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Coronavirus as an Episode in Endemic Precarity:

The Interwoven Death-worlds of Undocumented Workers

Mason L. Hay

Graduate School at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Lund University

SIMP01: Introduction to Global Studies

Dr. Annika Bergman-Rosamond

October 29th, 2021

Word count: 4792

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Understanding the dynamics of crisis is increasingly important to the study of globality,

specifically the timeline(s) and inter-relatedness of crisis. Scholars have defined various ways in

which crises might play out, ranging from being rooted in temporality to being more endemic in

nature (Bergman-Rosamond et al., 2021). Working off of theorization developed by multiple

scholars (Vigh, 2008)(Rydstrom, 2019), this paper asserts that an endemic state of crisis can run

underneath an emergent crisis, acting as a precarity multiplier for already marginalized groups.

The case of undocumented workers in meat and poultry processing facilities will be used to

illustrate this, showing how the dehumanization of these workers coupled with the contravention

of their civil and social lives created a condition of endemic political, economic, social, and

ontological precarity that COVID converges upon, worsening life chances and creating further

insecurity.

Using observations made during ethnographic research conducted by Angela Stuesse on

workers in meat and poultry processing facilities in Mississippi, official census data, and media

analysis, then applying theories put forward by Agamben, Mbembe, Hansen, and Butler on the

state of exception, necropolitics, the silent security dilemma, and dehumanization, this paper will

show how undocumented workers live in a state of exception, simultaneously under and outside

of the law, and how the pursuance of capitalistic growth is often placed above the sanctity of life.

The paper will be divided into four sections. Firstly, a definition of global crisis will be put

forward as well as an extrapolation of its spatial and temporal dimensions. Next, it will be argued

that the securitization of migration and the lack of legal status of undocumented workers act as a

state of exception where the dehumanization of these workers at times effectuates their civic and

social deaths. Then, the ways in which COVID-19 acted as an emergent crisis will be discussed,

and how this crisis overlapped with and augmented undocumented workers’ pre-existing state of
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precarity. Finally, the global implications of these interwoven crises will be explored, specifically

the normative implications of neoliberal economic policy and the problematics of traditional

conceptions of borders.

Defining Global Crisis

Crisis is a complex concept with multiple interpretations. Merriam-Webster gives one

definition of crisis as a “crucial time or state of affairs in which a decisive change is impending,

especially one with the distinct possibility of a highly undesirable outcome.” This definition is

practicable, and includes a feeling of being at the precipice of change, for good or ill. Crisis is

also multidimensional, having spatial and temporal aspects and including various societal

applications, such as “crisis rhetoric, lifeworld experiences of crisis, crisis as emergency, and

structural crisis conditions” (Bergman-Rosamond et al., 2021). Global crisis can be thought of as

crisis closely connected conceptually to the phenomenon of globalization. While the concept of

globalization is highly contested, Jan Aarte Scholte (2005) has developed a functional and

effective definition that condenses to increased “transplanetary” and “supraterratorial

connections between people” . These connections, going across the globe and above the level of

the nation-state, have consequences for how social relations operate, which in turn can have both

positive and negative outcomes. Globalization, for Scholte, is not inherently benevolent or

malevolent but is rather a term that can be used to describe an expanded notion of social

relations, be they political, economic, social, cultural or otherwise. The global and the local have

become blurred, and global activities can have local consequences and vice versa. Global crises,

it follows, would be those that exhibit these transplanetary and supraterratorial dimensions,

having local and global causes and consequences. The ways in which we conceptualize space in

relation to social relations (as global, rather than national) also have important ethical
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implications, leading one to question the ethics of borders in a globalized world. This will be

further addressed later.

Beyond the spatial dimension of global crisis, the temporality of crisis has also been

discussed in the literature. Crisis is often seen as a break in the normal functioning of life, while

others have understood crisis as something more like a forced, long-term condition

(Bergman-Rosamond et al., 2021). Vigh (2008) argues that for some, crisis acts as an endemic

condition of precarity, and argues for using “crisis as context” as an analytical tool to better

understand real lived experiences . This includes taking an anthropological approach to the study

of crisis. He further argues that:

...for many people around the world — the chronically ill, the structurally violated,

socially marginalised and poor — the world is not characterised by peace, prosperity and

order but by the presence and possibility of conflict, poverty and disorder (Vigh, 2008).

This understanding of chronicity of crisis has been applied in relation to intimate partner

violence in Vietnam (Rydstrom, 2019), and it follows that there are other situations in which this

conception is applicable. However, other authors argue that viewing crisis as purely endemic in

nature strips the temporality from crisis, rendering the term insipid (Arendt, 1970 and Roitman,

2014 as cited in Bergman-Rosamond et al., 2021). While there is disagreement on this point,

there is no reason to think of temporality and chronicity as always mutually exclusive, especially

when multiple crises overlap. Different types of crises lend themselves to different time scales.

Emergencies, including natural disasters and pandemics, are illustrative of this point, acting as an

intensifier of pre-existing inequalities, such as those experienced due to race, sex, class, gender

orientation, etc. (Rydstrom, 2019). Crisis, therefore, can operate on multiple, intersecting levels

and at times both temporally and chronically.

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In the case explored below, it is argued that the COVID-19 pandemic acts as an emergent

crisis that exacerbates the precarity of workers based upon their undocumented status, as well as

across other intersectional lines. Neoliberal economic policy, including open borders for capital

but not for labor, and traditional conceptions of state borders act as antecedents to both the

endemic crisis experienced by undocumented workers and the COVID-19 pandemic.

The Exceptional Politics of Undocumentation: A Chronic Crisis

The Cornell Law School Legal Information Institute has defined undocumented

immigrants as “foreign nationals who lack proper authorization to be in the United States”.1 This

includes migrants who entered the country without going through formal immigration procedures

as well as migrants who entered on a valid temporary visa but whose papers have expired. The

Pew Research Center estimates the number of undocumunted immigrants in the United States to

have been around 10.5 million as of 2017 (Lopez et al., 2021), and having made up

approximately 4.8% of the US workforce (Passel & Cohn, 2018). Undocumented persons in the

United States come primarily from Mexico and Latin America, but many also come from other

regions, like Asia, Europe, Canada, the Middle East and Africa (Lopez et al., 2021). Passel and

Cohn (2018) have found that these workers mainly work in the agricultural, construction, and

processing/manufacturing industries, and are overrepresented within these industries.

However, a major problem with identifying this population for study is that due to the

nature of their status, undocumented persons may be afraid to respond to census inquiries for fear

of the risks they may face in doing so. In work analysing census data, Angela Stuesse and

Nathan Dollar (2020) have found that there are major discrepancies between the numerical data

from the American Community Survey as compared to the ethnographic data they collected,

1
Undocumented immigrant. (n.d.). LII / Legal Information Institute. Retrieved October 21, 2021, from
https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/undocumented_immigrant
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specifically in the case of undocumented workers in the meat and poultry processing industries in

Mississippi. They assert migrant’s fear that interactions with census administrators could lead to

negative consequences and has led to a hesitancy to interact with government officials,

particularly so in Mississippi, a politically hostile environment for migrants. This phenomenon

could very well be occurring in other localities and industries as well. It is also important to note

here the constructed nature of illegality in reference to migrants. Nicholas De Genova (2002) has

argued that “‘[i]llegality’ is the product of immigration laws” and “the history of deliberate

interventions that have revised and reformulated the law...’’. Therefore, there have been and are

alternative ways in which to conceive and address cross-border migration beyond

criminalization.

Their lack of legal status and the securitization of migration in the United States have

been critical in cultivating an experience of chronic insecurity for undocumented migrants. A

lack of status results in a lack of rights and legal protections, leaving this population removed

from the democratic process, outside the social safety net, and especially susceptible to

exploitation in the workplace. About 66% of undocumented migrants have been living in the

United States for over ten years (Passel & Cohn, 2018), resulting in a population with significant

social integration, yet they are not able to participate democratically, leaving them unable to

shape the policies that affect them, their families, and their communities. Undocumented

migrants contribute significantly to the US economy, bringing in an estimated 11.7 billion dollars

in state and local tax revenue each year (Gee et al., 201), but are ineligible for most forms of

government support, like Medicaid, Medicare or SNAP (food stamps). They also tend to work in

more dangerous industries, where rates of occupational hazard are higher and pay lower. For

example, within the meat and poultry industry, undocumented workers are often put on the
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deboning line, a danger-prone area requiring speedy work with knives in close quarters with

other knife-wielding workers (Stuesse & Dollar, 2020). Workers have also complained of many

human rights abuses and unjustices “including wage theft, denial of bathroom breaks,

unnecessarily hazardous working conditions resulting in high rates of injury, deceptive use of

labor contractors, and abuse by supervisiors and higher-level management, including

discrimination and sexual harassment” (Stuesse & Dollar, 2020). Their undocumented status

prevents them from seeking formal restitution for injuries sustained on the job for fear they will

lose their job or that they will be deported.

Fear of job loss and deportation plays a large role in creating a sense of ontological

insecurity for undocumented workers. In her ethnographic work, Angela Stuesse (2016) found

that migrant workers often felt “fear, uncertainty, humiliation, anger, and worthlessness” while

awaiting seemingly arbitrary document re-verification at a Tyson’s plant in Mississippi. A few

quotes from workers follow:

The most frustrating thing is that no one knows how they are choosing who to call

into the office. Some of us have green cards with dates way past expiration, and

we haven’t been called; others have dates that are nearing expiration and they

have already been fired.

I go to work everyday wondering if today will be my day. I just wish they would

tell us before or after work instead of pulling us off the line in front of everyone.

It is humiliating.

Sometimes I feel like I’m not worth anything to Tyson. I have given them all I

have for the last six years, and now I’m left hanging, waiting to see when [the

personnel officer] will decide she is done with me. (Stuesse, 2020: 175)
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This existential dread over losing their livelihood also crosses over into fear of deportation, a

government policy intimately connected to the securitization of migration.

The ways in which the United States government has acted to securitize the issue of

migration have had broad and inhumane outcomes, adding to the precarity of the undocumented.

The concept of securitization put forward by the Copenhagen school’s Barry Buzan and Ole

Waever, lays out a framework in which to analyze how states can use the language of security to

label certain phenomena as threatening, and therefore take actions to curb these “threats” using

extraordinary measures (Buzan et al., 1998). Jef Huysmans (2006) has problematized the

securitization of migration as a “domain of ethico-political judgement that institutes and

distributes fear.” This reading of securitization is applicable to the case of US policy orientation

toward migration. Increased securitization of migration arguably began in the early 1990’s but

was formally implemented on the national level when the Illegal Immigration Reform and

Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) was signed into law by Bill Clinton in 1996. This

legislation was passed in a media and political environment rife with anti-immigration rhetoric,

stoking fear of a continuous flow of others crossing the border. A prime example of this is the

1994 televised political ad for the re-election of Pete Wilson as governor of California. In it, as

ominous music plays in the background, blurry black and white security footage from the

Mexico border seemingly shows migrants rushing across a border checkpoint. Pete Wilson is

said to have sent the National Guard in to stop the ceaseless wave of illegal immigrants and then

appears saying: “For Californians who work hard, pay taxes, and obey the laws, I’m suing to

force the federal government to control the border, and I am working to deny state services to

illegal immigrants. Enough is enough” (Koran, 2020). There is a clear attempt here to unfairly

paint undocumented immigrants as threatening invaders, non-workers, benefit mouchers, and

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law breakers that need to be treated with violent, military force in order to be effectively

controled. More recently, the “Build that Wall!” chant, popularized during the 2016 presidential

election and still popular among rally goers, is indicative of a desire to construct both literal and

figurative barriers between citizens and noncitizens. These statements venture to legitimize the

securitization of the migration issue by painting migrants as security threats.

Feminist scholar, Annik TR Wibben’s (2018) insight into the connections between

securitization and militarization also apply here, specifically how “militarist logics... are deeply

embedded in [security]” and help to explain “militarist state practices that dominate our

present-day understandings of security”. According to Reece Jones (2016), around this time and

even more so after the attacks of September 11, 2001, efforts to securitize the border through the

expanded hiring of Border Patrol agents, the criminalization of migration, and the increased

investment in border walls, fencing, and other infrastructure resulted in both direct and

structurally violent outcomes for migrants. Before IIRIRA, the threat of deportation was

relatively low and generally connected to immigrants who had committed serious crimes

(Marshall, 2021). After 1996, deportations rose significantly, as those with minor, non-violent

offences were also targeted (Appendix A), as did budgets for border patrol and enforcement

(Appendix B). As official data shows 43% of undocumented migrants cohabitate with U.S.-born

children (Passel & Cohn, 2018), these deportations result in a traumatic separation of families

resulting in social and ontological insecurity. More interactions with armed agents alongside

migrants taking more dangerous routes through the desert have resulted in higher rates of fatality.

The United States’ government has been unable/unwilling to pass legislation that regularizes

work critical to the functioning of important industries, like food production, and has instead

opted for a regime of criminalization. Threats of direct violence have also been used against
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those crossing the border without authorization. In 2019, Donald Trump made public statements

floating the idea of having soldiers shoot migrants in the legs as they attempted to cross the

border and privately suggested having “the wall electrified, with spikes on top that could pierce

human flesh” (Davis & Shear, 2019). In effect, securitized migration policy creates significant

insecurity for undocumented workers and their families through their stigmatization,

marginalization, and the rhetorical legitimization of the use of violence against them.

Undocumented migrants have citizen spouses and children, contribute to the economy

through their labor, and contribute to the social safety net through the taxes they pay, yet are

denied the right to shape the laws that govern their lives, and the rights and legal protections

those with status receive. Furthermore, the official data seems to be undercounting the base

number of undocumented migrants, and therefore the overall negative impacts experienced by

this group are most likely underestimated. In sum, undocumented workers experience significant

political, economic, social, and ontological insecurity as a result of their lack of legal status and

from the securitized migration policy enacted upon them.

Together, the work of Agamben, Butler, Hansen, and Mbembe can be used to build a

theoretical framework in which to outline the experience of undocumented workers. The

condition of at once being physically and socially embedded within a community and yet pushed

to its margins; a worker, contributing to the functioning of the economy, yet denied legal labor

protections and state benefits, is a “no-man’s-land between public law and political fact, and

between the juridical order and life” (Agamben, 2005). This lack of legal protection acts as a

state of exception where the dehumanization of undocumented workers effectuates their civic

death and threatens their social exisitence. The basic human rights nominally conferred on all are

denied based on the arbitrariness of state borders in a globalized economy. This denial of rights
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is made possible by the dehumanization of undocumented persons in the media and due to the

failure of the government to pass law that can end this exception and is effectuated by

corporations who exploit cheap and expendable labor. Undocumented workers act as anonymous

cogs in the supply chain, missing even from official statistics, rather than full persons worthy of

living a life of dignity and security. In this state, they are reduced to a “bare life”, where their life

can be taken without “committing homicide” (Agamben, 1998), used up for the benefit of the

economy and discarded at will. This is in essence a form of “slow death,” or “the physical

wearing out of a population and the deterioration of people in that population that is very nearly

a defining condition of their experience and historical existence” (Berlant, 2007).

Nationalist and nativist logics and rhetoric otherize undocumented persons, attempting to

separate them from the community, transforming them to where “they do not appear as ‘lives,’

but as the threat to life” (Butler, 2016). This is played out in their portrayal in the media as an

invading force and as criminals. Donald Trump’s now infamous quote is illustrative of this:

When Mexico sends its people, they’re not sending their best. They’re not sending

you. They’re not sending you. They’re sending people that have lots of problems,

and they’re bringing those problems with us. They’re bringing drugs. They’re

bringing crime. They’re rapists. And some, I assume, are good people.

Duncombe (2018) explains the power relations inherent to media communications, arguing that

“who speaks, who or what is spoken about, and who is spoken to, are all informed by hierarchies

structured through political, economic and social power”. This gives power to those who would

seek to marginalize undocumented persons (corporations and the politicians who support

corporate interests) while fear and marginalization can leave undocumented persons silenced. In

this way, the voicelessness of the undocumented can be seen as a silent security dilemma, where
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speaking out against injustices faced may further endanger the victims. Those “constrained in

their ability to speak security are therefore prevented from becoming subjects worthy of

consideration and protection” (Hansen, 2000). In the blurred image of the dehumanized migrant,

one “who remain(s) faceless or whose faces are presented to us as so many symbols of evil”, we

are cut off from their humanity and we allow ourselves “to become senseless before those lives

we have eradicated, and whose grievability is indefinitely postponed” (Butler, 2004). By failing

to realize or by purposefully ignoring the interdependency of citizen and noncitizen populations,

the public discourse shapes “who survives, who thrives, who barely makes it, and who is

eliminated or left to die” (Butler, 2016). All this, the lack of access to the public sphere, the

precarious workplace, the dehumanizing rhetoric in the media, and the overarching threat of

deportation and violence summate to a life stripped of its human dignity, a life where one

experiences the crisis of civic and social death.

Interwoven Crises: COVID-19 as Precarity Multiplier

The case of the effects of COVID-19 on undocumented workers in meat and poultry

processing facilities is illustrative of the complexity of crisis, and how crisis can overlap and

layer to meld the conceptions of crisis as episodic and crisis as endemic. The COVID-19

pandemic has inarguably caused tremendous disruption in the international system, constituting a

global health crisis with significant economic, social, and political consequences. For many, this

crisis seemed to emerge suddenly, like a natural disaster, resulting in drastic changes to everyday

routines, the loss of incomes, and for some, the loss of life. It has had extensive effects on global

supply chains, the administering of democratic elections, and the ontological security of people

around the world. There is a sense that at some point, when enough vaccinations have been

administered or more effective treatments are developed, overall precarity will be reduced, this
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particular crisis will become something manageable, and that some form of pre-pandemic

normality will return. However, the questions arise: For whom might crisis act episodically?

Who are better able to weather crisis and therefore return to a state of normalcy? For many,

especially the already marginalized, the effects of this pandemic will have long-term

consequences that may never be remedied. COVID’s differentiated effects on intersectional

identities and further stigmatization in the media display the interlocking nature of crisis for

vulnerable populations.

Persaud & Yoder (2019) have argued that intersectionality2, or the ways that race, class,

gender and other social identities interact, plays an important role in understanding who is more

likely to be affected by or die from COVID. In the case of undocumented workers, their

pre-exisiting precarity, i.e. their economic insecurity, their lack of health insurance, their types of

work and their higher rates of pre-existing health conditions combine to create higher rates of

infection and death. We see this playing out in the specific case of immigrants working in the

meat and poultry industry. Research into the association of livestock plants and COVID-19

transmission published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (Taylor et al.,

2020) found that these workplaces were of particular concern and have been connected to

superspreader events around the country. The findings showed that as of July 21, 2020, between

“236,000 to 310,000 COVID-19 cases (6 to 8% of total) and 4,300 to 5,200 deaths (3 to 4% of

total)” could be linked to these types of plants (Taylor et al., 2020). As previously mentioned,

workers in these plants, especially those on the processing lines, work close together in enclosed

spaces, seemingly contributing to the spread of infection. This can be seen as an extention of the

2
Term coined by Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw in "Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black
Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine and Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics," University of
Chicago Legal Forum 1, no. 8 (1989): 139-167
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slow death experienced by undocumented workers due to their chronic exploitation, one where

the everyday dangers of the workplace are multiplied by the new threat of COVID infection. As

mentioned before, the lack of reliable statistics on the actual number of undocumented workers

in these facilities is problematic for understanding the real effects on this particular community,

but it can be understood that their pre-existing precarity and the specific type of work they are

involved in makes this group especially vulnerable.

Beyond the working conditions, during the beginning of the pandemic there was a

concerted effort by certain politicians to keep the economy running regardless of the risks to

public health. Dan Patrick, Lieutenant Governor of Texas, was particularly vociferous on this

front, stating on Fox News that older Americans would be willing to risk death rather than see

the economy take a hit (Beckett, 2020). This effort to value economic productivity above the

lives of workers can be linked to Achille Mbembe’s concept of necropolitics. He asserts that “the

ultimate expression of sovereignty largely resides in the power and the capacity to dictate who is

able to live and who must die (Mbembe & Corcoran, 2019). The particular way in which certain

types of work, those like the work in meat and poultry processing, result in more risk to COVID

exposure than work that could be done remotely are evidence of this. Implicitly or explicitly,

government policy that forces workers into dangerous positions that risk their lives and the lives

of their families in effect decides who lives and who dies. This pertains to both the endemic

exploitative use of undocumented workers as well as their deaths in keeping the supply chain

running during COVID-19.

At the same time, the compounding effects of these simultaneous crises can be seen in the

scapegoating of migrants in the media playing into migration securitization rhetoric. There are

many examples of FOX news coverage blaming migrants for bringing COVID across the border
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(Shaw, 2021a)(Shaw, 2021b)(Shaw, 2021c), playing into an old trope of the diseased immigrant.

While there is no evidence that migrants have had a significant effect on COVID transmission,

particularly as compared to the effects of low vaccination numbers, this messaging has

dehumanizing effects. The threatening others are now even more threatening. The media power

dynamics referenced by Duncombe (2018) return here. This rhetoric of the powerful,

conveniently finding a group to blame for public health policy administration failures,

reproduces the logic necessary to separate migrants from their humanity, allowing for their

deaths to go unmourned. It can be seen then that the effects of the COVID health crisis, though

broadly episodic in nature, amplify the pre-existing precarities of undocumented workers.

While the crisis of undocumentation has considerably victimized populations, it is

important to recognize the political agency of undocumented workers. As Vigh (2008) notes,

“Even when appearing as chronic and when hampering agency, there is resilience, resistance,

agency and hope for a life which is not defined by the difficulties of a crisis of the present”. We

see examples of this in migrant participation in labor organizing (Stuesse, 2016) and activism

through direct protest of immigration policy, though at great risk of deportation (Vella, 2021).

Citizen children of undocumented migrants as well as spouses, other relatives, and friends have

been driven to protect their loved ones through political action, even going so far as running for

elected office (Koran, 2020). There is a fight for a normative shift in how undocumented workers

are viewed in a globalizing world and it is clearly needed.

Global Implications

The example of undocumented migrant workers in rural America illustrates how crisis

layering can occur, how this can have significant and long-lasting effects on populations, and

how global crises can have local, regional and global antecedents. The global phenomena of
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migration, pandemic, and the effects of neoliberal economic policy, come together and intersect

in local areas, and these intersections have normative implications. The drivers of both migration

and COVID-19 have their roots in global dynamics, through global demand, supply chains,

international travel, environmental changes linked to climate change, and other transplanetary

links. The inequalities presented here are part of a global neoliberal economic legacy of

deregulation, divestment from the social safety net, denuding labor unions, weakening workers

protections, privatization, liberalization of finance, the criminalization of immigrants among

other policy stances (Scholte, 2005)(Stuesse, 2016). Angela Stuesse (2016) argues that the

migration she studied was “propelled by elaborate neoliberal projects and calculated recruitment,

with the goal of constructing an expendable and infinite pool of disempowered low-wage

workers.” The dehumanization of these workers is arguably a tool of those who would

implement the necropolitics of the workplace and a symptom of a crisis of identity experienced

in a world more and more defined by supraterritorial connections.

Though global dynamics have been antecedents for the crises we have seen above, there

are also ways in which globalization can be a force used to begin to remedy them. As Scholte

(2005) argues, through the purposeful reworking of policy concerning globalization, specifically

away from neoliberalism, “greater security, equality and democracy” can be achieved. Analyzing

security issues by taking into account the historical and socio-political contexts within which

they operate (Browning & McDonald, 2013) as well as viewing crisis as a context from which to

understand society and politics (Vigh, 2018) is a nuanced approach that can bring into focus

vulnerable populations, sub-state and regional dynamics, as well as transplantary kinetics.

Reinterpreting the ways in which we bound up people and identity through national borders is

another way of approaching this problem. Reece Jones (2016) argues that in order to prevent
 17

direct and structural violence and the ranking of citizen rights above human rights that borders

produce, a policy shift towards global freedom of movement as well as global governance of

working conditions and environmental protection is needed. In light of Scholte’s understanding

of globalization, Jone’s insight that “[b]orders and lines on maps are not representations of

preexisting differences between peoples and places; they create those differences” takes on

greater meaning. A just world shaped by globalization must expand its ability to value and

protect the rights of all lives, regardless of the passport or visa one holds. Examining the

interwoven crises of undocumentation and COVID-19 allows us to re-examine the ways in

which crisis can unfold, and gives us more nuance from which to build a better globalization

going forward.
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Appendix A

Rise in United States Deportations over Time

Graph taken from:

Jones, R. (2016). Violent borders: Refugees and the right to move (LUX-biblioteket). Verso.

http://ludwig.lub.lu.se/login?url=https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&d

b=cat07147a&AN=lub.5063924&site=eds-live&scope=site
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Appendix B
U.S. Border Patrol Budget, FY 1990-2021

Graph taken from:

The Cost of Immigration Enforcement and Border Security. (2021, January 20). American

Immigration Council.

https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/research/the-cost-of-immigration-enforce

ment-and-border-security