live in the world.” They were
under the authority of bishops and not members of a religious order. Their primary task was the
management of the religious communities and ideally, the continuation of the work already laid down
by the regular clergy. In other words, while it was the task of the regular clergy to introduce the
faith and establish religious communities, the management of the parishes themselves was left to
the secular priests.

The missionary efforts in the Philippines, however, presented a unique case. In other Spanish
colonies, well-established parishes witnessed the replacement of regular clergy by secular priests in
the management of the religious communities. In the Philippines, the regular clergy remained
administrators of the parishes well into the 19th century.

Two issues were particularly contentious among the clergy in the Philippines. The first issue
had to do with episcopal visitations. An omnimoda bull passed by Pope Adrian VI in 1522 allowed the
regulars to administer the sacraments and act as parish priests independent from the authority of the
local bishop. This bull, however, conflicted with reforms established in the Council of Trent (1545-
1563), which declared that no priest could care for the souls of laymen unless they were subjected to
episcopal authority that often came in the form of visitations. Although King Philip II was granted
discretionary power to enforce the reforms in the Philippines, the regular clergy often thwarted their
implementations.

The regular clergy argued that if they allowed the visitations to occur, the congregation would
be subjected to two sources of authority, the bishop and the provincial superiors, who may, at some
point, issue conflicting orders. By refusing the episcopal visitations, they hoped to avoid the possibility
of violating their vows of obedience to their own superiors. Serious attempts to enforce the visitations,
however, were often countered by the regular clergy who abused their authority by resigning from
their posts and leaving the parishes unattended. This type of situations was especially disastrous in the
early stages of Christianization when the paucity of secular priests often forced the government to give
in to the wishes of the regular clergy.

The second issue had to do with the management of the parishes. Regular priests-maintained
control over the parishes in the early stages of Christianization out of necessity because of the security
of secular priests to whom the parishes would be passed on. However, beginning in the late 17 th
century, efforts were intensified to produce and train Filipino secular priests that by the 19 th century,
they constituted an increasingly significant number. Despite this, the regular clergy usually contested,
if not outright refused, the rights of the secular clergy to the parishes.

One reason provided by the regulars was that the Philippines still remained an active mission,
en viva Conquista spiritual, with some groups not yet Christianized. They would, therefore, argue that
the Filipinos were not ready to be turned over to the secular clergy. Another reason was more
economic in nature with the regulars refusing to give up the parishes that generated large profits for
them. However, an overwhelming reason why the regulars refused to give up the parishes had to do
with their view that the Filipino secular clergy were unqualified and incompetent. Even worse, some
viewed the seculars as potential leaders of any future separatist movement.

The secular clergy would react to these claims. In the mid-19 th century, Fr. Mariano Gomes,
parish priest of Bacoor, and Fr. Pedro Pelaez, secretary to the archbishop, drew up expositions to the
government on behalf of the secular clergy, but their efforts proved futile. The struggle eventually took
on a different tone towards the 1860s as the issue of secularization was no longer limited to questions
of merit and competence. By 1864, the nature of the issue became one of the racial equalities as well.
At the forefront of this struggle to gain equality between Spanish and the Filipino priests was Fr. Jose
Burgos.

The EXECUTION OF GOMEZ, BURGOS, and ZAMORA. As a result of the revolt in


Cavite, several priests and laymen were arrested on the orders of Governor General Izquierdo.
Among the priests arrested in the succeeding days were Fathers Jose Burgos, Jacinto Zamora, Jose
Guevarra, Mariano Gomez, Feliciano Gomez, Mariano Sevilla, Bartolome Serra, Miguel de Laza,
Justo Guazon, Vicente del Rosario, Pedro Dandan, and Anacleto Desiderio. Among the laymen were
lawyers and businessmen – Gervacio Sanchez, Pedro Carillo, Maximo Inocencio, Balbino Mauricio,
Ramon Maurente, Maximo Paterno and Jose Basa. These Filipinos were sentenced to varying terms of
exile in Guam. The three priests, Burgos, Gomez, and Zamora, on the other hand, were
condemned to death by garrote on February 15, 1872.
A French writer- journalist named Edmund Plauchut gave an account of the execution: Late in the
night of the 15th of February 1872, a Spanish court martial found three secular priests, Jose Burgos,
Mariano Gomez, and Jacinto Zamora, guilty of treason as the instigators of a mutiny in the Cavite
navy-yard a month before, and sentenced them to death. The judgment of the court martial was read
to the priests in Fort Santiago early the next morning and they were told it would be executed the
following day…Upon hearing the sentence, Burgos broke into sobs, Zamora lost his mind and never
recovered, and only Gomez listened impassively, an old man accustomed to the thought of death.

When dawn broke on the 17th of February, there were almost forty thousand of Filipinos (who
came from as far as Bulacan, Pampanga, Cavite, and Laguna) surrounding the four platforms where
the three priests and the man whose testimony had convicted them, a former artilleryman called
Saldua, would die.

The three priests followed Saldua: Burgos “weeping like a child,” Zamora with vacant eyes,
and Gomez head held high, blessing the Filipinos who knelt at his feet, heads bared and praying.
He was next to die. When his confessor, a Recollect friar, exhorted him loudly to accept his fate, he
replied: “Father, I know that not a leaf falls to the ground but by will of God. Since He wills that I
should die here, His holy will be done.”

Zamora went the scaffold without a word and delivered his body to the executioner; his mind
had already left it.
Burgos was the last, a refinement of cruelty that compelled him to watch the death of his
companions. He seated himself on the iron rest and then sprang up crying” “but what crime have I
committed? Is it possible that I should die like this? My God, is there no justice on earth?”

A dozen friars surrounded him and pressed him down again upon the seat of the garrote,
pleading with him to die a Christian death. He obeyed but, feeling his arms tied round the fatal post,
protested once again: “But I am innocent!”

“So was Jesus Christ,” said of the friars. At this Burgos resigned himself. The executioner
knelt at his feet and asked his forgiveness. “I forgive you, my son. Do your duty.” And it was done.

Although the public execution of the three priests was meant to instill fear in the Filipinos, it
had the opposite effect. In his work, La Revolucion Filipina, Apolinario Mabini stated: “The friars
wanted to make an example of Burgos and his companions so that the Filipinos should be afraid to go
against them from then on. But that patent justice, that official crime, aroused not fear but hatred of
the friars and the regime that supported them, and a profound sympathy and sorrow for the victims.
This sorrow worked a miracle; it made the Filipinos realize their condition for the first time.
Conscious of pain, and thus conscious of life, they asked themselves what kind of a life they lived. The
awakening was painful, and working to stay alive more painful still, but one must live. How? They did
not know, and the desire to know, the anxiety to learn, overwhelmed and took possession of the youth
of the Philippines. The curtain of ignorance woven diligently for centuries was rent at last; fiat lux, let
there be light, would not be long in coming, the dawn of a new day was nearing.”

SUMMARY. The Cavite Mutiny and the subsequent execution of the three priests – Jose
Burgos, Mariano Gomez, and Jacinto Zamora, marked 1872 as a significant year in Philippine
history. Although the clamor for a more liberal administration during this time was temporarily
silenced, nationalism was gradually awakened, culminating in more decisive events towards the
end of the 19th century.

GROUP ACTIVTY: (To be submitted) Read the following excerpt from a letter Jose Rizal
wrote to Mariano Ponce, then answer the questions that follow.

“Without 1872 there would not be now either a Plaridel, or Jaena, or Sanciangco, or would
there exist brave and generous Filipino colonies in Europe; without 1872 Rizal would be a Jesuit now
and instead of writing Noli Me Tangere, would have written the opposite. At the sight of those
injustices and cruelties, while still a child, my imagination was awakened, and I swore to devote
myself to avenge one day so many victims, and with this idea in my mind I have been studying and this
can be read in all my works and writings. God will someday give me an opportunity to carry out my
promise. Good! May they commit abuses, let there be imprisonments, banishments, executions, goods.
Let Destiny be fulfilled! The day they lay their hands on us, the day they martyrize innocent families
for our faults, goodbye, friar government, and perhaps, goodbye Spanish government!”
1. What is Rizal’s main message in this letter?
2. List two things in the letter that support Rizal’s main message.
3. What does the letter tell you about 19th century Philippines?
4. Write a question that was left unanswered by the letter.
5. Where would you find the possible answer to your question?

C. IMAGINING A NATION

Intended Learning Outcomes: At the end of this discussion, the learners should be able to:
(1) Discuss the Propaganda Movement; (2) Distinguish the Propaganda Movement; (3) Explain how
Propaganda works.

Towards the end of the 19th century, economic conditions in the Philippines had improved in
such a way that it was possible for many creole (a Spaniard born in the Philippines) and mestizo (an
individual born of mixed ancestry; may refer to a Spanish mestizo or a Chinese mestizo) families to
send their sons to school not only in Manila, but also in Europe. The young Filipino students’ sojourn
to the Peninsula would awaken in their mind ideas about progress and love for their mother land.

19th century Spain was also going through several processes of change. Politically speaking, the
Restoration put back into place the monarchy of Alfonso XII and established a constitutional
monarchy with a bicameral legislature. The Constitution of 1876 ensured that political stability relied
on the rotation of the Liberal and Conservative parties in the government. The parliamentary system of
two parties, however, was weakened by managed elections and numerous turnovers of government
employees.

The young Filipino students also observed a difference in the position of the Church in Spain.
While the Constitution of 1876 declared Catholicism as the religion of the state, private practice of
other religions was tolerated. More significantly, the Church had little influence on political matters.

The environment were the Filipinos immersed themselves, therefore, was one where ideas of
progress could be expressed and exchanged freely. Political and religious institutions could be
questioned and attacked without fear of reprisal. It was an environment that allowed these young
Filipino students to think, question, and imagine what a nation is.

The earliest attempt to unite Filipinos studying in Spain was the formation of the Circulo
Hispano-Filipino, an organization under the leadership of a creole, Juan Atayde. It had the
support of Spaniards who were sympathetic towards the Filipinos. The Ciculo published a bi-weekly
newspaper titled Revista del Ciculo Hispano-Filipino in 1882, but the newspaper and the
organization itself were short-lived and lasted only until 1883.
Jose Rizal and other members of the Circulo-Hispano Filipino in Spain

Despite the demise of the Revista del Circul Hispano-Filipino, the Filipinos in Spain continued
to write and engage in journalism. In 1883, a periodical called Los Dos Mundos came out with the
intention of demanding for the overseas Hispanic colonies’ equality of rights and equal opportunities
for progress. Although it could not be determined whether the newspaper was a Filipino project,
Filipinos such as Graciano Lopez Jaena and Pedro Govantes y Azcarraga were involved as staff
members. Other Filipinos including Rizal and Eduardo de Lete also contributed articles concerned with
socio-political and economic reforms in the Philippines.

During the time Rizal’s first novel, Noli Me Tangere, came out in 1887, another newspaper
titled Espana en Filipinas began its publication through the support of Filipinos, creoles, and mestizos
in Madrid. The newspaper was short-lived as well because of glaring differences and internal feuding
among its staff. With the end of the newspaper emerged a stronger Filipino community united in its
purpose to continue working for Filipino rights. By January 1889, the Filipino community in Barcelona
began preparations for the publication of a new periodical. Among the early supporters who helped
with finances were Mariano Ponce and Pablo Rianzares. On the other hand, Graciano Lopez Jaena
offered his services as editor. Marcelo H. del Pilar, having arrived from Manila at this time, also joined
the efforts.

The newspaper, La Solidaridad released its first issue on February 15, 1889.
In its article, the staff defined its program as, “to combat all reaction, to impede all
retrogression, to applaud and accept every liberal idea, to defend all progress.” Among the reforms the
newspaper sought were: (1) Philippine representation in the Spanish Cortes; (2) Freedom of the Press;
and (3) the end of the practice of exiling residents without due process. The periodical placed particular
emphasis on affairs dealing with the Philippines because of all Spain’s overseas provinces, it was the
only one that lacked parliamentary representation.

La Solidaridad often ran articles dealing with Spanish politics, attacks on friars, and
reforms for the Philippines. Sections were also assigned to accommodate and print letters from
foreign correspondents, all speaking of situations on the ground. Aside from the political and economic
content, the periodical gave space for the publication of literary works as well.

Support for the newspaper gradually increased and its roster of writers grew. Among those who
eventually contributed articles were Jose Rizal, Dominador Gomez, Jose Maria Panganiban, Antonio
Luna, and renowned Filipinist scholar Ferdinand Blumentritt. Other Filipinos who contributed articles
did using assumed names.

By 1890, two of the most prominent members of the Filipino community in Spain began to
increasingly show differences in stance with regard to Philippine affairs. Rizal always held the
opinion that to serve the country better, one had to bring the issues closer to home. One had to
speak to the Filipinos, rather than Spaniards. Del Pilar, on the other hand, was a skillful
politician who felt that efforts at persuading the Spanish leaders and officials needed to be
continued and that this was the best way to achieve the reforms Filipinos were seeking.

Things came to a head when at a New Year’s Eve banquet in 1891, the Filipinos in Madrid
proposed that they elect a leader to unite their community. Rizal agreed with the proposal while
Del Pilar expressed initial misgivings. Nevertheless, the voting took place resulting in three
inconclusive ballots on the first day and two more inconclusive ballots the next day. Rizal did
eventually win the position as Filipino leader but only through the manipulations of Mariano Ponce. In
the end, Rizal felt his triumph was shallow and left Madrid a few weeks later. From this point onwards,
Rizal stopped from contributing articles to La Solidaridad and focused instead on writing of his novels.

The periodical continued to publish only until 1895. Because of luck of funds and internal
feuding, the newspaper released its final issue on November 15, 1895. In its final issue, its editor, Del
Pilar, had written, “We are persuaded that no sacrifices are too little to win the rights and the liberty of
a nation that is oppressed by slavery.”

Group Activity: (To Be Submitted) – Read below the following excerpt from the article, “Our
Aims,” written by the staff of La Solidaridad on February 15, 1889. Answer the questions that follow.

Our Aims

Modest, very modest indeed are our aspirations. Our program aside from being harmless is very
simple; to fight all reaction, to hinder all steps backward, to applaud and to accept all liberal ideas, and
to defend progress; in brief, to be a propagandist above all ideals of democracy so that these might
reign over all nations here and beyond the seas.

The aims of La Solidaridad are defined: to gather, to collect liberal ideas which are daily
exposed in the camp of politics, in the fields of science, arts, letters, commerce, agriculture, and
industry.

We shall also discuss all problems which deal with the general interest of the nation, seeking
solutions that are purely national and democratic…

We shall pay special attention to the Philippines because those islands need the most help
having been deprived of representation in the Cortes. We shall thus fulfill our patriotic duty in the
defense of democracy in those islands.

The nation of 8 million souls should not and must not be the exclusive patrimony of theocracy
and conservatism…

Indifference to our Archipelago will not be so good for Spain’s integrity in the Philippines. The
country is attuned to progress. The heart of the nation longs for legitimate hopes of a better life and we
do not believe in any political theory which would discuss such pleas with the classic “We shall see.”

We believe therefore that by offering to study the problems mentioned above and those relating
to them, we shall be, in our humble way, of service to the nation and her intentions.

1. What are the aims of the newspaper, La Solidaridad?


2. What are the ill effects of: theocracy” and “conservatism”?
3. What does the article tell you about 19th century Philippines?
4. What is a propagandist?
5. Based on the article, what are the propagandists’ view of progress?

Summary

Early efforts to unite the Filipino community in Spain began as early as 1882 and reached its
height with the emergence of the newspaper La Solidaridad in 1889. Journalism became a means for
Filipinos to engage the Spanish-reading public on issues concerning the Philippines. Among the
reforms they sought were representation in the Spanish Cortes, freedom of the press, and the end of the
practice of exiling Filipino residents without due process. By the mid-1890, internal feuding and lack of
funds would end the Propaganda Movement while a few Filipinos, like Rizal, would bring the struggle
closer to home.

Supplemental discussion on the Propaganda Movement

The Propaganda Movement

José Rizal and the Propaganda Movement. Between 1872 and 1892, a national
consciousness was growing among the Filipino émigrés who had settled in Europe.
In the freer atmosphere of Europe, these émigrés--liberals exiled in 1872 and students
attending European universities--formed the Propaganda Movement. Organized for
literary and cultural purposes more than for political ends, the Propagandists, who
included upper-class Filipinos from all the lowland Christian areas, strove to
"awaken the sleeping intellect of the Spaniard to the needs of our country" and to
create a closer, more equal association of the islands and the motherland. Among
their specific goals were representation of the Philippines in the Cortes, or Spanish
parliament; secularization of the clergy; legalization of Spanish and Filipino equality;
creation of a public school system independent of the friars; abolition of the polo
(labor service) and vandala (forced sale of local products to the government);
guarantee of basic freedoms of speech and association; and equal opportunity for
Filipinos and Spanish to enter government service.

The most outstanding Propagandist was José Rizal, a physician, scholar,


scientist, and writer. Born in 1861 into a prosperous Chinese mestizo family in
Laguna Province, he displayed great intelligence at an early age. After several years
of medical study at the University of Santo Tomás, he went to Spain in 1882 to finish
his studies at the University of Madrid. During the decade that followed, Rizal's
career spanned two worlds: Among small communities of Filipino students in
Madrid and other European cities, he became a leader and eloquent spokesman, and
in the wider world of European science and scholarship--particularly in Germany--he
formed close relationships with prominent natural and social scientists. The new
discipline of anthropology was of special interest to him; he was committed to
refuting the friars' stereotypes of Filipino racial inferiority with scientific arguments.
His greatest impact on the development of a Filipino national consciousness,
however, was his publication of two novels--Noli Me Tangere (Touch me not) in
1886 and El Filibusterismo (The reign of greed) in 1891. Rizal drew on his personal
experiences and depicted the conditions of Spanish rule in the islands, particularly
the abuses of the friars. Although the friars had Rizal's books banned, they were
smuggled into the Philippines and rapidly gained a wide readership.
Other important Propagandists included Graciano Lopez Jaena, a noted
orator and pamphleteer who had left the islands for Spain in 1880 after the
publication of his satirical short novel, Fray Botod (Brother Fatso), an
unflattering portrait of a provincial friar. In 1889 he established a biweekly
newspaper in Barcelona, La Solidaridad (Solidarity), which became the principal
organ of the Propaganda Movement, having audiences both in Spain and in the
islands. Its contributors included Rizal; Dr. Ferdinand Blumentritt, an Austrian
geographer and ethnologist whom Rizal had met in Germany; and Marcelo del
Pilar, a reformminded lawyer. Del Pilar was active in the antifriar movement in
the islands until obliged to flee to Spain in 1888, where he became editor of La
Solidaridad and assumed leadership of the Filipino community in Spain.

In 1887 Rizal returned briefly to the islands, but because of the furor
surrounding the appearance of Noli Me Tangere the previous year, he was
advised by the governor to leave. He returned to Europe by way of Japan and
North America to complete his second novel and an edition of Antonio de
Morga's seventeenth-century work, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (History of the
Philippine Islands). The latter project stemmed from an ethnological interest in
the cultural connections between the peoples of the pre-Spanish Philippines and
those of the larger Malay region (including modern Malaysia and Indonesia) and
the closely related political objective of encouraging national pride. De Morga
provided positive information about the islands' early inhabitants, and reliable
accounts of pre-Christian religion and social customs.

After a stay in Europe and Hong Kong, Rizal returned to the Philippines
in June 1892, partly because the Dominicans had evicted his father and sisters
from the land they leased from the friars' estate at Calamba, in Laguna Province.
He also was convinced that the struggle for reform could no longer be conducted
effectively from overseas. In July he established the Liga Filipina (Philippine
League), designed to be a truly national, nonviolent organization. It was
dissolved, however, following his arrest and exile to the remote town of Dapitan
in northwestern Mindanao.

The Propaganda Movement languished after Rizal's arrest and the


collapse of the Liga Filipina. La Solidaridad went out of business in November
1895, and in 1896 both del Pilar and Lopez Jaena died in Barcelona, worn down
by poverty and disappointment. An attempt was made to reestablish the Liga
Filipina, but the national movement had become split between ilustrado
advocates of reform and peaceful evolution (the compromisarios, or
compromisers) and a plebeian constituency that wanted revolution and national
independence. Because the Spanish refused to allow genuine reform, the
initiative quickly passed from the former group to the latter. Source: Retrieved
from countrystudies.us/philippines/10.htm

D. NOLI ME TANGERE: CONTEXT AND CONTENT

Intended Learning Outcomes: At the end of this discussion, the learners should be able to
– (1) Describe the context of the publication of the Noli Me Tangere; and (2) Discuss the major
elements of the Noli Me Tangere.

The NOLI ME TANGERE. Noli Me Tángere (Latin for "Touch Me Not") by Filipino
writer and activist José Rizal published during the Spanish colonial period of the Philippines. It
explores perceived inequities in law and practice in terms of the treatment by the ruling government
and the Spanish Catholic friars of the resident peoples in the late nineteenth century.

The Publication of the Noli

As sojourner in Europe, Rizal participated in the movement of the ilustrados to utilize


propaganda to campaign for reforms in the Philippines. Utilizing their intellectual powers, the
ilustrados released various written outputs from news bits, to feature articles, and commentaries.
They also produced creative outputs from satirical pieces to world-class paintings. Within this
article and literary collection, Rizal’s exemplary mastery of words was clearly evident in one of
his most celebrated works, his first novel, Noli Me Tangere.

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The idea of publishing a book was not alien to Rizal. In a meeting of the illustrados in 1884,
he proposed to write a book project to be done collaboratively with his fellow writers.
Unfortunately, the project did not materialize. He eventually decided to write a novel on his
own. He started work on the project in 1884 and completed it in 1887.
Many of his biographers cite several works that influenced Rizal in the writing of the Noli.
One of these is Juan Luna’s painting, Spolarium, which depicted the sufferings faced by
humanity in the face of inequalities. Another is Uncle Tom’s Cabin, a novel by Harriet Beecher
Stowe that dealt with slavery in America.

Rizal finished the first half of the novel in Spain, supposedly the other half in France, then
completed the draft in 1886. The novel was published the following year in Germany. Lack of
funds delayed the book’s publication until a fellow ilustrado, Maximo Viola, insisted on lending
him 300 pesos for the printing of the first 2,000 copies. By 1887, Rizal was already sending out
copies of the Noli to his friends and the book began to take flight.

Motivations behind writing the Noli

The title, Noli Me Tangere, had Biblical reference to the Gospel of John in which Jesus
appeared to Mary Magdalene and uttered these words: “Touch me not, for I am not yet ascended
to my Father.” The choice of title according to Rizal was fitting because he intended to write
about themes that were taboo in the Philippines for centuries; things that people dared not touch.

According to his biographers, Rizal first planned to write his novel in French, considered to
be the language of the intellectuals in Europe at that time. He, however, shifted to Spanish
because he intended to reach out to his countrymen in the Philippines. Rizal explained: “I must
wake from its slumber the spirit of my country…I must first propose to my countrymen an
example with which they can struggle against their bad qualities, and afterwards, when they
have reformed, many writers would rise up to present my country to proud Europe” (qtd. in
Schumacher, 1991, p. 93).

In the initial pages of the Noli, the dedication titled “A Mi Patria” clearly articulated Rizal’s
purpose for writing the novel:

To my Motherland

In the annals of human adversity, there is etched a cancer, of a breed so malignant that the least
contact exacerbates it, and stirs in it the sharpest of pains. And thus, many times amidst modern
cultures I have wanted to evoke you, sometimes for memories of you to keep me company,
other times, to compare you with other nations – many times your beloved image appears to me
afflicted with a social cancer of similar malignancy.

Desiring your well-being, which is our own and searching for the best cure, I will do with you
as the ancients of old did with their afflicted, expose them on the steps of the temple so that
each one who would come to invoke the Divine would propose a cure for them.

And to this end, I will attempt to faithfully reproduce your condition without much ado. I will
lift part of the shroud that conceals your illness, sacrificing to the truth everything, even my own
self-respect, for, as your son, I also suffer in your defects and failings. – Jose Rizal, 1886
(Source: Rizal, Jose – translated by Ma. Soledad Lacson-Locsin, 1996, Noli Me Tangere. Makati: Bookmark).

The project of writing the Noli, as stated, was geared towards exposing the ills of Philippine
colonial society under Spain. Thus, through the passages within the Noli, readers also get
glimpses of how Rizal saw his country.

The Plot

The story of the Noli Me Tangere followed the life of Juan Crisostomo Ibarra after he
returned to the Philippines from studying in Europe. The novel opened with Captain Tiago
preparing a homecoming gathering for the young ilustrado. Throughout the pages of the novel,
the characters could be seen navigating the complex realities of colonial Philippines. Ibarra
21 | P a g e
was shown to be rekindling links with his betrothed Maria Clara. But not everything was
fine and dandy for Ibarra. Upon his return, he learned about the ills that plagued his town as
well as the abuses of the friars to which his late father fell victim to. Ibarra found an antagonist
in Padre Damaso, the former curate of San Diego who ordered that the corpse of his father be
exhumed and reburied in the Chinese cemetery.

Despite these personal travails, Ibarra persevered to fulfill the plan of building a school in
San Diego, staying true to his belief that education was crucial for his nation’s progress. Ibarra
almost got killed had it not for Elias, a boatman, who saved him. Elias also previously
cautioned Ibarra about his actions that could anger the friars. After the incident, Ibarra
organized a luncheon. Here, another confrontation occurred between Ibarra and Damaso who
attended the luncheon uninvited. In a fit of anger, Ibarra took a knife against Damaso’s neck and
threatened to slit his throat as he told everyone of the abuses committed by Damaso and the
desecration he did to Ibarra’s father. Maria Clara clamed Ibarra and prevented him from killing
the friar. Damaso, in an act of revenge, persuaded Capitan Tiago, the father of Maria Clara, to
not allow his daughter to marry Ibarra.

After some time, a revolt was blamed on Ibarra, which caused his incarceration. With the
help of Elias, he escaped and went to see Maria Clara who was soon marrying the man her father
chose for her. In a heartbreaking confrontation, Ibarra and Maria Clara exchanged accusations and,
in the process, it was revealed that Damaso was the true father of Maria Clara.

As turmoil and confusion engulfed the town, Maria Clara thought Ibarra had been killed.
This caused her endless grief. She asked to be confined to a nunnery lest she take her own life. It
was later revealed that Ibarra was not dead and that Elias was the one fatally shot. In the latter
passages, the dying Elias was waiting for Ibarra but instead, met and talked to the young
Basilio. He instructed the orphaned boy (his mother Sisa, who became insane looking for her young
sons, had died) to find the treasure of Ibarra buried in the cemetery and use it to get an education.
He reminded Basilio to never lose hope and if one day, freedom and progress would come to his
country, to not forget those who labored in the night.

Within this general contour of the narrative, Rizal wove a complex story and subplots.
Reading through the novel, different characters and their corresponding stories unfolded as told
through the voice of an unseen narrator. Truly, the pages of the Noli reflected the lives of people
living in the complicated world of colonial Philippines.

Supplemental discussion on Noli Me Tangere

The First Novel: “Noli Me Tangere”

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The first half of Noli Me Tangere was written in Madrid, Spain from 1884-1885 while Dr. José
P. Rizal was studying for medicine. While in Germany, Rizal wrote the second half of
Noli Me Tangere from time-to-time starting February 21, 1887. After he read the
novel Uncle Tom's Cabin by Harriet Beecher Stowe, he had an inspiration to write his
own novel with the same topic–to expose Spanish colonial abuse in print. Beecher
Stowe's novel describes black slavery abuse done by white men. Rizal suggested to his
fellow Filipino friends in Europe, through writing, to have a meeting and plan for
writing a novel similar to that of Beecher Stowe's. (At this moment, Rizal planned not
to write the novel himself, but through collective efforts done by other Filipinos who
shared ideals with him.) In 1884, Rizal and his friends including the Paterno brothers–
Pedro, Maximo, and Antonio; Graciano López-Jaena, Evaristo Aguirre, Eduardo de
Lete, Melecio Figueroa, Valentín Ventura and Julio Llorento; decided to meet at the
Paternos' house in Madrid. Each of them agreed to write a unified novel. Suddenly,
when the writing began, most of them wanted to change the topic from Spanish abuse
to somehow related to women. Rizal walked-out of the hall and decided to write the
novel himself.

Title and printing. The title of Noli Me Tangere is not Spanish, nor
Tagalog, but Czech. Rizal, in his letter to his friend and Czech scientist Ferdinand
Blumentritt, admitted that he obtained the title from the Bible. Rizal took the passage
in John 20:17 where Jesus said to Mary Magdalene "don't touch Me!" when she
recognizes him after his resurrection. The passage, when translated in Czech, is
equivalent to noli me tangere. At the time when the novel is ready for printing, he ran
out of fund. He contacted his friend, Maximo Viola, who agreed to lend him money
for publishing. According to accounts, Rizal is about to throw Noli manuscripts to the
fireplace when he received Viola's telegram agreeing for lending him. Viola gave him
an amount equal to three hundred pesos as preliminary payment for the first 2,000
copies of Noli. In 1887, the first edition of Noli was published in Berlin, Germany.
To express his gratitude, he gave the original manuscript plus the plume he used to
Viola. Rizal also signed the first print and gave it to Viola with dedication.

Objectives. In another letter to Ferdinand Blumentritt, Rizal described what


he expects when the novel will be in circulation. Finally, he pointed out his primary
objective:

 to defend Filipino people from foreign accusations of foolishness and lack of


knowledge;
 to show how the Filipino people lives during Spanish colonial period and the
cries and woes of his countrymen against abusive officials;
 to discuss what religion and belief can really do to everyday lives; and
 to expose the cruelties, graft, and corruption of the false government at
honestly show the wrongdoings of Filipinos that led to further failure.

Social impact. Noli Me Tangere is considered to be romantic but is more


socio-historical because of its nature. Most of the issues discussed in Noli can still
be seen today. After publication, Noli Me Tangere was considered to be one of the
instruments that initiated Filipino nationalism leading to the 1917 Philippine
Revolution. The novel did not only awaken sleeping Filipino awareness, but also
established the grounds for aspiring to independence. Noli was originally written in
Spanish, so the likelihood that Spanish authorities would read it first was very
high; which is what Rizal wanted to happen. Copies of books were redirected to
churches, many were destroyed, many anti-Noli writers came into the picture.
Catholic leaders in the Philippines at the time regarded the book as heretical, while
Spanish colonial authorities declared it as subversive and against the government.
Underground copies were distributed, so Rizal decided to increase the price, even the
demand was so low. The impact also included the expulsion of Rizal's clan in
Calamba, Laguna. Extradition cases were filed against him. This led to his decision to
write the sequel of Noli Me Tangere, the El filibusterismo. Unlike El Fili or Fili, as
they called it, Noli Me Tangere was more delicate and did not invoke rebellion. as El
Fili does. So to ensure revolutionary ideas and patriotic reaction, Rizal redefined his
careful concepts in Noli to aggression in El Fili.

Characters: Crisóstomo Ibarra. Juan Crisóstomo Ibarra y Magsalin ,


commonly called Ibarra, is Filipino-Spanish and the only descendant of the wealthy

23 | P a g e
Spaniard Don Rafael Ibarra. He was born and grew up in the Philippines, but during
his adolescence, spent seven years studying in Europe. Those years prevented him
from knowing what was happening in his country. When he returned to the
Philippines, he found his father had died and the corpse was (supposedly) moved to a
Chinese cemetery (but the body ended up in a river). He heard tales of how helpful
and kind his father had been and decided to honor the memory of his father by doing
as his father did.

María Clara. María Clara de los Santos y Alba, is the most dominant yet
weakest representation of women in the setting. When thinking of Noli, the
name of María Clara can be seen predominantly as the image of the ideal
Filipino woman. María Clara is the primary female character in the novel. She is the
daughter of Capitán Tiago and Doña Pía Alba. Doña Pía died while delivering Maria
Clara. The poor child grew under the guidance and supervision of Tíya Isabél,
Capitán Tiago's cousin. María Clara is known to be Ibarra's lover since childhood.
When Ibarra was away in Europe, Capitán Tiago sent Maria Clara to the Beaterio de
Santa Clara where she developed into a lovely woman under the strict guidance of the
religious nuns. Later in the novel, María Clara discovers that her biological father is
not Capitán Tiago, but San Diego's former curate and her godfather Padre Dámaso.
After hearing about Ibarra's death, she went to Padre Damaso and persuaded him to
accept her into a nunnery. She found out everything she learned about the nunnery
was a lie. And was later on raped by Padre Salvi.

Padre Dámaso. Dámaso Verdolagas (commonly known as Padre


Dámaso/Padre Damaso or Father Damaso), of Franciscan order, was the former
curate of the parish church of San Diego. He was the curate for almost twenty
years before he was replaced by the much younger Padre Salvi. Padre Damaso
was known to be friendly with the Ibarra family, so much that Crisóstomo was
surprised by what the former curate had done to Don Rafaél. Padre Dámaso is
described to be a snobbish, ruthless and judgmental extrovert. He does not
control his words when speaking and does not care if the person he is talking to will
feel embarrass or remorseful. He always berates or criticizes other people around
him- - especially Ibarra. Enraged, Ibarra once almost stabbed the priest after he
embarassed him in front of the people in the sacristy. This made everyone think
that he was slain before Ibarra was being issued for arrest. There are also issues that
he and Donya Pia had a relationship and also revealed that he is the biological
father of Maria Clara.

Kapitán Tiago. Don Santíago de los Santos, commonly known as Kapitán


Tiago, is the only son of a wealthy trader in Malabon. Due to his mother's
cruelty, Kapitán Tiago did not attain any formal education. He became a
servant of a Dominican priest. When the priest and his father died, Kapitán Tiago
decided to assist in the family business of trading before he met his wife Doña Pía
Alba, who came from another wealthy family. Because of their consistent devotion to
Santa Clara in Obando, they were blessed with a daughter who shared the same
features as Padre Dámaso, named Maria Clara. Kapitán Tiago owned numerous
properties in Pampanga, Laguna and especially, in San Diego. He also managed
boarding houses along Daang Anloague and Santo Cristo (in San Diego too) and had
contracts for opening an opium business. He is close to the priests because he had
given numerous contributions of money during ecclesiastical donations and always
invited the parish curate to every formal dinner. He was also entrenched with the
government because he always supported tax increases whenever the local officials
wished. That was the reason he obtained the title of gobernadorcillo, the highest
government position that a non-Spaniard could have in the Philippines. Later in the
Noli sequel, El Filibusterismo, Kapitán Tiago loses all his properties and becomes
addicted to opium, which would eventually lead to his death.

24 | P a g e
Pilósopo Tasyo. Don Pablo, commonly known as Filósofo Tacio
(Philosopher Tasyo) is one of the most important characters in Noli. On the one
hand, he is referred to as a philosopher/sage (hence, Pilosopo Tasyo) because his
ideas were accurate with the minds of the townspeople. On the other hand, if his
ideas were against the thinking of the majority, he was considered the Imbecile
Tacio (or Tasyong Sintu-sinto) or Lunatic Tacio (Tasyong Baliw). Filósofo Tacio
was born into a wealthy Filipino family. His mother let him be formally educated,
then abruptly ordered him to stop. She feared Tasyo would become "too educated"
and lose his faith and devotion to religion. His mother gave him two choices: either
go into the priesthood or stop his education. Tasyo chose the latter because he had a
girlfriend that time. Soon enough, they married and after a year, Tasyo widowed
while his mother also died. Most of his time was taken up in reading and buying
books that all his properties were lost and he became poor.

Eliás. Eliás came from the family which the Ibarra clan had oppressed for
generations. He grew up in a wealthy family until he discovered something that
changed his life forever. Despite that Ibarra's family subjugated his family, he is
entirely indebted towards him. Furthermore, Ibarra, who in turn, saved Elías' life
when they tried to kill a crocodile. Elias helped him again before Ibarra got arrested
by burning his house. Elias and Ibarra continued supporting each other until Elias
sacrificed himself to help him one last time. He was shot by the guards (mistakenly
took as Ibarra trying to dive down the river and escape) and slowly died.

Doña Victorina. Doña Victorina de los Reyes de Espadaña is the one who
pretended to be a meztisa (a Spaniard born in the Philippines) and always
dreamed of finding a Spanish husband, in which she married Don Tiburcio. She
was feared by everyone in the town because of her odd appearance, her ruthless
personality, and her fierce rivalry against Donya Consolacion. It actually came to
pass that she did not like Don Tiburcio. She merely forced herself to marry him
despite having fallen in love with Kapitan Tiago.

Sisa. Narcisa is married to the man named Pedro and the mother of Basilio
and Crispín. She depicts how Filipino mothers love their children unquestionably.
After days when Crispin was held captive by Mang Tasyo, the owner of the sacristy,
she was arrested, locked up in the jail. One day later, she was pardoned by the town
Alferez and was released. However, when she returned home, Basilio was also gone.
When she found Crispin's clothes soaked with blood, she grew lunatic as she
continues to find her children. At the end of the novel, Basilio grievously mourns for
his mother as he found her dying under the tree.
Doña Consolacíon. Doña Consolacíon, la musa de los guardias civiles y
esposa del Alférez once a laundry woman who worked for the town Alferez. She
became wealthy after marrying a Spanish husband. Despite that they are rivals
with Donya Victorina, they are somewhat common.
Other characters. Tiya Isabel - Helped Kapitan Tiyago take care of Maria
Clara as she grew up. Idáy, Sinang, Victoria and Neneng - Friends of Maria Clara in
San Diego. Idáy is beautiful and plays the harp. Sinang is cheerful and naughty and
Maria Clara's closest friend, Victoria is Sinang's strict elder cousin, Neneng is quiet
and shy. Andeng - Foster sister of Maria Clara who cooks well. She is the caretaker
of Kapitan Tiago's house in San Diego. Kapitana Ticâ and Kapitan Basilio - Mother
and father of Sinang (Kapitan Basilio is not the same as Basilio) Albino - ex-
seminarian who got disillusioned with the Catholic church. Admirer of Victoria.
Crispin and Basilio - children of Sisa and were the sacristan and server of San Diego
Church. Padre Salvi - He replaced Padre Damaso; Pedro - Father of Crispin and
Basilio and the husband of Sisa. He is an irresponsible husband.

Notes on Filipinization of names. As mentioned, on the introduction page,


Noli Me Tangere was originally written in Spanish. Specifically, when Noli was
translated into the Tagalog language, many names were retained with their Spanish
spelling. However, when later Tagalog editions came into print, apart from removing

25 | P a g e
the diacritics, names were modified into Tagalog orthography. Although many names
in the novel retained the Spanish spelling, a vast majority is in Tagalog.

 Crisóstomo Ibarra is spelled now Crisostomo Ibarra in Tagalog and English texts of
Noli.
 María Clara is now spelled Maria Clara, while others spelled the name as Mariya
Klara or
Mariya Clara.
 Padre Dámaso is now spelled as Padre Damaso, other books use the
conventional Pari Damaso (pari being the Filipino word for father-priest,
even though padre is a Filipino word too). In English, Father Damaso is
used.
 Capitán Tiago is now spelled Kapitang Tiyago or Kapitan Tiago, although in
English it is widely known as Captain Tiyago or Captain Tiago.
 Pilósofo Tasyo is now spelled Pilosopong Tasyo or Pilosopo Tasyo. In
English, it is either Pilosopo Tacio, Sage Tacio, Sage Tasyo, or any word that
describes somebody with incredible intelligence. Tacio can also be an
alternate for Tasyo.
 Elías is now spelled Elias. Elijah is not acceptable.
 Doña Consolación is now spelled Donya Consolacion. (see below)
 Alférez is now spelled Alperes. English texts employ the use of Alferez
although some use the word's semi-equivalent, lieutenant-general.
 Gobernador General is now spelled Gobernador Heneral (or with the dash in
between the words Gobernador and Heneral). In English, it is Governor-
general.
 Teniente is now spelled tinyente or tenyente. In English, it is lieutenant.
 Guardia Civil is now spelled guardiya sibil, guwardiya sibil or guardia sibil.
In English, it is civil guard.
 Gobernadorcillo is now spelled gobernadorsilyo. In English it is still spelled
the same way as Spanish.
 Crispin
 Alférez is now spelled Alperes. English texts employ the use of Alferez
although some use the word's semi-equivalent, lieutenant-general.
 Gobernador General is now spelled Gobernador Heneral (or with the dash in
between the words Gobernador and Heneral). In English, it is Governor-
general.
 Teniente is now spelled tinyente or tenyente. In English, it is lieutenant.
 Guardia Civil is now spelled guardiya sibil, guwardiya sibil or guardia sibil.
In English, it is civil guard.
 Gobernadorcillo is now spelled gobernadorsilyo. In English it is still spelled
the same way as Spanish.
 Crispin

Noli me Tangere is subdivided into 63 chapters, each are simultaneous


from one another and explored lives of different characters embedded into single time
frame and has interconnections. Originally, Noli me Tangere has 64 chapters. The
removed chapter, now referred to as Chapter X (Chapter "eks"), was titled Eliás y
Salomé (Elias and Salome), was not included in any Noli publication. Rizal intended
to remove the chapter from the whole novel, primarily because of financial measures:
if he is still to push for completing 64 chapters, he will not be able to produce 2,000
copies. Later, the manuscript of the chapter was discovered through Viola's copies
and were able to translate and publish into other contemporary editions of Noli. In
Philippine schools, Eliás y Salomé is not studied as part of literature studies. Few
books published the chapter. The novel opens with Chapter 1, Una reunion, where
the house of Kapitan Tiyago is filled with glory and welcomes freshly-returned
Crisostomo Ibarra from Europe.

Source: Retrieved from https://en.wikibooks.org/wiki/Noli_Me_Tangere

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Synopsis of "Noli Me Tangere." The novel Noli Me Tangere contains 63
chapters and epilogue. It begins with a reception given by Capitan Tiago
(Santiago de los Santos) at his house in Calle Analogue (now Juan Luna Street)
on the last day of October. The reception or dinner is given in honor of Crisostomo
Ibarra, a young and rich Filipino who had just returned after seven years of study in
Europe. Ibarra was the only son of Don Rafael Ibarra, friend of Capitan Tiago, and a
fiancé of beautiful Maria Clara, supposed daughter of Capitan Tiago.

Among the guests during the reception were Padre Damaso, a fat Franciscan
friar who had been parish priest for 20 years of San Diego (Calamba), Ibarra’s native
town; Padre Sybila, a young Dominican parish priest of Binondo; Señor Guevara,
as elderly and kind lieutenant of the Guardia Civil; Don Tiburcio de Espadaña, a
bogus Spanish physician, lame, and henpecked husband of Doña Victorina; and
several ladies. Ibarra, upon his arrival, produced a favorable impression among the
guests, except Padre Damaso, who has rude to him. In accordance with a German
custom, he introduced himself to the ladies. During the dinner the conversation
centered on Ibarra’s studies and travels abroad. Padre Damaso was in bad mood
because he got a bony neck and a hard wing of the chicken tinola. He tried to
discredit Ibarra’s remarks. After dinner, Ibarra left Capitan Tiago’s house to return to
his hotel.

On the way, the kind Lieutenant Guevara told him the sad story of his
father’s death in San Diego. Don Rafael, his father, was a rich and brave man. He
defended a helpless boy from the brutality of an illiterate Spanish tax collector,
pushing the latter and accidentally killing him. Don Rafael was thrown in prison,
where he died unhappily. He was buried in consecrated ground, but his enemies,
accusing him being a heretic, had his body removed from the cemetery. On hearing
about his father’s sad story, Ibarra thanked the kind Spanish lieutenant and vowed to
find out the truth about his father’s death.

The following morning, he visited Maria Clara, his childhood sweetheart.


Maria Clara teasingly said that he had forgotten her because the girls in Germany
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were beautiful. Ibarra replied that he had never forgotten her. After the romantic
reunion with Maria Clara, Ibarra went to San Diego to visit his father’s grave. It was
All Saint’s Day. At the cemetery, the grave digger told Ibarra that the corpse of Don
Rafael was removed by order of the parish priest to be, buried in the Chinese
cemetery; but the corpse was heavy and it was a dark and rainy night so that he (the
grave-digger) simply threw the corpse into the lake. Ibarra was angered by the grave-
digger’s story. He left the cemetery. On the way, he met Padre Salvi, Franciscan
parish priest of San Diego. In a flash, Ibarra pounced on the priest, demanding
redress for desecrating his father’s mortal remains. Padre told him that he had nothing
to do with it, for he was not the parish priest at the time of Don Rafael’s death.

It was Padre Damaso, his predecessor, who was responsible for it. Convinced
for Padre Salvi’s innocence, Ibarra went away. In his town Ibarra met several
interesting people, such as the wise old man, Tasio the philosopher, whose ideas were
too advanced for his times so that the people, who could not understand him, called
him “Tasio the Lunatic;” the progressive school teacher, who complained to Ibarra
that the children were losing interest to their studies because of the lack proper school
house and the discouraging attitude of the parish friar towards both the teaching of
Spanish and of the use of modern methods of pedagogy; the spineless
gobernadorcillo, who catered to the wishes of the Spanish parish friars; Don Filipo
Lino, the teniente- mayor and leader of the cuardrilleros (town police); and the
former gobernadorcillos who were prominent citizens Don Basilio and Don Valentin.

A most tragic story in the novel is the tale of Sisa, who was formerly a
rich girl but became poor because she married a gambler, and a wastrel at that.
She became crazy because she lost her two boys, Basilio and Crispin, the joy of
her wretched life. These boys were sacristanes (sextons) in the church, working for a
small wage to support their poor mother. Crispin the younger of the two brothers was
accused by the brutal sacristan mayor (chief sexton) of stealing the money of the
priest. He was tortured in the convent and died.

Basilio, with his brother’s dying cries ringing in his ears, escaped. When the
two boys did not return home, Sisa looked for them everywhere and, in her great
sorrow, she became insane. Capitan Tiago, Maria Clara, and Aunt Isabel (Capitan
Tiago’s cousin who took care of Maria Clara, after his mother’s death) arrived in San
Diego. Ibarra and his friends give picnic at the lake. Among those present in this
picnic, were Maria Clara and her four girlfriends the merry Siñang, the grave
Victoria, the beautiful Iday, and the thoughtful Neneng; Aunt Isabel, chaperon of
Maria Clara; Capitana Tika, mother of Siñang; Andeng, foster sister of Maria Clara;
Albino, the ex-theological student who was in love with Siñang; and Ibarra and his
friends. One of the boatmen was a strong and silent peasant youth named Elias.

An incident of the picnic was the saving of Elias’ life by Ibarra. Elias bravely
grappled with a crocodile which was caught in the fish corral. But the crocodile
struggled furiously so that Elias could not subdue it. Ibarra jumped into the water and
killed the crocodile, thereby saving Elias. After the crocodile incident, was the
rendering of a beautiful song by Maria Clara who had a sweet voice and they went
ashore. They made merry in the cool, wooded meadow. Padre Salvi, Capitan Basilio
(former gobernadorcillo and Siñang’s father) the alferez (lieutenant of the Guardia
Civil) and the town officials were present. The luncheon was served, and everybody
enjoyed eating.

The meal over, Ibarra and Capitan Basilio played chess, while Maria Clara and her
friends played the “Wheel of Chance”, a game based on a fortune-telling book. As
the girls were enjoying their fortune- telling game, Padre Salvi came and tore to
pieces the book, saying that it was a sin to play such game. Shortly thereafter, a
sergent and four soldiers of the Guardia Civil suddenly arrived, looking for Elias,
who was hunted for assaulting Padre Damaso and throwing the alferez into a mud
hole. Fortunately, Elias had disappeared, and the Guardia Civil went away empty-
handed. During the picnic also, Ibarra received a telegram from the Spanish
authorities notifying him the approval of his donation of a schoolhouse for the
children of San Diego.

The next day Ibarra visited old Tasio to consult him on his pet project about
the schoolhouse. He saw the old man’s writings were written in hieroglyphics. Tasio
explained to him that he wrote in hieroglyphics because he was writing for the future

28 | P a g e
generations who would understand them and say, “Not all were asleep in the night of
our ancestors!” Meanwhile San Diego was merrily preparing for its annual fiesta, in
honor of its patron saint San Diego de Alcala, whose feast day is the 11th of
November. On the eve of the fiesta, hundreds of visitors arrived from the nearby
towns, and there were laughter, music, exploding bombs, feasting and moro-moro.
The music was furnished by five brass bands (including the famous Pagsanjan Band
owned by the escribano Miguel Guevara) and three orchestras. In the morning of the
fiesta there was a high mass in the church, officiated by Padre Salvi. Padre Damaso
gave the long sermon, in which he expatiated on the evils of the times that were
caused by certain men, who having tasted some education spread pernicious ideas
among the people.

After Padre Damaso’s sermon, the mass was continued by Padre Salve. Elias
quietly moved to Ibarra, who was kneeling and praying by Maria Clara’s side, and
warned him to be careful during the ceremony of the laying of the cornerstone of the
schoolhouse because there was a plot to kill him. Elias suspected that the yellowish
man, who built the derrick, was a paid stooge of Ibarra’s enemies. True to his
suspicion, later in the day, when Ibarra, in the presence of a big crowd, went down
into the trench to cement the cornerstone, the derrick collapsed. Elias, quick as a
flash, pushed him aside, thereby saving his life.

The yellowish man was the one crushed to death by the shattered derrick. At
the sumptuous dinner that night under a decorated kiosk, a sad incident occurred. The
arrogant Padre Damaso, speaking in the presence of many guests, insulted the
memory of Ibarra’s father. Ibarra jumped to his seat, knocked down the fat friar with
his fist, and then seized a sharp knife. He would have killed the friar, were it not for
the timely intervention of Maria Clara.

The fiesta over, Maria Clara became ill. She was treated by the quack
Spanish physician, Tiburcio de Espadaña, whose wife, a vain and vulgar native
woman, was a frequent visitor in Capitan Tiago’s house. This woman had
hallucinations of being a superior Castillan, and, although a native herself, she looked
down on her own people as inferior beings. She added another “de” to her husband’s
surname in order to more Spanish. Thus, she wanted to be called “Doctora Doña
Victorina de los Reyes de De Espadaña.” She introduced to Capitan Tiago’s young
Spaniards, Don Alfonso Linares de Espadaña, cousin of Don Tiburcio de Espadaña
and godson of Padre Damaso’s brother in law. Linares was a penniless and jobless,
fortune hunter who came to the Philippines in search of a rich Filipino heiress.
Both Doña Victorina and Padre Damaso sponsored his wooing of Maria Clara, but
the latter did not respond because she loved Ibarra.

The story of Elias like that of Sisa, was a tale of pathos and tragedy. He
related it to Ibarra. Some 60 years ago, his grandfather, who was then a young
bookkeeper in a Spanish commercial firm in Manila, was wrongly accused of
burning the firm’s warehouse. He was flogged in public and was left in the street,
crippled and almost died. His was pregnant, beg for alms and became a prostitute in
order to support her sick husband and their son.

After giving birth to her second son and the death of her husband, she fled,
with her two sons to the mountains. Years later the first boy became a dreaded tulisan
named Balat. He terrorized the provinces. One day he was caught by the authorities.
His head was cut off and was hung from a tree branch in the forest. On seeing this
gory object, the poor mother (Elias’ grandmother) died.

Balat’s younger brother, who was by nature kindhearted, fled and became a
trusted laborer in the house of rich man in Tayabas. He fell in love with the master’s
daughter. The girl’s father, enraged by the romance, investigated his past and found
out the truth. The unfortunate lover (Elias’ father) was sent to jail, while the girl gave
birth to twins, a boy (Elias) and a girl. Their rich grandfather took care of them,
keeping secret their scandalous origin, and reared them as rich children. Elias was
educated in the Jesuit College in Manila, while his sister studied in La Concordia
College. They lived happily, until one day, owing to certain dispute over money
matters, a distant relative exposed their shameful birth. They were disgraced. An old
male servant, whom they used to abuse, was forced to testify in court and the truth
came out that he was their real father.

29 | P a g e
Elias and his sister left Tayabas to hide their shame in another place. One day
the sister disappeared. Elias roamed from place to place, looking for her. He heard
later that a girl answering to his sister’s description, was found died on the beach of
San Diego. Since then, Elias lived a vagabond life, wandering from province to
province – until he met Ibarra. Elias, learning of Ibarra’s arrest, burned all the papers
that might incriminate his friend and set Ibarra’s house on fire. Then he went to
prison and helped Ibarra escape. He and Ibarra jumped into a banca loaded with
sacate (grass). Ibarra stopped at the house of Capitan Tiago to say goodbye to Maria
Clara. In the tearful last scene between the two lovers, Ibarra forgave Maria Clara for
giving up his letter to her to the Spanish authorities who utilized them as evidence
against him. On her part, Maria Clara revealed that those letters were exchanged with
a letter from her late mother, Pia Alba which Padre Salvi gave her. From his letter,
she learned that her real father was Padre Damaso.

After bidding Maria Clara farewell, Ibarra returned to the banca. He and Elias
paddled up the Pasig River toward Laguna de Bay. A police boat, with the Guardia
Civil on board, pursued them as their banca reached the lake. Elias told Ibarra to hide
under the zacate. As the police boat was overtaking the banca, Elias jumped into the
water and swam swiftly toward the shore. In this way, he diverted the attention of the
soldiers on his person, thereby giving Ibarra a chance to escape. The soldier fired at
the swimming Elias, who was hit and sank. The water turned red because of his
blood. The soldiers, thinking that they had killed the fleeing Ibarra returned to
Manila.

Thus, Ibarra was able to escape. Elias seriously wounded, reached the shore
and staggered into the forest. He met a boy, Basilio, who was weeping over his
mother’s dead body. He told Basilio to make a pyre on which their bodies (his and
Sisa) were to be burned to ashes. It was Christmas eve, and the moon gleamed softly
in the sky. Basilio prepared the funeral pyre. As life’s breath slowly left his body.
Elias looked toward the east and murmured: “I die without seeing the dawn
brighten over my native land.” You, who have it to see, welcome it! And forget
not those who have fallen during the night.

The novel has an epilogue which recounts what happened to the other
characters. Maria Clara, out of her loyalty to the memory of Ibarra, the man she
truly loved, entered the Santa Clara nunnery. Padre Salvi left the parish of San
Diego and became a chaplain of the nunnery. Padre Damaso was transferred to a
remote province, but the next morning he was found dead in his bedroom.
Capitan Tiago the former genial host and generous patron of the church became an
opium addict and a human wreck. Doña Victorina, still henpecking poor Don
Tiburcio, had taken to wearing eye-glasses because of weakening eyesight. Linares,
who failed to win Maria Clara’s affection, died of dysentery and was buried in Paco
cemetery.

The alferez, who successfully repulsed the abortive attack on the barracks, was
promoted major. He returned to Spain, leaving behind his shabby mistress, Doña
Consolacion. The novel ends with Maria Clara, an unhappy nun in Santa Clara
nunnery – forever lost to the world.

Group Activity (To Be Submitted): Answer these questions pertaining to the setting of
the Noli Me Tangere.

1. Is the novel set in a particular time period?


2. Where do the events take place? Are there multiple locations?

Describe the following:

3. The town of San Diego


4. The house of Capitan Tiago
5. The townspeople
6. The Church and the Clergy

SUMMARY

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The discussion focuses on Noli Me Tangere, tracing its publication and Rizal’s motivation
behind its writing. Noli Me Tangere was part of a publication agenda conceived by Rizal in the
hopes of awakening his countrymen and the world about the colonial conditions in the Philippines.
On the pages of Noli, Rizal’s genius shone through as he assembled and harnessed his intellect to
paint a picture of 19th century Philippines. The plot provided a story of hope and struggle against the
backdrop of an elaborate setting filled with equally complex characters. Through the novel’s
characters, varied points of view were gleaned from colonial life and through its plot, an allegory of
colonial society was created. The next discussion will continue tackling the novel by examining its
impact and continuing relevance.

E. NOLI ME TANGERE: CONTINUING RELEVANCE

INTENDED LEARNING URCOMES: At the ed of the discussion, the learners should be


able to (1) Appreciate the importance of Rizal as a thinker; and (2) Relate the issues raised in the
novel to the changing landscape of the contemporary world.

While the Noli Me Tangere triggered social conversations in the late 19 th century
Philippines, it is important to note how the novel also rests on its timelessness in terms of present-
day social issues and political/economic realities. In this lecture, Noli’s legacy and continuing
relevance will be explained as a text not only in the field of literature but also in the areas of history
and the social sciences. The discussion will also look at Rizal as a social scientist who espoused
early articulations of a social-scientific manner of understanding and presenting the way of life, in
this case, within a colonial context. The lesson will start with a discussion of the incarnations of the
Noli as it was published after Rizal’s time. This will be followed by section on the study of colonial
society.

Noli after its First Publication

At present, Noli Me Tangere is considered by many as landmark piece of literature. In his


account of the literary history of the Philippines, scholar Resil Mojares even went to the extent of
naming Rizal as the father of the Filipino novel (Testa-De Ocampo, 2011). As already discussed in
the previous lecture, the themes of the novel revolved around societal issues experienced in the
Philippines under the Spanish colonial rule. As such, the novel did not go unnoticed and became a
subject of discussion and debate.

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In the immediate months and years after its release in 1887, the Noli generated
reactions from readers, Filipinos and foreigners alike. Responses ranged from praise to
outright ridicule. One sector that espoused utmost disdain for the novel was the Spanish clergy as
well as some Spanish colonial officials. It is thus understandable that Spanish friars vehemently
prohibited the circulation of the novel in 1887 when fray Salvador Font, chair of the censorship
commission, outlawed the reading and possession of Rizal’s novel. Many other friars assessed and
judged the book as pernicious. They enjoined devout Catholics not to read the novel to avoid
committing capital sins. Not only confined in the Philippines, critiques of the novel coming from
Spanish officials and academics also circulated in Spain.

One staunch critic of the novel was the Spanish academic Vicente Barrantes who wrote
several articles in Spanish newspapers ridiculing Rizal as a “man of contradictions.” Barrantes
lamented that Rizal’s lambasting of the friars and the Spaniards was reflective of the author and
talking more about the Filipinos.

As much as Rizal’s critics came from various sectors, his novel also found ardent defenders
among his peers. Many of his colleagues in the Propaganda Movement praised his novel. One
example is Marcelo H. del Pilar who even wrote essays in response to critics of the Noli. Rizal’s
friend, Ferdinand Blumentritt, also an academic, also expressed support for the novel.

As the Noli stirred controversy in social circles in 19 th century Philippines, it is remarkable


to realize that even beyond its time, the novel continued to be a subject of debate and discussion. In
the immediate years after its publication, the Noli was translated into several languages. One of the
earliest translations of the novel was done in French. Many scholars posit that there were early
attempts to translate the novel into German (By Blumentritt) and even Tagalog (By Rizal’s brother,
Paciano) but these plans never came to fruition. At the turn of the 20 th century, during the American
colonial period, several other translations and editions of the novel came out. Arguably the most
circulated versions were the English translations of Charles Derbyshire. By the 1930s, Rizal’s Noli
had several Spanish editions, translations into English, French, Japanese, and also into several
languages in the Philippines including Tagalog, Cebuano, Waray, Iloko, and Bikol (Testa-De
Ocampo, 2011).

The very controversy that surrounded the passage of the Rizal Law indicated the relevance
of the text in the 1950s and even beyond. In academia, many scholars have also made it a point to
discuss the politics of translation and the nuances of transforming the text in several forms. As
Testa-De Ocampo points out, as much as the novel is elevated in the highest echelons of Philippine
literary history, seldom do we find Filipinos reading it in the original Spanish. Versions and
translations of the Noli also did not go without scrutiny from academics like Benedict Anderson.
Truly, be it about its content, context, or the way it is read or used, the value of Rizal’s novel is
definitely left in the Philippines.

Noli and the Study of a Colonial Society

A remarkable aspect of Rizal’s Noli lies in its text which espoused the national hero’s
articulations of a social-scientific view of the 19 th century Philippines he was describing.
Sociologist Syed Fareed Alatas even went as far as describing Rizal as “probably the first
systematic social thinker in Southeast Asia.”

Taken together with Rizal’s other writings, the Noli makes an important contribution to the
understanding of a colonial society and of the workings of the Spanish empire in the Philippines.
The novel portrayed the lives of the characters of diverse positions from which people in 19 th
century Philippines thought and acted in relation to others. Many scholars interpret the Noli as
Rizal’s diagnosis of the ills of colonial society as he assessed the role played by the church, the
state, and the people. In the Noli, Rizal highlighted some of his ideas on how the Philippine society
could be emancipated from the bondage of colonial rule.

He understood the importance of education as a powerful tool to achieve progress.


However, he also exposed the complexities and constraints wrought by the colonial condition not
only on foreigners, but also on some misguided Filipinos that contributed to the ills of society. As
Rizal exposed the vile realities of the context he wrote about, he also emphasized the good qualities
of the Filipinos, which needed to be harnessed in order to succeed in the struggle for emancipation.
32 | P a g e
Group Activity (To Be Submitted): Make a creative presentation about the comparison of
the following during Rizal’s time and the present time.

1. Government and officials


2. Church and religion
3. Education
4. Romantic relationships (courtship, marriage, etc.)
5. Pastimes/hobbies
6. The rich and the poor
7. Life in the City

Based on the output from the above activity, imagine your group writing a letter to Rizal.
Try to explain to Rizal the differences and similarities your group can point out. In your group letter
to Rizal, tell him your group’s thoughts about the following questions:

1. What are the three most salient problems that Philippine society is facing today?
2. What factors contribute to the persistence of these problems?
3. What should be done to address these problems?

Summary

The “afterlife” of Noli Me Tangere was featured in this discussion, highlighting its impact
on Philippine society as well as on disciplines such as literature, history, and the social sciences.
This way, the relevance of Rizal and his novel was underscored. The Noli, in the end, is not just a
literary piece; it is a political, historical, and social scientific treatise about the conditions in the
Philippines during the late 19th century. As such, the novel continues to stimulate discussions up to
the present and its themes remain worthy of debate.

MIDTERM EXAMINATION

FINAL PERIOD

OBE TOPIC DISCUSSIONS

A. Looking at the Filipino Past


B. Indolence or Industry
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C. El Filibusterismo: Context and Content
D. El Filibusterismo: Continuing Relevance
E. The destiny of the Filipino people

FINAL EXAMINATION

Happy Reading!
CONGRATULATIONS
GOD BLESS YOU!

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