Authier 1

INTRODUCTION

The focus of the current paper is the presence of huancas at Preceramic sites in

the Norte Chico region (north-central coast) of Peru, dating between 3000-2000 BC. In

the Norte Chico Preceramic, huancas are tall, upright megaliths with smoothed or

faceted sides and with a roughly prismatic shape (Falcón-Huayta 2002). Huancas are

typically found embedded in sunken circular plazas, on mounds, incorporated into

walls, or in other public spaces. Some huancas are decorated with simple cupules,

grooved-line designs, or shallow carvings of other simple patterns. Erosion may have

removed similar carvings from others. Huancas are not present at every Preceramic site

in the Norte Chico, and the number, layout, and location of huancas at each site varies.

The huancas of the Norte Chico are one of the first Andean examples of incorporating

megaliths into the public sphere, a pattern which became much more elaborate during

the Initial Period and Early Horizon.

During the summer of 2004, research was conducted in the Huaura, Pativilca, and

Fortaleza Valley. The Preceramic sites in these valleys were surveyed, and at the sites

with huancas, the number, layout, location, size, shape, and modifications were

recorded. The purpose of this survey was to learn the similarities and differences of

huancas in region in order to understand the full spectrum of their use during the

Preceramic period. Very little has been written about huancas, and this project barely

scraped the surface of the research that could be conducted on these Preceramic

megaliths.

A related study was undertaken at the site of Caballete in the Fortaleza Valley

where more than thirty huancas are present. Samples were taken from the huancas and
 Authier 2

from possible source locations, and thin-sections were produced from the samples.

Through petrographic analysis the microstructures of the samples were compared in

order to determine the possibility of the source locations.

 Authier 3

CHAPTER 1

THE PERUVIAN PRECERAMIC AND ITS PLACE IN ANDEAN PREHISTORY

Geography and Climate of Peru

Around 11,000 BC the last major glacier advance brought ice to altitudes near

4500 m (Rick 1980). After the glaciers retreated, the climate remained more or less stable

in the highlands (Rick 1980). At the glacial maximum around 11,000 BC the sea level

was as low as 135 m below the modern level; by 5000 BC the sea level was within 20 m

of the modern level; ultimately, the modern sea level was reached around 3000 BC

(Richardson 1981). It is argued that the stabilized sea level would have balanced the

shellfish, fish, and sea mammal populations along the coast and could possibly have led

to sea life population surges (Richardson 1981). As is discussed at greater length below,

the stabilizing sea level and sea life correspond to the rise of Preceramic civilizations

around 3000 BC.

The modern climate and geography in Peru are diverse. The major geographical

feature of Peru is the Andes Mountain range formed by the continental tectonic plate

over-riding the ocean tectonic plate as they move toward each other and push up the

Andes (Mosely 2001). The mountain range forms an H-shape with the western range,

Cordillera Negra, the taller eastern range, Cordillera Blanca, and the “cross-bar” formed

by the Nudo de Vilcanota peaks in the north and the giant altiplano trough of plains in the

south (Mosely 2001).

 Authier 4

Figure 1. Cross-section of the Andes showing the rainshadow (from

Moseley 2001: 30).

The tall Cordillera Blanca blocks most of the clouds from the Atlantic Ocean

(figure 1), the source of all normal Andean precipitation, and the eastern side receives

most of the rainfall. Of the rain that falls on the Andes, 90% runs into the Atlantic Ocean

while only 10% runs into the Pacific Ocean (Mosely 2001). Contrasting the lush Amazon

forest on the east side of the Andes, the west side is a coastal desert due to the

rainshadow created by the mountains. The arid conditions along the coast are normally

only broken by small, steep rivers carrying the western runoff and the lomas oases that

form when cool winters bring dense ocean fogs that condense on certain plains along the

coast to produce vegetation for 1-3 months (Mosely 2001).

Also affecting the coast is the Pacific Ocean, specifically the Humboldt Current

that flows north along the coast before turning to the west near the Peru-Ecuador border

(Bruhns 1994). The current brings cold water from Antarctica and supports penguins, fur

seals, and other cold-climate animals (Burger 1992). It is composed of a wide ocean

current and narrow coastal current along the shore (Burger 1992). The coastal current has

a strong upwelling that produces its low temperature and brings nutrients to the surface,

supporting trillions of phytoplankton (Burger 1992). These microscopic plants provide

 Authier 5

food for small fish, large fish, ocean birds, and marine mammals, and the current also

contains large populations of shellfish (Burger 1992). Although it provides the coast of

Peru with one of the richest marine resources in the world, the Humboldt Current is

responsible for the aridity of the coastal desert because its low temperature prevents any

rain from reaching the coast (Burger 1992).

The highland environmental zones can be separated into three main zones: snow

and periglacial zone, puna zone, and highland valley macrozone (Rick 1980). The snow

and periglacial zone exists at altitudes exceeding 5000 m, and the permanent or seasonal

ice and snow of the zone limit resources, resulting in a miniscule biomass that makes the

rugged terrain of little value to humans (Rick 1980). The puna zone lies between 3900 m

and 5000 m, and is the highest zone suited to human habitation (Rick 1980). The frigid

climate of the puna is not suitable for leafy or herbaceous plants; consequently grasslands

are the dominant feature of puna plant life (Rick 1980). The rolling grasslands of the

puna are perfectly suited to camelid herds and other grazing animals (Rick 1980). The

highland valley macrozone is more affected by the precipitation differentiation east-west

than it is by varying altitude (Rick 1980). The highland valleys are more seasonally

affected than the puna. At elevations below 3600 m, thorn-forests and shrubs become far

more abundant (Rick 1980). Both the seasonality and the presence of shrubs and thorn-

forests limit perennial grazing opportunities; as a result the highland valleys are not

attractive to grazing animals (Rick 1980). In the lower zones, seasonality of rain results in

a dry season and a relatively more productive wet season (Rick 1980).
 Authier 6

Early human presence in South America

The details of the peopling of the Americas are hotly debated and are not the

subject of the current paper. With few exceptions, archaeologists agree that there was a

migration of people from Asia across a land bridge to Alaska during the last Ice Age and

dispersal through North America down across the Panamanian isthmus into South

America (Moseley 2001). More to the point of this paper is the early site of Monte Verde

in Southern Chile that dates to more than 13,000 years ago (Dillehay 1989). Excavations

at Monte Verde have recovered the preserved remains of wooden habitations, wild flora,

megafauna, and artifacts of stone and wood (Dillehay 1989). One of the most interesting

findings at Monte Verde is a Y-shaped structure of a different type than the habitations

and isolated from them. Associated with this structure are hearths; burned reeds and seeds

including medicinal plants; and animal bones, especially of mastodons (Dillehay 1989).

Many believe this structure represents the “beginning of a long evolutionary tradition of

special-purpose architecture that served special corporate activities” (Moseley 2001:90).

The earliest firm dates for human presence in Peru are between 9000 and 8500 BC

(Dillehay et al. 2004).

Between 9000 BC and 3000 BC humans moved into various environmental

niches and adapted accordingly. Based on differing stone tool assemblages, cultures of

this time period are divided into the Northwestern Tradition, the Paijan Tradition , and

the Central Andean Lithic Tradition (Mosely 2001). The Northwestern Tradition is found

in Ecuador and Northern Peru and is characterized by the early exploitation of the

mangrove swamps (Dillehay et al. 2004). The stone tools associated with this tradition

are mostly unifacial, and they were likely used to make wood and bone tools (Dillehay et
 Authier 7

al. 2004). At the site of Las Vegas, artifacts indicate that the inhabitants relied on fish,

mollusks, deer, and small game, and grew bottle gourds (Lagenaria siceraria) between

6000 and 5000 BC (Dillehay et al. 2004).

The Paijan Tradition is found in Central and Northern Peru from the coastal plains

to the western slopes of the Andes (Dillehay et al. 2004). Recent evidence has shown that

“Paijan people exploited a diverse range of habitats and plant, animal, and marine

resources and were mobile across several spatially proximal and compressed habitats”

(Dillehay et al. 2004:21). The fragile nature of the characteristicly “needle-nosed” Paijan

point would have rendered it useless against land animals with thick skins, and it is

generally believed to be a weapon used to spear fish (Richardson 1981; Mosely 2001).

The extent to which the Paijan people relied on littoral adaptation is debated, but

whatever littoral sites existed were inundated by rising sea levels around 3000 BC

(Richardson 1981; Dillehay et al. 2004).

The Central Andean Lithic Tradition encompasses the cultures in the Andean

highlands from Northern Peru to Northern Chile and Argentina, and incorporate cultures

with different adaptations that all use the same leaf-shaped projectile points (Mosely

2001). One example of the Central Andean Tradition is found at the Pachamachay cave

site in the Central Highlands. In Phases I-II (10,000-5000 BC), artifacts indicate a people

with increasing sedentism and a great reliance on camelid prey (97% of the faunal

assemblage) who supplemented their diet with various gathered plants (Rick 1980). The

site of Asana in the South-Central Andes demonstrates a similar pattern; between 8500

and 4000 BC there was a general trend toward sedentism, hunting of guanacos, vicuña,

and taruca, and an increasing utilization of plant resources (Aldenderfer 1998).

 Authier 8

Domestication and Sedentism

The earliest evidence of cultivation comes from the Guitarrero Cave. Dating to

around 8000 BC, well-preserved botanical remains of level IIa contain fully domesticated

common bean (Phaseolus vulgaris) and chile/ají (Capsicum chinese), and in level IId,

cultivated Lima bean (Phaseolus lunatus) and red kidney bean (Phaseolus vulgaris)

(Smith 1980). Several other comestible plant remains were found including tubers,

rhizomes, and other root crops, but it is not certain whether or not they were gathered or

cultivated (Smith 1980). There is a vast amount of fiber plant remains in the assemblage,

and it is clear that fibrous plants played an important role (Smith 1980). Evidence of the

early domestication of animals comes from the Ucaumachay Cave on the Southern

Pampa de Junín suggests intensified herding and subsequent control over breeding of

camelids between 8000 BC and 5500 BC, and the same site provides evidence of the

earliest domesticated dog in Peru between 5500 BC and 4200 BC (Bruhns 1994).

Domestication “did not usher in an agricultural revolution,” and those plants and animals

that were domesticated “served secondary roles complementing other ways making a

living thousands of years longer than they played primary roles as economic mainstays”

(Moseley 2001:105).

The prominence of industrial plants in the botanical assemblage at Guitarrero

Cave demonstrates a cultivation dynamic that was present on the coast. The maritime

cultures relied on two industrial plants—cotton (Gossypium barbadense) and the bottle

gourd (Lagenaria siceraria)—for their seafood gathering, the cotton for nets and the

gourds for floats (Haas and Creamer 2003). Possible gourd fragments from cave sites in

the Ayacucho region indicate use of this hardy, low-maintenance plant by as early as
 Authier 9

13,000 BC (Smith 1980). The earliest dates of cotton domestication are not certain, but

the wild forms grow on the north coast of Peru, and the maritime needs of the coastal

dwellers encouraged cultivation of this plant (Moseley 2001). Other plants that were

cultivated in various parts of the coast for food during the Preceramic period were

amaranth (Amaranthus sp.), achira (Canna edulis), three types of squash (Curcurbita

ficifolia, Curcurbita maxima, Curcurbita moschata), sedge (Cyperus sp.), pacay (Inga

feuillei), jicama (Pachyrrhizus tuberosus), Lima bean (Phaseolus lunatus), common bean

(Phaseolus vulgaris), jack bean (Canavalia sp.), guava (Psidium guajava), lucuma

(Lucuma bifera), chile/ají (Capsicum sp.), tomatillo (Physalis sp.), potato (Solanum

tuberosum), cat-tail (Typha angustifolia), maize (Zea mays), oca (Oxalis tuberosa),

ullucu (Ullucus tuberosus), sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas), peanut (Arachis hypogaea),

avocado/palta (Persea americana), and cherimoya (Annona cherimolia), which all

require cultivation in a desert environment (Haas and Creamer 2003).

Sedentism on the coast was a gradual process, and one of the best examples of

this process is found at the Paloma site of the Chilca Valley (see figure 2 to locate rivers

and valleys). Burials in a well-stratified context at the site provide a view of the

adjustment to sedentism between 5000 BC and 2600 BC (Benfer 1984). The earliest

levels (400 and below), dating from 3500 to 5000 BC, represent an occupation by a

population that combined marine resources with those acquired from hunting and

gathering in the fog oasis (lomas), river valleys, and the western Andean margin (Benfer

1984). The middle level (300) dating to 3200-3500 BC yielded an increase in plant

remains, possibly cultivated, that include the tuberous begonia (Begonia tuberhybrida),

bottle gourd (Lagenaria siceraria), Lima bean (Phaseolus lunatus), and squash
 Authier 10

(Curcurbita sp.) (Benfer 1984). Level 200 represents a period between 3200 BC and

2600 BC during which a greater dependence on marine resources corresponds to

evidence of the degradation of the lomas (Benfer 1984). Extensive study of the burials

from these levels included general paleodemography, as well as study of dental wear,

dental asymmetry, sexual dimorphism, stature, harris lines, osteitis and periostitis,

histomorhometrics, and trace elements in bone and hair (Benfer 1984). The general

results of the studies at Paloma reveal a stressed population in the early levels with steady

improvement over time, demonstrating the positive effects that sedentism and possibly

cultivation brought to the coastal dwellers (Benfer 1984).

Monumental Preceramic

Around 3000 BC, when the climate stabilized and the sea-level reached modern

levels, populations aggregated and began large-scale communal labor projects on the

coast, along the inland river valleys in the Norte Chico region of Peru, the north central

area including the four river valleys (north-south) Fortaleza, Pativilca, Supe, and Huaura

(Figure 3), and in the highlands (Haas, Creamer, and Ruiz 2004). Between 2500 BC and

2000 BC, monumental complexes arose in the Norte Chico region, while monumental

sites in the highlands appeared as well (Haas, Creamer, and Ruiz 2004). By 2000 BC

construction was begun on the immense complex at El Paraíso (Quilter 1985). The

following sections will explore the coastal, highland, and El Paraíso traditions and the

Initial Period and Early Horizon that follow the Preceramic. An in-depth look at the

Preceramic of the inland traditions of the Norte Chico is in the following chapter.
 Authier 11

Figure 2. Map showing the rivers along the coast of Peru (from Burger 1992: 13).
 Authier 12

Figure 3. Map showing the location of late Preceramic sites, with an insert of the Norte
Chico (from Haas and Creamer 2004: 37).
Coastal Preceramic
 Authier 13

Coastal Preceramic

The Preceramic coastal sites in Peru are numerous and include (from north to

south) Huaca Prieta, Alto Salaverry, Las Salinas de Chao, Huaynuná, Culebras, Los

Gavilanes, Bermejo, Aspero, Bandurria, Rio Seco, Ancón, Ventanilla, El Paraiso, La

Paloma, Chilca 1, Asia, and Ring Site (Figure 3) (Haas and Creamer 2003). In this

section, the two coastal sites in the Norte Chico will be discussed—Aspero and

Bandurria.

Aspero is located near the coast on the western edge of the Supe Valley, and

consists of six major platform mounds and 11 minor mounds within a 13.2 ha area of

dark midden deposit (Mosely and Willey 1973; Feldman 1987). Aspero was discovered

in 1905 by the legendary Max Uhle, who was the first to explore and report it (Uhle

1925). The site was revisited in 1941 by Willey and Corbet who excavated and surveyed

the site (Willey and Corbett 1954). These first explorations and excavations of Aspero

were very confusing to the archaeologists because of the lack of ceramics associated with

the monumental architecture (Moseley and Willey 1973). In 1971, Moseley and Willey

revisted Aspero with much more knowledge of the Peruvian coastal Preceramic (Moseley

and Willey 1973). In 1973 and 1974 Robert Feldman conducted extensive research of the

site (Feldman 1987). The site is dated to at least 3000 BC based on radiocarbon samples

taken from the structures on top of the mounds, and construction at Aspero must have

started earlier (Feldman 1987). The largest mound at Aspero is built on a ridge and is

perceived to be 8.9 m tall, while the artificial mound is only 4 m high (Moseley and

Willey 1973). The mounds represent multiple construction phases with summit structures

built on the old structures that were filled with mesh bags (shicra) made of sedge
 Authier 14

(Moseley and Willey 1973; Feldman 1987). The process of mound building by

superimposing construction levels is typical throughout the coastal and inland sites of the

Norte Chico and the highland sites, and shicra bags are characteristic of public

architecture but not domestic architecture in the Norte Chico Preceramic as well as at El

Paraíso and Las Haldas (Moseley and Willey 1973; Feldman 1987; Haas and Creamer

2003; Shady-Solis and Leyva 2003). The architecture on top of the platform mounds is

believed to be ceremonial, reflecting social hierarchy and centralized decision-making

(Moseley 1975; Feldman 1987). Fish, shellfish, marine mammal and marine bird bones

indicate that the protein base was derived from the adjacent ocean (Moseley and Willey

1973). The remains of several domesticated plants were also found at Aspero including

comestibles— squash (Curcurbita sp.), guava (Psidium guajava), and maize (Zea mays)

(one of the earliest examples on the coast)—and the two industrial mainstays— cotton

(Gossypium barbadense) and bottle gourd (Lagenaria siceraria) (Moseley and Willey

1973; Sandweiss and Moseley 2001). In 1975, Moseley argued that the foundation of

Andean civilizations was based on maritime subsistence, which directly refuted the long

held belief that civilization only can arise out of agricultural societies. In recent years,

new evidence of early farming has called this theory into question. It is now argued that

a symbiotic relationship existed between coastal fishers and inland farmers (Haas and

Creamer 2001, 2003; Haas, Creamer, Ruiz 2003).

Bandurria lies on the coast on the southern border of the Huaura Valley. It

consists of platform mounds and a sunken cirlcular plaza. There is an extensive midden

deposit of marine waste, and domestic remains at the site suggest a large population lived

on the site and constructed the platform mounds (Mosely 2001). The site is best known
 Authier 15

for a necklace of tropical seeds and for bi-convex red stone beads found there that are

similar to those found at Aspero and Huaricoto in the highlands, suggesting that long-

distance trade occurred between Preceramic people (Feldman 1987; Burger 1992).

Bandurria is especially relevant to the current study because three huancas are located in

the borders of the sunken circular plaza near the main mound.

Highland Preceramic

The tradition of highland Preceramic monumental and non-residential

construction, apearing around 3000 BC and continuing into the Initial period, is often

referred to as the “Kotosh Religious Tradition” after Kotosh, the first excavated site of

this style (Burger and Salcar-Burger 1986). Haas and Creamer stressed that “it is

important to recognize that there are no indicators that the site of Kotosh was either the

earliest site to manifest this ceremonial complex, nor that it was somehow a pan-regional

center or ‘capitol’ of this religious tradition” (2004:41-2). The three most excavated sites

in the highland tradition are Kotosh, Huaricoto, and La Galgada (figure 3) (Haas and

Creamer 2003).

Kotosh is located near the modern town Huánuco, east of the Fortaleza Valley, at

an elevation of about 2,000 m (Mosely 2001). The main features of the site are two

mounds containing superimposed temple complexes, each built upon its buried

predecessor (Burger and Salcar-Burger 1986). The temple complexes have architectural

similarities such as “a stone perimetric wall with a subrectangular shape, a single

entryway, a split-level floor, a centrally located semi-subterranean hearth, and one or

more sub-floor ‘flues’ with outlets beyond the superstructure” (Burger and Salcar-Burger

1986:71). Generous estimates suggest that there may have been as many as 100 temples
 Authier 16

during the Mito period at the Kotosh site, which corresponds to the late Preceramic

period (3000-1800 BC) (Burger and Salcar-Burger 1986).

The site of Huaricoto is located in the Callejon de Huaylas, roughly 200 km

northwest of Kotosh (Haas and Creamer 2003). Thirteen hearths similar to those at

Kotosh have been identified at Huaricoto, but those that date to the Preceramic period are

not in the context of stone perimeters like those at Kotosh. Hearths similar to those at

Huaricoto were found at Caral (Shady-Solis and Leyva 2003). The magnitude of the

“ceremonial hearths” at Huaricoto is miniscule in comparison to the temples at Kotosh

(Burger and Salcar-Burger 1986). Another difference between the hearths at these two

sites is the lack of uniform alignment with the cardinal directions at Huaricoto, while

such an orientation is the rule at Kotosh (Burger and Salcar-Burger 1986). Lack of

proximity is refuted as a reason for the discrepancies between Kotosh and Huaricoto

because of the similarities between the temple complexes at Kotosh and those at La

Galgada, which is located 265 km from Kotosh but only 115 km from Huaricoto (Burger

and Salcar-Burger 1986).

La Galgada is situated in the “desolate” canyon of the Tablachaca River in the

Northern Peruvian Highlands (Grieder and Mendoza 1981). At an elevation of 1100 m, it

is in the “transitional zone between the highlands and the coast” (Haas and Creamer

2003:41). The site consists of two main platform mounds and several habitations that date

to as early as 3000 BC and were used well into the Ceramic period (Grieder and Mendoza

1981). Like those at Kotosh, the platform mounds represent a series of superimposed

semirectangular temple structures with thick walls that seem to have served to retain fill

when a new temple was built on top (Grieder and Mendoza 1981). The temples at La
 Authier 17

Galgada also feature ventilated semi-subterranean hearths like those at Kotosh and

Huaricoto, and unlike the other highland sites, La Galgada featured a walled circular

plaza in front of the main mound with a staircase connecting the two (Haas and Creamer

2003). Both the ventilated semi-subterranean hearth and the circular plaza connected to a

mound are found in the river valleys of the Norte Chico, the former only at Caral.

El Paraíso

Situated 2 km from the ocean in the Chillón Valley to the south of the Norte

Chico area is El Paraíso, the “largest prepottery masonry monument in the hemisphere”

(Moseley 2001:127). The site consists of a complex of nine to thirteen structures covering

an area of 53 ha (Quilter 1985). Dates from the site reveal an occupation around 2000 BC

of at least 200 years and no more than 400 years (Quilter 1985). The floral and faunal

remains at the site include jicama (Pachyrrhizus tuberosus), bottle gourd (Lagenaria

siceraria), achira (Canna edulis), squash (Curcurbita sp.) (possibly), shellfish, fish, and

sea mammals (Quilter 1985).

The two largest structures at El Paraíso are long, relatively narrow, parallel

mounds, 400 m in length and 180 m apart from one another (Quilter 1985). The most

extensively excavated structure, Unit I, lies to the southwest of the parallel mounds.

Excavations of Unit I reveal four to six construction phases, and like at the other

Preceramic sites, shicra bags filled with stones were used to fill old rooms as the new

ones were built on top (Quilter 1985). By the final construction phase, Unit 1 “appeared

as a ziggurat-like structure of four tiered levels” (Quilter 1985:283). Possibly the oldest

room of the structure, Room 2 contains a sunken rectangular pit (4.5 m x 4.25 m) with

circular pits 1 m in diameter at each corner (Quilter 1985). The circular pits contain
 Authier 18

layers of charcoal extending 0.8 m into the ground, and the rectangular pit includes a

black, oval stain in the center (Quilter 1985). These features suggest a ritual use of fire,

consistent with the importance of ritual fire at Caral and in the highlands. Because of the

long, arm-like mounds that extend more or less from the general vicinity of Unit I, El

Paraíso is often claimed to be an early example of the U-shaped temple complex

(Williams 1985). However, the U-shaped complexes that are characteristic of Initial

period sites have large central centers with smaller arms extending out to form the U, but

El Paraíso features giant arms without a centrally located temple structure (Quilter 1985).

Initial Period and the Early Horizon

Around 1800 BC, ceramics and intensive farming spread throughout northern and

central Peru, marking the beginning of the Initial Period (Burger 1992). The architectural

hallmarks of this period were U-shaped centers and sunken circular plazas, the latter

having made its first appearance in the Norte Chico (Haas and Creamer 2003). Major

sites of the Initial Period are the Caballo Muerto Complex, the Sechín Complex, the

Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke Complex, Chanquillo, Las Haldas, San Jacinto, Garagay,

La Florida, and Cardal all along the northern and central coast, Paracas and Karwa along

the south coast, and Pukara and Chiripa in the Titicaca basin (Mosely 2001). Highland

Preceramic sites continued to be occupied and the U-shape was incorporated into new

architecture (Grieder and Mendoza 1981; Burger and Salcar-Burger 1986).

The sunken circular plaza was a feature at several of the Initial Period sites—

Sechín Alto (2), Pampa de las Llamas, Las Haldas (2), and Cardal (3)—and sunken

rectangular plazas appear at others—Huaca del los Reyes of the Caballo Muerto Complex
 Authier 19

and Chiripa (Mosely 2001; Haas and Creamer 2003). By 900 BC, Chavín de Huantar,

which incorporated both the sunken circular plaza and sunken rectangular plaza into its

complex, was founded as a civic-ceremonial center (Burger 1992). By 400 BC the

Chavín style had permeated the iconography of the region, and its period of regional

influence lasted until the third century BC when the sphere of influence began to

disintegrate (Burger 1992). The sunken circular plaza at Chavín de Huantar is remarkably

similar to those at Caral and other inland sites in the Norte Chico, which suggests that the

sunken circular plaza served a religious role in the Norte Chico that spread to the first

pan-regional religious center (Haas and Creamer 2003).

In addition to the sunken plaza, the huancas that appear in the Norte Chico are

similar to monolithic slabs of stone incorporated into Cerro Sechín and the Lanzón

monolith and Tello Obelisk found at Chavín de Huantar (Falcón-Huayta 2002). Part of

the Sechín Complex in the Casma Valley, Cerro Sechín features a wall of incised

monoliths around all four sides (Figure 6) (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987). The incised

monoliths that comprise the wall depict warriors, disembodied heads and limbs, and

bodies missing various other parts (Figure 7) (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987). The central

entrance is flanked by the two tallest megaliths that depict “fluttering banners” (Moseley

2001:142).
 Authier 20

Figure 4. Drawing of the mosaic of monoliths at Cerro Sechin (from Moseley 2001:
132).

Figure 5. Detail of part of the incised megalith wall (from Moseley 2001: 133).

The Old Temple at Chavín de Huantar houses the 4.53 m Lanzón monolith in the

center chamber at the cross of the cruciform central passageway, which is so narrow that

it only allows single-file access (figure 8) (Burger 1992). The granite slab has a notched

upper section, supported by roofing slabs, and a pointed base wedged deeply into the

floor (Burger 1992). The entire monolith features an elaborate carving of “a fanged

anthropomorphic deity” (figure 8) (Burger 1992:136). The image on the monolith is

believed to be the “principal cult image of the Old Temple” due to its “location at the
 Authier 21

center of the central wing of the Old Temple, along with its size, artistry, and

iconography” (Burger 1992:136).

Similar to the Lanzón is the Tello Obelisk, which is 2.52 m tall and has faceted

edges that form four flat sides (Burger 1992). The monolith features low relief carvings

of “two profile representations of a hybrid monster dominated by cayman attributes”

(Burger 1992:150). These are but the two most widely known examples of the several

monoliths carved at Chavín de Huantar (Burger 1992).

Figure 6. Drawing showing the Lanzón monolith and its place

in the Old Temple (from Moseley 2001:164).
 Authier 22

CHAPTER 2

INLAND PRECERAMIC OF THE NORTE CHICO

The Norte Chico region of Peru contains the largest concentration of monumental

Preceramic sites published to date. The valleys of the Fortaleza, Pativilca, and Supe

drainages are home to at least 35 Preceramic sites with monumental architecture (Figure

4) (Shady-Solis and Leyva 2003; Haas, Creamer, and Ruiz 2004). In addition, the Huaura

Valley to the south contains at least one inland Preceramic site with monumental

architecture. The Huaura Valley is currently being surveyed (Nelson personal

communication).

The first archaeologist to recognize the significance of the inland archaeological

sites in the Norte Chico region was Paul Kosok (1965). While studying aerial

photographs of the region, he noticed the large mound structures and circular plazas in

the Supe, Pativilca, and Fortaleza Valleys. Significantly, he remarked on the “virtual

absence of potsherds at this site [Caral]” (Kosok 1965: 223, emphasis in original). The

next archaeologists to do significant work in the Norte Chico region were Carlos

Williams Léon and Manuel Merino (1979). They conducted a survey of the Supe valley,

and in addition to recording data on the mounds and circular plazas, they recorded

information about the huancas at the sites in the Supe Valley (Williams Léon and

Merino 1979).
 Authier 23

Figure 7. Map showing the major sites in the Norte Chico (from Haas, Creamer, Ruiz
2004).
 Authier 24

Supe Valley

The Supe Valley is the most widely known of the Norte Chico. In addition to

several other Preceramic sites, the valley is home to Caral, “La ciudad más antigua de

América” (Shady-Solis and Leyva 2003). The sites in the valley include Aspero on the

coast, discussed above, El Molino and Piedra Parada in the valle bajo near the coast,

Limán, Era de Pando, Pando, Pueblo Nuevo, Cerro Colorado, Allpacoto, Lurihuasi,

Miraya, Chupacigarro, and Caral in the valle medio inferior, and Peñico, Huacache,

Cerro Blanco, Capilla, and Jaiva in the valle medio superior (figure 4) (Shady-Solis and

Leyva 2003). The size, composition, and layout of each site vary greatly, but the basic

architectural features are the same (Shady-Solis and Leyva 2003).

Caral is by far the best known and extensively studied site in interior of the Norte

Chico. The site covers 110 ha of land with the architecture concentrated in an area of 60

ha (Shady-Solis and Leyva 2003). There are six major mounds, two sunken circular

plazas, various other smaller but monumental architecture, two semi-subterranean hearths

with ventilation shafts, and various residential rooms, including elite residences (Shady-

Solis and Leyva 2003). Like other monumental constructions in the Norte Chico, the

mounds and circular plazas were built using shicra bags filled with quarried rock (Shady-

Solis and Leyva 2003). Radiocarbon samples date the site to at least 2627 BC (Shady,

Haas, and Creamer 2001; Shady-Solis and Leyva 2003).

Rising to a height of 18 m, Pyramide Mayor, the largest mound at Caral, has

dimensions of 160 x 150 m (Haas and Creamer 2003). Associated with this mound is the

smaller of the sunken plazas. With an interior diameter of 21.5 m and an exterior

diameter of 36.5 m, the plaza has three staircases allowing entrance into the plaza and up
 Authier 25

the other side where it meets the central staircase of the Pyramide Mayor (Shady-Solis

and Leyva 2003). Associated with the two staircases inside the plaza are at least five

huancas (Shady-Solis and Leyva 2003). Flanking the north staircase (which leads to the

Pyramide Mayor) are two huancas with straightened edges and two smaller boulders that

are believed to be fragments of the other two, and flanking the south staircase are two

similar huancas, as well as a third, smaller one (Shady-Solis and Leyva 2003). In addition

to the huancas in the sunken plaza, there is a huanca in the northeast part of the courtyard

that seems to be associated with another pyramid (Shady-Solis and Leyva 2003).

One of the most interesting features of the Caral site the presence of two semi-

subterranean hearths with ventilation shafts, remarkably similar to those of the highland

tradition. One “altar del fuego sagrada” is located in the northeast corner of the temple on

top of Pyramide Mayor and is square (Shady-Solis and Leyva 2003). The other “altar” is

circular and is located on the east side of the complex containing the larger of the sunken

circular plazas, referred to at Caral as the “anfitetaro” (Shady-Solis and Leyva 2003). The

presence of the semi-subterranean hearths at Caral suggests that there was some contact

between Caral and the highland sites, possibly trading of cotton between Caral and La

Galgada, a site without apparent agricultural capabilities but a large quantity of cotton

goods (Shady-Solis and Leyva 2003).

Falcón Huayta (2001) compiled the sections regarding huancas of Williams Léon

and Merino’s 1979 unpublished report on their survey of the Norte Chico. Falcón Huayta

clarified the modern names of the sites referred to in the report, and he interpolated recent

findings where appropriate. Williams Léon and Merino (1979) described Caral as it was

before the excavations of the last six years, and their report provides a description of
 Authier 26

huancas at ten other sites in the Supe Valley: Era de Pando (22h-10L01), 22h-11L01,

Allpacoto (22h-11N01), Miraya (22h-12M01), Pueblo Nuevo (22h-11M03), Llamahuaca

(22h-11M04), Chupicigarro (22h-11M06), Lurihuas (22h-11M07), 22i-12A01, and Jaiva

(22i-12E01) (Falcón Huayta 2001).

At Era de Pando there are two huancas that were recorded. Associated with one of

the mounds is a sunken plaza, walled on three sides, that contains a fallen, worked huanca

of 2x1x0.6 m, and the other huanca rises from a platform in a sunken plaza associated

with a different mound at the site (Williams Léon and Merino 1979: 118). At the

nameless site of 22h-11L01, there is a natural mound with a fallen huanca of 2.5x0.7x.06

m (Williams Léon and Merino 1979: 129). This site has not been excavated extensively

or dated, and it contains ceramics and other indicators that it is not Preceramic; however,

there is a nearby cemetery that may have intruded on a Preceramic site (Falcón Huayta

2001).

At the site of Allpacoto there are several fallen huancas in a sunken, circular plaza

associated with a mound. The largest of these has dimensions of 2.5x0.8x0.8 m (Williams

Léon and Merino 1979: 225). At Miraya, there are six huancas (up to 1.2x0.6x0.6 m) in

three pairs in a sunken, circular plaza and four huancas associated with a different

structure at the site (Williams Léon and Merino 1979: 209). And at Pueblo Nuevo there

are several fallen huancas, one that has dimensions of 2.2x0.6x0.4 m (Williams Léon and

Merino 1979:162).

In the northeast corner of the central courtyard at Llamahuaca, there is a huanca, 3

m tall and 0.9 wide, that has one side formed like “una especie de cuchillo con su

mango” (a type of knife with its handle), and there are four other huancas, one with
 Authier 27

reduction “a manera de hombros” (in the way of shoulders) (Williams Léon and Merino

1979:173). Two of the huancas have a shoulder like the Lanzón monolith at Chavín de

Huantar and like some of the huancas recorded in the current study. Southwest of the

courtyard, there are five huancas on a level terrace, the largest two having a height of 1.8

m and 2 m, respectively (Williams Léon and Merino 1979: 173).

At Chupicigarro, there are six huancas in the sunken plaza in three pairs, two pairs

on the west side and one pair on the east, and their dimensions are at least 2.5x0.7x0.6 m

(Williams Léon and Merino 1979:189). At Lurihuas, there is a huanca on the north slope

of one of the mounds that has a knife shape, that is sharp at one end and handle-like (or

with a shoulder) on the other end; its dimensions are 1.8x0.45x0.22 m (Williams Léon

and Merino 1979: 197). At the nameless site of 22i-12A01, there is a huanca on the top of

the main mound with dimension of 2.5x0.9x0.6 m, and the visible face has “huellas de

pequeños hoyitos a manera de picado” (marks of small holes in a minced manner?)

(Williams Léon and Merino 1979:259). The small holes are possibly like the cupules

found on some of the huancas in the Fortaleza Valley. Finally, at Jaiva there is “una

huanca de forma similar al Lanzón de Chavín” (a huanca of similar form to the Lanzón

monolith at Chavín de Huantar) (Williams Léon and Merino 1979: 454).

The hallmarks of the Preceramic of the Supe Valley are clearly artificial mounds,

sunken circular plazas, and huancas. The hearths at Caral suggest a connection with the

contemporary highland traditions. The sunken, circular plazas and the huancas suggest

the beginnings of a trend that would assume panregional importance later at Chavín de

Huantar. Williams Léon and Merino (1979) clearly draw parallels between the huancas in

the Supe Valley and the Lanzón monolith at Chavín.

 Authier 28

Pativilca and Fortaleza Valleys

Recent research in the northern half of the Norte Chico has revealed at least 16

sites with monumental architecture and a lack of ceramics, typical of the Preceramic

period between 3000 and 1800 BC, in the valleys of Pativilca and Forteleza (Haas,

Creamer, and Ruiz 2004). Recently published radiocarbon calibrated dates confirm that

eleven sites in the two valleys were occupied between 3000 and 1800 BC: Porvenir,

Caballete, Cerro Blanco 2, Huaricanga, and Shaura in the Fortaleza Valley and Punto y

Suelo, Upaca, Pampa San Jose, Carreteria, Huayto, and Vinto Alto in the Pativilca Valley

(figure 4) (Haas, Creamer, and Ruiz 2004). Haas,Creamer, and Ruiz (2004) described the

general characteristics of the sites in these two valleys:

These sites vary in size from ten to more than 100 hectares in area. Each
has between one and seven platform mounds. The mounds, rectangular
terraced pyramids, range in size from 3,000 to over 100,000 m3. Rooms
were constructed on the tops and upper terraces of the structures. Another
hallmark of Late Archaic [Preceramic between 3000-1800 BC] sites is the
sunken circular plaza. These plazas range from 20 to 40 m in diameter and
are 1-2 m deep. The sites also had large expanses of associated residential
architecture, as manifested in surface indications and in stratified house
floors in test pits. Excavations revealed stratified household refuse 50 to
200 cm deep. Importantly, the sites are consistently located immediately
adjacent to short irrigation canals watering large tracts of land in the first
terrace immediately above the river bottom. (Haas, Creamer, and Ruiz
2004:1021)

The sites of these valleys that contain at least one huanca are Caballete, Huaricanga,

Punto y Suelo, Vinto Alto, and Pampa San Jose.

Botanical remains from the two valleys include domesticated cotton (Gossypium

barbadense), squash (Curcurbita sp.), common bean (Phaseolus vulgaris), Lima bean

(Phaseolus lunatus), lucuma (Lucuma bifera), guava (Psidium guajava), pacay (Inga

feuillei), sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas), avocado (Persea americana), and achira
 Authier 29

(Canna edulis), and these were probably grown through irrigation (Haas, Creamer, and

Ruiz 2004). Numerous marine resource remains are present at the inland sites, and a

“system of regular exchange of food crops, cotton, fish, and shellfish” was likely between

the coastal fishermen and inland farmers (Haas, Creamer, and Ruiz 2004).

In the Pativilca Valley, researchers discovered two incised gourd fragments that

may suggest that the Norte

Chico played a formative

role in Andean religion. One

of the fragments “features a

fanged creature with splayed

feet whose left arm appears

to end in a snake’s head and

whose right hand holds a

staff” (Figure 8) (Haas,

Creamer, and Ruiz 2003:9).

Radiocarbon dating
Figure 8. Depiction of image from incised gourd in
the Pativilca Valley (from Haas and Creamer 2004).
confirmed the Preceramic age

with a calibrated date of 2250 BC for the gourd fragment (Haas, Creamer, and Ruiz

2003). The other fragment had a similar figure with no apparent staff (Haas and Creamer

2003). A staff god is one of the most prevalent images throughout Andean prehistory;

each of the horizons—Early with Chavín, Middle with Tiwanaku then Wari, and late with

the Inca—incorporate a staff wielding deity as a central element of iconography (Haas

and Creamer 2003).

 Authier 30

The early staff god iconography, the prevalence of sunken circular plazas, and the

presence of huancas in the Norte Chico are the first examples of these features which

became prominent in the Initial Period and are present at the religious center of Chavín

de Huantar (Burger 1992; Haas and Creamer 2003). These three elements of the

Preceramic in the Norte Chico suggest that the religious movement during the Initial

Period and Early Horizon started in the Norte Chico during the Preceramic period (Haas

and Creamer 2003).

 Authier 31

CHAPTER 3

RESEARCH AND METHODOLOGY

A survey was conducted of the presence of huancas at the known Preceramic sites

in the Huaura, Pativilca, and Fortaleza Valleys. The distinction between large boulders

and huancas was based on the prismatic shape, the size relative to the surrounding

boulders, the placement in a public space, the alteration and shaping of the stone, and the

overall contrast of the huanca to the associated architecture. The research was limited to

surface data collection due to permit restrictions. The goal of the research was to

accumulate data on all the huancas in the three valleys in order to compare the size,

shape, and features of the huancas both at the site level and at the regional level.

Various forms of metric and non-metric data were collected from each huanca at

every site that featured them, and additional data were collected at the site of Caballete in

the Fortaleza Valley where far more huancas were present than at any other Preceramic

site surveyed. Spatial data were collected at each huanca at the site using a Global

Positioning System (GPS) Trimble backpack unit, and the data was entered into an

integrated Geographic Information Systems (GIS) database. Geological samples were

taken from the huancas and possible source locations, and petrographic analysis was

performed on the samples. The goal of the petrographic analysis of the samples was to

compare the microstructure of the huancas and possible source locations in order to

verify that the source locations could be the sources of the huancas.

Metric and Non-Metric Data

For each huanca, measurements were taken in centimeters of the maximum

height, the maximum width, and the perimeter of the lower, middle, and upper portions.
 Authier 32

The general shape of the faces and of the cross-section was recorded. The minimum

angle between the huanca and the ground was measured, and the orientation along the

cardinal directions (W-E, N-S, NW-SE, etc.) was recorded. Orientation was recorded

differently depending on whether the huanca was upright or horizontal: the orientation of

the opposite widest faces of upright huancas or the line followed from the top to bottom

of horizontal huancas.

A common feature of the huancas is a shoulder, an L-shaped section or slanted-

line carved out of an upper corner. If a shoulder was present, its type, height, width, and

depth was recorded as well as the distance from the bottom of the huanca to the shoulder

and the distance from the top of the shoulder to the other side of the top.

Other non-metric data included a description of the location on the site and the

layout of the huancas. Modifications such as straightened edges, smoothed faces, as well

as carvings of cupules, grooved lines, or other petroglyphs. Rubbings of the petroglyphs

were attempted, but the results were not useful in analyzing the petroglyphs. Also noted

was the current condition of the huanca in regards to erosion, breakage, modern damage

like painting, modern displacement, and looting. A general description of the colors

visible on the surface of the huancas was recorded. Each huanca was photographed from

at least two different angles, and a measuring tape at 10 cm or 100 cm was used as a

scale.

GPS and GIS Data

At Caballete, spatial data were collected from each huanca as well from two

possible quarry areas near the site using a Trimble backpack GPS unit connected to a

pocket PC. The data were integrated into a GIS database with data on other features at the
 Authier 33

site and with a topographic map. Maps that are accurate within one meter were produced

from the GIS database.

The GPS system is composed of 24 satellites orbiting 11,000 miles from the

earth’s surface (Trimble 2005). The GPS satellite broadcasts a complex digital code

called the Pseudo-Random Code, and based on the time delay of the code, the receiver

calculates the distance (Trimble 2005). Receiving the code from three satellites allows

the receiver to pinpoint the location on the earth’s surface, two satellites to make the

triangulation calculation and a third satellite to provide atomic clock accuracy in the

timing (Trimble 2005).

Using ArcPad software, the pocket PCs took GPS points and drew polygons using

continuous GPS signals to draw the lines. Later the maps produced using GPS data were

integrated into layers of topographic, geographic, and photographic data. The GIS

database allows the researcher produce an accurate map including the desired features

and area. The GIS data was calibrated using total station data in order to produce the

most accuracy possible.

Sampling, Sourcing, and Petrographic Analysis

A study was conducted on the huancas at Caballete to petrographically compare

the microstructure of the huancas to the microstructure of possible source locations.

Using a rock hammer, samples were flaked off of each huanca at the site and from the

two possible source locations (Figure 9). One possible source location is a feature on a

ridge north of the site that exhibits characteristics of a quarry (Figure 10). It has a level

terrace in front of an exposed rock face with straight cuts, and there are stone tools for

working stone along the terrace floor (Jonathan Haas personal communication, 2004). At
 Authier 34

Figure 9. Map of Caballete with the possible source locations labeled.

 Authier 35

the possible quarry, samples were collected from the east and west ends of the exposed

wall and from the east and west sides of

the flat terrace in front of the exposed

face. Samples were also taken from a

ridge southwest of the site that contains

many large stone outcrops and some

boulders exhibiting erosion patterns

similar to Huanca 32 and others (Figure

Figure 10. Possible huanca quarry north of
Caballete. 11).

Figure 11. Ridge southwest of Caballete with rock outcrops and erosion patterns
similar to Huanca 32 and others.

Photographs were taken before and after the samples were taken to prevent future

confusion about the cause of the flaking. The samples were sent to the University of

Oregon where they were cut into thin sections, mounted on slides, and polished.

Polishing is necessary when using reflected light microscopy because minute scratches in

unpolished thin sections degrade the image (Humphries 1992).

Using a polarizing light microscope, the microstructures of the rock samples were

examined. The classification of the mineral and rock types were based on descriptions
 Authier 36

and pictures in A Color Atlas of Rocks and Minerals in Thin Section by MacKenzie and

Adams (1994). The samples were classified according to the minerals present based on

the shape, size, cleavage, refractive index, twinning and zoning, color, and pleochroism

of the crystals. Pleochroism is the tendency of the color of crystals to vary according to

its orientation with regard to the plane of polarization (MacKenzie and Adams 1994). The

microstructure was contrasted among the samples in order to prove or disprove the

relationship between the huancas and the possible source locations.

 Authier 37

CHAPTER 4

RESULTS OF THE SURVEY

Regional Summary

In the Fortaleza Valley, the sites Caballete and Huaricanga contain huancas, and

Porvenir, Cerro Blanco, and Shaura do not. However, at Porvenir there is what may be

the very top of a huanca in the center of the courtyard

lined up with a mound on either side (Figure 12). It

sticks out of a cleared path and seems to extend into

the ground, but its full extent and its status as a

Figure 12. Possible top of huanca cannot be known without an excavation.

huanca at Porvenir.
Caballete contains 34, the largest number of

huancas at any one site surveyed. Eighteen are associated with the circular plaza that lies

in front of the main mound (Figures 13

and inset of Figure 14). Fourteen of

those form a circle, and the other four

were probably part of the circle before

water drainage disrupted it. Six huancas

are associated with the wall of boulders

Figure 13. Huanca circle at Caballete. that surrounds the main mound. The

distinction between the huancas and the

boulders in the wall is based both on a larger size and a prismatic shape. The west and

east corners of the main mound each have two huancas as part of the wall, and there is

one at the south corner (inset of Figure 14). The wall is not as prominent on the northwest
 Authier 38

Figure
and 14. Huancas
northeast at there
sides, and Caballete, Huanca
does not seem21toand
be a22 not included.
huanca associated with the north

corner. The other huanca associated with the wall is half buried in the northwest side of

the main mound. Two huancas lie about 300 meters southwest of the main mound as a

parallel, fallen pair. In the courtyard, there are two large huancas that do not align with

each other in any obvious way. There are four huancas associated with the northeast
 Authier 39

mound. Two of them line up perfectly with the mound, and the other two lie at the

bottom of the staircase on the center of the mound. The other two huancas at the site are

anomalous. One is mostly buried on the front slope of the main mound. The other is

associated with the northwest mound, and it is the largest boulder around that mound.

Farther inland in the Fortaleza Valley, Huaricanga is a large Preceramic site that

is divided by a paved road. To the west of the road is one of the mounds, and near the top

of the mound is a huanca (Figure 15). Along the west edge of the mound is a megalithic

wall, but the boulders are all fat and not very tall (Figure 15). They are not considered

huancas in this study. On the east side of the

road, two very large huancas stand. Both

huancas have been moved, erected, and

painted historically, and their original location

cannot be known. They are the biggest tourist

Figure 15. Huanca 34 on mound and attraction in the immediate area.
boulder wall.
In the Pativilca Valley, there are or

have been huancas at Upaca, Pampa San Jose, Punta y Suela, and Vinto Alto, but not at

Carretaria, Huayto, or Potao. Upaca has been altered greatly by an electric company’s

construction, and the huancas that were in

the plaza are now gone (Alvaro Ruiz

personal communication, 2005). At Pampa

San Jose, a series of huancas are inserted

into the edge of the large sunken circular

plaza (Figure 16) (Williams Léon 1985).

Figure 16. Huancas around the sunken
circular plaza at Pampa San Jose (from
Williams-Léon 1985, 236).
 Authier 40

Pampa San Jose was not surveyed in the

current study.

At Punto y Suela there is one

huanca on the top of the largest and

southernmost of the five mounds (Figure

17). At Vinto Alto, there are two huancas

Figure 17. Huanca 41 on mound at Punto
y Suela. nearly completely buried on the top of one

of the two large mounds. They are the best preserved huancas surveyed and feature

shallow carvings.

The coastal site of Bandurria in the Huaura Valley features three huancas around

a sunken circular plaza, which is near the main mound of the site but not directly in front

of it like most mound-sunken circular

plaza complexes (Figure 18). The

huancas form an isosceles triangle.

Farther inland, near the fortress of

Acaray, there is a huanca-like boulder

(Figure 19), but there is no evidence that

Figure 18. Huanca triangle at Bandurria.
the area had been occupied during the Preceramic period. The

architecture near the boulder is consistent with the Late Intermediate

Period (1000-1476 AD) and is mostly buried. The boulder was likely

erected historically, and its ancient function cannot be known. The

Supe Valley was not included in the survey.

Figure 19.
Huanca-like
rock near
Acaray.
 Authier 41

Data Overview

The metric data recorded included the maximum height, maximum width, and

perimeters at the top, middle, and bottom of each huanca. The averages at each site are

listed in Tables 1-4 and are detailed below:

Table 1. Average maximum height of huancas in the Norte Chico.

Average Maximum Height in centimeters

Standard
Site(s) Valley Minimum Maximum Average Deviation
Caballete Fortaleza 57 401 192.53 77.91
Huaricanga Fortaleza 220 290 256.67 35.12
Bandurria Huaura 110 153 127.67 22.50
Punto y Suelo and
Vinto Alto Pativilca 185 270 227.50 120.20
Various Supe 100 300 202.30 59.46

At Caballete, the heights vary from 57 cm (H31) to 401 cm (actually the length of

H32 as it probably was never standing). The average height is 192.53 cm with a standard

deviation of 77.91 cm. The huancas at Huaricanga are larger, ranging from 220 cm (H34)

to 290 cm (H35). The average height is 256.67 cm with a standard deviation of 35.12 cm.

At Bandurria, the heights range from 110 cm to 153 cm, and the average height is 127.67

cm with a standard deviation of 22.50 cm. At Punto y Suelo, the only huanca (H41) has a

maximum height of 185 cm. At Vinto Alto, only one huanca (H42) was above the surface

to the point of providing relevant data. Its maximum height is more than 270 cm. The

average height of all huancas recorded is 194.23 cm with a standard deviation of 75.54

cm. The recorded heights in the Supe Valley range from 100 cm to 300 cm and average

202.30 cm with a standard deviation of 59.46 cm (calculated from data in Williams Léon

and Merino 1979).

 Authier 42

Table 2. Average maximum width of huancas in the Norte Chico.

Average Maximum Widths in centimeters

Standard
Site(s) Valley Minimum Maximum Average Deviation
Caballete Fortaleza 17 120 73.00 24.22
Huaricanga Fortaleza 63 110 87.67 23.59
Bandurria Huaura 35 48 42.00 6.56
Punto y Suelo and
Vinto Alto Pativilca 60 77 68.50 12.02
Various Supe 45 120 78.64 20.99

At Caballete the widths range from 17 cm (H44) to 120 (H32). The average width

is 73.00 cm with a standard deviation of 24.22 cm. The widths at Huaricanga range from

63 cm (H34) to 110 (H36). The average width is 87.67 cm with a standard deviation of

23.59 cm. The range at Bandurria is between 35 cm (H37) to 48 cm (H38). The average

width is 42.00 cm with a standard deviation of 6.56 cm. The huanca at Punto y Suela has

a width of 60 cm, and H42 at Vinto Alto has a width of 77 cm. In the Supe Valley, the

widths range from 45 cm to 120 cm and average 78.64 cm with a standard deviation of

20.99 cm (calculated from data in Williams Léon and Merino 1979).

Table 3. Average perimeter of huancas.

Average Perimeter in centimeters

Standard
Site(s) Valley Minimum Maximum Average Deviation
Caballete Fortaleza 75 420 186.33 68.69
Huaricanga Fortaleza 161 300 247.00 75.10
Bandurria Huaura 83 115 94.11 18.12
Punto y Suelo and
Vinto Alto Pativilca 142 180 161.00 86.97

The average of the perimeters of the top, middle, and bottom was calculated for

each huanca and is considered the perimeter of that huanca. The perimeters at Caballete

range from 75 cm (H44) to 420 cm (H32). The average perimeter is 186.33 cm with a
 Authier 43

standard deviation of 68.69 cm. At Huaricanga the perimeters range from 161 (H34) cm

to 300 cm (H36), and the average perimeter is 247.00 cm with a standard deviation of

75.10 cm. Those at Bandurria ranged from 83 cm (H37) to 115 (H38), and the average

perimeter is 94.11 cm with a standard deviation of 18.12 cm. At Punto y Suela, H41 has a

perimeter of 142 cm, and at Vinto Alto H42 has a perimeter of about 180 cm. The overall

average perimeter is 182.69 cm with a standard deviation of 70.94 cm. The perimeters of

the huancas in the Supe Valley were not recorded.

Table 4. Ratios of height to width and height to perimeter.

Ratios
Height to Height to
Site(s) Valley Width Perimeter
Caballete Fortaleza 2.64 1.03
Huaricanga Fortaleza 2.93 0.94
Bandurria Huaura 3.08 1.36
Punto y Suelo and Vinto Alto Pativilca 3.30 1.4
Various Supe 2.57 -

The ratio of height to width and of height to perimeter offer a measure of

comparison independent of magnitude and an indication of how much taller than wide the

huancas are. The average ratio of height to width is 2.64 at Caballete, 2.93 at Huaricanga,

3.04 at Bandurria, 3.08 at Punto y Suela, 3.51 at Vinto Alto, and 2.57 in the Supe Valley.

The average ratio of height to perimeter is 1.03 at Caballete, 0.94 at Huaricanga, 1.36 at

Bandurria, 1.30 at Punto y Suela, and 1.50 at Vinto Alto. The averate ratio is 1.23 with a

standard deviation of 0.23.

The general shape of the widest face and the shape of the cross-section were

recorded. The shapes were described as rectangle, trapezoid (small side up), inverted

trapezoid (small side down), triangle, rounded, polygonal, amorphous, and elongated
 Authier 44

rhombus. Most huancas had straightened edges, and the rounded huancas may have had

straight edges at one point.

At Caballete, eleven huancas have rectangular faces, seven have trapezoidal faces,

one has an inverted-trapezoidal face, four have triangular faces, one has an elongated

rhombus shape, six have rounded faces, and three have amorphous faces. At Huaricanga,

the face shapes are rectangular and inverted-trapezoidal. At Bandurria, one is rounded,

one is trapezoidal, and one is amorphous. The face of the huanca at Punto y Suela is

amorphous, and the two at Vinto Alto are rectangular.

The cross-section shapes at Caballete are thirteen rectangular, ten trapezoidal, two

triangular, one polygonal, five rounded, and two amorphous. The cross-section shape at

Huaricanga is rectangular in all three huancas. At Bandurria, two huancas have a

rectangular cross-section and the one with the amorphous face shape also had an

amorphous cross-section. The huanca at Punto y Suela had an amorphous cross-section,

and those at Vinto Alto had rectangular cross-sections.

The angle of orientation and the orientation according to the cardinal directions

was recorded for each huanca. However, the angle of orientation indicates the current

position of the huanca, but provides no meaningful data that relates to the original

position of the huanca. The orientation of the huancas would be an interesting study if

more were standing, but most have fallen and the few still standing do not indicate any

patterns.

A shoulder is present in many of the huancas. The form and size of the shoulder

vary, but it is generally an L-shaped notch cut out of one of the top corners (Figure 20) or

a slanted line cutting across a corner (Figure 21). Fourteen huancas have L-shaped
 Authier 45

Figure 20. L-shaped shoulder of Huanca

27 at Caballete. Figure 21. Slanted-line shoulder
of Huanca 26 at Caballete.

shoulders—twelve at Caballete, one at Punto y Suela, and one at Vinto Alto. Eight

huancas have a slanted-line shoulder—five at Caballete and three at Huaricanga. The L-

shaped shoulders average a height of 46.69 cm, width of 22.92 cm, and depth of 35.75

cm, and on average, they start 150.83 cm from the bottom and end 45.45 cm from the

other side at the top. The slanted-line shoulders average a height of 45.83 cm, width of

43.67 cm, and depth of 34.00 cm, and on average are 147.00 cm from the bottom and

20.50 cm from the other side at the top. Both types have similar heights and depths, but

the slanted-line shoulders tend to be twice as wide. The angle of the slanted line accounts

for the shorter distance from the top of the shoulder to the other side of the huanca.

Other than a carved shoulder, modifications of the huancas include straightened

edges, smoothed surfaces, and carvings including cupules, grooved lines, and other

petroglyphs. Many of the huancas have straightened edges and smoothed surfaces, and

most probably had both when they were first erected that have since eroded. Cupules and

grooved lines are less prevalent. At Caballete, H32 features several little cupules ranging

from 2-5 cm in diameter and arranged in circles of smaller cupules surrounding a larger

one and lines of small ones along the edge (Figure 22a). Similar arrangements of cupules
 Authier 46

are found on a small boulder near H32 (Figure 22b) and on a natural outcrop (Figure 22c)

southwest of the site that also features zoomorphic petroglyphs (Figure 23). Grooved

lines appear on both H12 and H21, but they are not regular and appear only on one face.

At Huaricanga, H35 has cupules covering three sides that are larger than those at

Caballete, up to 10 cm in diameter (Figure 24). H36 features a series of regular grooved

lines that wrap around the huanca, and also present on the huanca are small cupules and a

large one with a 20 cm diameter (Figure 24).

a. b. c.

Figure 22. Cupules at

Caballete, (a) Huanca
32, (b) small boulder
near Huanca 32, and (c)
petroglyph rock.

Figure 23. Various views of the

petroglyphs on a natural outcrop
at Caballete.
 Authier 47

In addition to a very

smoothed surface, the

huancas at Vinto Alto

feature shallow carvings

(Figure 25). The carvings

are faint and hard to

discern, but they seem to

be abstract swirls and other

Figure 24. Cupules and grooved lines on Huanca 35 geometric patterns. It is

(left) and Huanca 36 (right) at Huaricanga.
possible that shallow

carvings of this nature were present on

more huancas when they were erected but

have now eroded. The huancas at Vinto

Alto are mostly buried and have been

sheltered from most erosion.

The current condition of each

Figure 25. Shallow carvings on Huanca
42 at Vinto Alto. huanca was noted. Several huancas at

Caballete in the circle around the sunken plaza have looter pits next to them: H1, H7, H8,

and H10. It is unlikely that the looters found anything, but

the natural stratigraphy has been disrupted. One of the

huancas in the circle is in a curious condition. The stones

labeled H4a, H4b, and H5 appear to be parts of the same

Figure 26. Pieces of one huanca (Figure 26). The odd shapes of the surfaces match
huanca at Caballete.
 Authier 48

each other perfectly

H4a and H4b are

next to one anther,

but H5 is located

Figure 27. Top face of H4b (left) and bottom face of H5 (right) three meters from
fit together.
the other two pieces

(Figure 27). The breakage pattern is interesting as

well. The three pieces have a clean perpendicular

cut. The cause of the odd breakage is currently

unknown. H9 is the designation for the boulders

around and under H8 (Figure 28). There is a base in

the ground and various pieces surrounding it. It

appears that H8 fell on the huanca next to it,

crushing it. At Huaricanga, H35 and H36 both have

Figure 28. The base of Huanca been historically moved, stood on end, painted, and
9 under Huanca 8.
otherwise vandalized.

The colors of the stones included white crystals, grey, orange, pink, and black.

The color of the macrostructure of the stone is irrelevant, and it is caused by factors that

are difficult to prove and do not provide useful information. In the next chapter are the

results of the petrographic analysis at Caballete, which provides much more useful data.
 Authier 49

Discussion

The huancas at the Preceramic sites in the Norte Chico vary greatly at sites and

between sites. There is great variation in number, location, layout, size, shape, and

modifications. Regardless of the variations, the quarrying, moving, and shaping of each

huanca required a considerable investment in time and energy. Clearly the huancas were

important to those who fashioned them

Perhaps the greatest variation in the area is in the number of huancas at a given

site. There are far more sites with huancas in the Supe Valley, but there are more huancas

at Caballete in the Fortaleza Valley than at any other single site. It seems that huancas

were an optional feature at Preceramic sites and that the number of huancas was not

important. It is possible that the number and size of huancas at sites were an indication of

the amount of power controlled by the rulers of the site.

The huancas all are placed in a position where they can be easily seen and are

often located in sunken plazas or on mounds, which are both considered to be public,

ceremonial space. Although huancas are often placed in sunken plazas or on mounds,

they are not a necessary feature. There are many sunken circular plazas without any

huancas, such as the one associated with the northwest mound at Caballete, two at

Porvenir, one at Cerro Blanco, and more. Likewise, most mounds at Preceramic sites do

not feature a huanca. Other locations in which huancas are found include the courtyard in

between mounds and ridges around the sites. Although these are not necessarily locations

of ceremonial significance, they are certainly visible from such locations.

The layout of the huancas is often regular. Of course a series of huancas

associated with a circular plaza is laid out in a circle as well. Many of the huancas in the
 Authier 50

Supe valley are arranged in straight lines (Williams Léon and Merino 1979). The most

prevalent aspect of the layout, however, is an arrangement in pairs. At Caballete, there is

a pair on the ridge to the southwest of the site, two pairs associated with the wall around

the main mound, two pairs associated with the northeast mound, and two very large

huancas in the courtyard that could be considered a pair. In the Supe Valley, many groups

of huancas are divided into discernable pairs as well. Duality is one of the most pervasive

elements of the theology and cosmology of the ancient inhabitants of the Andean area,

and duality is most easily seen in paired temples and venerated objects of gold (sun,

masculine) and silver (moon, feminine) (Moseley 2001). Further evidence of this duality

is in the color of the huancas in pairs; usually one of the huancas in a pair is yellowish

and the other is grayish.

The size of the huancas is quite varied. Usually the smaller huancas are those

associated with a group, especially those in circular plazas. The largest ones are those that

stand away from the mounds, either in the courtyard or on the surrounding ridges. The

huancas that rise from the tops of mounds are also generally taller, and when they were

standing, they were probably visible from a distance.

The majority of the huancas have a rectangular face and cross-section. Many of

the huancas that currently have a rounded face and cross-section may have had a more

rectangular shape at one point that has eroded. The rounded huancas tend to be more

eroded. The huancas with amorphous shapes are often shaped by natural erosion prior to

their movement and placement. It seems that sometimes natural erosion created pleasing

patterns and were left in their unaltered state. Huanca 32 at Caballete is the most extreme

example of this. It has erosion patterns that create patterns that inspire archaeologists at
 Authier 51

the site to refer to it as the “elephant rock.” It does not seem likely that it was ever

standing along its longer axis, which is the typical orientation of huancas. Huanca 32 is

atypical of huancas, but its ceremonial significance on the site is hard to discard given its

size, its carved cupules, and its location in the courtyard.

The presence of the shoulders is perhaps the most varied aspect of the huancas.

The general concept of a shoulder is realized in the Supe, Pativilca, and Fortaleza

Valleys, but the manifestation of a shoulder is different for each huanca. Beyond the

difference of an L-shaped or slanted line shoulder, no two huancas have exactly the same

shoulders. It is quite common to compare the shouldered huancas to the Lanzón monolith

at Chavín de Huantar, but this comparison is a bit of a reach. The Lanzón monolith’s

shoulder is a functional aspect that allows it to fit and stand in its chamber (Burger 1992).

If the shoulder represents something ritualistic, the guidelines for the ritual aspect are

very loose. It is possible that it was merely an aesthetic decision to add a shoulder that

was loosely copied.

Along with the shoulder, the other modifications to the huancas confirm their

importance in the ceremonial sphere of the Preceramic people. The carvings also indicate

the huancas’ artistic value. The huancas were more than a building material or corner

post. They were treated with enough respect to deserve further treatment after their

shaping and transporting. The shallow carvings on the monoliths are very similar to the

later shallow carvings on the monolithic wall at Cerro Sechín. The treatment of monolith

at Cerro Sechín may have been influenced by the treatment of huancas in the Norte

Chico.
 Authier 52

Despite all the variation, the huancas of the Norte Chico all have the qualities that

separate them from other boulders. Most have a tall, rectangular form and are modified to

some degree. Above all, all the huancas are placed in prominent locations in the public

space. One cannot know with any certainty the role of the huancas in the lives of the

Preceramic people, but the work involved in their quarrying, shaping, moving, and

modifying indicate a significant importance.

 Authier 53

CHAPTER 5

SOURCING STUDY AT CABALLETE

Petrographic Analysis

The samples taken at Caballete were examined under a plane polarizing

microscope in order to determine the rock type based on the minerals present and to

compare the microstructures of the huancas and the possible source locations. The size,

structure, and arrangement of the crystals indicate that the rocks are plutonic igneous

rocks.

The minerals present in the samples are quartz (Figure 28), plagioclase (Figure

29), alkali feldspars, hornblende (the most common type of amphibole) (Figure 30), and

biotite (Figure 31). Quartz is identifiable “by the fact that it is invariably clear and

unaltered, it lacks cleavage and with crossed polars shows grey or white interference

colors” (MacKenzie and Adams 1994:48). Plagioclase and alkali feldspars are both

feldspars and are identifiable by their clear color in polarized light and show grey, white,

and black pleochroism under crossed polars, by their two good cleavages at roughly right

angles, and by the common occurrence of twinning and multiple, polysenthetic, or

lamellar twinning. They are differentiated based on the difference in refractive index. The

mounting medium has a refractive index of about 1.540, and the refractive index of

Plagioclase is 1.540 or higher while that of alkali feldspars is below 1.540 (MacKenzie

and Adams 1994). Chemical staining provides a clear distinction between the two, but in

the absence of staining, the difference is made by observing the Becke line. The Becke

line is a bright line that appears at crystal boundaries when the microscope is defocused.

It moves toward the crystal with a lower refractive index when the mounting platform is
 Authier 54

raised or moves toward the crystal with a higher refractive index when the platform is

lowered (Figure 32) (MacKenzie and Adams 1994).

Figure 28. Light colored area is Figure 29. Plagioclase in Huanca 20

quartz in Huanca 11 under crossed under crossed polars at 4x.
polars at 4x.

Figure 30. Hornblende in Huanca 20 Figure 31. Biotite in Huanca 20

under plane polarized light at 10x, under plane polarized light at 10x,
note the cleavages crossing at120º note the speckled surface.
angles.
 Authier 55

Figure 32. The Becke line at the edge of Huanca 11 slide. The Becke line
moves toward the crystal when the platform is lowered (left) and toward
the mounting material with refractive index of 1.540 when the platform is
raised, the crystal thus has a refractive index above 1.540 and is
plagioclase.

Hornblende is identifiable by its brown, yellow, or green absorption color and its

distinctive two cleavages at 120º (MacKenzie and Adams 1994). Biotite has similar size,

shape, and absorption and interference colors to hornblende. The two are distinguished

based on the 120º meeting of the cleavages of hornblende and the speckled surface of

biotite when it is near its extinction angle (MacKenzie and Adams 1994).

The samples are monzodiorite or diorite based on the silica saturation, the

proportion of plagioclase to alkali feldspars, and on the average grain size of the rock.

The rock is coarse grained. The samples are saturated with silica, with quartz present in

less than 10% of the rock. The percentage of plagioclase is more than 65% of the total

amount of feldspars, but without chemical staining, it is difficult to accurately say

whether the percent of plagioclase is more than 90% (MacKenzie and Adams 1994).

Most samples had the major differences in the level of alteration of the crystals.

When magma cools, most of the common minerals crystallize at relatively higher

temperatures, and at any time as the rock cools, the primary mineral crystal may be
 Authier 56

replaced by fine-grained minerals (MacKenzie and Adams 1994). These alteration

products are too fine grained to be identified in thin section (MacKenzie and Adams

1994). Five samples have a different structure than the rest. Their structure contains large

crystals in a matrix of smaller crystals, a structure known as porphyritic (Figure 33).

Porphyritic igneous rocks form in a 2-stage cooling process in which the large crystals

are formed slowly and then the small crystals form when the rock is rapidly cooled

(Vernon 2004).

The samples with a porphyritic

structure include Samples 9, 38, 39, 40,

and 41. Sample 9 was from the base of

Huanca 9, which is in pieces due to

Huanca 8 falling on it, and the porphyritic

structure is moderately altered. Samples

Figure 33. Porphyritic structure of 38 and 40 are from the east side of the
Simple 38, note the two distinct crystal
sizes. possible quarry, and their porphyritic

structure is slightly altered. Samples 39 and 41 are from the west side of the possible

quarry, and their porphyritic structure is moderately altered.

The other 45 samples have a coarse grained structure. They were classified into

five categories based on the level of alteration: slight alteration, mild alteration, moderate

alteration, severe alteration, and extreme alteration. In samples with slight alteration, less

than 10% of the rock is altered, and no crystals are completely altered (Figure 34). In

samples with mild alteration, 10-50% of the rock is altered, and less than 10% of the

crystals are completely altered (Figure 35). In samples with moderate alteration, 50-90%
 Authier 57

of the rock is altered, and 10-50% of the crystals are completely altered (Figure 36). In

samples with severe alteration, more than 90% of the rock is altered, and 50-90% of the

crystals are completely altered (Figure 37). And in samples with extreme alteration, all

crystals are altered, and almost more than 90% of the crystals are completely altered

(Figure 38). For a summary of the distribution of types, see Table 5.

The microstructures of H2, H11, H20, H23, H30, and three samples from the

southwest ridge show slight alteration. The microstructures of H1, H21, H22, H25, H26,

H28, H32, H33, and the other five samples from the southwest ridge show mild

alteration. The microstructures of H6, H8, H14, H24, H29, H44, and H45 show moderate

alteration. The microstructures of H3, H4a, H4b, H5, H7, H10, H12, H13, H15, H16,

H17, H18, H19, and H27 show severe alteration. And the microstructure of H31 shows

extreme alteration.

Table 5. Summary of the distribution of microstructure types.

Distribution of Microstructure Types

Type Samples from huancas or possible source locations
Porphyritic H9, S38, S39, S40, S41
Altered 1 H2, H11, H20, H23, H30, S44, S46, S49
Altered 2 H1, H21, H22, H25, H26, H28, H32, H33, S42, S45, S47, S48
Altered 3 H6, H8, H14, H24, H29, H44, H45
H3, H4a, H4b, H5, H7, H9, H10, H12, H13, H15, H16, H17, H18,
Altered 4 H19, H27
Altered 5 H31
 Authier 58

Figure 34. Alteration level 1: <10% Figure 35. Alteration level 2: 10-
of rock altered, 0% of crystals 50% of rock altered, <10% of crystals
completely altered. completely altered.

Figure 36. Alteration level 3: 50- Figure 37. Alteration level 4: >90%
90% of rock altered, 10-50% of of rock altered, 50-90% of crystals
crystals altered. completely altered.

Figure 38. Alteration level 5: ~100%

of rock altered, >90% of crystals
completely altered.
 Authier 59

Discussion

The results produced by the petrographic analysis reject some hypotheses and

support others. Many results of the petrographic analysis were not the expected results.

The microstructure of the huancas turned out to be quite different from the macroscopic

structure. Many huancas with very similar form and color were different at the

microscopic level. Conversely, many huancas that were very different with the naked eye

had very similar microstructures.

The possible quarry northeast of the site is not the source of huancas, with the

possible exception of Huanca 9. The microstructures of the samples from the quarry were

consistently porphyritic, with differences only in alteration. The only sample that had a

similar porphyritic structure was the one from Huanca 9, which is speculated as being a

crushed huanca but does not have enough form left to verify the supposition. Although

none of the other huancas were quarried from this location, it may be a quarry for smaller

building rocks or other non-huanca stones. The features of the location suggest that it is a

quarry—exposed rock face with a level terrace littered with stone-working tools—and it

seems more likely that smaller rocks would be carried from the distant quarry than large

huancas.

The ridge southwest of the site was chosen as a possible source locations based on

the erosion patterns on the natural outcrops being similar to some of the huancas. The

microstructures of the samples taken from the ridge are similar to thirteen of the huancas’

microstructures. The samples from the ridge range from slight to mild alteration, as do

the thirteen huancas. An interesting aspect of the microstructure-macrostructure

relationship is that the least altered or weathered microstructure correspond with the most
 Authier 60

eroded huancas—Huancas 11, 20, 23, and 30. Although the microstructures of the ridge

are consistent with thirteen huancas, this does not prove that the ridge is the source of the

huancas, but rather the consistency supports the possibility of the ridge being the source.

In order to have more definitive results, a more comprehensive sourcing study

would sample all the outcrops on the surrounding ridges. The source of over half the

huancas is currently unknown, and the one possible source of some may have a structure

that is common to several outcrops in the region. The current study can only say that the

northeast quarry is not the source of huancas, except one, and that the ridge to the

southwest may have been the source of thirteen huancas.

 Authier 61

CHAPTER 6

PROBLEMS WITH RESEARCH

No research project is perfect, and the current study is no exception. Various

complications prevented the study from being comprehensive and bars one from making

far reaching conclusions based on the results. Many of the shortcomings of the current

study were specific to it, and further research in the area could resolve the problems.

Other problems are endemic to archaeological study in the area and must be kept in mind

in analyzing present and future results.

The major problem with the current study was the limit presented by the surface-

collection-only permits for the sites. Although there is much to be learned from the

surface features of huancas, the full extent of the megaliths themselves cannot be known

unless the huanca is lying entirely on the surface. All currently upright huancas have

concealed bases, which obscures its full size. Many of the fallen huancas are partially

buried, and some have only one face above the surface. Obviously, this places a great

limitation on the data that can be collected.

In addition, excavation of the huancas would provide a better understanding of

their cultural significance. Careful excavation could possibly provide an idea of where

the ground level or levels were when the huanca was part of a populated site. This

knowledge of the stratigraphy would be useful in dating the utilization of the huanca.

Excavation could also provide an idea of the artifacts (if any) that are associated with the

huancas. A detailed excavation of the huancas may provide many significant details

regarding the huancas that the current study was unable to provide.
 Authier 62

Other problems with the current study that could be surmounted by further study

regard the sourcing study at Caballete. A comprehensive sourcing study would include

samples from all accessible rock outcrops, not only the two possible sources sampled in

the current study. A more comprehensive sourcing study would be able to produce a

better correlation between the huancas and the source locations. Another related study

would include a sourcing study of all the large stone used in construction as well as the

huancas to produce a total picture of the quarrying and transportation of large stone

material.

Another interesting study that could provide useful information would be a study

of the worked surfaces of the huancas and of the tools used to cut and smooth the stone.

The study could cover all the ancient alterations of the huancas including the straightened

edges, smoothed surfaces, cupules, grooved lines, and carvings. These are the most direct

link between the archaeologist and the ancient people who spent time and exerted effort

in incorporating megaliths into their landscape. Many other studies could be done to learn

more about the role of the huancas in the course of the Preceramic period.

Other problems with the current study are those that would plague any study of

the area, regardless of the comprehensiveness of the study. Pristine artifacts do not exist

on the surface in Peru. The huancas face erosion, looting, vandalism, movement, and

removal, and when studying the huancas, researchers must avoid the Pompeii fallacy of

assuming the current presence, state, and location of the huancas reflects those of its

original utilization. Realistically, these problems are inevitable, and they do not pose a

restricting problem as long as they are acknowledged.

 Authier 63

Although the preservation in the Norte Chico is really good, erosion still affects

the surface features. The periodic El Niño effect produces excessive rainfall in the usually

arid coastal desert. The direct effect of an El Niño event is visible at Caballete where a

furrow cuts through the circular plaza with the huanca circle. The vast quantities of

rainfall cause by the El Niño event would cause erosion. More constant sources of

erosion over the last 5000 years would be the fog clouds during the winter months and

wind blown sand. The erosion could possibly have removed shallow carvings, paint, or

other surface alterations. Evidence for this possibility can be seen at Vinto Alto where the

nearly buried huancas feature shallow carvings. It is likely that the Vinto Alto huancas

were not an anomaly but were the only huancas protected from erosion long enough to

preserve the shallow carvings. The surface of the huancas must not be unquestionably

viewed as the surface of the huanca 5000 years ago.

Looting is a problem for archaeology around the world, and it is particularly bad

in Peru. Ceramics, precious metals, and the associated human remains are the most

targeted and suffer the most disturbances due to looting, but the diabolical practice affects

all artifacts. Looter pits are a feature common to nearly all sites. Some of the looter pits

extend the view of the huanca under the current ground level, which is not a bad thing for

a surface study, but the looter pits have disturbed the area associated with the huanca and

may have removed, destroyed, or otherwise corrupted the archaeological context of the

huanca. Although various steps have been taken to prevent looting, the practice has been

around far longer than modern archaeology and is not going to stop any time soon.

As prevalent in Peru as looting (and often associated with it) is vandalism. All

over of coastal Peru, messages are conveyed using various mediums at various scales.
 Authier 64

Words are written on the landscape itself composed of stones, Tillandsia (the most

common wild plant on the arid coast which has very shallow roots and is easily

transported), or looted human bones. Most public walls are painted with different

messages as well. Large megaliths are not immune to the practice, especially when they

are visible from roads. Another similar problem is the use of huancas as land markers.

The giant huancas at Huaricanga were historically moved entirely out of context and

painted. Other culprits of such alteration of the huancas are birds whose guano covers

most of the upright huancas top surfaces.

Perhaps the worst of the damage to the huancas’ context is the complete removal

and subsequent disappearance of the huancas. At one point in the recent past, the

Preceramic site of Upaca in the Pativilca Valley contained a series of huancas associated

with a circular plaza, but recent alterations to the site conducted by the electrical

company included the complete removal of the huancas (Alvaro Ruiz, personal

communication). There is the possibility that huancas have been removed from most

sites, especially those that are close to towns, like Upaca, or roads, like Huaricanga.

Although the ancient people of the Preceramic period exerted great energy to transport

and erect the huancas, modern technology allows them to be removed far too easily.
 Authier 65

CHAPTER 7

CONCLUSIONS

During the last stage of the Preceramic period in Peru, civilizations aggregated on

the coast, in the coastal valleys, and in the highlands. The Preceramic of the coastal

valleys in the Norte Chico region shared many traits with their coastal and highland

neighbors, but their culture was distinct. One of the distinct aspects of the Norte Chico

valley inhabitants was that they fashioned huancas and placed them in public,

ceremonially significant locations. Along with other ceremonial manifestation like the

sunken circular plaza and the staff god motif, the use of monolithic stones in the public

and ceremonial spheres continued and was streamlined by the cultures that followed.

The number, location, layout, size, shape, and modification of huancas did not

follow strict regulations, but all the huancas share the attributes that separate them from

the other boulders and stones used in the architecture. The huancas were placed in sunken

plazas, on mounds, in the central courtyard, as part of walls, and on ridges forming the

horizon of a site. They are usually taller than wide with straighten edges roughly forming

a rectangle. They often feature a shoulder of variable size and shape. Some have carvings

and others do not, and some have natural erosion creating different patterns. They all

seem to be given a public and ceremonial significance that separate them from other

stones.

At Caballete, the quarry to the northeast was not source of huancas at the site. It

was likely a quarry for smaller building stones that could be transported more easily. The

ridge to the southwest was possible the source of some of the huancas, especially those

that retain their natural erosion patterns. The majority of the huancas were taken from
 Authier 66

other outcrops in the area, and a more comprehensive sourcing survey is required for any

definite conclusions to be reached.

The late Preceramic period was a period of social aggregation and the beginnings

of social hierarchies and powers (Haas and Creamer 2003). It is possible that the

emerging social control ordered the quarrying, forming, and moving of huancas as a

show of power both to the inhabitants of the site and to the inhabitants of neighboring,

possibly rival sites. The amount of time and energy required to fashion a huanca made the

process something that basic family or tribe level organization would not undertake.

Large public works like mounds, sunken plazas, and huancas were the product of an

organized labor system. These public works became more organized as time progressed,

and they were the beginning of a long tradition of public works in the Andean region.

The current survey and study merely brushed the surface of the work that could be

done toward the understanding of huancas in the Preceramic period. Many of the

problems with the current study could be overcome by a more comprehensive study that

had excavation permits. However, many problems with studying 5000 year old monoliths

are inherent to the study and can only be identified and taken into account when drawing

conclusions. Huancas are a fascinating aspect of the Preceramic cultures of the Norte

Chico, and future research may bring to light exciting findings.

 Authier 67

REFERENCES CITED

ALDENDERFER, MARK S.

1998 Montane Foragers: Asana and the South-Central Andean Archaic. University of

Iowa Press, Iowa City.

BENFER, ROBERT A.

1984 “The Challenges and Rewards of Sedentism: The Preceramic Village of Paloma,

Peru.” Chapter 21 in Paleopathology at the Origins of Agriculture edited by Mark

Nathan Cohen and George J. Armelagos. Academic Press, New York.

BRUHNS, KAREN OLSEN

1994 Ancient South America. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

BURGER, RICHARD L.

1992 Chavin and the Origins of Andean Civilization. Thames and Hudson, London.

BURGER, RICHARD L. and LUCY SALCAR-BURGER

1986 “Early Organizational Diversity in the Peruvian Highlands: Huaricoto and

Kotosh.” In Andean Archaeology: Papers in Memory of Clifford Evans edited by

R. Matos et al., pp. 65-82.

DILLEHAY, TOM D.

1989 Monte Verde: A Late Pleistocene Settlement in Chile. Vols. 1-2. Smithsonian

Institution Press, Washington D.C.

DILLEHAY, TOM D., DUCCIO BONAVIA, and PETER KAULICKE

2004 “The First Settlers.” In Andean Archaelogy edited by Helaine Silverman,

Blackwell Publishing, Malden, MA.

 Authier 68

FELDMAN, ROBERT A.

1987 “Architectural Evidence for the Development of Nonegalitarian Social Systems in

Coastal Peru.” Chapter 1 in The Origins and Development of the Andean State

edited by Jonathan Haas, Sheila Pozorski, and Thomas Pozorski. Cambridge

University Press, New York.

FALCÓN HUAYTA, VICTOR

2002 “Los Orígenes del Huanca como Objeto de Culto en la Época Precolonial.”

Presented at IX Congreso Latinoamericano sobre Religión y Etnicidad—La

Religión en el Nuevo Milenio: Una Mirada desde los Andes. Pontificia

Universidad Catolica del Peru, Departamento de Ciencias Sociales: Lima, Peru.

GRIEDER, TERENCE and ALBERTO BUENO MENDOZA

1981 “La Galgada: Peru Before Pottery.” Archaeology 34(2):44-51.

HAAS, JOHNATHAN and WINIFRED CREAMER

2001 “Amplifying Importance of New Research in Peru. Response.” Science

294(5547): 1652-1653.

2003 “Cultural Transformations in the Central Andean Late Archaic.” In Andean

Archaelogy edited by Helaine Silverman, Blackwell Publishing, Malden, MA.

HAAS, JONATHAN, WINIFRED CREAMER, and ALVARO RUIZ

2003 “Gourd Lord.” Archaeology May/June 2003, pp.9

2004 “Dating the Late Archaic occupation of the Norte Chico region in Peru.” Nature

432(7020):1020-1023.
 Authier 69

HUMPHRIES, D.W.

1992 Royal Microscopical Society Microscopy Handbooks 24:The Preparation of Thin

Sections of Rocks, Minerals, and Ceramics. Oxford University Press: Oxford.

KOSOK, PAUL

1965 Life, Land and Water in Ancient Peru. Long Island University Press: New York.

MACKENZIE, W.S. and A.E. ADAMS

1994 A Color Atlas of Rocks and Minerals in Thin Section. Halsted Press (an imprint of

John Wiley & Sons, Inc.): New York and Toronto.

MOSELEY, MICHAEL E.

1975 The Maritime Foundations of Andean Civilization. Cummings Publishing

Company, Menlo Park, CA.

2001 The Incas and their Ancestors: The Archaeology of Peru, revised ed. Thames and

Hudson: London.

MOSELEY, MICHAEL and GORDON R. WILLEY

1973 “Aspero, Peru: A Reexamination of the Site and Its Implications.” American

Antiquity, Vol. 38, No. 4 (Oct., 1973), 452-468.

POZORSKI, SHEILA and THOMAS POZORSKI

1987 Early Settlement and Subsistence in the Casma Valley, Peru. University of Iowa

Press, Iowa City.

QUILTER, JEFFREY

1985 “Architecture and Chronology at El Paraíso, Peru.” Journal of Field Archaeology

12: 279-297.
 Authier 70

RICHARDSON, JAMES B. III

1981 “Modeling the Development of Sedentary Maritime Economies on the Coast of

Peru: A Preliminary Statement.” In Annals of Carnegie Museum 50:139-150.

RICK, JOHN W.

1980 Prehistoric Hunters in the High Andes. Academic Press, New York.

SANDWEISS, DANIEL H. and MICHAEL MOSELEY

2001 “Amplifying Importance of New Research in Peru.” Science 294(5547):1651-

1653.

SHADY SOLIS, RUTH and CARLOS LEYVA, editors

2003 La Ciudad Sagrada de Caral-Supe: Los Orígenes de la civilización andina y la

formación del estado prístino en el antiguo Perú. Nacional de Cultura and

Proyecto Especial Arquelógico Caral-Supe: Lima, Peru.

SHADY, RUTH and JONATHAN HAAS and WINIFRED CREAMER

2001 “Dating Caral, a Preceramic Urban Center in the Supe Valley on the Central

Coast of Peru.” Science 292(5517):723-726.

SMITH, C. EARL, JR.

1980 “Plant Remains from Guitarrero Cave.” Chapter 5 in Guitarrero Cave: Early Man

in the Andes edited by Thomas F Lynch. Academic Press, New York.

TRIMBLE

2005 GPS Information. Electronic document, http://www.trimble.com/gps, accessed

March 14, 2005.

 Authier 71

UHLE, MAX

1925 “Report on Explorations at Supe” Appendix in The Uhle Pottery Collections from

Supe, by A.L. Kroeber. University of California Publications in American

Archaeology and Ethnology 21: 257-264.

VERNON, RON H.

2004 A Practical Guide to Rock Microstructure. Cambridge University Press:

Cambridge.

WILLEY, GORDON R. and JOHN M. CORBETT

1954 “Early Ancón and Early Supe Culture; Chavin Horizon Sites of the Central

Peruvian Coast.” Colombia Studies in Archaeology and Ethnology 3.

WILLIAMS LÉON, CARLOS

1985 “A Scheme for the Early Monumental Architecture of the Central Coast of Peru.”

In Early Ceremonial Architecture in the Andes edited by Christopher B. Donnan.

Dunbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, Washington, D.C.

WILLIAMS LÉON, CARLOS and MANUEL MERINO

1979 Inventario, Catastro y Delimitación del Patrimonio Arqueológico del Valle de

Supe. Final report presented at the I.N.C. Tomo II.