RECIPES FOR CITIZENSHIP

Kapampangan Cooking & Cuisine as Political Culture

Dominique Angela M. Juntado, MA

University of the Philippines Diliman
dmjuntado@gmail.com

[Introduction]

Cookery and rich cuisine are deemed as the more automatic impressions both

Kapampangans and non-Kapampangans have upon hearing the word ‘Pampanga’ and when

thinking of the concept of ‘Kapampangan Culture’. This is grounded primarily in the

intertwine between the history of the province with the history of the Philippines. It is

readable in Larkin [1972] how the geopolitical realities influenced the relationship

Pampanga had with the rest of the nation. His words borrowed and written here --- that

most of the families in the province were involved in some way with the cultivation of sugar

and rice. It is to the extent that Pampanga’s social and economic history is to be

comprehended in accordance to a context constructed around farming and its related

activities [Larkin 1972: 08]. The conceptual knotting of social relationships and the

landowning system aside, it may be said that the people’s involvement with the soil in a

general sense is something which contributed to the Kapampangan language and social

conventions linking food with friendships and philosophies. To further this inquiry into the

relationships the Kapampangans have with the subject of food, it is asked why can it be said

that food and cooking can express thoughts; what more, politically-flavored thoughts. If to

think of a conceptual venn diagram comprising the activities of cooking, eating, and

speaking as the values for the sets, these would have certain body parts at their common
points of intersection --- the hands and the mouth. While cooking and eating are daily

activities, these have significantly permeated the Kapampangan spirit to the point that

language is affected. There is the carry-over of vocabularies which are usually confined in

the region of the house which comprises the kitchen and the dining room.

This cerebral bill of fare begins with a brief background of Pampanga’s agricultural

profile as an amouse bouche followed by a starter which features a discussion of how food

speaks of one’s local identity. What then follows is a main course of the following topics:

food as the foundation of modern-day political activities/strategies, food as an unwritten

code of diplomacy, and cooking up a political thought on citizenship and leadership. The

primary ingredients consist of consultations and insights from Pampanga’s culinary heritage

specialists and practitioners, as well as popular chefs.

The creation of this cerebral dish makes use of a Geertzian infusion of symbolic and

interpretive anthropology as its binder. In Clifford Geertz’s collection of essays entitled The

Interpretation of Cultures [1973], he provided his definition of culture in this oft referred

quotation:

Believing with Max Weber, that man is an animal suspended in webs of significance
he himself has spun, I take culture to be those webs and the analysis of it to be
therefore not an experimental science in search of law but an interpretive one in
search of meaning. [Geertz 1973: 05]

By taking the chefs out of the kitchen and bringing them into the limelight, it illustrates

where the understanding of another culture is perennially an activity of interpretation, an

inspection which involves positioning a cultural act --- be it a ritual, a game, a political

campaign, and so on --- into the specific and local contexts in which the act is meaningful
[Moore 2009: 260]. The effort lies first in determining the explications behind the cultural

act through situating the event in a particular cultural actor’s motives, values, and intentions;

this will then be interpreted within a code of meanings [Moore 2009: 229]. The Geertzian

brand of analysis is concentrated at the perspective of the individual participant in society

[McGee: 2008]. As is the case in any interpretive activity where it is impossible to know

what is inside the mind of native informants, it is reminded that the objective is to provide

readers with a sense of a theoretical ‘look and feel’ in terms of cultural membership to that

being described; easier dubbed as an ‘actor-centered perspective’ [McGee 2008: 483]. This

time, lifted from Geertz’s After the Fact: Two Countries, Four Decades, One Anthropologist

[1995], in verbatim:

Human beings, gifted with language and living in history, are, for better or worse,
possessed of intentions, visions, hopes, and moods, as well as of passions and
judgments, and these have more than a little to do with what they do and why they
do it. An attempt to understand their social and cultural life in terms of forces,
mechanisms, and drives alone, objectivized variables set in systems of closed casualty,
seems unlikely of success. [Geertz 1995: 127]

This study features the vibrantly colorful stories of history and lore told by Lilian

Lising-Borromeo whose contributions are seasoned by age and experience. She is a heritage

chef whose humble beginnings involved the practice of Kapampangan culinary arts at an

early age, paired with a degree in Home Economics. Lising-Borromeo has become

Pampanga’s representative in the national as well as the international setting when it comes

to culinary heritage. She also had a presentation in the AELM for the spouses and served as

Pampanga’s culinary icon in APEC 2015, thus making her a political figure in her own right.
 Borromeo’s insights are complemented by the cerebrations of local historian Lord

Francis Musni who philosophizes on the functions of Kapampangan food. Musni is with the

Municipal Trial Court in San Fernando, Pampanga and Clerk of Court of the Supreme Court.

His side jobs include being curator of the Don Honorio Ventura Technological State

University Heritage Museum in Bacolor, Pampanga and also serves as Historical

Consultant and Archivist at the Center for Kapampangan Studies at Holy Angel University in

Angeles City, Pampanga. While recognized as scholarly, he is likewise a practitioner of the

Kapampangan culinary arts. As an advocate of Kapampangan cookery and cuisine aside from

his speakership for museum lecture series, Musni had spearheaded some events on the

subject, the latest being The Giant Halo-Halo Festival in 2015. Musni also has a Facebook

page (Culinaria Pampanguena) with which he fills with his insights and numerous

photographs which document his food experiences and culinary sentiments.

The amour for past and present come together in the contributions of Claude Tayag

who is knowledgable of the history of Kapampangan food. Tayag is a Kapampangan

celebrity chef and owner of Downtown Cafe and Bale Dutung.

Certain parts of this treatise have also been formed with thanks to home-based

practitioners of the culinary arts. Felicidad P. Maglaqui is a Medical Technologist employed

in Guagua. She was born and raised in a family that places a prime on the culinary

socialization of their members. Maglaqui has some familiarity with the culinary

terminologies which have been transposed to the social dictionary. Under this topic, there is

also Vicky Vega, the Vice Mayor of Angeles City (during the time of the conduct of

consultation); she contributes insights on the flavor of leadership from the vista of a political

figure.
[Notes on the Culinary History of Pampanga]

The image of Pampanga as the ‘Culinary Capital of the Philippines’ is a reputation that

has long been quoted by foodies and culinary specialists alike; as well as food, travel, and

lifestyle shows such as Something to Chew On, Motorcycle Diaries, No Reservations, and

Bizarre Foods. The usual tendency has been the concentration on the dishes themselves as

the hinted explanation to this honor, more often resulting in overlooking the more deeper,

political historical facts which properly define this cultural feature. Yes, Pampanga is known

to serve exotic dishes, but it also needs to be asked how had such fare reached such

expansion. Indeed, why has Pampanga been given this honor?

In practice, Pampanga’s contribution to ‘Filipinoness’ in general is a food and giving

culture; where dining is more of an affair, with tones of leisure while putting pleasure on the

stomach and at the same time satisfying curiosity. The Kapampangan take on dining as an

affair has often characterized Kapampangan hospitality, one instinctively asking the other

‘Mengan naca?’ (Have you eaten yet?). Regardless of the answer, the one asking the

question (more often the host of a home which was visited) would still bring even just a tray

of simple goodies and or drinks to present to their guest [Tayag: 2015]. Generosity is also

measured by the portions and tastiness of food; results of a palatte matured from the time

of the Spanish colonization. It is said that Kapampangans are ‘born with MSG on their

tongues’ (‘Atin lang betsin queng dila’) which accounts for their preference for the

malinamnam (umami) [Tayag: 2015] and their ability to determine what ingredient

combinations are delicious. This is one reason behind why there are restaurants, caterers,

and hotels in the National Capital Region which boast of having Kapampangan chefs [Musni:

2014].
 Pampanga’s culinary history is primarily coloured by political economic considerations

during the Spanish era. To begin, a quoting of Chef Claude Tayag [2015]:

“Pampanga was the ‘food basket’ that supplied the Manila-based Spanish
government and much of its populace. The cascos (barges) that carried this food
supply chain started in Guagua, Pampanga plying the “water highways” through
the Pampanga River, Sasmoan arteries, leading out to the shores of Navotas, then
entering the canals of Binondo, Quiapo, and Tondo.”

Aside from transport, Tayag maintains that the fertile land was irrigated by the Rio Grande

de Pampanga where the sequences of flooding and waters receding etched the periods of

planting and harvest. The produce was always very copious and accounted for the

recognition of Pampanga as the ‘food basket’. Aside from the quality of the soil, it was

also the geopolitical location of Pampanga which indirectly assisted in both the refinement

and development of Kapampangan cuisine:

“The province’s... proximity and easy accessibility to Manila made it very open to
foreign influences through trade and commerce, all factors in contributing to the
development of Pampango cuisine as we know it today.” [Tayag: 2015]

Culinary Heritage Chef (In fact, “The Grandmother of Them All”, considerably so), Lilian

Lising-Borromeo [2015] likewise provides a complementing standpoint on this particular

status of Pampanga. Lifted directly from the proceedings of the interview:

“Pampanga was an experimental zone.. pipananaman (farm land), magdala lang

pampangan, keti da babaldug. Menanam lang atbu, migdala lang manuk, migdala
lang babi, nung nanu-nanu, keti dala peparagul. Kaybat, potang marakal nala,
itamung mag-supply. There was a time a ing Pampanga ing mag-supply keng
egana-ganang pampangan. Kaya siguru etamung Kapampangan misane tamu
keng makanyan a kabiyayan, misane tamu queng makanyan a pamaraan queng
bie anya siguru makanyan tamu mag-exceed kareng aliwang Pilipinu.”
She says that the Spanish treated Pampanga as an empirical ground for ‘things agricultural’,

where the regions of the province were a planting field and drop-off point for products. A

specific item of mention was the atbu (sugarcane) which is regarded as a significant

contribution to the character of Kapampangan cuisine [Borromeo: 2015; Musni: 2014].

Livestock were also imported; chicken and pigs were of particular mention among some

others. Borromeo maintains that as livestock and crops were raised and grown in Pampanga,

for a time it was this province which had assumed the role of supplier of all variations of

these products. She recognizes this as forming a significant part of the Kapampangan pride,

a point which defined the Kapampangan from other regional groups. And it was this

identification of Pampanga which made the intellection of settling the Spanish colonial

capital in Manila a most validly rational decision. As Musni [2014] states:

“[It] was obviously attributed not only to its great geographical setting but also to
the fact that La Pampanga (greater Pampanga area) by this time can actually
support the survival needs of the fast-growing population of Manila.”

But the more familiar gastronomic glamour and notoriety of Kapampangan cuisine as

seen pitched in Philippine pop culture is a result of the flux of periods of feast and famine.

While these phases denoted limited options, it presented an opportunity to innovate and

exercise resourcefulness. Tayag [2015] discusses how seasons signal the obtainability of

certain ingredients for certain delicacies ----

“In the cycle of wet and dry seasons, the first sign of rain will announce the
season of kamaru (mole crickets), talangka (shore crabs), tugak (frogs), bulig
(mudfish), ulang (crayfish or fresh water prawns), etc., that just literally comes
out of the fields. In these times of abundance, the Pampangos had no recourse
but to preserve (buro with salt, sugar, or vinegar) or cook adobo-style (braising in
 vinegar), in the absence of refrigeration... Before refrigeration, it was vinegar
from the abundant sugarcane harvest that was used to preserve dishes.”

It was particularly the periods of famine which brought forth the Kapampangan exotica

that food adventurists from all over the country travel for which are still being proudly

plated today. To directly quote Culinary Heritage Specialist & DHVTSU Museum Curator, Sir

Francis Musni [2014]:

“(These) resulted in the eating of kamaru, kurengut, and durun (all cricket types),
wild ducks and game such as dumara, labuiu, babing dikut, usa... and other exotic
creatures like various susu (snails like susung papa, susung balibid...), various frog
types like tugak-tutu (tugak marangle), tugak batan (tugak batu), tugak baner
(bull frog); fruit bats like kabag and talibatab, an edible grub such as tambilok etc.
to the various noxious-looking buro, balo-balo, tagilo (all types and variations of
fermented rice).”

This extensive diet is particularly that which defined the Kapampangan as “...an obstinate

foodie who is said to eat anything that breathes, walks, flies or swims.” [Musni: 2014] The

context of ‘famine’ should also be clarified, as Kapampangan oral history implies two types:

the more familiar, naturally caused famine due to weather and climate; and man-made,

imposed as a result of political economic constraints concerning the allocation of resources.

This likewise contributed for the resourceful attitude of the Kapampangans. To mention

Borromeo [2015] in verbatim:

“Deta namang Adobo, ating Adobong Dagis, Adobong Talibatab, kasi anyang
minuna deng Castila akakit dareng Kapampangan mag-lutu la, bisa lang mag-lutu
ala lang ingredients. Ala lang manuk, ala lang babi. Gewa ra, pepalinis de ing
kumbentu menakit lang dagis. Adobu mu rin kaya medagdag la reng exotic. Kaya
anyang mika famine, siyempre enaka maselan kanita…”
 (On the other hand, the variations of Adobo, there’s the Mice Adobo, Bat Abobo.
Back in the time of the Spaniards, the Kapampangans saw that they were cooking
and they wanted to cook too, but they didn’t have the ingredients for the dish.
They didn’t have chicken, they didn’t have pork. What they did was they were able
to get some mice from cleaning the convent. They decided to cook the mice in an
adobo preparation, and that’s how there was an addition to the list of exotic fare. It
worked out for them because it didn’t make them picky eaters whenever famine
struck.)

Anecdotes such as this told by Borromeo illustrate how experiences and time was taken for

the development of Kapampangan cuisine; it was histories of necessity and pleasant results

which add the flavor to these dishes when eaten today.

On the subject of crops, it was particularly the growth of the sugar and rice industry

between the late 19th and early 20th century which has been said to have significantly

influenced Kapampangan cuisine, carried over to this date in time [Borromeo: 2015; Musni:

2014; Tayag: 2015]. But even prior to this, early historical accounts have suggested the

existence of prosperous settlements in the areas of Lubao and Betis preceding the arrival of

the Spaniards [Musni: 2014]. The implications of this will be discussed in full later.

[Food Philosophized: Food as Testimony to Life & Living]

The definition of Kapampangan-ness is partly tied to the Kapampangan’s mouth and

stomach. They are not mere foodies, but obstinate foodies --- in a real sense, it is the

enjoyment of gastronomic pleasures which in the end take toll on one’s health. Francis

Musni [2015] provides his preliminary insights on the significance of food in Kapampangan

daily life as follows:

 “Food is really an integral part of Kapampangan daily life. Food determines the
passing of the seasons. When it’s about Christmas time, you will see without looking
at the calendar, without looking at the ornaments being hung around; you will know
it’s Christmas or it’s approaching Christmas. You will know it’s about Holy Week
when you go to the market, what do you see? Plenty of Singkamas. Dirt cheap. A
whole bunch you can get for Php 15.00. A whole can of native peanuts which you
can boil which usually goes for PHP 80.00 to PHP 100.00 drops down to PHP 50.00.
The change of the seasons is dictated by the food or the other way around.”

“And then our food is connected from the time we are born to the time we die.
Even before that. Potang kakagli nakang ima mu, kagli yang pamangan. (When your
mother was pregnant, she craved food) Kagli ya. (She craved.) Ita ngan. (All that.) Aku,
pengagli nakung ma ku keng sampaluk kaya matuling ku. (When my mother was
pregnant with me, she craved and ate Sampaloc, which is why my complexion is dark.)
When my wife was conceiving, I was just too glad that she wanted mangosteen.
Sabu ku, nung mangosteen, maputi ya ing anak ku! (I said, if she wanted mangosteen,
then my child will have fair complexion!) But I missed the point --- ing balat ning
mangosteen matuling ya! (The skin of the mangosteen is black) So, oyta, kayumanggi
ya naman. (So there, my child has a tanned complexion as well) I guess it’s genetics.”

“Potang bayu kang magcommunion, ating pamangan a papakan da keka banta

masane ka. (Before your communion, there is a particular food which you are given so
you can become accustomed) Atin kang papiyalungan a identify mu kareng religious
symbols. (There is something that you play with which you come to identify with
religious symbols) As a young boy, I always wanted to be a priest. When I was a
young boy, I would use Fita, I would ask the househelp to slice the hotdog thinly and
I would give it out as the host for the communion. And I discovered there was Haw
Flakes which was coming in from Binondo. I was in Binondo two weeks ago and I
bought Haw Flakes just for nostalgia. White Rabbit gives you a lot of memories.
White Rabbit was the best. Texas, tira-tira, etc. Inuyat... All of these brings back
memories.”

“When you get to mamanikan, when you get to be betrothed, you bring food.
When you get married, you also consider what is to be on the menu.”

“Atin mu namang (arir). Potang masakit ya, atin mu namang identified a pamangan.
(When you’re sick, there are also foods which become associated with it) As a young
boy, we identified ourselves with Royco --- Alphabet soup. That’s the only time you
get the license to eat Royco alphabet soup because there was no Lucky Me; it was
only Royco. That was the only instant soup at the time. So my memories of Royco
alphabet soup was always ‘fever’. My memory of Mirinda is always with fever. My
memory of Sarsi is always ‘pampatikab’ (for burping), but when I have stomach
problems instead of Alkaseltzer, my grandmother says... Balu mu itang (you know)
when you pass out just gas and water, and you have been taking a lot of this
Loperamide and nothing happens? Your grandmother says it cannot be cured by
medicine because magdaragis (severe diarrhea) ka. Then she says, ‘we will prepare
the concoction’. We will buy Sarsi, then she will get gogo (starch). She will mix it into
a very rich concoction. You take it in, and that is expected to induce more gases so
that you expel the gases which got caught in your colon.”

“All of that, potang masakit ka. (All of that, when you are sick) Even the
Chinese... I think this is a Chinese influence.”

“Potang masakit ka, banta mipaldan ka, mibawi ka a ra pakanan dakang Pesa.
Potang masakit ka, atin mu namang bawal a pamangan. Nung manguku ka, bawal
ing mani, uling manggatal ka. Bawal ing mangga, et cetera, et cetera. Ating
malanam a pamangan; potang ibat kang mabagut ipan ating bawal a pamangan. All
of that... Potant mate ya ing tau, ating pamangan a pwedeng i-tau mu potang mete
ya. Ating pamangan a bawal i-tau. At ating pamangan a identified potang pangadi
re banua-banua. So ing pamangan from womb to tomb ya, and beyond the tomb
kasi makasuglung ya kekatamu.”
 (When you are sick, so that you will feel better and improve, to recover they will
feed you Pesa. When you’re sick, there are also foods which are prohibited. If you’re
coughing, you’re not allowed to have peanuts because you will develop and itch.
Similarly with mangoes and so on and so forth. There are foods which are, [for the
lack of a better term] fishy. There are also foods you’re not supposed to eat when
you’ve had a tooth extracted. All of that... When a person dies, there are also foods
which may be served and foods which are taboo to be served. And there are foods
which are identified with the occasion where they would pray for that individual
yearly. Given this, we can say that food is from womb to tomb, and beyond the tomb
because it always has continuity with us.)

“Food is very much an element of Kapampangan life. It is very much an

element of my life, in being a Kapampangan and in being an obstinate foodie.”

[You Are What You Eat: A Kapampangan Take on How Food Speaks of One’s Identity]

The saying ‘You are what you eat’ has been popularly taken to mean that in order to be fit

and healthy, one must eat good food [The Phrase Finder: 2015]. A third way of

contemplating on this age-old adage is how it has for a time served as a nonverbal

expression of one’s regional as well as sub-regional origins.

“Halimbawa, yung mother is from San Fernando. Mag-lutu ya.. Tikman ke itang
lulutu na. Sabi ku, ‘Nanu ini? Taga nukarin ka? San Fernando? Akwa mu na kanita.
Start me queng cooking.” [Borromeo: 2015]

(Let’s say the mother is from San Fernando. She cooks a dish. I taste the dish she
prepared. I say, ‘What is this? Where are you from? San Fernando? You could pick
it up from there. Start with the cooking.)

According to Lilian Lising-Borromeo [2015], it is very possible for a dish to tell the eater (in

this case, taster) of where the chef came from or the area where the chef was raised in. This
has to do with the components of a dish, what items have been used in its preparation and

more importantly, which elements have been substituted. The different takes on a single

dish had to do with determining which ingredients were available if not popular within the

region and compatible in achieving similar or related palatal effect (if not better).

A pertinent example perfectly illustrative of this would be the varying takes and types of

fermented rice-based sidedishes under the rubric of the buro. The first fermented

seafood-rice sidedish is the Burung Asan in which the meat component is fish. Balo-Balo

succeeded the burung asan, but is made with shrimp and bamboo shoots. The balo-balo is

popular among the riverside civilizations of Guagua, Sta. Rita, Sasmuan, and Lubao. Aside

from these categories, there is also variation in the cooking process. While the baseline

approach involves the mixing of rice and meat and the stuffing of these into glass jars for

fermentation, it is in the sauteeing process which presents the opportunity to add and

subtract for particular flavors and effects in color.

[Food & the Foundation of Modern-Day Political Activities/Strategies]

Another aspect which gives Pampanga its colorful political culture is the unexplored if

not under-discovered stories which connect their spirit with abstract political concepts.

[Bobotung Asan: The ‘Domestic’ Electoral System]

Upon being asked of impressions on the relationship between ‘food’ and ‘food as

politics’, the following story was the first which instinctively came to Lilian Lising-Borromeo’s

[2015] mind ----

“One recipe that I have, we call it the boboto. Bobotung Asan. It’s not the
bobotong tamales, it is the bobotung asan. Why was it called bobotung asan?
 Because it was prepared in the time when the men were the only ones who could
go to vote, and women stay at home. So the Kapampangan ladies from Candaba
have this. They told themselves that they can do much better; what men can do,
they can do it much better. So what they did was to vote in the kitchen. While the
men were out to vote, the women went in the kitchen (ketang metung a kusina)
they started to vote and ask ‘What is the recipe you are going to make?’ --- There
was no answer. ‘What are the ingredients?’ They started. They got this alagaw,
tangle, camatis (tomato), sibuyas (onion), other ingredients that can be found in
the yard, the garden. And then they asked themselves ‘What else? Who
wants to add this or that?’ That was voting. And then, when everything was there,
almost finished, a woman came and asked ‘Why are you all so noisy?’ And then
they answered her --- ‘Mag-boto cami’ (We are voting). The woman was confused.
But then she saw the fish. She replied, ‘Bobotung asan?’ (Voting on fish?)”

It’s possible that this tale is set against the background of the Early American period

when women have not yet been included to appreciate the right to Suffrage. At first, the

story is reminiscent of the principle behind George Herbert Mead’s theory of socialization.

This account illustrates the premises advanced where it is through language, play, and game

that individuals would assume the role of the other (to pretend), to internalize and act out

the symbolized attitudes that the individual perceives of their model. [Panopio & Raymundo:

2002]. The ladies in that kitchen in Candaba were preoccupied with the idea of voting,

supposed emulation, and improvement of the assumed design of voting. But little did they

know there was more to that activity. Based on the elements to the story, it can be said that

this was a permutation of deliberative democracy at work. Scholars of politics read of how

democracy exists in a plurality of spaces. While these are recognizable in constructions

which are within and through the state --- examples ranging from the nation-state to cities,

governments, and public spaces --- there is the necessity to consider the possibilities for
democracy to exist in other expanses which may not seem apparently political or some

creation of the state. These nonconventional spaces may be those associated with the home,

neighborhood, commerce, work, worship, or any other gathering place [Staeheli and

Mitchell 2004: 147]. It is this which makes a significant part of what makes the story of the

Bobotung Asan appealing.

It was a form of democracy and type of citizenship where citizen activity has been sited

in the kitchen in the configuration of a forum. Corresponding to the deliberative idea, the

group satisfied the primary requirement that (citizens) come together in forums to do things

which, to lift directly from Saward [2006: 404] ‘...are most citizenly, and which are most

intensely connected to the heart of democracy --- talk, dialogue, reasoning together,

becoming informed together, and making decisions that reflect more than narrow

self-interest and non-deliberative preferences.’ [Bohman & Rehg: 1997; Fishkin: 1997;

Dryzek: 2000].

The concept of ‘forum’ is itself also fluid, a space-oriented metaphor which is treated as

a convenient catch-all for places where citizens can be found along with potentially citizen

actions; these range from clubs, parties, homes, associations, workplaces, special media

locations, events, and public demonstrations just to name a few [Saward 2006: 404]. Unlike

the textbook deliberative democracy which is flavored with American politics (which

includes an infusion of ‘republican themes and thinking’ [Pettit: 2002]), this version is

founded on present individual knowledge sans line of thought or tradition and proceeds

with concentration on the virtues of participation, tolerance, the recognition of others and

their opinion, and so forth. As a forum, it is the sort which has democratic potential-- it is

specially designed, and its members are a mix of random and selected individuals. Since the
characters recognized the nature of their activity, the proceedings were therefore

demonstrative of a representative, informal deliberative forum by way of a large focus

group.

One significance of this story is how it told of the roots of Kapampangan women’s

political maturity. The significance of cooking up dialogue was two-fold. First, there was the

practice and honing of virtues later seen to be applicable in mainstream politics and

governance. The emulation of the electoral activities prepared these women for the formal

institutions of democracy and liberty because they were trained to express free speech and

opinion, with their positions debated and deliberated on. Through this process, they learned

the virtues of participation, tolerance, the recognition of others, respect for each opinion

(where it doesn’t necessarily have to be agreeable in order to be valid or respected) and so

forth. Secondly, this account is one instance of many which would reinforce the postulate

that women would be effective leaders. The activity expressed in Bobotung Asan was

informal and in a good way ---- the fact that it wasn’t rigidly structured in terms of the

parameters of what could be talked about, the options to explore, and most significantly the

possibility that there wasn’t any time constraints to the session enabled the development

and refinement of communication skills. It is recognized in linguistics that women are

particular with words, known for their insistent use of hedges [Bauer, Holmes, and Warren:

2006], and high consideration of diplomatic approaches to speaking.

[How to BAKE an Election: An Insight from a cookie]

Following the story of the Bobotung Asan was an anecdote. Also contributed by

Borromeo [2015]:
 “...There is also in my making San Nicholas, I am telling that since during
those days we didn’t have any scale in cutting the dough. So what they use is the
‘dagdag-bawas’ method. Dagdag-bawas because you get a portion, a small
portion and add to the bigger portion --- that’s what we do. You cut it into pieces
and then this is the size and then you have to lessen the bigger one.. You are
doing the dagdag-bawas method. That is like what is happening now during the
election. The dagdag-bawas method was never new. I think our ancestors started
it before we applied it in our election time.”

This fragment is a colorful take on the possible foundations of cheating, as the term

‘dagdag-bawas’ has on occasions also been used to refer to the addition to and subtraction

of votes from a candidate [Borromeo: 2015]. The earliest available record of cheating was

available during the Early American period, an act suspected to be done on the part of the

Pampangans, is readable in Larkin [1993: 170] who made reference to the 03 December

1903 edition of the Manila Times. The article which describes this is found on its fourth page,

and is said to contain derogatory and simultaneously patronizing remarks regarding the

manner of how the Pampangans would ‘presumably manipulate voting in an upcoming

election.’

[Food as an Unwritten Code of Diplomacy]

While diplomacy is traditionally a term pertaining to the interaction between

nation-states, its usage here is more general to refer to the establishment of friendship and

rapport between groups or individuals. Musni [2015] discusses how this is done:

“The Kapampangans always knew how to use food as a diplomatic tool. In

Kapampangan life, food is a diplomatic tool.

Halimbawa, buri mu lang aging kaluguran; buri kung maging malapit keng pamilya
mu. Agkat da kayung mangan keng kekami. Or e dakayau ayagkat, pagdala da
 kayung pamangan; paglutu rakang makanyan, makanyan, makanyan... Anggang
lumapit ka lub kekami potang kayi paralan muku mu naman.”

(Let’s say you want to befriend some one/people; for example, I want to be close to
your family. I would invite you to eat at my house. Either this, or I would bring you
some food; I’d prepare you this or that... Until you would feel closer in my company
and decide to do the same, you would send me food as well.)

A Kapampangan likes to establish bi- or multilateral relations with a potential

acquaintance(s) through invitation to one’s house for a really good meal. Aside from

reaching their hearts through their stomachs, there is a geopolitical significance to this

action. It is the act of bringing an individual into your space. The memories of dishes and

flavors will be associated with the giver as well as the place where these were enjoyed. It is

also the emotion which goes into the experience of the meal. Musni [2015] adds to this:

“You will not invite just anyone to your home and specially prepare for him or her.
This needs high regard for that person that you would like to be in his or her favors.
Not simply to entertain, it needs some motive. Ustung gewa mu ita keng metung a
tau, igkat me ing metung a tau, anya igkat me balu mu itang i-lutu mu pagmulalan
na. Nung eka biyasang maglutu siguradung mipakarine ka mu. (When you do that for
a person, when you invite them, the reason why you did invite them has to do with
you knowing that they will be impressed with your food; they will marvel at your
dish(-es). So if you don’t know how to really cook, you will surely just be embarrassed.)
Siguraduan mung itang manyaman a lutu. Aliwa mu ita, pasobra ka. Eku masaya
nung eku pesobra uling potang muli la, magdala la at ketang puntalan na ning nilutu
mu, pamalita de. ‘Nukarin ya ibat?’ ‘Kari kayi...’ ‘Kanyaman na palang gawang
makanyan!’ (Make sure that you prepare something truly delicious. Not only that, but
prepare more than enough. I’m not happy if I didn’t prepare extra servings for my
guests to bring home. When they go home, they must bring some with them which
will likely be shared with others and spoken about with the others. ‘Where did this
 come from?’ ‘From [name]...’ ‘Who would have thought [name] could cook such a
delicious dish!’)

Para keng ego mu naman. Atin yang ego ing Kapampangan, a buri na sabyan da a
manyaman ya lutu, magkuswelu ya. E na namang i-kutang. It’s very subtle --- o nanu,
kinabsi kayu?”

(It’s for the ego just as well. The Kapampangan has an ego, that they want people to
say that their cooking is delicious, they take joy in that. But the Kapampangan will
never ask. It’s very subtle --- ‘So, are you guys full up?’)

The Kapampangan pride in cooking begins with the vast knowledge of the flavor spectrum

which is both the product of original taste and foreign influences. Similarly, they also boast

of their varied techniques in food preparation which emphasizes time and effort. These

were fully realized in the festejos (occasion) in the 1880s [Dizon 2000: 141-143], and from

there the passion for food went beyond preoccupation to habit. Macario Gonzales [1993]

has scribed that while food is a special focus of Filipino life and culture, there is no other

group which is more meticulous in food than the Kapampangan. The need to have one’s

skills praised and affirmed is considered more as some merry war between Kapampangans,

as to who can cook the best.

A second, more familiar instance which demonstrates the custom of food as

diplomatic tool is in the geostrategic setup of the fiesta spread. It is however doubtful for

this to be exclusively a Kapampangan practice. Musni [2015] places the significance of the

Presidential Table to the fore:

“All of the best is served there. Ating additional a makayapag karin keng
Presidential Table. Kaninu ka tuki a VIP keng metung a fiesta? Eka keng Mayor tutuki.
Tuki ka keng pari. (Who among the VIP will you accompany at a fiesta? Don’t go with
the Mayor. Go with the Priest.) The lechon, which is the pride of the fiesta, is not
 chopped until the friar or the ‘Kura Paroko’ or the ‘Among’ is there. So you should
be near among, banta (so that) you’ll get the best cut of the lechon. Nung migserve
lang Salmon... (If they serve Salmon...) Salmon is not served to the ordinary visitors.
It is reserved for the Mayor, the Frayle, and to the VIP. So, ot paparamdam mu keng
papakanan mu, paparamdam mung special ya para potang manyad kang pabor,
aganaka naka; a dininan meng masanting. (Why would you make your visitors feel
that they are special? Its for when you ask for a favor, they will remember you; that
you gave them a good meal.) Apag me itang sherbet, kayi itang ordinaryung basu
pero itang kaya ketang crystal a makasalikut pabanua keng aparadur; pang karela la
reta... (Serve the sherbet, you have two kinds of glasses. Aside from the ordinary glass
which you will not give your special guest, you have a crystal one which has been
sitting in your cupboard for an entire year; this one’s only for them...) Gagawan da ita
(They do that) not because they want to entertain, but they want to show that they
have a particular affection for this person. And sometimes it pays well, potang
manyad kang pabor. (And sometimes it pays well, when you ask for a favor)

Para kanaku, e malaut a ing pamangan ginamit de reng pulitiko at ginamit de

reng ordinaryung tau banta akwa de ing buri da. Halimbawa, magpalakas ka keng
pari, magpalakas ka keng mayor... Balu mu ing mayor he has everything, he can buy
what he wants. Pag-lutu me, uling balu mung ining bibiye mu e na asali anggyang
nukarin.”

(For me, it isn’t a remote possibility that food is being used by political figures and
used by average individuals so that they can get what they aspire. For instance, if you
want to build and nurture a friendship with a Priest, a Mayor... You would know that
the Mayor has everything and he can buy what he wants. When you cook for him, you
know you are giving him something that he cannot get anywhere.

Establishing food as the bonds of a relationship, what reinforces the continued exchange

involves the ensured response to the food given and the resumed interest in it long after it

has been consumed. As Musni [2015] had also mentioned, the recipient of the gift “...will

never have the gall to say ‘dinan na pa’ (‘Can I please have some more?’).” There will always
be the indirect hinting on the part of the recipient, to which the giver will gladly assure them

that there will be plenty more of that dish to come. The flavors of that dish likewise

becoming the flavor associated with the individuals in the friendship (moreso the giver).

[Cooking Up a Political Thought on Citizenship]

As citizens are made and not born, the casts which have molded them must never be

overlooked [Saward 2006: 401-402] as these account for the construction of identities and

competences. It is observable how the old Kapampangans like to talk using metaphors

derived from the same vocabulary employed in cooking and cuisine. This is particularly seen

in dialogues on the subject of child rearing and taking pride in one’s offspring or dislike in

anothers.

To begin, the aspect of Discipline in the activities of raising a child is described

primarily in agricultural terms. This is primarily for the reason that this is where it starts; it

begun with the land. This is a premise which is both biblical and historical. It is historically

valid because Pampanga was an agricultural hub, the peoples lives in one way or another (as

farmer, as consumer) were tied to the soil. This aside, there is also correlation to the soil

through dust in the biblical reference --- ‘to dust one day we shall return’ (or something in

that fashion). It applies to one’s self and one’s nourishments. Borromeo [2015] provided the

terms as follows:

Umpisan keng simpling bage (Start with the simple things)

Magtiyaga (Patience)

Banten (Care)
 Pupulan (Harvesting)

The transposition of these preparation terms is in connection to socializing a child.

This then translates to the cooking of personality and character. While the cooking process

of character is in theory uniform, the varied outcomes depends on the ingredients used. In

terms of the ‘simpleng bage’, what “seeds” were planted --- What types of priorities and

principles formed these seeds? The combination of ingredients which were planted,

grown, harvested, and used in a dish which is required to undergo slow cooking will yield

different results, hence different outcomes of character in people.

The objective of every dish was to end up having some sense of linamnam --- the

highest flavor sensation. It’s one which best translates Kapampangan culture as it best

expresses Kapampangan pride [Borromeo: 2015]. The reason why this flavor is craved, the

beauty behind it has to do with the amount of hard work which was required before it

reaches its delectable state. It is slow, tedious, but driven. Linamnam is therefore also

translatable to be an expression of diligence, being the goal and the end point to a

successful dish. Likewise, the flavor of a proper, successful child. Such as how compliments

will go to the chef, the parent would likewise be praised for the culturedness of their child.

[Lessons from Making Dulce Prenda: A Definition and Justification of Force as Discipline]

First, what is a Dulce Prenda? Translated as ‘Our Sweet Treasure’ [Mendoza: 2007;

Borromeo: 2015], the Dulce Prenda is a pastry which originated in Bacolor. It was invented

in a Kapampangan kitchen in Bacolor after the introduction of the feast of La Naval de

Bacolor in the year 1786. The Dulce Prenda is a special pastry to honor the Virgin Mary on

her fiesta [Mendoza 2007: 315].

 One version of the story on the pastry’s provenance, name, and character which is

subscribed to by Borromeo [2015] is found in The Saga of La Naval [2007] under the chapter

entitled ‘La Naval Fiestas in Pampanga’ by Erlita P. Mendoza. This version states that the

pastry has connections with influence of the Chinese merchants and immigrants who came

to the towns of Guagua, Bacolor, San Fernando, and Angeles as a plan to escape the Manila

massacre in the 1600s. Some say that the genotype of the Dulce Prenda was an evolution of

the Chinese mini sweet cake, Hopia. Because of this, the Dulce Prenda was given its alias,

the “hopiang Kapampangan” [Mendoza 2007: 315].

However, the Kapampangans deviated from the round, thick, and flaky format which

characterized the standard hopia. They developed their own conceptualization of this

through the usage of sweet fillings. The dough of the Dulce Prenda is composed of the same

ingredients used in the Panecillos de San Nicholas --- arrowroot flour, coconut milk, egg yolk,

and sugar. The filling is composed of grated or minced winter melon, egg yolks, sugar or

condensed milk, and local lemon rind. This was prepared ahead of time and cooled to room

temperature [Mendoza 2007: 315]. The pastry is also a feast for the eyes, granted by the

embossed, intricate floral design which adorns the crust; this is accomplished through

branding the still raw top crust with a hardwood board which has the design. This motif is an

allusion to the embroidery on the clothes of Mary, the Lady of the Rosary [Mendoza 2007:

316; Borromeo: 2015] Once assembled and baked, the pastry is roughly the size of a palm of

a hand. It has the same shape of a brooch or locket. It is called a “jewel” or “treasure”

because of its sweet and delightful filling which is hidden in its crisp enclosure [Mendoza

2007: 316; Borromeo: 2015]. According to accounts, the pastry had gotten its name from
the lines of the chorus from the hymn of Despedida a la Virgen. The song is traditionally

sung during the feast of Our Lady of La Naval [Mendoza 2007: 316].

Connecting this with the subject matter of preparing citizens, Borromeo [2015]

refers to the process of designing the crust of the Dulce Prenda as allegorical to the act of

disciplining one’s child. As the design requires the pounding of the mould on a sheet of raw,

pliant dough, Borromeo relates it to the emotion of anger. To quote:

“Sometimes, it pays to be angry. Hindi naman lahat ng pag-galit ay masama. Ako’y

nagalit sa aking mga anak, gusto ko lalabas ng ganito kaganda.”

The notion of ‘pounding’ here, as seen in the design resulting from such action, has to do

with the installation of character in the child. The more intricate the design, significantly

more force is required to be evenly distributed. This sense of even distribution translates to

the need for the child to be well-rounded, the development of attitude and talents as well

as the improvement of the child’s negative characteristics.

[Recipes for a Good (Child) Citizen]

The Slow Cooking method was mentioned earlier by Borromeo [2015]. It is best

approached as a class for cooking techniques which emphasize duration and effort. The

good child is either described as ‘Ma-bukal’ (Thoroughly boiled), ‘Mepalambut Masalese’

(<Well-softened>), ‘Malwat Migogo’ (Stirred for a long duration), ‘Manangnang’ or ‘Malutu’

(‘Well-roasted’ and ‘Well-cooked’ respectively).

In common Kapampangan usage, the terms ‘Manangnang ya’ or ‘Malutu ya’ are the

opposite of the undercooked and uncooked or raw --- for which the Kapampangans have a

dislike of [Musni: 2015]. Musni discusses the origins of the words and its usage:
 “‘Manangnang’ usually pertains to fully-cooked rice or rice delicacy.
Kapampangans being known for their culinary prowess are very particular with the
way their food is cooked. They frown over food that is undercooked (and even
overcooked) and raw or at the least, that which have “raw taste”. Being a
rice-growing province, many Kapampangans are also particular about how their rice
is cooked; they do not like magadtu (Undercooked or lacking in water), malpa
(watery, mushy, gruel like) and meduluk (burnt).

‘Magogo’ means well-mixed; a child who has the good looks. Gogo or to mix, is an
important culinary term in Pampanga. One’s coffee had to be magogo (well-stirred)
to make sure that the milk and sugar mixed well with the coffee. A dish had to be
magogo to make sure that the flavors meld and the ingredients are well
incorporated. It’s also perhaps a veiled allusion to the sexual act, practically the
mixing of the female ovum and the male sperm. And that is why we have the term
‘Aspak o Balbal ya malutu’ which means mentally ill or deranged. Probably because
when eggs rot, the yolks develop a red tinge. It may also refer to an abnormal
embryonic development.”

This discusses the preferences for dishes translating to individuals having a sense of

character which is well-balanced. For both cooks and diners alike, they may observe that

the common denominator for most of these words is the emphasis on submissiveness. How

does the initial submissiveness contribute to the creation of quality citizens? While is

appears contradictory to what democracy stands for, this has to do with the establishment

of character. One needs to understand what rules are and how these work before one can

go about ratifying or breaking them properly; the latter of which constitute the exercise of

liberty. During this phase, one should be taught how to live a contemplative life; how to live

life with virtue in order to get to the best life (a question central to politics). One learns of

prudence, a virtue required for perceiving the right thing to do in a particular situation. In

determining what is right, prudence cannot ignore the political community and especially
the law, which is this community’s voice of command. Some human beings can be brought

to virtue if they receive the proper training from youth on. It prepares them for the ideas of

justice and the law.

The twin activities of cooking and dining can be considered as having a philosophic

function if assessed using an Aristotelian vista. As a form of concession to private education,

if one teaches their child how to cook as part of the process of disciplining, it can command

obedience on the basis of “affection” and “kinship”.

[Recipes for a Bad (Child) Citizen]

The expressions which define the flavor of the bad citizen are predominantly colloquial.

The items have been roughly translated.

A bad (child) citizen is one without salt, in Kapampangan terms, ‘Ala yang asin’. This

translates to the individual being immature --- to have a much younger mindset for one’s

age, childish or cannot seem to understand how he is expected to act at his age; it denotes

the absence of any form of iniative. [Maglaqui: 2015; Musni: 2015]. This expression has a

deep-seated, colorful foundation; Musni [2015] discusses it as follows:

“There are several biblical allusions to salt. Salt being a preservative not only keeps
fresh food from spoiling, it also adds flavor to it. For which reason the Roman
Catholic liturgy is rich with symbolisms attached to salt. Under the old rite,
(Pre-Vatican) holy salt was sprinkled on a babe’s mouth an an invocation of the
enlightening effects of the Holy Spirit. In blessing holy water, salt used to be
sprinked in the batches of holy water blessed during the Easter Vigil. The
Kapampangans (and if I may say) the Filipinos adopted this symbol altogether in
their folk beliefs. Thus, they sprinkled salt on foundations and posts. Salt along with
rice was sprinkled around a new house before the family moved in (lipat bale), some
 sort of a housewarming practice. And because salt is one of the most basic
preservatives and seasoning, it has been associated with “substance” and “essence”.
For which reason a child who does not act his age or seem to understand how he is
expected by society to act at his age is labeled as “ala ya pang asin” or “kulang ya pa
asin” (one lacking salt).”

Similar in the theme of ‘lacking initiative’ is the expression “Atin yang apalya gulut, kailangan

me pang pukpukan bayu ya mag-obra.” (He/She has bittermelon on his/her back, you have

to hit him/her in order to get him/her to do work.) The bitterness of the melon signifies

laziness of the individual.

[Recipe for a Good Leader/Authority Figure]

Citizens would not be definable without the existence of leaders. Angeles City Vice

Mayor Vicky Vega [2015] provided her flavor preferences which would define the

leader/authority figure. She makes the similarity of the flavor profiles to that of the

Kaldereta. A leader should have spice as well as sweetness. The spice would signify the

leader’s strength, sense of principle, and toughness. A degree of sweetness is also needed

to balance out the toughness when necessary; it signifies compassion and endearment on

the part of the leader to his or her citizens.

[Recipe for an Ineffective Leader/Authority Figure]

It is known that the Kapampangan do not like undercooked food [Musni: 2014]. This

likewise reflects on their take on leadership, where the raw is equated to the lack of

experience and political maturity. There is also the description of ‘Masalpak’ (Bitter) or

‘Bubut’ (Unripe). Musni [2015] explains the definition in the style of a simile:
 “Like a fruit that is picked long before it is ripe; an acrid taste. One who forays into
politics without enough preparation or ample experience and is therefore, unfit for
the office he seeks.”

As the usage of words is one criteria which distinguishes a Politician from a

Statesman, the Kapampangan expression ‘Agad yang magpaltakokok’ (Easily answers back)

pertains to the individual being too defensive, to the point that his words would be the

means for him to be caught in his fault(s) [Maglaqui: 2015]. The term ‘magpaltakokok’ is

roughly translatable to ‘squawking’ and associated to avian livestock, particularly chickens.

It may have roots in to the agricultural period of Pampanga. The act of ‘squawking’ remarks

may be references to the lack of culture and most significantly, tact.

[A Dying Linguistic Dish?]

What is compelling about the usage of Kapampangan culinary terms in other areas of

life is that it is a considerably endangered linguistic practice, likely resulting from the decline

of traditional cooks. The difficulty in attempting even a brief list for such a social dictionary

is real, due to the reasons that interviewees encounter difficulty in recalling pertinent

expressions. According to Musni [2015], the last he has heard most of the common terms

must have been 20 years ago. He also states that even if one is interested in consulting the

elder population, those with knowledge of original information shaping these expressions

and the foundations of these words have brought the stories with them to their graves.

Elders who are still around on the other hand have forgotten these terms altogether.

If anything, chances of this mood of dialogue surviving has to do with a trickle down

where one hears the words and becomes familiar with its usage. In the open forum segment

of the lecture conducted by the author entitled RECIPES FOR CITIZENSHIP [2015], it had
been brought up that at present, more popular forms of the idioms which are in circulation

are the colloquial usages and no longer the originals; the register of expressions are also

significantly short, and those which are pertinent to this paper have already been discussed.

[Conclusion]

The flavorful background of Kapampangan cooking and cuisine is grounded on its

history of seasonal adjustments and geocultural realities. The expression of political thought

can be found in the fashion of anecdotes behind certain dishes, along with the entrees

themselves becoming eventual fixtures of present-day political traditions. Secondly, it could

be considered along the lines of becoming a potential vehicle for communication where

food itself and the practice of giving dishes and hosting meals convey messages, aside from

the more apparent political scenarios which involve certain fare making special appearances

during both semi-political (celebrations which are private to communal and invite

prominent figures of society or authority such as the parish priest and the mayor) and

formal political events (official ceremonies by government, assemblies, and similar bodies).

Conceptualizing cooking and cuisine as a potential vehicle for political expression and

communication is something which will always be budding as food is firmly deep-seated in

the Kapampangan character. Both culinary and political history have many an occasion been

in the same space, seen as inspired political anecdotes, shaping diplomatic relations and

forging new ones through a range of edible symbols featured in feast spreads.

Food has the potential of being an indicator of one’s identity based on both the

ingredients comprising it (where substitutions and adjustments are made on occasions that

an item is unavailable in a certain locale) as well as the techniques used for its creation. This
is one explanation as to how there are different variations to a dish; practitioners of cooking

and cuisine maintain that it was one effect of the migration of Kapampangans to other parts

of the Philippines.

Cooking and Cuisine has contributed to Kapampangan political culture through ritual

and anecdote. The Bobotung Asan is a dish which is flavored by the foundations of

democracy and is also a delicacy which is prepared during every barangay election season.

Its origins reflect the understructure of political socialization in the case of females. Playing

with the concept of voting, the ladies in that one kitchen in Candaba (where the dish

originated) enacted a permutation of deliberative democracy in which the kitchen was host

to and the the fellow chefs being members of the forum. It was in this activity that there

was the conduct of dialogue, reasoning, the exchange of information, and decision making;

these resulting in them unknowingly learning of the virtues of participation, tolerance, and

the recognition of others and respective opinion --- practices and virtues which are later

seen to be applicable in mainstream politics and governance. The story behind the

Bobotung Asan also contributes to the reinforcement of the postulate that women would be

effective leaders. The nature of the activity was informal; the absence of both a structured

dialogue and time constraints enabled the development and refinement of communication

skills among the participants, this may include diplomatic speech.

The anecdote on the subject of ‘dagdag-bawas’ which connects a method in baking to

an act of cheating during elections may be considered as something which is simultaneously

amusing and embarrassing for any Kapampangan. It involves a vague or indirect statement

that the Kapampangan ancestors were among the first possible influences to have inspired

the practice of electoral dishonesty.

 The vocabularies having originated in Kapampangan cooking and cuisine are likewise

usable to describe the endeavors of raising a child to become a citizen, beginning with

terminologies inspired by agricultural history. This is founded on the reason that everything

begins with earth. The socialization of the child is rendered in the allegory of planting and

harvesting, where efforts start at the planting of priorities and principles (which have been

referred to as the ‘seeds’). The combinations of traits may tend to differ on the

parent(-figure) who acts as the farmer. The act of waiting and tending to the crops has been

translated as the steady guidance and patience on the part of the parental figure. Come

harvest season, similar to produce that is to go into a dish, the combination of ingredients

would undergo ‘slow cooking’. This is interpreted as degrees of discipline coupled with

character-building. Depending on the combination of traits instilled, this will yield different

results, hence different outcomes in people and the attitudes plus virtues they have and

don’t have. The ‘slow cooking’ method applies to the child in the sense that the discipline

and character-building are the techniques to bring an aspired outcome which is a sense

called ‘Linamnam’. In Kapampangan, it is a measure of richness rendered to describe the

flavor of a proper and successful child. Linamnam is a result of diligence and hard work and

pertains to the well-balanced character of the child. Being subjected to a figurative sense of

heat is conceptually anchorable to submissiveness. Given the democratic setup of society,

this seems counter-intuitive to an extent --- one is tempted to ask how this makes for

quality citizens when submissiveness appears contradictory to what democracy stands for.

Once again, this is anchored to the idea of establishing character. An individual needs to

understand what the rules are and how these work before they can go about ratifying or

breaking them properly. It is the latter two of which constitute the exercise of liberty. It is

during this phase that one should be taught how to live a contemplative life; how to live
with virtue in order to get to the best life --- questions central to politics and political

maturity. One learns of prudence, a virtue required for perceiving the right thing to do in a

particular situation. In determining what is right, the prudent individual cannot ignore the

political community and especially the law, which is the community’s voice of command.

Some individuals can be brought to virtue if they receive the proper training beginning from

the stage of youth onwards. This prepares them for the ideas of justice and law.

To complement the meaning provided in the concept of slow cooking is an insight on

the justification of force as discipline, defined in the baking of a batch of Dulce Prenda. As a

pastry which procedurally combines the sweet with figurative toughness, it is the crust of

the good which is metaphorical to the act of disciplining one’s child. The design requires the

pounding of the mould on a sheet of raw, pliant dough; the action is related to the emotion

of anger. The notion of ‘pounding’ results in a beautiful design and reflects the act of

installing character in the child. The amount of force is directly proportional to the intricacy

of the design and this ensures the even distribution of the motif. To translate, this likewise

refers to the need for the child to be well-rounded. The attention paid to force and

discipline is not an act of the castigatory, but it pertains more to the assiduous oversight in

terms of determining one’s child’s trait combinations to formulate their individuality. This

includes the development of attitude and talents as well as the improvement of the child’s

negative characteristics, the justification of the need for force (‘pukpok’) so as to prevent a

faint design from showing. To render, the negative aspects would be pre-empted.

The opposite end of the spectrum as diametric to the ‘well-cooked’ as adjectives

describing the characteristics of a good child, the bad child who would go on to be a bad

citizen is depicted as ‘lacking salt’, or being flavorless. This reflects a sense of immaturity of
the individual, where they may have a much younger mindset for one’s age, acts childish, or

cannot seem to understand how they are expected to act for their age. It also denotes the

absence of any form of initiative. Related to this is the saying that ‘one has bittermelon on

their back’, where the bitterness of the vegetable signifies laziness of the individual.

Similar to the discussion on citizenship, the concept of authority has likewise been

mulled over. The general words ‘leader’ and ‘leadership’ are often treated as

interchangeable with the political concept of ‘authority’. While it is recognized that there is

no definite set of individual traits which would add up to a general ability to lead, it is

important to have familiarity with the ideals that the individual should possess in

applicability to the address of problems which face the political community. The positive

and the negative attributes have been represented in terms of flavors along a synesthesic

mood. A good leader is thought to have sweet and spicy tones; flavor profiles some assert to

associate with the Kapampangan Kaldereta. The spice is translated into the leader’s strength

with proper increments depending per scenario, a sense of principle, and toughness. A

degree of sweetness is intended to balance the toughness when it is necessary, also serving

as a signification of compassion and endearment on the part of the leader towards their

citizens. An ineffective leader on the other hand is considered ‘undercooked’. Flavor-wise,

there is an unpleasant bitterness or unripe tone. This reflects on the individual’s take on

leadership where the raw is equated to the lack of experience and political immaturity.
 [R E F E R E N C E S]

Bauer, Laury, Janet Holmes, and Paul Warren. Language Matters. UK: Macmillan Education, 2006.

Bohman, J. F. and Rehg,W (eds). Deliberative Democracy. London: MIT Press, 1997.

Dizon, Lino L. Amlat: Kapampangan Local History Contours in Tarlac and Pampanga. Center for
Philippines: Tarlaqueno Studies, Tarlac State University, 2000.

Dryzek, J. S. Deliberative Democracy and Beyond. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.

Fishkin, J. S. The Voice of the People. London: Yale University Press, 1997.

Geertz, Clifford. The Interpretation of Cultures. New York: Basic Books, 1973.

_____________ After the Fact: Two Countries, Four Decades. One Anthropologist.
Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995.

Gonzales, Macario. ‘Introduction’ in Gene R. Gonzales. Cocina Sulipena. Culinary Gens from Old Pampanga.
Metromanila: Bookmark, 1993 p. xxi.

Larkin, John A. The Pampangans: colonial society in a Philippine province. Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1972.

Mcgee, Jon. Anthropological Theory An Introductory History. USA: McGraw-Hill, 2008.

Mendoza, Erlita. ‘La Naval Fiestas in Pampanga’ in The Saga of La Naval: Triumph of a People’s Faith. Quezon
City: Dominican Province of the Philippines, 2007.

Moore, Jerry D. Visions of Culture: An Introduction to Anthropological Theories 3e. UK: Altamira Press,
2009.

Panopio, Isabel and Raymundo, Adelisa. Sociology: Focus on the Philippines 4th Ed. Philippines:
Ken Inc., 2004.

Pettit, P. ‘Deliberative democracy, the discursive dilemma, and republican theory’ in J. S. Fishkin and P.
Laslett (eds.) Debating Deliberative Democracy. Oxford: Blackwell, 2002, pp. 138–62.

Saward, Michael. Chapter 22: DEMOCRACY AND CITIZENSHIP: EXPANDING DOMAINS in JOHN S . DRYZEK,
BONNIE HONIG, and ANNE PHILLIPS (eds). The Oxford Handbook of Political Theory. New York: Oxford
University Press, 2006 pp. 400-422.

Staeheli, Lynn, and Don Mitchell. Spaces of public and private. In Clive Barnett and Murray Low (eds.) Spaces
of democracy. London: Sage Ltd., 2004, pp. 147-160.

The Phrase Finder. The meaning and origin of the expression: You are what you eat
http://www.phrases.org.uk/meanings/you-are-what-you-eat.html

[Interviews]

Lising-Borromeo, Lilian. 20 January 2015. Cusina ng Atching Lilian. Parian, Mexico, Pampanga. Interviewed
by the author in person.
Maglaqui, Felicidad P. Sept 10 2015 Greenfields Country Club Homes, City of San Fernando,
Pampanga. Interviewed by the author in person.

Musni, Lord Francis. Sept 08 2015 at Heroes Hall, City of San Fernando, Pampanga. Interviewed by the
author in person.

Tayag, Claude. 19-23 February 2015. Interviewed by the author via Email correspondence.

Vega, Vicky. Sept 03 2015. Consulted by the author via FB messaging.