‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 15‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1390‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻱ‬

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‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬
‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣـﺖ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻴـﺪ ﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷـﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﻠﻘـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﺤـﺪﻭﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﻔﺸﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺮﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠـﺖ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟـﺎﻱ ﺟـﺎﻱ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺳـﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘـﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺣـﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻄﻠـﻖ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺟﻨـﺒﺶ ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻃﻪ – ﻛـﻪ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﺗـﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ – ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ »ﻗﺒﻠـﻪ ﻋـﺎﻟﻢ«‪،‬‬
‫»ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺒﺴﻮﻁﺍﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ »ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻉ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣـﻲﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺨﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛـﻒ‬
‫ﻧﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷـﺮﺡ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺧـﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺟﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪(1).‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 13‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1285‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻈﻔﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒـﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻦ »ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣـﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‬
‫– ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ – ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑـﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴـﻮﻩ ﺩﺭﺧـﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺑﻴـﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﻳـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼـﻞ ﺗـﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬
‫ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﻣـﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣـﻲﺧـﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻘـﻮﻕ‬
‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ‪» ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ« ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ »ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ«؟‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﺩﺷـﺎﻩ ﺷـﺪ؟ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ ﻣﺜﺒـﺖ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؟‬
‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ »ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ« ﻭ »ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘـﺎﺩﻱ«)‪ (2‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨـﻴﻦ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﺩﺷـﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﻣـﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴـﺐ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳـﺶﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨـﺶ‬
‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﻩ ﻣﻠـﻲ ﭘﺪﻳـﺪ‬
‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻓﺮﻣـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺳﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» (1 :‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺍﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬
‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪» (2 «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪» (3‬ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠـﻲ ]‪[….‬‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﻣـﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜـﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟـﺮﺍﻱ ﻗـﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺷـﺮﻉ ﻣﻘـﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﻤﺎﻳـﺪ‪(4).‬‬
‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ« ﻣﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ 51‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1285‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ )‪ 30‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 1906‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ( ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺷـﻴﺦ‬
‫ﻣﻈﻔﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﻧـﺎﺋﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺘﻤﻢ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ »ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ« ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷـﺎﻣﻞ »ﺗﻤـﺎﻡ ﻣـﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ« ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻂ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺩﺭ ‪ 107‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘـﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1286‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪ‪ (4).‬ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ« ﻭ »ﺩﺭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻘـﻮﻕ ﺁﻥ« ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 51‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣـﺘﻤﻢ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬـﺎﺩ ﻗﻀـﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴـﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺝ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣـﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﻣﺮﺑـﻮﻁ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣـﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧـﻲ ﻧﻮﺷـﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ »ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ« ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪ 15‬ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻋﻘﻼ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ« ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ (5).‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ – ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻗﻠـﻢ ﻭ ﺯﺑـﺎﻥ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﭽـﻮﻥ ﺟـﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ – ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎء ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻗﻴـﻖ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ، -‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘـﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸـﻲ ﺭﺍﺟـﻊ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻄﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤـﺪ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺻﻔﺖ »ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺷﺎﻩ‪،‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ – ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧـﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣـﺖ – ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻗﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﻣﻐـﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺑـﺎ ﻣـﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺷﺮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻬﻨﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟«)‪(6‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺻﻞ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ – ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤـﺚ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫـﺪ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ‪ ،-‬ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ »ﺣﻘـﻮﻕ ﺳـﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ‪ 35‬ﺗﺎ ‪ – 57‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 23‬ﺍﺻﻞ – ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻـﻞ ‪ ،35‬ﺑـﺎ ﺫﻛـﺮ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻋﺒـﺎﺭﺕ ﻛـﻪ‪:‬‬
‫»ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭﺩﻳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﺨﺺ ﭘﺎﺩﺷـﺎﻩ ﻣﻔـﻮﺽ ﺷـﺪﻩ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺼـﺮﻳﺢ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﺳـﻠﻄﻨﺖ« ﻣـﻲﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻـﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 36‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ« ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻـﻞ ‪ 36‬ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﻗـﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﺩﺷـﺎﻩ – ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼـﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ‪ -‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧـﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠـﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺻـﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣـﺘﻤﻢ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ ،37‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ» ﺳﻪ ﻣﻨﺸـﺎء ﺣـﻖ ﺍﻧﺸـﺎء ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷـﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ »ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺷﻴﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﺧـﻞ ﻭ ﺧـﺮﺝ‬
‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪» ،34‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﻔﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 60‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎ‪ 30 ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺒـﺎﺭ ﻣـﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ‬
‫ﺳﻨﺎ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤـﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ ،39‬ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺟﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠـﻲ ﺑـﺎ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷـﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳـﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬
‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪» ،43‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠـﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺳـﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺼـﺪﻱ ﺍﻣـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 44‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍء ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣـﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴـﻮﻭﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺴـﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬
‫‪ .6‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪» ،45‬ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻂﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻣﻀـﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳـﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻝ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻟﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺨﻂ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘـﺶ‬
‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .7‬ﺍﺻﻞ ‪» ،49‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﺮﮔـﺰ ﻧﻤـﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ‬
‫»ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔـﺮ ﭘﺎﺩﺷـﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣـﻮﺭ ﻣـﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳـﺪﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧـﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳـﺖ ﺳـﻪ ﭼﻬـﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀـﺮﺕ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸـﺎﻩ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺷﻴﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬
‫‪ .8‬ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 56‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﺨﺺ‬
‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺴﻮﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬـﺎﺩ ﻫـﺮ ﭼـﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻓﺶ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .9‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪» ،59‬ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺼـﺮ ﻧﻤـﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨـﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺨـﺐ‬
‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .10‬ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ ،64‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ »ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺘﺒﻲ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺴﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .11‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ ،80‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕـﺎﻩ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻓﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﺪﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ »ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ« ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔـﺮ ﭼـﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑـﺮ ﺍﺻـﻞ ‪ 83‬ﺗﻌﻴـﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ )ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ( ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺮﻉ« ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ‪ 51 ،50 ،48 ،47 ،46‬ﻭ ‪ 55‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻣـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻻﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻄـﺎء ﺩﺭﺟـﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥﻫـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ ﻣـﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ )ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ(‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﺟﻨـﮓ ﻭ ﻋﻘـﺪ‬
‫ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺿﺮﺏ ﺳﻜﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ‪ 52‬ﻭ ‪ ،53‬ﻋﻬﺪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 24‬ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﺍﺳـﺘﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻄﻞ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻬﺪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 54‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 57‬ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺨﺶ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﻴﭽﺪﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺧﺘﻴـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘـﺪﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺳـﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘـﻂ ﻫﻤـﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗـﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪«.‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﭘﻴـﺮﻭ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨـﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻛﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﻧـﻪ‬
‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺣـﺎﻟﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﻛـﺎﺭ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔـﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑـﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﻗـﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﺩﺷـﺎﻩ ﺑـﻪ ﻗﻴـﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷـﺎﻩ ﻣﺤـﻮﺭ ﻫﻤـﻪ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻱ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﺧـﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﭼﺸـﻢ‬
‫ﻥ ﻣﺤـﻮﺭ ﮔـﺮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻨﺪ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮ ْ‬
‫ﻥ ﻓﺼﻞﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳـﺎ ﻣـﺎﻓﻮﻕ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷـﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮ ْ‬
‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﭘﻮﺷـﻴﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳـﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴـﺪ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬
‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻄﻠـﺐ‪،‬‬
‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗـﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ‬
‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲ ﻭ »ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻣـﺎﻥ ﻳـﺰﺩﺍﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺧﻮﺩﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ »ﻧﻪ« ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣـﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻـﺖ‬
‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣـﺖ ﻭ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳـﺎﺩ ﻧﺒـﺮﻳﻢ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻳﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺰﻣﻦ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻜﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳـﺖ‬
‫ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﮕﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﺍﻓﺘـﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻘـﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﮔـﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣـﻞ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻠﻂ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘـﻪ ﻓـﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳـﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ – ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓـﺖ – ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﺩﺷـﺎﻩ ﻣﺤـﺪﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷـﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳـﺎ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻳـﺎ ﻫـﺮ ﻣﻘـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﻭ ﻣـﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺳـﺎﻳﺮ ﻗـﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿـﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺬﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳـﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤـﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻫـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﻗـﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻘـﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷـﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﭘﺎﺳـﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﺒـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼـﻪ ﻣـﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﻣـﻲﻛـﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺳﻪﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺳـﺒﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻘـﻪ ﻓـﺮﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﻣـﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴـﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨـﻮﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﺑﺨـﺶ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ ﺗﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻴـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻘـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻨﺞﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣـﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻴـﺰﺍﻥ ﺗـﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑـﺮ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼـﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻴـﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1387‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ‪ 4‬ﻭ ‪ 5‬ﻭ ‪ 6‬ﻭ ‪ 49‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﺩﺳـﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻫـﺎ ﺩﺭﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌـﺪﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﺷﻮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺸـﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺑـﺎ‬
‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1304‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ‪ 36‬ﻭ ‪ 37‬ﻭ ‪ 38‬ﻭ ‪ 40‬ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺑـﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑـﺮ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ‪،‬‬
‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺗﻔـﻮﻳﺾ ﮔﺮﺩﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘـﺮﺭ ﺷـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻌﻬـﺪ ﺑـﺎ ﭘﺴـﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘـﺮ ﭘﺎﺩﺷـﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣـﺎﺩﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﻻﺻﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻦ ‪20‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬـﺪ ﺗﻌﻴـﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻳـﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 40‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1328‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 48‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻـﻞ‬
‫‪ 48‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ »ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠـﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺳـﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧـﻪ ﻳـﺎ ﻫـﺮ ﺩﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬
‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ »ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻳـﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺛﻠـﺚ ﻛﻠﻴـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ« ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1336‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ‪ 4‬ﻭ ‪ 5‬ﻭ ‪ 6‬ﻭ ‪ 7‬ﻭ ‪ 8‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 49‬ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑـﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠـﻲ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺼﻒ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 8‬ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ‪ 49‬ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜـﺎﻡ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟـﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ« ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺁﺭﺍء ﻧﻈـﺮ ﺳـﺎﺑﻖ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺷﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1346‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ‪ 38‬ﻭ ‪ 41‬ﻭ ‪ 42‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻـﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﻴـﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻳـﺐﺍﻟﺴـﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺗـﺎ‬
‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﺸـﺘﺮﻙ‬
‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 48‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1287‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1346‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 59‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﻨـﻲﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻـﻞ ‪ 48‬ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 48‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﭼﻬـﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺳـﻔﻨﺪ ‪1327‬‬
‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺸﻌﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ 1327‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﻣـﻲﻳﺎﺑـﺪ‪ (7).‬ﺷـﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﺑـﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺷـﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻭﺿـﺎﻉ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻂ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ« ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖﺍﻟﻌﻠﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻳـﺐ ﺭﺍ‬
‫»ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺛﻼﺛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ« ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳـﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭﻧﺘﻴﺠـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻜﺎء ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻗـﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬـﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻤﻠﻜـﺖ ﺍﻋﻤـﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪(8)«.‬‬
‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ )ﺣﻜﻴﻢﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ( ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴـﻪ ﺑـﻪ »ﺑﻠﻴـﻪﺍﻱ ﺑـﺰﺭگ«‬
‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺨﺮﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﺷـﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘـﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﻤـﻦ ‪ 1327‬ﻫﻨﮕـﺎﻡ ﺩﻳـﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺼﺮ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔـﺖ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﻭ‬
‫ﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻣﻠـﺖ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼـﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫـﺎﻱ ﺳـﻬﻤﻨﺎﻛﻲ ﺑـﺮ ﻣﻤﻠﻜـﺖ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪(9)«.‬‬
‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣـﺎ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺛﻼﺛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺮ ﺣﺴـﺐ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨـﻮﻥ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭﻇـﺎﻳﻒ ﻭﺟـﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪(10)«...‬‬
‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻋﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﻣﺤﺘـﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳـﺪﻧﻈﺮ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑـﺰﺭگ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ‪ 48‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ (11)«...‬ﺭﻳـﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬
‫»‪ .1‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﻭ ﺍﺧـﺘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴـﻪ ﺍﻣـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ«)‪(12‬‬
‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 48‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺳـﻨﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺫﻛـﺮ ﻛﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣـﺮ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣـﻪ ﺍﺻـﻞ ‪48‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕـﺎﻣﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻓـﻖ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻂ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺳـﺖﻧﻴـﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓـﻖ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳـﻦﺻـﻮﺭﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺧﻪ ‪ 48‬ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴـﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺤـﻼﻝ ﻫﺮﻳـﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠـﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑـﻪﻃـﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷـﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣـﻪ ﺍﺻـﻞ ﻣﻨﺴـﻮﺧﻪ ‪ 48‬ﺑـﺎ ﺍﺻـﻞ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ‬
‫ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪(13).‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1328‬ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺳـﻮﻡ ﻭ‬
‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 48‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺤﻮﺍﻱ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ – ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻠﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﺪ‪ -‬ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﺿﻌﻒ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ« ﻭ »ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇـﺎﻳﻒ‬
‫ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ« ﻭ »ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻴﻪ« ﻭ »ﻇﻬـﻮﺭ ﻫـﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣـﺮﺝ ﻭ ﺍﺧـﺘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴـﻪ ﺍﻣـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ« ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨـﻪ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺰﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑـﺪﻳﻦ ﺳـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻴﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺷـﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠـﻴﻢ ﺳـﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳـﺪﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻫـﻢ ﭼﻨـﻴﻦ ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺸـﻴﺪﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ ،48‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﺁﺷـﻜﺎﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻼ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﺭﻭﺷـﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﺳـﺖﺍﻧـﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ »ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺟﺰﺍً ﻭ ﻛ ً‬
‫ﺟﻔﺎﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛـﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺴـﺎﺭﺕ ﺑـﺎﺭ ﻭ‬
‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧـﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﺑﺪﻋﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﻔﺎﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻳﻐﺎ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺋﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﻭژ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣـﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﻭ ﻣﺤـﺪﻭﺩ ﺧـﻮﻳﺶ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ‪23‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗـﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺷـﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﭘﺴـﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﺩﺷـﺎﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺣﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺻـﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘـﻮﻕ‬
‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼـﺮﺧﺶ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫـﺮ ﮔـﺎﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺸـﻮﺩﻩ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑـﺮﻱ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺎﻋـﺖﻫـﺎﻳﻲ‬
‫ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﺹ ﻭ ﻭﻟﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺧـﻮﻳﺶ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺟﺎ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 48‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘـﻲ‬
‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴ ْﺮ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺁﺭﺍء ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕـﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺳـﻨﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻮﺭﺵ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺘﻴﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺰﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻨﮓ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻗﺠﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧـﻪ ﺷﻜﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺿﻲﺍﻟﻘﻀـﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫـﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧـﺪﻩ ﻗﺸـﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻫـﻢ ﻓﺼـﻞﺍﻟﺨﻄـﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺳـﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴـﺰ ﻭ ﻫﻤـﻪ ﻛـﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤـﻪ ﺟـﺎ‪ .‬ﭘـﺪﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻧﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑـﺮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻈﻬـﺮ ﻗﻬـﺮ ﻭ ﺳـﻔﺎﻫﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻗـﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫـﺮ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺟﻨـﺒﺶ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﺭﺳـﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﺗـﺎ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥْ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻂ ﻭ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻋـﺎﺕ ﺣﻘـﻮﻕ ﺑﺸـﺮ ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻣـﺎ ﻫﻤـﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧـﺪ؛ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺷـﺘﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻛﻮﺭﻩﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮ ﭘﻴﭻ ﻭ ﺧﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬
‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑـﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ‬
‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣـﺖ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣـﻴﻬﻦﺩﻭﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨـﺎﺭ ﻫـﻢ ﺑـﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑـﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﺑـﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬
‫ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﻠـﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓـﺖ ﺗـﺎ ﻗـﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺯﻳـﺮ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳـﺪﻩ ﺧـﻮﻳﺶ ﺳـﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻴﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻓﻖ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤـﺖ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷـﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻓﻮﻕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺴﻮﻃﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪ »ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ »ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ« ﻧﻪ »ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ« ﻭ ﻧﻪ »ﺟﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ«‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﻘـﻂ ﭘﺎﺩﺷـﺎﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ 105 ،‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﭘـﻴﺶ – ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1285‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑـﺎ ﺩﻗﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝﺯﺩﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﻮ ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴـﺖ ﻣﻠـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑـﺮﻱ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺞﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﻭ ﻣـﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ – ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 59‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ -‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 48‬ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴـﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺤـﻼﻝ ﻫﻤﺰﻣـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳـﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧـﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻓـﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﻛـﺎﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻧﺎﺑﺨﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺳـﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻘـﻪ ﻓـﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺷـﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨـﺪ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳـﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨـﺒﺶ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ‪ 105‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺨﺼـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻗـﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻘـﻪ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺑـﻲﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻟﻤﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛـﺎﻣﮕﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ – ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻴـﺮﺍﺙ ﻣﺒـﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ‬
‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻨﮓ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻻﻧﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﻳـﺪ‬
‫ﻋﻬﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﻲﻧﻮﺷﺖﻫﺎ‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻲﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳـﻲ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘـﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪:‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﻣﻮﺋﻞ ﮔﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﻠﺮ ﺑﻨﺠﺎﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺣـﻴﻢ ﺭﺿـﺎﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻠـﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬـﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸـﺮ‬
‫ﮔﻠﺒﺎﻧﮓ‪.1363 ،‬‬
‫ﺟﺮﺝ ﻥ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻍ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻤـﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕـﻲ‪ ،1362 ،‬ﺟﻠـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﺭﻻ ﺳﺮﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻻ ﺳﺮﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺍﺭ‪.1362 ،‬‬
‫ﺁﺩﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻲﺗﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﻮﺑﻴﻨﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓﻣﻬـﺪﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬـﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﻮﻳـﺎ‪،‬‬
‫‪1370.‬‬
‫‪ -2‬ﺳـﻴﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻤـﻮﺩﻱ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴـﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻋـﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸـﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺻــﺮ‪.1376 ،‬‬
‫»ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻔﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‪ :‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﻧﻮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺗـﺎﺯﻩ«‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،13 ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -3‬ﻋﻄﺎﺍﷲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﻜﺎﻣـﻞ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬـﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﭘﺨﺎﻧـﻪ ﻣﺠﻠـﺲ ﺷـﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠـﻲ‪،‬‬
‫‪ ،1356‬ﺻﺺ ‪5.-6‬‬
‫‪ -4‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪ 12‬ﻭ ‪15.‬‬
‫‪ -5‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪] ،‬ﺑﻲﺟﺎ[‪] ،‬ﺑﻲﻧﺎ[‪ ،1360 ،‬ﺹ ‪.5‬‬
‫‪ -6‬ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻱ‪» ،‬ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪1385.‬‬
‫‪ -7‬ﻋﻄﺎﺍﷲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪45.-47‬‬
‫‪ -8‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪48.‬‬
‫‪ -9‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪50.‬‬
‫‪ -10‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪51.-52‬‬
‫‪ -11‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪54.‬‬
‫‪ -12‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪55.-56‬‬
‫‪ -13‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪.59-60‬‬