Durkheim and the Social Construction of Emotions

Author(s): Gene A. Fisher and Kyum Koo Chon

Reviewed work(s):
Source: Social Psychology Quarterly, Vol. 52, No. 1, Special Issue: Sentiments, Affect and
Emotion (Mar., 1989), pp. 1-9
Published by: American Sociological Association
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 Social Psychology
Quarterly
1989,Vol. 52, No. 1, 1-9

Durkheimand the Social Constructionof Emotions

GENE A. FISHER
KYUM KOO CHON
University
ofMassachusetts

Although Durkheim has beencalledthe"architect"ofthesocial constructionist

approachto
emotions,a carefulreviewof his writingsshows that he also accorded biologically
constitutedemotionsa centralplace in his theoryof social solidarity.Humansocietyis
createdand renewedby the intensearousal thatoccurs in gatheringsand assemblies.
Mechanicalsolidarityis maintainedby an instinctive emotionalreaction(choler)to the
violationof collectivesentiments.The division of labor, however,leads to social
constructionof numerousand diverseemotions,apparentlyby directingor attaching
primaryemotionsto social objects.Examplesof social directionare givenin Durkheim's
analysisofthedepressionand angerthatmotivate suicide.In addition,theroleofcollective
in thesocial causationof emotionsis stressed.The
(ratherthanindividual)interpretation
an effect
cultoftheindividual, ofthedivisionoflabor,accountsforthepresentneedforthe
individualmanagement ofemotions.

Durkheimhas been called one of the independent of his affective

state"(1961, p.
"architects"of the social constructionist'443). Althoughit seemsmorefairto say that
approachto emotions(Scheff1983). Indeed, theconstructionist view drawsits inspiration
nearlyeveryarticleespousingthe construc- fromsymbolicinteractionism (Averill1980;
tionist view cites Durkheimand usually Gordon1981; Shott1979), citingDurkheim's
presentshis discussionof funeralservices views adds authority and legitimacyto the
among Australianaborigines,in which he argument.Yet a careful examinationof
concludesthatmourning"is not a natural Durkheim'stheory showsthathisapproachto
movement of privatefeelingswoundedby a the social construction of emotion,although
cruelloss" but "a ritualattitudewhich(the involvingsymbolicinteraction, is far more
mourner) is forcedto adoptoutof respectfor complexand moresubtlethansuggestedby
custom, but which is in large measure, thosewho citehim.
A reviewofDurkheim's viewson emotions
We are gratefulforthecomments of two anonymous is usefulfortworeasons.First,itis necessary
reviewers,which were most helpfulin clarifying the to set the recordstraightbecause Durkheim
mainarguments of thispaper. has been citedout of contextand has been
approach,
1 Accordingto the social constructionist
emotions"originatein social relationships,"so that
misunderstood. Second, an appreciationof
"most of the experiencesthatwe usuallyattribute to therole thatemotions playin buildingsocial
human emotional nature are socially constructed" solidarityprovides a broad context for
(Gordon1981). The constructionistview is also called understanding whythe social definition and
model(Hochschild1983, p. 211) or the individualmanagement
the "interactional" of emotions are
position(Scheff1983, p. 334).
the "culture-specific"
Alternativeapproachesstresspsychological,biological, important sociologicalvariables.
and physiologicalfactors.The commonelementin these
approachesis thatemotionsoriginate withinthe
entirely
organism. THE ORIGINSOF HUMANSOCIETY
The two approachesare not necessarilyexclusive,
however.For example,Hochschild's(1983) discussion AlthoughDurkheim'sworksaddressspe-
of deep and surface acting as ways to meet the cific topics such as the functionof the
requirements of emotionaldisplayrulessuggeststhatthe divisionoflaborin societyandtheelementary
social "work"of producingemotionconsistsin finding formsof thereligiouslife,one can inferthat
ways to elicit or suppressorganic (i.e., biologically
given)impulses.By contrast, mostconstructionist views all of thesediscussionscontainan underlying
assumethattheorganiccomponent in emotionis a vague concernwiththe originsof humansociety.
and indeterminatearousal,whichmustbe givenmeaning Durkheimoftennotesthathumansocietyis
throughsocially guided interpretation. Later we will sui generis-thatis, uniqueand qualitatively
arguethatwhenDurkheim describesemotionsas socially
caused, he appearsto be assumingthe weakerview of differentfromall otherformsof society,such
constructionism, whereinsocial factorslead to the as are foundamonganimalsand insects.The
or suppression
elicitation of emotion. collective consciousnessis more than an
1

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 2 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY
epiphenomenon of the individualconscious- pp. 248-49). At thesame timetheKingilli,
nessesthatmake it up. It is a synthesis that "in a stateofgreatexcitement, clang[ed]their
"has theeffectof disengaging a wholeworld boomerangs."The scene, interspersed with
of sentiments, ideas and images,whichonce quietsinging,is repeatedmanytimesduring
bornobeylaws of theirown" (1961, p. 471). the night.The ceremonyends at dawn with
Durkheimsees societyas a "fact,"a "force" the violentdestruction of the mound,fol-
whichimposesitselfon man,constraining his lowedby a profound silence(1961, p. 249).
behaviorbut at the same time enrichingit Scenes such as this are the data for
(1961, p. 239, note6). Durkheim'sanalysis of the source of the
The problemfor Durkheimis to explain sacred, and with it, because the sacred is
how thisuniqueentityevolvesor comesinto found to be society itself,the source of
being.It cannotexistwithouttheindividuals society. The elementon which Durkheim
whoconstitute it,butifindividuals areto rise focuses in this scene is the collective
above a life spentin solitudeor in small emotionalexcitement.He notes that ordi-
bands, theymustcome togetherin a suffi- narilythese tribesare dispersedacross the
cientlylargenumber(see 1984, pp. 284-85) landscape,occupiedwithhunting and gather-
so thattheircollectiveunitycan be experi- ing food. Such a life is seen as "uniform,
encedemotionally.2 To illustrate theprocess, languishing,and dull" (1961, p. 246).
Durkheimgives a lengthydescription of a Periodically,however, the different clans
religiousceremonypracticedby the Warra- gathertogetherto celebratecertainrites.
munga,an Australian aboriginaltribe. These are occasions of utmostexcitement:
The ceremonyis focusedon the totemof "On everyside one sees nothingbutviolent
the tribe, the snake Wollunqua, who is gestures,cries,veritablehowls,and deafen-
represented by a designmade of red down ing noises of every sort, which aid in
and markedon a moundof wet sand. The intensifying stillmorethestateofmindwhich
ceremonybeginsbetweenten and eleven in theymanifest"(1961, p. 247).
theeveningwiththe assemblyof menfrom, The effectof this collective "efferves-
twoclans fromthetribe,theUluuruand the cence" is a new consciousnessin each of the
Kingilli.The Uluurumen give theirwives (male)members ofthetribe."Feelinghimself
over to the Kingillifor sexual intercourse. dominated and carriedaway by some sortof
The youngmen,newlyinitiated intothetribe, an external powerwhichmakeshimthinkand
are broughtforth,and the ceremonyis act differently than in normal times, he
explainedtothemingreatdetail.Singingthen naturally has theimpression of beinghimself
goes on without pause untilaboutthreein the no longer.It seemsto himthathe has become
morning. The singingis followedby a scene a new being" (1961, p. 249). The primitive
"of the wildestexcitement"in which the "must connect these sensationsto some
Uluurudance aroundthe mound,kneeling external objectas theircause" (1961, p. 252),
and risingand swayingtheirbodies, "while buttheclan, whichis thesourceof thisnew
uttering at each movement a piercingcry,a consciousness,"is toocomplexa realityto be
veritable yell, 'Yrrsh!Yrrsh!Yrrsh!'" (1961, represented clearlyin all itscomplexunityby
such rudimentary intelligences"(1961, p.
252). The image of the totem,represented
2
Durkheimdoes notexplainhow a sufficiently large everywhere aroundhim and commonto the
number of individualscometo be gathered together.The group,becomesby associationthesymbolof
evidence he presents,taken from observationsof
Australianaborigines,presupposesthatsome formof his feelings,so that "by it, the emotions
social normor customworksto gatherseveral clans experiencedare perpetuallysustainedand
together fortheritualswhichthencan be understood to revived"(1961, p. 252).
"create" society.Statedin this way, the argumentis Thisreasoningis appliedparticularly to the
circular.It is difficultto know just what Durkheim
intended byhisargument. On theone hand,he wishesto
selection of the totem as the object of
explainthe originof religionby investigating its most religious cult,butDurkheim also sees itas the
primitive and leastdevelopedform(1961, p. 13). On the prototype forderivingthebasic categoriesof
otherhand,he viewsreligionas thesourceof "all thatis humanthought and themyriadsocial institu-
essentialin society"(1961, p. 466). Our interpretation
is tionsthatcharacterize humansociety.Reli-
thatDurkheimwas addressingthe problemof human
evolution,butavoidedmakingtheproblemthefocusof gion is "the womb from whichcome all the
his writings
becausehe did nothaveenoughevidenceto leading germsof humancivilization .... the
resolveit. most diverse methodsand practices,both

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 DURKHEIM AND EMOTIONS 3
thosethatmake possiblethecontinuation of ofman'soriginalemotionalexpression makes
themorallife (law, morals,beaux-arts)and societypossible.
those servingthe materiallife (the natural,
technicaland practicalsciences),are either
RE-CREATIONOF SOCIETY
directlyor indirectly derivedfromreligion"
(1961, p. 255). Justas a collectivegroup experienceis
Thusat themostgenerallevel,Durkheim's requiredto bringsocietyintobeing,thesame
interestin the elementaryforms of the sortofexperience is neededtore-create social
religiouslifeis motivated byan interest in the solidarityand to bringabout social change.
originof humansociety.Most interesting to Everysocietyfeels the need to reaffirm the
us is thecrucialrolethatemotionsplayin this collectiveideas and sentiments thatmakeup
evolution.Durkheimdoes not specifywhat itsidentity. Yet "thismoralremaking cannot
emotionsin particularare activatedwhen be achievedexcept by means of reunions,
interactive concentration leads to collective assemblies,and meetings wheretheindividu-
consciousness.He notesthatarousal,agita- als, being closely unitedto one another,
tion, and excitement are high,but thatthe reaffirmin common theircommon senti-
objectsof suchexcitement are diffuse.In the ments" (Durkheim1961, pp. 474-75). In
examplehe gives,themoundcontaining the suchassembliesthe "strengthening and vivi-
imageof thesnake(thesacredsymbol)is an fyingactionof societyis especiallyapparent
objectof theritualexcitement, butthenoise . . . we become susceptibleof acts and
of the participantsitself appears to be sentiments of whichwe are incapablewhen
stimulating. Sexualintercourse occurs(in this reducedto ourown forces"(1961, p. 240).
case betweenclans where such contactis Withoutsucha renewal,social sentiments
usuallyprohibited) bothas a resultof general wane and solidarity is achievedonlyimper-
excitement and as a contributor to it. fectly.StevenMarks(1974) arguesconvinc-
Durkheimprovidesa briefdescription of ingly that for Durkheimthe problemof
theemotionaltraitsof theAustralian aborig- anomie was to find for very large-scale
ines,whomhe regards,in termsof social and societiesthekindof intermediate-sized group
religiousorganization, as the"mostprimitive activitythatcould effectsocial integration.
and simplewhichis actuallyknown"(1961, Durkheimlookedsuccessivelyfora solution
p. 115). He notesthatthe (male) primitive in representative government, thecultof the
has verylittlecontrolof his emotions.When individual,occupationalgroups,education,
he receivesgood news, "thereare at once and finallyin a cyclical theoryof social
transports of enthusiasm.In the contrary change stressingperiods of creation or
conditions, he is seen to be running hereand renewal.
therelikea madman,givinghimselfup to all Major social movements,such as the
sorts of immoderatemovements,crying, Crusades or the FrenchRevolution,occur
shrieking, rollingin thedust,throwing it in when "under the influenceof some great
everydirection,bitinghimself,brandishing collective shock, social interactionshave
his armsin a furiousmanner,etc." (1961, p. becomemuchmorefrequent and active.Men
246). This group apparentlyexperiencesa look for each otherand assembletogether
measure of emotionalexpressivenessand morethanever" (Durkheim1961, p. 241).
arousal whichfar exceeds thatof civilized The participants in such assembliesbecome
man. Yet it is not so different fromthe stimulated by passionsso intense"thatthey
emotionalvolatility observedin rhesusmon- cannot be satisfiedexcept by violentand
keys(Buck 1988,p. 299) andin chimpanzees unrestrained actions,actionsof superhuman
(Goodall 1986,p. 518).3Thuswe find,on the heroism,or of bloodybarbarism"(1961, p.
one hand, that society has the effectof 241).
transforming humanemotionfrom"coarse" The assembliesthat generateepochs of
to "subtle"levels and modesof expression, collective effervescence replicatein many
to use thedistinction madebyWilliamJames ways the religiousritualsof the Australian
(1890); on theotherhand,theverysuperfluityaborigines, although therearedifferencesthat
correspond to the moreextensivesocial and
3This is not to denythatrhesusmonkeysand other
cultural
development ofcivilizedsociety.The
social animals can be remarkably"subtle" in their collectivesentiment is givenobjectiverepre-
expressionof emotion,as one reviewerobserved. sentation,not as the totemor emblemof

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4 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY
social unitybut in the "great ideals upon sion, despite attemptsto define it as a
which civilization rests," including (for preventive deterrent.Durkheimdescribesthe
example)"Scholasticism, theProtestant Ref- emotion behind the penal response as
ormation, theRenaissance,andtherevolution- "choler,"an ancientlabelforanger,hostility,
aryepoch and the socialistupheavalsof the and even rage. He insists that despite
nineteenthcentury"Durkheim 1953, pp. widespreadsocial disapprovalof thismotive,
91-92). our attemptsto redefine it are merely
The emotionsand sentiments thatarise in cosmetic."If we supposethatpunishment can
suchassembliesare like thoseof theaborigi- reallyserve to shield us in the future,we
nal prototypein that they are intense, esteemthataboveall itshouldbe an expiation
unrestrained, and, as feelings,largelyunde- for the past. What proves this are the
fined. The man who speaks to a crowd meticulousprecautions we take to make the
expresses"a grandiloquence thatwould be punishment fittheseriousnessof thecrimeas
ridiculous in ordinarycircumstances;his exactlyas possible"(1984, p. 46).
gesturesshowa certaindomination; his very Fromthe perspectiveof the sociologyof
thoughtis impatient of all rules,and easily emotions, the above statementsgive no
falls into all sortsof excesses; . . . sometimes suggestion thattheemotionswhichgive rise
he even has thefeelingthathe is dominated to and maintainmechanicalsolidarity(i.e.,
by a moralforcewhichis greater thanhe and collectiveagitationand choler) are socially
of whichhe is the only interpreter" (Durk- constructed.Social norms are at work,
heim1961,p. 241). In speakingto thecrowd indicating whatis to be done or avoidedand
theoratorarticulates an ever-increasing aware- whatsortof punishment shouldbe metedout
ness of the collective sentimentthat is to offenders, butthereappearto be no rules
overwhelming theassemblyand theone who governing how one is to feelifthenormsare
addressesit. By a formof positivefeedback, violated. These feelingsare describedas
thewordsof thespeaker"comeback to him, wellingup instinctively fromman'sbiological
but enlargedand amplified. . . It is no longer nature,evenresisting attempts to redefineor
a simpleindividualwho speaks;it is a group suppressthem.At best, the feelingsabout
incarnate and personified" (1961, p. 241). dealingwithnormviolationsshowattempts at
butin a waythatappearsto
socialregulation,
maskthefeelingswhichare actuallyat work.
MECHANICAL SOLIDARITY
As societies develop and become more
organized,a number ofbeliefsandsentiments ORGANIC SOLIDARITY
becomeshared.All of theseare integrated in
some way with the primordialcollective The effectof the divisionof labor is to
consciousnessthat is born of extremebut integrate the membersof society.Durkheim
coordinated collectiveagitation.The resultis chooses restitutive law to indicatethe pres-
a "determinate systemwitha lifeof its own enceoftheorganicsolidarity generated bythe
. . .independentof theparticular conditions divisionof labor.In thiscase, however,with
in whichindividuals findthemselves"(Durk- only a few exceptions,the prescriptions of
heim1984, p. 39). Althoughit is impossible restitutive law "do not correspondto any
to specifycollectivesentiments becausethey feeling withinus" (1984, p. 69). More
areso manyandso diverse(1984, p. 40), they precisely,theydo not correspondto collective
are distinguished fromother,noncollective sentiments, because"if something is to be the
sentimentsby their intensity.They are objectof sharedsentiments, the firstcondi-
"deeplywritten"(1984, p. 37) in us; more tionis thatitshouldbe shared,thatis, present
important,they "must be precise . . . every in everyconsciousness, andthateach individ-
singleone relatesto a veryclearlydefined ual may be able to conceive of it froma
practice. . . It is a question of doing or not single,identicalviewpoint"(1984, p. 82).
doingthisor that"(1984, p. 38). Organicsolidarityis bornof necessity.As
If thesesentiments are violated,a terrible thevolumeand themoraldensityof society
emotionalreactionby othersin thecollective increase,mechanicalsolidarity weakens,anx-
is unleashed.The response,embodied in iety builds up, and a divisionof labor is
penal law in organizedsocieties, can be instituted to allowforsustenance."Thanksto
describedonlyas vengeanceseekingexpres- it, rivals are not obliged to eliminateone

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 DURKHEIM AND EMOTIONS 5
anothercompletely,but can coexistside by separating man fromtheanimalsis also that
side" (1984, p. 213). The higher"volume which has constrainedhim to rise above
and densityof societies"make it necessary himself. . . ifhis emotionsand inclinations,
thattheirmembersworkharderto maintain at firstfew in number,have multipliedand
theirposition(1984, p. 276). "From this diversified, it is because the social environ-
stimulation thereinevitablyarises a higher menthas constantly beenchanging"(1984, p.
level of culture";yet"thebenefits it renders 285). As a consequence,"whateverprogress
in thisrespectare nota positiveenrichment,takesplace in thepsycho-physiological field,
an increasein ourcapitalstockof happiness, it can only ever representa fractionof
but onlyserveto make good the losses that psychology, sincemostpsychological phenom-
civilizationitselfhas caused" (1984, p. 276). ena do not derive from organic causes"
Thusthemotivation to enterintothedivision (1984,p. 286). Investigation ofthesephenom-
of laboris not happinessor noveltybut the ena is "dependent on anotherpositivescience
desireto survive.This motivation is exter- that might be called socio-psychology,"
nallyimposed,instinctive, and in thisrespect because "theyhave the same essentialtraits
comparableto the sense of obligationthat as otherpsychologicalfacts,buttheyderive
motivatesmechanicalsolidarity.This view fromsocial causes" (1984, p. 286).
accordswithDurkheim'sgeneralpositionthat The social constructionism impliedin these
social lifeis constituted by constraints which remarkshas two aspects.On the one hand,
are externalto theindividual. the sociallyconstructed emotionsappear to
The constraint imposedby thedivisionof have the same natureas biologicallyconsti-
laboris a sourceof stressand fatigue,which tutedemotionsbecause Durkheimrefersto
requiresomeformof compensation. Humans themas havingthe "same essentialtraitsas
are rewardedfor their effortsby further other psychologicalfacts." That is, each
divisionof labor,leadingto thedevelopment specificemotionhas a physiologicalcompo-
of the individualself. Society, of course, nent,makingit an object of studyin the
cannotexistwithoutindividuals;theselfand "psycho-physiological field." On the other
the individualconscienceexist,even in the hand,theemotionsand drives(calledtenden-
mostprimitive societies."Thereis a sphereof cies) thatare a partof humanphysiology are
psychologicallife which, no matterhow multipliedand diversified because theybe-
developedthecollectivetypemaybe, varies come directedor attachedto objects that
fromone personto anotherand belongsby wouldnotexistapartfromthesocial milieu.
right to each individual . . . This first Durkheimgives as an example "the social
foundation of all individuality is inalienable organisation of kinshiprelationships thathas
and does not depend on any social state" determinedrespectivelythe sentiments be-
(1984, p. 145). Even so, when mechanical tweenparentsand children.These sentiments
solidarityis dominant,individuality in one would have been completelydifferent if the
person's relationshipswith othersis very socialstructure hadbeendifferent." (1984, p.
weak. Mechanicalsolidarity "enablessociety 287). In addition,certainorganicemotions
to holdtheindividualmoretightly in itsgrip, can be strengthened whentheyare integrated
makinghim more stronglyattachedto his intothesocialstructure. Sympathy is givenas
domesticenvironment, and consequently, to an example: "Individuals always have a
tradition . . . the individual personalityis distinctorganiclife,and thisis sufficient to
absorbed into the collective personality" give rise to . . . sympathy,althoughit
(1984, p. 242). With organic solidarity, becomes strongerwhen the personalityis
however,"individualdifferences, at firstlost, morehighlydeveloped"(1984, p. 125, note
mixedup in the mass of social similarities, 49).
beginto emerge,takeshapeandmultiply ...
Yet thisgrowthin the psychologicallife of
A CONSTRUCTIONIST VIEW
the individual does not weaken that of
society,but merelytransforms it" (1984, p. Durkheim'sview of constructionism does
285). not emphasize the plasticityof emotions
Withthe advanceof organicsolidarity, a (e.g., Shott1979),whereby specificemotions
numberof new psychic entitiesemerge, are labels appliedto vague statesof arousal.
includingcertain(butunspecified) emotions. Nor does it requirethatindividualsinterpret
"Thusthecause thatprovokedthedifferencesor define theirown situationin order to

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6 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY
experiencea particular emotion(e.g., Averill thathave a genuineinternal component. The
1980). The process of interpretation is "impression of a loss" thatbringsthegroup
accomplishedby interaction, butcollectively togetherand associatesthem "in the same
ratherthanindividually or dyadically,and is mentalstate"elicitsin them"a sensationof
passed on to theindividualas a social norm. comfort whichcompensates theoriginalloss"
Thus Durkheim's view of emotion can (1961, pp. 447-48). The consolationthatthe
support feelingrules(e.g., Hochschild1983), membersof the group receive is not the
as specificemotionsand emotionaldisplays resultofdeepactingon thepartofindividuals
are linked with specific occasions. The in thegroup.Thatis, individuals neednottry
best-known exampleof theoperationof such to feelcomforted by imagininga comforting
rules is the analysisof the funeralritesof object and thenactingas if it were present
Australianaborigines citedat thebeginning of (Hochschild1983). Ratherthe functionof
thisarticle. intense group activity is to create the
Looking more closely at this example, conditions underwhichindividualsspontane-
Durkheim findsthattheriteitselfhas littleto ously experience the emotions that are
do with mourning.It demands that the necessaryforand constitutive of grouplife.
mourner "beathimself,bruisehimself,lacer- The activitiesperformed by thegroupgener-
ate himself, and burn himself . . . What atetheobject.Individuals maynotunderstand
reasonhas the dead man forimposingsuch it;theymayexplainitspresencein mytholog-
tormentsupon (his mourners)"(Durkheim ical termsinvolvingthespiritof thedeparted
1961, p. 444)? Durkheimexplainsthatthe relative.In thatway the object acts as if it
riteis reallya riteof re-creation, meantto werea reality,thereby elicitingtheemotion.
renewthesolidarity of thegroup:"It, too, is The deep acting,however,is done by the
made up out of collectiveceremonieswhich collectiveconsciousnessworkingin theindi-
producea stateof effervescence amongthose vidual via collectivebeliefsand sentiments
who take part in them. The sentiments (understood hereas attitudesreflecting
obliga-
arousedare different; but the arousalis the tions,ratherthanspecificemotionssuch as
same" (1961, p. 445). The groupassembles love or fear).In thisway Durkheimadds to
to reactagainsttheloss of its member."Not thelistofwaysin whichemotionsaresocially
only do the relatives,who are affectedthe constructed.
most directly,bring their own personal
sorrow to the assembly,but the society
AN ORGANISMIC VIEW
exercisesa moralpressureoverits members,
to put theirsentiments in harmonywiththe In examiningthe causes of suicideDurk-
situation"(1961, p. 445). heimelaboratesfurther therole of collective
The loss of a singlelifeaffectsthewhole impressionsin elicitingand directingthe
group.Those who are close to thedeceased emotions.Althoughsuicideis an individual
feelsorrowandmourn.Theirgriefis organic, behavior,and althoughDurkheimis espe-
not sociallycaused. The involvement of the cially interested in showingthatit springs
entirecollectivity,however,is mandatedby fromproblemswithinthelargercollectivity,
the commoninterpretation of the eventas a he makes it clear thatthe processinvolves
diminutionof the group; the griefthat is socially elicited feelings of sadness and
expressedby the individualsin the groupis anger.We considerthetwo formsof suicide
effectedwithlittleor no innersorrow.The that are characteristic of modernsocieties:
displayis morea behaviorthanan emotion, egoisticand anomicsuicide.
and can be describedproperlyas surface Egoisticsuicidearisesfromtheindividual's
acting(Hochschild1983). "If, at the very lack of integration intothesocial group(s)to
momentwhen the weepersseem the most which he or she belongs: "Society cannot
overcomeby grief,someonespeaksto them disintegrate withoutthe individualsimulta-
of some temporalinterest,it frequentlyneouslydetachinghimselffromsocial life,
happensthattheychangetheirfeaturesand without hisowngoalsbecomingpreponderant
tone at once, take on a laughingair and over those of the community,in a word
conversein the gayestfashionimaginable" withouthis personality tendingto surmount
(Durkheim1961,p. 443). the collectivepersonality" (Durkheim1951,
Durkheimalso emphasizeshow emotions p. 209). Once individualsare detached,
thatare mandatedcan lead to otheremotions suicide becomes probable, first because

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 DURKHEIM AND EMOTIONS 7
societyno longer "possesses the requisite (of depressionand disillusionment) to formu-
to retainthemin theirdutyif they
authority lae, attempt to proveto menthesenselessness
wishto desert"and secondbecause"they,on of lifeand thatit is self-deception to believe
theirpart,have no reason to endurelife's thatit has purpose"(1951, p. 214). These
patiently"
sufferings (1951, p. 209). Individ- systems contain ethical doctrines that
uals whoareattachedto a group"clingto life "commendsuicide or at least tend in that
more resolutely . . . so as not to betray direction by suggesting a minimalexistence"
intereststheyputbeforetheirown. The bond (1951, p. 214). In the second step, the
that unites them with the commoncause collectiveauthority of these currentsrein-
attachesthemto life and theloftygoal they forces the individual's inclinationtoward
envisage prevents their feeling personal self-destruction. "Thus, at the verymoment
troublesso deeply"(1951, pp. 209-10). that,with excessive zeal he frees himself
In thisrespect,sociallyconstructed emo- fromthesocial environment, he stillsubmits
tions-particularly reverence,whichcreates to its influence"(1951, p. 214).
the sense of obligation-serveas a barrier Anomicsuicidearisesfroma breakdown in
againstthe effectsof otheremotions,espe- the regulatoryforcesof society. Although
cially sadness, which would be induced Marks(1974, p. 332) pointsout Durkheim's
organically.Still thereis more: "Excessive manydifficulties in maintaining the distinc-
individualism notonlyresultsin favoring the tion between anomie and egoism ("both
actionof suicidogeniccauses, but it is itself springfromsociety'sinsufficient presencein
such a cause. It not only frees man's individuals"[Durkheim1951,p. 258]), there
inclination to do away withhimselffroma is a difference in theemotionsthatmotivate
protective obstacle,but createsthis inclina- theindividualact of suicide.Egoisticsuicide
tionoutof wholecloth"(1951, p. 211). Even is motivated by "melancholic languor"(1951,
thoughthe productsof social life-science, p. 278), whereasanomicsuicideis motivated
art, religion, law, and customs-abound,
by "angerand all the emotionscustomarily
such that "social man is the essence of
associated with disappointment" (1951, p.
civilized man" and "the masterpieceof
284). "Anomy,whether progressive orregres-
existence,"if the collectiveexperiencethat
sive, by allowing requirements to exceed
generatesa senseof solidarity and obligation
appropriate limits throws open the door to
to the group is diminished,"whateveris
social in us is deprivedof all objective disillusionment and consequentlyto disappoint-
foundation," leavingus "bereftofreasonsfor ment.A man abruptly cast down below his
existence"(1951, p. 213). It is clearthat"in accustomed status cannot avoid exasperation
such a stateof confusionthe last cause of at feelinga situation escape himof whichhe
discouragement may easily give birth to thought himself master, and his exasperation
desperateresolutions. If lifeis notworththe naturally revolts against the cause, whether
troubleof beinglived,everything becomesa real or imaginary, to whichhe attributes his
pretext to ridourselvesof it" (1951, p. 213). ruin"(1951, p. 285).
Yet individuals in thisstatearenotrequired The arousalof angerand aggressionstems
to reachtheseconclusionson theirown. The froma frustration of theindividual'sdesires.
societyitselfgeneratesthe reasonstheycan This process is seen as "natural,"not as
use to intensifytheirsadnessandtojustify the sociallyconstituted. The social causationlies
eventualtakingof theirlives. "Since we are in the manner in which the desires are
itshandiwork, societycannotbe consciousof awakenedand sustained.In animalsdesires
its own decadencewithoutthe feelingthat are regulatedautomaticallyand spontane-
henceforth thisworkis of no value. Thence ously,but in man societymustprovidethe
areformedcurrents of depressionand disillu- regulation. "Irrespectiveof any external
sionmentemanatingfromno particular indi- regulatory force,ourcapacityforfeelingis in
vidual but expressingsociety's state of itself an insatiableand bottomlessabyss"
disintegration" (1951, p. 214). (1951, p. 247). Thus whensocial regulation
In only two more social steps, these is withdrawn or fails to keep pace withthe
collectivefeelingsare shapedsufficiently to progressof thedivisionof labor,unfulfillable
deliver the coup de grace. First, "meta- desiresforpleasureand materialgoods are
physical and religious systemsspring up excited,leadingeventually to disappointment
which,by reducingtheseobscuresentiments and exasperation.

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 8 SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY QUARTERLY
CONCLUSIONS interpret his or hersituation, usuallywiththe
aid of some otherwith whom he or she
It is beyondthe scope of this reviewof engages in real or imaginedtransactions.
Durkheim'streatment of emotionsto offera Durkheimarguesthatsocietyis definedby
critiqueof his theories;norare we proposing groups,not by interactions. If certainemo-
a neo-Durkheimian approachto thesociology tionshave social causes, it is becausegroups
of emotions. Rather, an appreciationof providedefinitions of the situationfor its
Durkheim'sthought heightens our awareness membersand because groupsdetermine the
of a numberof issues in the sociologyof feelingrules. Hochschild's(1983) studyof
emotionsthat eitherare not raised or are emotionsin the airlineindustry shows that
addressedinsufficiently. We also believethat much can be gained by takingthe group
Durkheim'sviewsdemonstrate thatemotions contextexplicitly intoaccount.
can and should play a crucial role in It is importantto know the organic
sociologicaltheory. components ofemotionbecausetheyformthe
It is important to considerwhetheremo- substrateof socially constructed emotions.
tionsprovidethemechanism bywhichsociety For Durkheim,social causationof emotions
is created. Most currentstudies in the appears to consist in linkingbiologically
sociologyof emotionstreatemotionsas a givenemotionsto an ever-increasing rangeof
dependentvariable, somethingto be ex- social situations,and in eliciting,intensify-
plainedby social causes. For Durkheim,the ing, or suppressing the emotionsthathave
emotionalexperienceof collectiveefferves- been linkedin thisway. These mechanisms
cence is a necessaryconditionforgenerating also are identified by thevariouswritings of
and maintaining society.Feelingsof rever- the proponentsof the constructivist school
enceandobligation createthesocialbondthat (see especiallyHochschild1983). Yet it is
holds the individualto society,overcoming doubtful thattheroleplayedby social factors
any tendencyto move away fromit. Later in determining emotionscan be understood
theories-Mead is a good example-drifted withoutincorporating physiologicalinforma-
away fromemotionsas the sourceof social tion into the explanation.For example,
solidarity, focusinginsteadon sharedsymbols Kemper (1987), drawingon the work of
andtheirinterpretation. Thereareindications, physiologists,argues that autonomiccon-
however,thatthistrendis beingreversed.A straints "limitvariability in theexperienceof
recentstudyby Scheff(1988) explainssocial emotions"(p. 263). Durkheim'sperspective
conformity by the emotionsof pride and on emotionsencouragesus to identifythe
shame.Durkheim'stheories suggesta number emotions,"at first,few in number"(Durk-
ofadditional areaswhereemotionsmightplay heim 1984, p. 285), thatweretransmitted to
an explanatory role.4 us byevolution,andthento specifyexplicitly
It is important to studyemotionsin this thewaysin whichsocial factorsmakeuse of
contextof groups.Current theoriesfocuson these emotionsto diversify and expandthe
theindividualactor.Thisactormustdefineor rangeof humanemotion.
It is important to explainwhythemanage-
4 It would be worthwhile to go back to thequestion ment of emotions is now so important for
thatDurkheimposed: "why men, insteadof livingas individuals.Hochschild(1983) believesthat
solitary or in smallbands,beganto formlarger emotions
creatures havebecomea commodity, andthat
societies" (1984, p. 285). AlthoughDurkheimsees individuals now sell theiremotionsas partof
collectiveeffervescence as the mechanismthatcreates
and strengthens social bonds, one reviewernotedthat theirlabor.
The constraints imposedby the
wolvesand chimpanzees, and probablyothermammals, marketplace, however,lead to theexperience
exhibitsimilarformsof collectiveexcitement. Durkheim of alienation.Workersin serviceindustries
regardsanimal societiesas much simplerthanhuman are concerned notonlywithearninga living
societies,muchless changeable,and fixedby instinctsto
but also with
a particular biologicalform,in whichsocial factsare
feelingsincereand authentic,
transformed into"biologicalfacts"(1984, pp. 283-84). and thesearchforauthenticity extendsto all
Althoughmammaliansocietiesare morecomplexthan aspectsof social life. Durkheimsuggestsa
Durkheimimplies,one can maketheargument thatthe broaderand morefundamental reasonforthis
evolutionof languagemade it possibleforhumansto searchin thecultof theindividual thatarises
form"largersocieties"whichare sui generis,but that
collectiveexcitement, whichwe sharewithothersocial
fromthe divisionof labor. The individual
mammals,provides the glue that holds the larger psycheis itselfa sacredobject,an expression
groupings together. of thecollectivity. Therefore it is constrained

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 DURKHEIM AND EMOTIONS 9
to feeltheneed forwholenessand authentic- Goodall, Jane. 1986. The Chimpanzeesof Gombe:
ity.In conditions social
of organicsolidarity, PatternsofBehavior.Cambridge, MA: Belknap.
life, which is characterizedby external Gordon,StevenL. 1981. "The Sociologyof Sentiments
and Emotion." Pp. 562-92 in Social Psychology:
constraint,paradoxicallymustbecomespon-
Sociological Perspectives,edited by M. Rosenberg
taneous life (Durkheim 1984, p. 377). and R.H. Turner.New York:Basic.
Considerationssuch as these integratethe Hochschild,Arlie Russell. 1983. The Managed Heart:
sociology of emotions into the broader Commercializationof Human Feeling. Berkeley:
contextof socialtheoryto whichit,as partof Universityof CaliforniaPress.
thewhole,mustmakeitscontribution. James,William. 1890. The Principlesof Psychology,
Volume1. New York:Holt
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There? Wedding the Social and the Autonomic
Averill,JamesR. 1980. "A Constructivist View of
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Emotion."Pp. 303-39 in Emotion:Theory,Research,
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Durkheim, Emile. 1951. Suicide:A Studyin Sociology, Social Psychologyof Emotions."AnnualReviewof
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York:FreePress. . 1988. "Shameand Conformity:
The Deference-
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Gene A. Fisher is an AssistantProfessorin the Departmentof Sociologyat the University of

Massachusetts
at Amherst. His researchinterests
includechangesin residentialarrangements
for the
ill and theinfluence
severelymentally ofemotional factorson preferences
forpresidentialcandidates.

Kyum-KooChon is a graduate studentin the Departmentof Psychologyat the University of

Massachusetts His researchinterests
at Amherst. includeemotionand stress,especiallyfroma control
theory
perspective.

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