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ABSTRACT
Bourdieu’s cultural capital theory and Yosso’s community cultural wealth theory was
those aspects are intricately intertwined with race, I also employed critical race theory
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and double consciousness theory, and used Angela Duckworth’s Grit Scale to measure
degree perseverance.
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Eight African American male instrumental music educators participated in this
study. Research questions included: What are the experiences of African Americans who
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have transitioned from undergraduate music programs at HBCUs to graduate music
programs at PWIs?; How do these individuals compare academic, social, and cultural
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aspects of their experiences within two institutional environments?; What are their self-
perceptions of their own degree perseverance?; and, What social, cultural, and academic
experiences, analysis revealed that participants were very persistent; however, academic,
employed dominant cultural capital and community cultural wealth as well as their
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Recommendations for HBCUs, PWIs, and the profession are offered toward
HBCUs must hold their faculty and students accountable for developing a broader
musical experience beyond marching band, and address colorism on their campuses.
PWIs should recognize and accept the capital that African Americans bring, acknowledge
that African Americans need access to social support networks, and assess how their
environments, actions, and decisions may devalue or discount African Americans. While
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programs, African American students must also take active roles in shaping their own
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
success. First, I would like to thank my grandmother, Virginia White, who provided me
the beginnings of a world-class education by teaching me how to read and write, and
offering unconditional love, and values that helped me to see the world as pool of
possibilties. My father, Edward Graham, taught me to work hard, be punctual, and never
allow adversity to stand in the way of becoming my best. Thanks to my dog and buddy,
Layla, for being incredibly spastic, nonchalant, and loyal. I would also like to thank my
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Aunt Maxine, who supported me and encouraged me to dig in despite those tough days.
Thanks to my sister, Myrna Bell for your positivity and support. To Uncle Earl and Aunt
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Hattie, thank you for always supporting my choices and interests in education. Thanks to
of hope and promise. To my newest cousin, Jax, thanks for the never-ending episodes of
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“Sesame Street” and the banging of pots and pans day and night.
Dr. Thomas Fraschillo, Dr. Jennifer Shank, Dr. Gary Adam, Mr. Larry Panella, Mr.
Wilbur Moreland, Mr. Louis Coaxum, Mr. Stanley Chapman, Mrs. Juletha French, Mr.
John Davis, and Mrs. Shvonnie Caffey. To Dr. Steven Moser, there are no words to
express how much respect, love, and admiration I have for you. You have been a
consistent mentor, friend, father, and guide in my life despite my stubborness. You have
always seen my spirit and potential to be great when others could not. To all of my
wonderful friends, Steven Cline, Marlayna (Hollins) Goosby, LeRoy Brown, Martin
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McCain, Scott Johnson, Rodney Sapp, Dahlia (Morris) Hubert, Meghan Sheehy,
Elizabeth Edgecomb Bucura, Nathan Johnston, Emily Schwartz, and Chanelle Josso, you
all have added exponentially to my life. Thank you for your continuous support and love.
This study would not have been possible without the participation of eight
courageous and “Gritty” African American men. While you assisted me in illustrating to
the fields of music education and higher education that we still have a long road ahead
regarding academic, cultural, social, and racial issues, your stories served as instrinsic
motivators to my cause—to influence change. Continue to persevere and defy all odds.
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You are giants.
from you. I will always appreciate your work and efforts to redefine inclusion and
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diversity in education and society. A very special thanks goes to my mentor, committee
chair, and friend, Dr. Margaret Schmidt. You have been unwavering in your support of
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me and my work. You are true inspiration and a joy to work with. As Optimus Prime of
the Autobots would say, “You’re more than meets the eye!” You all empowered me to be
me and to explore the world as I experienced it. I am so grateful for you all.
Last, but not least, thanks to those who contributed to my own “Grittiness,” by
constructing obstacles designed for me to fail. Because of my faith in God, the support of
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
CHAPTER
Introduction ................................................................................................. 1
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The Need for the Study ............................................................................. 18
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Guiding Definitions .................................................................................. 21
Perseverance ................................................................................. 22
Delimitations ............................................................................................. 23
Introduction ............................................................................................... 26
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CHAPTER Page
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Cultural Capital and Education ..................................................... 42
Education ...................................................................................... 64
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CHAPTER Page
Grit ............................................................................................................ 77
Introduction ............................................................................................... 88
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Qualitative Research ................................................................................. 88
Phenomenology ........................................................................................ 90
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Foundations of Phenomenological Research ............................................ 91
Interviews...................................................................................... 99
Artifacts....................................................................................... 101
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Karl ......................................................................................................... 110
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Darren’s Graduate Experience .................................................... 187
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Cultural and Social Aspects of the Experience ....................................... 233
Intersectionality........................................................................... 247
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Social and Cultural Aspects of Experience at PWIs ................... 268
APPENDIX
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D INTERVIEW CONSENT ..................................................................................... 302
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
................................................................................................................................... 75
3. 12 Item Grit-O Scale by Duckworth et al., 2007, Journal of Personality and Social
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4. Scripp's National Spelling Bee Finalists by Duckworth & Quinn, 2009, Journal of
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CHAPTER 1
Introduction
Predominantly White Institutions (PWIs) span back to my years in high school band in
the South. Every year, my band peers and I were encouraged by our band directors not
only to participate in large music ensemble festivals such as district and state
competitions, but also to participate in solo and ensemble festivals, and various music
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camps throughout the state and region. When we went to these competitions and
festivals, I saw mostly White students and noticed that predominantly African American
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programs were rarely represented, if at all. On the other hand, I attended a few marching
band competitions with friends where only predominantly African American bands
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competed and where I never saw a predominantly White marching band competing. I
Student enrollment in my school’s band program was based on playing ability and
student choice. However, sometimes we asked our directors why we never participated in
that predominantly Black band programs in our city were not very good or their band
directors were not effective music educators. These encounters led me to ask myself
several questions: Despite historical efforts toward equality and justice within education
in the U.S., why were programs separated and what contributed to this separation? Are
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Extending into my years in college at a PWI, my curiosities about predominantly
Sigma Alpha Iota, an international music fraternity for women, and my participation with
opportunity to meet students from various HBCUs who would later become my friends
and colleagues. In years following, we conversed over the phone or through Facebook.
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conversation with a male friend who graduated from an undergraduate music degree
program at an HBCU in the South and later decided to attend a graduate music program
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at a PWI located in the Midwest. He stated:
This is way more difficult than I thought. Not only am I one of very few African
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Americans here, but I also must take remedial courses to catch up with my peers
and meet the standards of this program. I was cheated out of a receiving a good
education in my undergraduate experience . . . it did not prepare me for this.
the PWI, he persevered and completed the program and is now a successful jazz musician
in New York City. Several of my friends and colleagues who have transitioned from an
HBCU to a PWI in the field of music have described their experiences as similar. In
comparison, I did not encounter experiences like those of my friends and colleagues; I
surmise that perhaps it was due to the fact that both my undergraduate and graduate
experiences were quite familiar to me, especially the experience of being one of few or
the only African American in a music class within a music program at a PWI.
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My knowledge of the experiences of my friends who transitioned from an HBCU
to a PWI prompted me to ask the following questions: Why are individuals who transition
from HBCUs to PWIs encountering difficulty during their experiences at PWIs? Are
HBCUs not preparing their music students appropriately for graduate music study? What
PWIs?
high school in the Southwest. My colleagues had often hosted student teachers from
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surrounding HBCUs prior to my term there. During my two-year tenure, we hosted four
student teachers. Unlike strategies I had learned while earning my degrees from a PWI,
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these student teachers often used strategies based on the oral tradition and rote teaching.
In addition, they were often late and overwhelmed, in part because they were still
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engaged in completing coursework, student recitals, and additional tasks that disrupted
their focus on their student teaching experience. My colleagues and I discussed ways to
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provide them with additional methods and strategies that would help them be successful
PWI, prompted me to wonder about several questions: What is the difference between a
music program at an HBCU and one at a PWI? What are the environments of music
programs at HBCUs and PWIs? What is the mission of music programs at HBCUs and
PWIs in regards to specific degree offerings? I designed this study to explore aspects of
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Purpose of Study
The purpose of this study was to investigate degree perseverance among African
experiences and how those experiences influenced their perceptions of perseverance. This
1) What are the experiences of African Americans who have transitioned from
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undergraduate music programs at HBCUs to graduate music programs at PWIs?
2) How do these students compare academic, social, and cultural aspects of their
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experience within two institutional environments?
Theoretical Frameworks
Cultural capital theory and community cultural wealth theory provide suitable
frameworks for exploring differences among students’ experiences of HBCUs and PWIs.
of their own degree perseverance, these theoretical lenses are also problematic; this will
be discussed in more detail in Chapter Two. In this section, I present a general overview
of these theories.
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Bourdieu defines cultural capital as “a form of knowledge, an internalized code or
a cognitive acquisition which equips the social agent with empathy towards, appreciation
1968, p. 7). He suggests that social agents actively negotiate hierarchical structures in
efforts to pursue cultural endowments within a given society and to transform their
current status. For instance, an individual may pursue specific credentials from an
accredited institution to gain additional economic capital that may then be converted to
both cultural and social capital, contributing to the individual moving into a higher class
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(Orr, 2003). Carter (2003) parallels “dominant capital” with Bourdieu’s definition of
cultural capital, “the conceptualization of powerful, high status cultural attributes, codes,
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and signals” (p. 138). Thus, individuals who obtain cultural capital are granted “the
ability to ‘walk the walk’ and ‘talk the talk’ of the cultural power brokers in our society”
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(Carter, 2003, p. 138).
that include preferences for particular linguistic, musical, or interactional styles” (p. 138).
Yosso (2005) asserts that those whose culture is subordinate to the dominant culture must
proposes community cultural wealth as a theoretical framework that not only provides
insight, but also a language that functions as a bridge of empathy between dominant and
knowledge, skills, and abilities employed by people of color to gain access to dominant
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cultural capital using multiple informational networks within the community, family, or
immediate relationships.
Although dominant and majoritarian groups in society may not acknowledge non-
dominant capital, Yosso (2005) and Carter (2003) suggest that it is important and should
be recognized. Non-dominant capital has always been a vital part of the culture and
structures within the communities of people of color (Yosso, 2005) and has consistently
been used to navigate institutional structures that were not created with people of color in
mind. While dominant and non-dominant cultures are distinctly different, obtaining
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cultural currencies of a particular majoritarian society is a common theme among both
(Carter, 2003).
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While cultural capital theory and community cultural wealth theory focus on class
and status acquisition, Stroter, Mienko, Chang, Kang, Miyawaki, and Schultz (2012) state
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that “class, race, and place are intricately bound to one another and a singular focus on
any of these factors is an insufficient explanation for educational outcomes” (p. 18-19).
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Echoing W. E. B. Du Bois’ concern towards inequity and race dynamics in the U.S. from
the late 19th to the 20th century (Du Bois, 1903, 1968), Stroter et al. propose that the
“color line” continues to be an issue in the 21st century (p.18). Although cultural capital
theory and community cultural wealth theory were used as theoretical frameworks to
analyze and understand data within this study I will also examine the intersection of race
Revising the societal and legal structures in the United States that support
practices of segregation has proved to be a daunting and ongoing task (Allen & Jewell,
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2002; Karson, 2005; Kaplin & Lee, 2007). The Emancipation Proclamation and the
ending of the Civil War both theoretically abolished slavery. However, freedom for
slaves did not happen immediately. For example, not until Union Major General Gordon
Granger and his soldiers seized Galveston Island on June 19, 1865, did Texas comply
(https://www.tsl.state.tx.us/ref/abouttx/juneteenth.html).
the United States Constitution. The Fourteenth Amendment (1868) guaranteed equal
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protection of the rights of African Americans and the Fifteenth Amendment (1870)
granted African American men the right to vote (Kaplin & Lee, 2007). In response to the
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Fifteenth Amendment, White extremists in the South employed multiple strategies in
efforts to discourage or prevent Blacks from voting. Some of their tactics included
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literacy tests, poll taxes, harassment, lynching, and other brutal forms of violence
(Karson, 2005). Almost a century later, southern African Americans would be guaranteed
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the right to vote through the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (Karson, 2005).
Despite a shift in legislation and the effort of assimilating Blacks into society
during the late 1800s, Karson (2005) states that “the Supreme Court struck perhaps the
most crippling blow to the Black struggle for equality” in the 1896 court case of Plessy v.
Ferguson, ruling that “separate but equal institutions were constitutional in primary and
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secondary public schools” (Allen & Jewell, 2002). This ruling allowed school districts to
maintain de facto1 school segregation, often in institutions that were not truly equal.
named Herman Marion Sweatt challenged Plessy. At the time, no law school in Texas
admitted any African American students. Assisted by the National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), he filed suit against the University of Texas
in Austin in 1946, after being denied admittance into UT’s Law School by then-president
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remedy of resolution. The court continued the case while the state established a separate
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law school in Houston, Texas State University for Negroes (TSUN). The District Court
ruled that at TSUN, “privileges, advantages, and opportunities for the study of law [were]
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substantially equivalent to those offered by the state to White students at the University
TSUN’s non-accredited Law School, however, was not equipped with resources
equal to that of UT. For instance, UT’s Law School had 16 full-time and three part-time
professors, 850 students, a library of 65,000 volumes, a law review, moot court facilities,
distinguished alumni, and other resources. Conversely, TSUN had five full-time
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Racial segregation not supported by legal requirement, but that happens by fact.
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A writ or order issued from a court of superior jurisdiction that commands an inferior
tribunal to perform, or refrain from performing a particular act, the performance or
omission of which is required by law as an obligation.
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professors, and four of those commuted from UT in Austin to TSUN. The school had 23
students, a library of 16,500 volumes, a practice court, a legal association, and one
(http://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/search/display.html?terms=Sweatt&url=/supct/html/hi
storics/USSC_CR_0339_0629_ZO.html).
After the District Court denied Sweatt’s request, his lawyers from the NAACP
sent the case to the Court of Civil Appeals in the Texas Supreme Court where Sweatt was
denied a writ of error on further appeal. However, due to the constitutional issues
involved, Sweatt was granted a certiorari.3 The case eventually was heard by the U.S.
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Supreme Court where, in a unanimous decision, justices held that “the Equal Protection
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Clause [of the Fourteenth Amendment] required that Sweatt be admitted into the
would be inferior in multiple areas including faculty, course variety, library facilities,
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(http://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/search/display.html?terms=Sweatt&url=/supct/html/hi
separation of the majority of the law students harmed students’ ability to compete in the
the first case that successfully challenged the “separate but equal” doctrine, setting a
3
A writ or order by which a higher court reviews a decision of a lower court.
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