‫ﻪﻠﻟﺍﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‬

‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻓﺮﺥ ﺻﺎﺑﺮ‬

‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‪36 :‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰی ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﯽ‬
‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪1389‬‬
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‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫‪ ‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫‪ ‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫‪ ‬ﻧﺎﺷﺮ‪ :‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬

‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍ ‪:‬ﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪11‬‬

‫ﻛﺪﭘﺴﺘﻲ ‪ ، 1531636116‬ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ ‪15875/6597‬‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪ ،88737248 ،88735439 ،88731497 :‬ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻮﻳﺲ‪88730477 :‬‬

 ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬
‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ‪................................................................................................................................................................................‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ‪3..............................................................................................................................................................‬‬
‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪7.......................................................................................................................................‬‬
‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪9 ................................................................................................................................ 1376‬‬
‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪10...........................................................................................................................................‬‬
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‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪12............................................................................................................‬‬

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‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪16....................................................................................‬‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ‪27............................................................................................................................‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪29.........................................................................................................................‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫ﺗﺄﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪30..........................................................................................‬‬

‫ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ‪38.....................................................................................................................................................‬‬
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‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ‪39.....................................................................................................................‬‬

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 ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬

‫‪- 1‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺼﺖ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬
‫‪3‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻭ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ‬

‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬

‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ‬

‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪- 2‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ – ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ‬

‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ – ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ،1376‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ‬

‫‪ 1379‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﻳﺺ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬

‫)ﺩﺭﻭﻍﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﺯﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺳﻮءﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬
 ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ‪ (...‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﻑ ﻭ ﺭﺟﺎء ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻃﻴﻒ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ )ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬

‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻔﺮﻁ ﻭ ‪ (...‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻃﻲ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﻨﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬

‫ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ‬

‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ‬

‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪4‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪- 3‬ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺣﺠﻢ‬

‫ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬

‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ )ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻨﻔﻲﺑﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﻊﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬

‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ‪ (...‬ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﻼﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬
 ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬

‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ‬

‫ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺣﻖﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬

‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪»- 4‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ )‪ (Press‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺼﺖ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ – ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﺸﺖﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﻘﺶ‬

‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫–‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ‪ 15‬ﻭ ‪ 16‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻀﺞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻢﻛﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ‬

‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬

‫‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪- 5‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« ‪» ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﻭ‬

‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ« ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﻗﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺓﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫‪6‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫ﺑﻲﺭﻣﻘﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻲﺣﺮﻛﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬

‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪،‬‬

‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬

‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ‬
 ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‪» ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ« ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻢﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻊ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺎﭘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻊﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ« ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻩ« ﺁﻥ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺗﺄﻧﻴﺚ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫‪7‬‬
‫ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻉ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻣﻔﻌﻮﻟﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺒﻌﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺒﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﻢ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻊ ﻭ ﭼﺎپ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺟﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺖ‬

‫ﻭﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺁﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﺭﻩﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬

‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ«� ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫‪F0‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﭼﺎﭘﻲ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ) ‪ (1‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ؛ )‪ (2‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺮﺕ؛ )‪ (3‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﭘﺮﺕ‪ (4 ) ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‬

‫____________________________‬
‫˺ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﯽ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﯽ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻌﺜﺖ‪،‬‬
‫‪ (1366‬ﺹ ‪.13‬‬
 ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲﮔﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ«‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻗﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ‬

‫ﺍﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﺯ »ﺭﻭﺯ« ﻭ »ﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻟﻔﻆ‬

‫»ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺞ« ﻭ »ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﭽﻪ« ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ � .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬
‫‪F1‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ »ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﻔﻈﻲ ‪ Newspaper‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ »ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻻﺧﺒﺎﺭ«‪» ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﺍﻻﺧﺒﺎﺭ«‬

‫ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺁﺕﺍﻻﺧﺒﺎﺭ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ � .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ‬
‫‪F2‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ »ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻍ‬ ‫‪8‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ »ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F3‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺗﻘﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻤﻪ »ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺖ »ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﻪ« ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ »ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ‪ ،1379‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬

‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻳﺮ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ ،2‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬

‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬

‫____________________________‬
‫˺ ‪ -‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.14‬‬
‫˻ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی ﻻﺭی‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ‪ (1375 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪ 38‬ﻭ ‪39‬‬
‫˼ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﯽ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.14‬‬
 ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ‪.‬‬

‫ﺏ( ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺝ( ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩ( ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ )ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺬﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻟﻐﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻤﻞﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﻓﺤﺸﺎ ﻭ ‪ (...‬ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ‬

‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪.‬‬

‫�‬
‫‪F4‬‬ ‫ﻩ( ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ – ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬

‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1376‬‬

‫‪9‬‬
‫‪ 1376‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1376‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬

‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ – ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬

‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ‬

‫ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺲ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺑﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻂﻛﺸﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ‬

‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﺓﺍﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 80‬ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ‬

‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 76‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻃﻲ‬

‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬

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‫‪ -‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪14‬‬
 ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺍژﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬

‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬

‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1376‬ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ‪ 76‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 79‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬

‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ« ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﺒﺎﺳﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ...» :‬ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1375‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫‪10‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫‪ 1376‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ‬
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‫‪F5‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬

‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ‬

‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻏﺮﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ« ﻭ »ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﺭﺍء ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

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‫‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﯽ‪،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻗﺼﻪ‪ (1380 ،‬ﺹ ‪.137‬‬
 ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬

‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ‬

‫ﺣﺬﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺷﮕﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺓﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺭﺍء ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺟﻨﺎﺡ« ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ »ﺟﻨﺎﺡ )‪ «(faction‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬

‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺏ( ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬

‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺝ( ﻧﻔﻌﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻩ( ﻭﻗﻮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫�‬
‫‪F6‬‬ ‫ﻭ( ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻥ )ﻣﺜﻼ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ( ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪2‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﻛﻢﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺰﺑﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬

‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫____________________________‬
‫˺ ‪ -‬ﺟﻮﻟﻴﻮﺱ ﮔﻮﻟﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﮐﻮﻟﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺯﺍﻫﺪی‬
‫ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﯽ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ‪ (1376 ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪330‬‬
 ‫ﺏ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ � .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻐﺖ‬
‫‪F7‬‬

‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ )ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ( ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬

‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﺎﺹ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬

‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎء‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪12‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ‬

‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻣﺤﺘﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ »ﭼﭗ« ﻳﺎ »ﺭﺍﺳﺖ« ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﺢﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ‬

‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1376‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻲﺗﺮ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺶ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺸﻌﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ »ﺟﻨﺎﺡ« ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺟﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬

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‫˺‪ -‬ﮔﻮﻟﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻮﻟﺐ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.331‬‬
 ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻣﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻨﺠﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﺓﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ‬

‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬

‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F8‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻢﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F9‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻨﻨﻜﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﻴﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪13‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬

‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬

‫� ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪F10‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻓﺮﺿﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺘﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﭼﭗ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎ؟؟؟؟ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬

‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪:‬‬

‫____________________________‬
‫˺ ‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﺎﺩﻟﻮ‪» ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎی ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ« )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ‪ (1379 ،‬ﭼﺎپ‬
‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.17‬‬
‫˻ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.17‬‬
‫˼ ‪ -‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.17‬‬
 ‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬

‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1789‬ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭼﭗ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ‬

‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬

‫ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ‬
‫‪- 1‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬

‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬
‫‪- 2‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‬

‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ )ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ( ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻴﺞ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﻬﻦﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻭ‬
‫‪- 3‬‬

‫ﺭﺟﺤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬

‫ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬

‫‪- 4‬‬
‫�‬
‫‪F1‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫‪- 5‬‬

‫ﺏ( ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ‪ :‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻗﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ‬

‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -1‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬

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‫˺‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﺎﺩﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.17‬‬
 ‫‪ -2‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ‬

‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﺭﺍء ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎ‬

‫‪ -3‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ )ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﻭﻃﻨﻲ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -4‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﺭﺍء ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ‬

‫‪15‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺎﺯ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F12‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﺭﺍء ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻮ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺳﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ 1376‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺷﺎﻫﻴﺪﻡ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﭼﭗ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬

‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1374‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1378/5/25‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬

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‫‪ -‬ﺷﺎﺩﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.19‬‬
 ‫‪ 1377/12/1‬ﻭ »ﺣﺰﺏ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1377/4/20‬ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ »ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ«‪» ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ« ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ )ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ – ﻣﺤﻠﻲ( ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ – ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬

‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1232‬ﻩ‪.‬ﻕ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭼﺎﭘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺺ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1235‬ﻩ‪.‬ﻕ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬

‫ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺯﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬

‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬

‫)‪ (NEWSPAPER‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ � .‬ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﻠﻔﻈﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍژﻩ‬
‫‪F13‬‬

‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺩﺭﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻄﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬

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‫˺ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺻﺪﺭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﯽ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮐﻤﺎﻝ‪ (1363 ،‬ﺝ‬
‫‪.2‬‬
 ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺗﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺪ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ«‬

‫ﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﻪ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‬

‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1342‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‬

‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺑﻴﻊﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ‪ 1253‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻤﺎﺩﻱﺍﻻﻭﻝ ‪ 1253‬ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F14‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﭼﺐ ﭘﮋﻣﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻮﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ‬

‫‪17‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪ 13‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻭﻗﺖ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺎﺝﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺡ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F15‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬

‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ‬

‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬

‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

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‫˺ ‪ -‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ‪،(1358 ،‬‬
‫ﺻﺺ ‪47-48‬‬
‫˻ ‪ -‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪55-57‬‬
‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1267‬ﻩ‪.‬ﻕ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺗﻘﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺖ‬

‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1277‬ﻩ‪.‬ﻕ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬

‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪472‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ‬

‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ژﻥﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬

‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫‪18‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺗﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ )ﺷﺐﻧﺎﻣﻪ( ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F16‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻈﻔﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬

‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬

‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F17‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫˺ ‪ -‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.294‬‬
‫˻ ‪ -‬ﮔﻮﺗﻞ ﮐﻬﻦ – ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪) ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ‪ (1362‬ﺝ ‪– 2‬‬
‫ﺹ ‪.208‬‬
 ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ »ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ« ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬

‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ )ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ( ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻠﻜﻢ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻈﻔﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻟﻌﻈﻢ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺎﺝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬

‫‪1314‬‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻔﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮﺧﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺐﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺮ‬

‫ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬

‫‪ 58‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪20‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﻈﻔﺮﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬

‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺐﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﭼﺎپ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬
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‫‪F18‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬

‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ‬

‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ‬

‫ﺣﻔﻘﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫____________________________‬
‫˺ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﯽ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎی ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ‬
‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺓﺍ‪ (1372 ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪ 19‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬
 ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺜﺮ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ‬

‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﭙﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬

‫ﻧﺘﺎﺑﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮپ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1326‬ﻩ‪.‬ﻕ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F19‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﺷﺐﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬

‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬

‫)ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1326‬ﻩ‪.‬ﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ‪ 6‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪20‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫�‬
‫‪F20‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ‬

‫ﻭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﺳﺘﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺓﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ‬

‫ﻳﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ � .‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬
‫‪F21‬‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ‬

‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬
‫____________________________‬
‫˺ ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.142‬‬
‫˻ ‪ -‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪) 1‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪.(1374‬‬
‫˼‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪44 ,‬‬
 ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬

‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﺠﺮﺑﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬

‫‪ (1862-1926‬ﺷﺮﻕﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ �.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ )‬
‫‪F2‬‬

‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ 1299‬ﻩ‪.‬ﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ – ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻑ‬

‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻋﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺵ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬
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‫‪21‬‬ ‫‪F23‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎء ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎء‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺪﺿﻴﺎء ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﺸﻦﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 1320‬ﻭ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬

‫‪6‬ﻳﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻑ‬

‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺍﺛﺎﺛﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎ! ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﺭﺳﻨﻲ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ) ‪ 1302‬ﻩ‪.‬ﺵ( ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻠﻖ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬

‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1304‬ﻩ‪.‬ﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬
‫____________________________‬
‫˺ ‪Edwward G Brown, The Persian Revolution, Cambridge University press, 1910, Preservation, 342-‬‬
‫˻ ‪ -‬ﻫﺎﺩی ﺧﺎﻧﻴﮑﯽ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﯽ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻮ‪(1381 ،‬‬
‫ﺹ ‪.299-300‬‬
 ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﺞ ﻭ‬

‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺷﻔﻖ ﺳﺮﺥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬

‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﺦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﻪ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F24‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 1320‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ،1332‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬

‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻭﺝ‬

‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 1320‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻲﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪22‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﻀﺎﺡ ﻗﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F25‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F 26‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻔﺖ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ »ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ«‬

‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ – ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻭ‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺿﺮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬

‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬

‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻤﻴﺰﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖﺩﻫﻲ‬

‫ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺞ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫____________________________‬
‫˺ ‪-‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻴﺎﺭ‪» ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎی ﺳﺨﻦ‪62 ،‬‬
‫)ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ (1373‬ﺹ‪.20‬‬
‫˻ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺟﯽﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻤﻨﺪی‪» ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﯽ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪) ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺍی‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﯽ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ (1375 ،‬ﺹ ‪.69‬‬
‫˼ ‪ -‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ .96‬ﻣﻬﺪی ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭی ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻤﻌﯽ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭی ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭی ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‪ (1365 ،‬ﺹ ‪.35‬‬
 ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﺴﻮ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ‬

‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬

‫‪ 75‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1342‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻢﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ‪،‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‬

‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬

‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫�‬
‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪F27‬‬

‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬

‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯﻫﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 15‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ 1357‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻲ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺷﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫____________________________‬
‫˺ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻻﺭی‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺒﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ‪،‬‬
‫‪ (1375‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺻﺺ ‪ 103‬ﻭ ‪.104‬‬
 ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F28‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻮﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‬

‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ... :‬ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻢﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ )ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 13‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ( ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ � .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺶ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬
‫‪F29‬‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﺤﺎﺵ ﻭ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬

‫‪ 20‬ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻲﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻻﻗﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻜﺮﺩﻱ‬

‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﺤﺎﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫‪24‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﻣﺤﺎﺑﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 58‬ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺭ‪،‬‬

‫ﺳﭙﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻴﻒ‬

‫ﭼﭗ ﺗﺎ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻫﺮ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻴﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬

‫ﺗﻮﻃﻨﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ‬
‫____________________________‬
‫˺ ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﯽ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﻴﺴﺘﻢ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻗﺼﻪ‪ (1380 ،‬ﺹ ‪.128‬‬
‫˻ ‪ -‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﯽ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﮐﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﯽ‪ ،‬ﺑﯽﺗﺎ( ﺹ‬
 ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ 160‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬

‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ‬

‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺘﻚﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬

‫‪ 59‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻮ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ‪ 60‬ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ‪ 175‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬

‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺰﻩ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺘﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻙ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1358‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬

‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 1364‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1365‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻭﺻﻒ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬
 ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭ‬

‫ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ – ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻗﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬

‫»ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1368‬ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬

‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ � .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬
‫‪F30‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫‪26‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪ ﻫﺎﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪،1376‬‬

‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬

‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ‬

‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬

‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ – ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬

‫____________________________‬
‫˺‬
‫‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﯽ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻗﺼﻪ‪ (1380 ،‬ﺹ ‪.137‬‬
 ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ – ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1304‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ – ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ )ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪(1320‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ – ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1326‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ – ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1327‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1332‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ – ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1342‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ – ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1357‬‬
‫�‬
‫‪F31‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ – ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻬﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬

‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1376‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻓﻌﻼﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬

‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ )‪(1359-1376‬‬

‫‪‌ - 1‬‬

‫‪- 2‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 70‬ﺗﺎ ‪76‬‬

‫‪- 3‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1376‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻛﻦ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫____________________________‬
‫˺‬
‫‪ -‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﻮﺗﺮﺍﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪) ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪(1366 ،‬‬
 ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻦ ﻭ‬

‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻭ‬

‫ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﺷﻮﺭﻭﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﺧﺎﻡ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮگﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﻲﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ...» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﻼ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬

‫� ﻟﺬﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪F32‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪..‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫‪28‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎ‪،‬‬

‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ‬

‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻧﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬

‫ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ‬

‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F3‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫____________________________‬
‫˺ ‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﮐﺘﻴﺮﺍﻳﯽ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺎﺳﻮﻧﺮی ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪،‬‬
‫‪.(1355‬‬
‫˻ ‪ -‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺟﯽﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻤﻨﺪی‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫)‪ (political participation‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬

‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬

‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻭﻗﻮﻑ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬

‫ﻃﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
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‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞﮔﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬

‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺺ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬

‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻲﺷﻚ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬

‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻣﺰ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬

‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬

‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ – ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺄﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬

‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬
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‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﺍژ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬

‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭ ﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺧﺒﺮﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F34‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺑﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ‬

‫‪ -‬ﺭﺍﻭﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ‬

‫‪ -‬ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﭼﻲﮔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﺎﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﻩﭘﻮﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺡ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻨﺞﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ‬

‫____________________________‬
‫˺ ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﺍﺳﺪی‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎی ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ – ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪،(1371 ،‬‬
‫ﺹ ‪.74‬‬
 ‫‪ -‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻲﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻛﻔﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬

‫‪ -‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ � ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‪:‬‬

‫‪F35‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ‬

‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬

‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬

‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ‬

‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫�‬
‫‪F36‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬

‫ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻠﻘﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F37‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻼﺏ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻐﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬

‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﻔﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ‬

‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ � .‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍﮔﻮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻬﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ‬
‫‪F38‬‬

‫ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﺸﻨﺞ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺪﻩﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺫﻳﻼ ﺑﻪ‬

‫____________________________‬
‫˺‬
‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﯽ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻗﺼﻪ‪ (1380 ،‬ﺹ ‪7‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫˻‬
‫ﻋﻠﯽ ﺍﺳﺪی‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪74 ،75‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫˼‬
‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.75‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫˽‬
‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
 ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪:‬‬

‫‪- 1‬ﺑﻲﺳﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ‬

‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬

‫ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪- 2‬ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻏﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪- 3‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻱ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ‬

‫ﻗﺸﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻣﺤﺘﻮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪32‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪- 4‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬

‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﻣﻮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪- 5‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺌﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬

‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﺬﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻫﻮﺟﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻮﺵ ﻭ‬

‫ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
 ‫‪- 6‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F39‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ‬

‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻧﻮﻋﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F40‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ – ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬

‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻱ! ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻢ )ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ( ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪،‬‬

‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬

‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ � .‬ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬
‫‪F41‬‬

‫�‬
‫‪F42‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ »ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ«‬

‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫‪ 484‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﻜﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺗﻨﺒﺮگ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬

‫____________________________‬
‫˺‪ -‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﺍﺳﺪی‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎی ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪82-76‬‬
‫˻ ‪ -‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﯽﻫﺎی ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺮﺩ‪،‬‬
‫‪(1356‬‬
‫˼ ‪ -‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )‪) ،(1343-53‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪،‬‬
‫‪(1354‬‬
‫˽ ‪ -‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﯽ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎی ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎی ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ‪ (1375‬ﺻﺺ ‪ 160‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 123‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻜﻬﻜﺸﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ 361‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F43‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻻﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻲﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻬﻜﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺗﻨﺒﺮگ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺡﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬

‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﺤﺎﺵ ﻭ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ 20‬ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻻﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F4‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﺖﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪34‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻼﻃﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻓﻨﻲ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ(‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫ﺗﻨﮓﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺸﺄﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ � .‬ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬
‫‪F45‬‬

‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ؛‬

‫ﺏ( ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ؛‬

‫ﺝ( ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ؛‬

‫ﺩ( ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ؛‬

‫ﻩ( ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ؛‬
‫____________________________‬
‫˺‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﻬﺪی ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺷﻨﺎﺳﯽ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪(1374 ،‬‬
‫˻‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭی ﻻﺭی‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.16‬‬
‫˼‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧﻘﻴﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪.77/1/25 ،‬‬
 ‫ﻭ( ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ؛‬

‫ﺯ( ﻋﻮﺍﻡﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺡ( ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬

‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ؛‬

‫ﻁ( ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺶ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ‬
‫�‬
‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪F46‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F47‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﮔﻮﺋﻞ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬‬

‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻠﻮﻙﺍﻟﻄﻮﺍﻳﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﺐ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺩﺭ ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺖﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ � .‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫‪F48‬‬

‫ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ‬

‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ‪ ،‬ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F49‬‬ ‫ژﻭﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬

‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮ‬

‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ � ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬
‫‪F50‬‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫____________________________‬
‫˺ ‪ -‬ﮔﺎﺭﺵ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﯽ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎی ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪.‬‬
‫˻ ‪ -‬ﮔﻮﺋﻞ ﮐﻬﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺩﻭﻡ‪،‬‬
‫‪ (1363‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪.‬‬
‫˼ ‪ -‬ﮔﻮﺋﻞ ﮐﻬﻦ ‪ -‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫˽ ‪ -‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫˾ ‪-‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪) ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‪(1358 ،‬ﻭ ﺹ ‪.129‬‬
‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻓﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ )‪ (Journalism‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ...» :‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﻭﻝ‬

‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F51‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﭽﺎﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪...‬‬

‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻱ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ‪،‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﺎﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﮕﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪36‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻏﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬

‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﺎﺭﭼﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ � .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬
‫‪F52‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬

‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫____________________________‬
‫˺‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ‪،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫˻‬
‫‪-‬ﻋﻠﯽ ﺍﺳﺪی‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ،1‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪ ،1369‬ﺹ ‪.6‬‬
 ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﭼﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬

‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻜﺴﻮ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻗﺸﺮﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F53‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬

‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬

‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬
‫�‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪F54‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 24‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

‫»ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺨﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ 1378‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ‬

‫____________________________‬
‫˺‬
‫‪ -‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.81‬‬
‫˻‬
‫‪ -‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.82‬‬
 ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F5‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ )ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ‪ ( ...‬ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬

‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻛﺲ‪،‬‬

‫ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻟﻴﺰﺭ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﭼﺎپ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺎپ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪38‬‬
‫ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ‪:‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ‪،‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺘﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﺓﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬

‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ‬

‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ – ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫____________________________‬
‫˺‬
‫‪ -‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.82‬‬
 ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺮﺕﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬

‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ‬

‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻔﻴﻘﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ‬

‫‪39‬‬ ‫–‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫‪ 1376‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬

‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺗﻨﻮﺭﻳﻚ ﻭﻧﻘﺪ ﻭﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﺭﺍء ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻲﺷﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫﻣﺸﻲ‬

‫ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﺪﻡ‬

‫ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺼﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬

‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬
 ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻟﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍء ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬

‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻧﻮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﻝ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬

‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫‪40‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻠﺨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ‬

‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺳﻒﺁﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬

‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‪،‬ﺳﻜﻮﻱ ﭘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻞ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ‬
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‫‪F56‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫˺ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﯽ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻗﺼﻪ ‪ (1380‬ﭼﺎپ‬
‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪.14 -15‬‬
 ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬

‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻤﻲ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﻬﻤﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻳﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬

‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1376‬ﻣﺜﺎﻝﺓﺍ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1320‬ﻛﻪ »ﻭﻛﻴﻞﺗﺮﺍﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬

‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺰﺏﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬

‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ‬
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‫‪F57‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺶﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬

‫‪ 1320‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‬

‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﻋﻔﺖ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬
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‫‪F58‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺧﻠﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪...‬‬

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‫‪ -‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪82 - 83‬‬
‫˻‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﯽ ﺳﻔﺮی‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﮏ‪ (1371 ،‬ﺝ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.465‬‬
 ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪،‬‬

‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻣﻨﻔﻞ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ‪...‬‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻈﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﺾ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻭ‬

‫ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪42‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﺎﻏﻼﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻭ‬

‫ﻃﻴﻒ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ )ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ( ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ )ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﭗ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬

‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬

‫ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‪،‬‬
 ‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﭼﻴﻨﺶ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻧﻴﺰ‬

‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺸﺄﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﻻ‬

‫–‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬

‫‪ 1376‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬

‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﺎﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ‬

‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ]ﻛﺎﻫﺶ[ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻛﻤﻲ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻏﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻛﺜﺮﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬
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‫‪F59‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬

‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ‬

‫ﭼﺎپ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺏ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫‪ -‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ ‪.31-32‬‬
 ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻭ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ؟!‬

‫»ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻱ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ‬
‫�‬
‫‪F60‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬

‫ﮔﻮﺋﻞ ﻛﻮﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬

‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ � ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ‬
‫‪F61‬‬
‫‪44‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬

‫�‬
‫‪F62‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1375‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍء ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬

‫ﺷﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬

‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 1376‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ‬

‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬

‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫____________________________‬
‫˺ ‪-‬ﻫﺎﺩی ﺧﺎﻧﻴﮑﯽ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﯽ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻮ‪ (1381 ،‬ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺹ‬
‫‪.22‬‬
‫˻ ﮔﻮﺋﻞ ﮐﻮﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ (1371 ،‬ﺹ‬
‫‪.13‬‬
‫˼ ‪ -‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.130‬‬
 ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻫﻤﻄﺮﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻃﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬

‫»ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻟﻄﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬

‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ‪(78/9/15 -‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺶ ﺷﺸﻢ‪:‬‬

‫»ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪) «.‬ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ‪(78/11/24‬‬

‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬

‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻓﻀﺎﺣﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻧﺐﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ‬

‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺁﺭﺍء ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫)ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ‪(77/3/4‬‬

‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬

‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬

‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬

‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪) «.‬ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ‪(79/1/31‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻣﻴﺘﻴﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ‬

‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ‬

‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬