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Migration and threat to identity

Article in Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology · September 2000

DOI: 10.1002/1099-1298(200009/10)10:5<355::AID-CASP594>3.0.CO;2-Y

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Journal of Community + Applied Social Psycholo`y
J[ Community Appl[ Soc[ Psychol[\ 09] 244Ð261 "1999#

Migration and Threat to Identity

LADA TIMOTIJEVIC and GLYNIS M[ BREAKWELL

Social Psycholo`y European Research Institute "SPERI#\ University of Surrey\ Guildford\ UK

ABSTRACT

This paper concerns threats to identity experienced by migrants who have encountered radical
socio!political upheaval[ We argue that migration\ following massive societal change\ is associ!
ated with disruption that is likely to be undesired and\ even when it is desired\ because it is
substantial\ threatens identity de_nition and evaluation[ There is relatively little empirical social
psychological research on migrants| perceptions of the threats associated with migration and
their impact upon identity[ In this study\ we investigate the emotional and cognitive experience
of threat to identity described by immigrants to Britain "N  13# from the former Yugoslavia\
following the outbreak there of civil war[ We examine how these interviewees engage in a
meaning!making process\ negotiating their position amid a complex system of group cat!
egorisations and cultural values in order to retain their sense of self!e.cacy\ continuity\
distinctiveness and self!esteem[ Identity Process Theory "Breakwell\ 0875# is used to interpret
the _ndings[ We also show how strong emotional reactions surround alterations in identity
meanings following severe threats that are consequent upon major life changes[ Copyright
Þ 1999 John Wiley + Sons\ Ltd[

Key words] identity processes^ migration^ threat^ emotions^ refugees from former Yugoslavia

INTRODUCTION

Model of identity processes

The theoretical approach to the analysis of identity used in this paper is derived from
Identity Process Theory "IPT# "Breakwell\ 0875\ 0882\ 1999#[ IPT proposes that the
structure of identity is a dynamic social product of the interaction of the capacities
for memory\ consciousness and organised construal "that are characteristic of the
biological organism# with the physical and societal structures and in~uence processes
which constitute the social context[ Identity resides in psychological processes but is
manifested through thought\ action and a}ect[ People are normally self!aware]
actively monitoring the status of their identity[ They are also self!constructors] reno!
vating\ replacing\ revising and removing elements of identity as necessary[ In this
sense\ the IPT model of identity is similar to Giddens| "0880# notion of self!identity]

 Correspondence to] Prof[ G[ M[ Breakwell\ Social Psychology European Research Institute\ School of
Human Sciences\ University of Surrey\ Guildford\ GU1 6XU\ UK[

Received 09 February 1999

Copyright Þ 1999 John Wiley + Sons\ Ltd[ Accepted 14 July 1999
245 L[ Timotijevic and G[ M[ Breakwell

{the self as re~exively understood by the person in terms of her or his biography| "p[
42#[ Giddens emphasised that identity presumes continuity across time and space\ but
that self!identity is such continuity as interpreted re~exively by the agent[
IPT proposes that the structure of identity should be described in terms of the
content and the value:a}ect dimensions[ The content dimension consists of the charac!
teristics which de_ne identity] the properties which\ taken as a constellation\ mark
the individual as unique[ It encompasses both those characteristics previously con!
sidered the domain of social identity "group memberships\ roles\ social category labels\
etc[# and of personal identity "values\ attitudes\ cognitive style\ etc[#[ The distinction
between social and personal identity is abandoned in this model[ Seen across the
biography\ social identity is seen to become personal identity] the dichotomy is purely
a temporal artefact[ Of course\ the content dimension is organised[ The organisation
can be characterised in terms of "i# the degree of centrality\ "ii# the hierarchical
arrangements of elements and "iii# the relative salience of components[ The organ!
isation is not\ however\ static and is responsive to changes in inputs and demands
from the social context besides purposive reconstruction initiated by the individual[
Each element in the content dimension has a positive or negative value:a}ect appended
to it^ taken together these values constitute the value:a}ective dimension of identity[
The value:a}ective dimension of identity is constantly subject to revision] the value
of each element is open to reappraisal as a consequence of changes in social value
systems and modi_cations in the individual|s position in relation to such social value
systems[
The structure of identity is postulated to be regulated by the dynamic processes of
accommodation:assimilation and evaluation which are deemed by IPT to be universal
psychological processes[ Assimilation and accommodation are components of the
same process[ Assimilation refers to the absorption of new components into the
identity structure^ accommodation refers to the adjustment which occurs in the exist!
ing structure in order to _nd a place for new elements[ Accommodation!assimilation
can be conceptualised as a memory system and subject to biases in retention and
recall[ These biases are said to be predictable since identity change is guided by certain
{identity principles|[ The process of evaluation entails the allocation of meaning and
value:a}ect to identity contents\ new and old[ The two processes interact to determine
the changing content and value of identity over time^ with changing patterns of
assimilation requiring changes in evaluation and vice versa[
The processes of identity are guided in their operation by principles which de_ne
desirable states for the structure of identity[ The actual end states considered desirable\
and consequently the guidance principles\ may be temporally and culturally speci_c[
In Western industrialised cultures the current prime guidance principles identi_ed
within IPT are] continuity\ distinctiveness\ self!e.cacy\ and self!esteem[ These four
principles vary in their relative and absolute salience over time and across situations[
There is evidence that their salience also varies developmentally across the life!
span "Breakwell\ 0882#[ Cultures and sub!cultures di}er in the levels of continuity\
distinctiveness\ self!esteem and self!e.cacy they deem desirable for an individual
identity[ They also di}er in the manner in which the four principles can be instantiated[
For instance\ some cultures de!emphasize the requirement for distinctiveness "Vig!
noles et al[\ 1999#\ others exaggerate it[ Also\ the forms that distinctiveness can
legitimately take di}er across cultures "de Silva\ 0882^ Orme!Johnson et al[\ 0886#[
Identity is created within a particular social context within a speci_c historical
Copyright Þ 1999 John Wiley + Sons\ Ltd[ J[ Community Appl[ Soc[ Psychol[\ 09] 244Ð261 "1999#
 Mi`ration and threat to identity 246

period[ Structurally\ the social context is comprised of interpersonal networks\ group

and social!category memberships\ and intergroup relationships[ The content of ident!
ity is assimilated from these structures which generate roles to be adopted and beliefs
or values to be accepted[ The social context has a second dimension that consists of
social in~uence processes which interact to create the multifaceted ideological milieu
for identity[ Social in~uence processes "such as education\ rhetoric\ propaganda\
polemic\ persuasion# establish systems of value and beliefs\ rei_ed in social rep!
resentations\ social norms\ and social attributions\ which specify an arena in which
both the content and value of individual identities are constructed[
IPT does not suggest that identity is determined by its social context[ There are
contradictions and con~icts within the ideological milieu\ generated by intergroup
power struggles\ which permit the individual some freedom of choice in formulating
the identity structure[ Changes in identity are therefore normally purposive[ The
person has agency in creating identity[ Furthermore\ the limitations of the cognitive
information processing system "primarily those associated with information acqui!
sition and memory# themselves impose some constraints upon identity development
"Neisser\ 0882#[ At the most basic level\ for instance\ the inability to retrieve self!
relevant material from memory may restrict identity modi_cation even if such change
would apparently be inevitable given the individual|s social position and experiences
"Neisser and Fivush\ 0883#[
Changes in the social context will initiate changes in identity according to] "i# their
personal relevance^ "ii# the immediacy of involvement in them^ "iii# the amount of
change demanded^ and "iv# how negative the change is deemed to be[ Movement of
the individual from one position in the social matrix to another will bring pressure to
bear for a change in identity since this is likely to introduce a changed pattern of
social in~uences and restrictions[ A threat to identity occurs when the processes of
assimilation!accommodation are unable\ for some reason\ to comply with the prin!
ciples of continuity\ distinctiveness\ self!e.cacy\ and self!esteem[ Threats are aversive
and the individual will seek to re!institute the principled operation of the identity
processes[ For a threat to evoke action\ it must gain access to consciousness[ It
is therefore possible to distinguish between occupying a threatening position and
experiencing threat[ If coping strategies are e}ective\ occupancy of a threatening
position may lose its power to threaten[
Any activity\ in thought or deed\ which has as its goal the removal or modi_cation
of a threat to identity may be regarded as a coping strategy[ Coping strategies can be
pitched at a number of di}erent levels] the intra!psychic\ interpersonal and grou!
p:intergroup[ The nature of these coping strategies is outlined in Breakwell "0875\
0881\ 0883#[ Essentially\ the choice of coping strategy is determined by an interaction
between the type of threat involved\ the salient parameters of the social context\ the
prior identity structure and the cognitive and emotional capacities of the individual[
There is now a body of empirical research which illustrates the variety of coping
strategies used in response to threats to continuity\ distinctiveness\ self!e.cacy or
self!esteem "e[g[ Ethier and Deaux\ 0883^ Devine!Wright and Lyons\ 0886^ Judd and
Wilson\ 0888#[

Why migration threatens identity<

There is no reason to suppose that geographical migration will inevitably threaten
identity[ It will do so only if it results in the individual moving into a social context so
Copyright Þ 1999 John Wiley + Sons\ Ltd[ J[ Community Appl[ Soc[ Psychol[\ 09] 244Ð261 "1999#
247 L[ Timotijevic and G[ M[ Breakwell

di}erent from their original that the bases "structural and procedural# for continuity\
distinctiveness\ self!esteem or self!e.cacy become unstable or\ in the extreme\ disap!
pear[ Where this happens\ threat will be experienced and identity changes are likely
"Hormuth\ 0889^ Ethier and Deaux\ 0883#[
It might be expected that threat would be more evident where migration was forced
"as in the case of asylum seekers and refugees# rather than voluntary "as in the case
of immigrants#[ This distinction between voluntary and forced migration has long
been used to explain di}erences in the impact of migration both upon the migrants
and upon the host!community "Stonequist\ 0826#[ Forced migration is often related
to a previous traumatic experience "induced by a catastrophic change in the migrants|
immediate physical or social environment#\ no prior decision to move\ and hence\
through the lack of choice\ no real control over life events[ Many migrants forced to
leave their homeland su}er severe PTSD\ which includes anxiety\ depression\ and
di.culty in adaptation "see Berry\ 0887 for review#[ However\ there is a growing
literature of refugee adaptation which shows that they are capable of a successful
long!term adaptation "e[g[ Beiser\ 0883#[ Similarly\ it is not clear whether those who
have made a conscious choice of emigrating to a particular necessarily experience
fewer psychological and socio!cultural problems "Kim\ 0877#[
To what extent the conceptual and legal distinction between voluntary and forced
migration easily translates into psychological reality of migrants is also not clear[
First\ there is often at some point a voluntary component in most politically!impelled
"forced# migration "Scott\ Scott and Stumpf\ 0878#[ Second\ it is often problematic as
to whether political or economic motives for migration are paramount[ Migrants|
own explanations for moving often change after the event "consequent upon their
adjustment to the new country\ their socio!economic status\ their mobility prospects
within the old and the new culture\ and so on#[ The subjective explanation for
migration can therefore be an important determinant of whether threat is perceived
and of its impact upon identity[ Indeed\ the narrative that explains migration can be
a means of coping with the threat to identity that has been created by migration[
Whether migration is perceived as voluntary or forced a}ects the migrant|s strategies
for dealing with the cultural demands and potentially con~icting identi_cations
required in the new country "Lalonde et al[\ 0881#[ In short\ the distinction between
the forced and voluntary migration\ although important\ may not inform our under!
standing of who is likely to experience threat with migration[
The threats to identity posed by the new country may not simply be a product of
it being di}erent to the old\ it may also be aggressively or passively opposed to the
immigrant[ Berry "0889\ 0886\ see also Berry et al[\ 0878\ 0881# proposed a model of
acculturation as the process a}ecting individuals and groups from di}erent cultural
backgrounds coming into _rst!hand contact and in~uencing each other|s culture[
Measuring the extent to which the migrants wanted to participate in the new culture
"the level of contact and participation# and retain their old culture "the degree of
culture!maintenance#\ Berry created a taxonomy of acculturation strategies] assimi!
lation\ separation\ integration and marginalisation[ Berry "0886# argued that adap!
tation was largely dependent upon the {_t| between the dominant and non!dominant
group|s choice of the way they wish to acculturate[ When host and home!group
acculturation strategies are in con~ict\ acculturation stress is imminent[
This is an essentially inter!group model that elaborates the macro!level processes
of migrant adaptation "Pick\ 0886#[ However\ although Berry recognised large vari!
Copyright Þ 1999 John Wiley + Sons\ Ltd[ J[ Community Appl[ Soc[ Psychol[\ 09] 244Ð261 "1999#
 Mi`ration and threat to identity 248

ations in migrants| experiences within a single group\ how these macro!level factors
translated into individual life was not speci_ed[
Recent literature within Social Identity Theory "Tajfel\ 0870^ Tajfel and Turner\
0875# has recognised large within!group variations in the experience of threat\ tracing
them to the strength of identi_cation with the salient in!group "e[g[ Ellemers\ Spears
and Doosje\ 0886^ Verkuyten and Nekuee\ 0888^ Doosje\ Ellemers and Spears\ 0884^
Branscombe et al[\ 0882^ Doosje\ Ellemers and Spears\ 0888^ Ellemers\ Barreto and
Spears\ 0888^ Mullen\ Brown and Smith\ 0881^ Branscombe and Wann\ 0883^ Ellemers
and Van Knippenberg\ 0886\ etc[#[ It is believed that strength of identi_cation pre!
cipitates the way individuals perceive and respond to threat[ In general\ it has been
thought that high in!group identi_ers express more out!group derogation and in!
group bias\ thus protecting their collective identity\ than the low identi_ers\ who are
more likely to protect their personal identity\ and disidentify "{exit| strategy#[
Many studies examining this relationship between the migrants| strength of identi!
_cation\ threat and their responses to it\ have focused upon a single category of
identi_cation*most commonly\ ethnic or national identity "e[g[ Verkuyten and
Nekuee\ 0888^ Boski\ 0880^ Lalonde\ Taylor and Moghaddam\ 0881^ Rosenthal and
Feldman\ 0881^ Mummendey et al[\ 0888\ etc[#[ However\ it is questionable to what
extent people indeed act only in terms of just one identity[ As Pittinsky et al[ "0888#
showed\ stereotype!relevant social context prompts an implicit reorientation of an
individual a}ect "and self!evaluation# across his or her many identities[ Any one social
identity does not necessarily function in isolation from other identities within the
overall identity!structure*it exists in a speci_c position relative to other aspects of
identity\ as well as the overall identity!structure[ Hedge "0887#\ for instance\ examined
the interaction between ethnic and gender identity showing that changes in content
of one would lead to simultaneous changes in the other[ Migration profoundly a}ects
people both on an individual and a collective level\ and is not con_ned merely to
considerations of competing categories of identi_cation[ It may also involve palpable
challenges to many of the usual bases for identity de_nition] interpersonal relation!
ships\ material possessions\ normative beliefs\ and emotions[
Variations in response exist not only in relation to the way one identi_es\ but also
in relation to the actual type of threat experienced\ and the two have been seen to
interact[ More recent SIT literature has recognised that there indeed exists a wider
range of possible motivation factors which\ when threatened\ lead to diverse responses
"e[g[ Hogg and Abrams\ 0889^ Branscombe et al[\ 0888#[ However\ what determines
at what point one type of motivation would prevail over another is not as yet clear[
There is some evidence that high identi_ers have a greater need for distinctive\ rather
than positive identity "see Branscombe et al[\ 0888#[ Also\ in certain contexts\ one
motivating factor "e[g[ distinctiveness# may be a preferred motive for people|s behav!
iour "e[g[ in comparison to self!esteem#\ leading to a whole new pattern of responses
to threat "Mlicki and Ellemers\ 0885^ Jetten\ Spears and Manstead\ 0888#[ Despite
the growing literature on the diverse ways of response to di}erent types of threat\ no
work has yet been done on how di}erent threats relate to each other[ For instance\ it
is not clear whether minority group provides positive distinctiveness because it is
more distinctive\ or negative distinctiveness because it is either too distinctive or
presumably less attractive[ The explanation of di}erent ways in which threats may be
experienced and responded to must involve awareness of the content of groups\ which
often provide framework from which people make sense of novel situations and
evaluate the experience as threatening "Branscombe et al[\ 0888#[

Copyright Þ 1999 John Wiley + Sons\ Ltd[ J[ Community Appl[ Soc[ Psychol[\ 09] 244Ð261 "1999#
259 L[ Timotijevic and G[ M[ Breakwell

In short\ little interest has yet been shown for classi_cation of the types of threat\
and when such taxonomies have been produced\ they focused upon threats to a single
identity!aspect[ With the exception of Breakwell "0875# no attempt has been made to
understand chronic threats*those emerging from the chronically threatening
contexts[ One problem a}ecting many theories that examined the inter!group contexts
of migrant adaptation is that the position of threat has often been confounded with
its experience "Breakwell\ 0875#[ What are the interpretative means through which
the position of threat is actually experienced as such\ has rarely been addressed[ It
is important to understand subjective dimensions of threat\ including how people
di}erentiate between di}erent sources of threat\ in order to provide a better under!
standing of the full range of adaptive responses[ Here\ we propose to investigate
threats to identity based on long!term environmental changes[ The aim of this paper
is to look for the evidence of existence of four types of threats delineated in the
previous section on IPT "Breakwell\ 0875#] these are threats to self!esteem\ self!
e.cacy\ continuity and distinctiveness[

Research aims
The study described\ conducted in 0886Ð7\ entails in!depth interviews with immigrants
from the former!Yugoslavia who had moved to Britain as a result of the war in their
country[ We believe that such migrants are likely to experience threats to identity]
they are exiles\ they are foreigners\ they have no home to which to return\ their
country has disappeared\ they face new cultural experiences\ they have often left
family and friends behind\ many of them have had direct experience of the war which
was considered to be the most destructive con~ict in recent European history\ and as
such has been in the centre of political\ diplomatic and media attention[ We argue
that studying such migrants allows us to examine the nature of the identity threats
that arise[

METHOD

This study investigates identity adaptations through analysis of former!Yugoslavian

migrants| life!narratives[ It is an exploratory study designed to allow free disclosure
of highly sensitive issues[ It used open!ended interviewing\ and 13 in!depth interviews
are reported here[ This approach was adopted because we wanted to understand in
considerable depth what people were feeling and doing about the changes in their
identity brought about by very dramatic transformations in their life circumstances[
The interview schedule covered] the factors in~uencing the decision to move^ eth!
nic:national identi_cation^ perceptions of the host and home countries^ beliefs about
the host!group perceptions of the home!culture^ interactions with the ethnic!minority
community in the host!country^ and general life satisfaction[ Aware that the issues to
be discussed were sensitive\ given the recency of the events that triggered their
migration\ we conducted the interviews in the respondents| native language[ We
believed that the use of a non!native language would represent a barrier to valid
disclosure\ particularly since respondents had varying ~uency in English[ Using Engl!
ish would also have been likely to bias the sample since those with less ~uency might
be signi_cantly less willing to participate in the study[
Copyright Þ 1999 John Wiley + Sons\ Ltd[ J[ Community Appl[ Soc[ Psychol[\ 09] 244Ð261 "1999#
 Mi`ration and threat to identity 250

Sampling and procedure] Lack of o.cial listings of contact addresses for immigrants
from the former Yugoslavia in Britain forced us to rely on {snowball| technique[
Attempts were made to approach immigrants in clubs and at social gatherings of
the peoples from di}erent parts of the former!Yugoslavia[ Little control over the
demographic spread of the sample could be achieved as a consequence "in terms of
social class\ educational background or ethnicity of a particular respondent#[ In the
course of the research\ however\ an e}ort was made to cover approximately equivalent
numbers of people from the three states in con~ict in the former!Yugoslavia "Croatia\
Bosnia and Serbia#\ and from the di}erent ethnic backgrounds "Serbian\ Croatian or
Muslim# living in each of these states[ Furthermore\ approximately equal numbers of
males and females were approached and interviewed\ and it was the objective of the
study to cover respondents across the age!span[ Most of the respondents were resident
in London\ some were resident in Birmingham[
In approaching prospective respondents for an interview\ the researcher had to
emphasise the scienti_c "that is*non!political# nature of the research\ and reveal the
rough content of the interview schedule^ it was also important to guarantee anonymity
and protection of privacy in order to attract respondents into the study[
An issue encountered at this stage of the study stemmed from prospective par!
ticipants inferring the researcher|s ethnicity from her place of origin and accent[ The
interviewer\ a former!Yugoslavian herself\ from Belgrade in Serbia\ on occasion may
have been refused interviews because of her perceived ethnicity[ This may have acted
as a systematic bias determining who agreed to be interviewed[
The interviews normally lasted about an hour[ Of the 13 interviewed\ 00 were
female\ aged 10Ð39\ 02 were males aged 06Ð49^ there were 00 people from Bosnia\ 4
from Serbia and 7 from Croatia[ Their ethnic identity was much more di.cult to
ascertain\ partly due to the complexity of ethnic categorisation in this population of
immigrants[ A large number of them were from Serbian ethnic background or from
a mixed family[ Also\ almost half of the subjects identi_ed themselves as Yugoslavs[
Of 13 interviewees\ 06 were asylum seekers "a few of them had been granted refugee
status\ whereas two had been undergoing appeal against the Home O.ce|s decision#[
Three respondents had arrived to the country under the asylum framework and
subsequently changed their legal status through marriage[ The remaining four respon!
dents found alternative routes of staying in the country] two of them were students
and two remained in Britain as au!pairs[ Although taking into account the di}erential
legal status of the migrants\ it became evident in the course of the analysis of the data
that it was not possible to make conclusions about these in terms of their identity[
Analysis] All interviews were taped\ transcribed and translated into English[
Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis "Smith\ 0885a# was used in order to explore
the participants| view of an event or an object of investigation[ The aim of this analysis
was to learn about the subjects| inner psychological world\ be it {in the form of the
beliefs or constructs that are evidenced in the accounts they give of their situation\ or
where the nature of the account itself articulates some part of their self or identity[
"Smith\ 0885a#[ Accessing meanings inherent in the participants| experiences is central
to this form of study| "Smith\ 0885b#[ Thus\ in Smith et al[|s "0888# terms\ the analysis
is phenomenological\ since {it is concerned with an individual|s personal perception
or account of an object or event as opposed to an attempt to produce an objective
statement of the object or event itself| "p[ 107#[ However\ it is also an interpretative
endeavour\ since in order to get close to the participant|s personal world\ a researcher
needs to engage in an interpretative activity[

Copyright Þ 1999 John Wiley + Sons\ Ltd[ J[ Community Appl[ Soc[ Psychol[\ 09] 244Ð261 "1999#
251 L[ Timotijevic and G[ M[ Breakwell

Criteria of analysis] Smith et al[ "0888# delineated the basic steps and criteria in
doing IPA which were adopted in this study[ The _rst step in conducting the analysis
involved reading closely each transcript\ detecting important terms and issues in the
transcript[ This is considered the initial phase of {coding| the material\ whereby\ due
to larger number of respondents\ the codes are related to broader sections of the
transcript "usually paragraphs#\ although they could sometimes relate just to one or
two sentences[
When the transcript was coded like this\ the codes were examined whether they
could be grouped into more general\ {higher!order themes|[ This coding process was
repeated for each interview in turn[
The following stage in the analysis involved identifying shared themes across the
interviews[ It involved looking at the seemingly disparate themes across transcripts\
and detecting general\ broad categories that could explain them[ In so doing\ the
researcher engaged in a form of relational\ analytic thinking whereby the emerging
categories had to connect the relational themes\ bringing them together[
This way\ the following stage of the analysis took place[ How these themes should
be brought together\ within as well as across di}erent transcripts required searching
for patterns\ connections and tensions within data[ Links\ as well as the possible
inconsistencies and con~icts between di}erent concepts were sought for[ This also
involved re~ecting on how di}erent categories related to each other\ where they linked
together\ and where they were in con~ict[
Con~icts and inconsistencies\ therefore\ also constituted the focus of this analysis[
Across the transcripts\ many basic themes had their counter!themes "e[g[ control vs[
lack of control#\ but each of these were selected to explain a particular higher!order
category\ or in the case of the current data\ were the exemplars of a particular way of
perceiving threat "e[g[ negotiating one|s self!e.cacy#[ The same themes were charac!
terised often by di}ering emotions\ again an example of multiple meanings emerging
from particular experiences characteristic of the sample as a whole[
Here\ it is important to make two caveats] each quotation in itself should not be
treated as evidence for the emerging argument in the analysis[ However\ the abundance
of quotations and their richness is so impelling\ that taken together\ it grounds our
argument in the data[ Second\ the number of instances and their prevalence in this
data was considered to be of lesser importance to that of the power and richness of
particular passages which highlight the themes[ The themes were selected also on the
basis of the extent to which they help illuminate the aspects of our account[

RESULTS

Attribution of responsibility and claims of self!ef_cacy

Respondents commonly needed to attribute responsibility for the inter!group con~ict
within their country of origin\ and to establish their own relationship to it[ If the
con~ict was inherent to the system in which they were brought up or externally
imposed^ induced or accidental^ inevitable or pointless^ were the questions perpetually
addressed by these migrants[ The attribution of responsibility for the con~ict interacts
with the emotions reported\ often interwoven with nostalgia for the irretrievable past[
They notably reject personal responsibility for the con~icts that have exiled them and
this is a form of self!protection[
Copyright Þ 1999 John Wiley + Sons\ Ltd[ J[ Community Appl[ Soc[ Psychol[\ 09] 244Ð261 "1999#
 Mi`ration and threat to identity 252

What I wanted was to run away from the sad situation[ I was a}ected by the war[ I hated
this war\ and I am angry with the people who have caused this war[ You and I are not guilty
for it^ we are just ordinary people[ There are no good or bad nations^ just good or bad
individuals[ "Female\ 16\ Croatia#

Looking from this perspective\ I was more than happy there[ I was working in the town I
was born in\ with the people from the same generation [ [ [ I always wanted to do something
useful for the State which had then fallen apart\ imagine my despair; "Male\ 28\ Bosnia#

In these excerpts\ the memory of the recent catastrophic changes in their home country
weaves together the problem of achieving a valid explanation for events and the
emotions aroused[ The di.culty in making sense of the historical change in the home!
country\ the socio!historical void caused by the sudden eruption of the war and the
disruptive and destructive nature of the event to the perceived continuity of the social
and individual life within it clearly represent sources of con~ict and confusion for the
respondents[ Their own relationship to events is ambivalent^ sadness\ disbelief\ guilt
and anger represent the emotions usually reported[ Feeling unsafe\ uncertain about
the past as well as the future\ and stripped of the necessary control over the course of
life\ are often talked about as a major source of threat\ and are major dilemmas for
these people trapped in the new situation[ This perceived unpredictability of life events
and inability to provide an explanation for them often results in a belief that their
actions cannot a}ect what happens\ thus becoming a frequent source of threat to self!
e.cacy and self!esteem[
My life is not normal at all here*my status\ my physical insecurity a}ects my psychological
security [ [ [ It is a very anxious and stressful situation to have someone else always have the
last word in relation to your life] you have no control over your life whatsoever^ both here
and there\ and that|s hard\ I feel helpless[ "Female\ 18\ Serbia#

Although the {unpredictability and inevitability| of the con~ict is perceived as a strong

{push out| factor by most of the respondents\ there is still a strong attempt to regain
some vestige of personal control through claiming that they determined their {choice
to stay or leave|[ Many recognise di}erent levels of compulsion behind their migration\
which leave them with di}erent options for coping with change[
I never wanted to emigrate\ in fact\ I never thought I was ever going to leave that country
for good[ Now I am thinking that I was lucky in a way[ When I left\ I had two suitcases\
and I actually had enough time to pack my stu}[ And then\ I saw the news and how people
were forced to leave their houses\ and can you imagine how horrible it may be when you
have _ve minutes to decide what you should take and what you will have to leave behind
[ [ [ I had two suitcases with me[ Everything else I had left there\ now it is all gone[ In that
respect I am lucky because I didn|t have to make that horrible choice to be pushed away
from my home[ "Female\ 20\ Bosnia#

This attempt to claim that they exerted some control over their choice\ no matter how
limited it was\ is linked to the ability to draw something positive from this highly
threatening experience[ There is considerable consensus among the respondents in
their emphasis on self!growth\ self!change\ increased responsibility and independence
gained from the experience of war and migration[
I think that all the people that are in my position have learned to cope with life better than
the people who have grown up in peace and had everything provided for them[ We are
stronger and more prepared to sacri_ce and value things in life[ Some people don|t even
think about that[ "Female\ 14\ Serbia#

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253 L[ Timotijevic and G[ M[ Breakwell

The quotations suggest that the interpretation of the impact of the stream of unpre!
dictable events is driven by attempts to re!establish some sense of self!e.cacy and
self!esteem[ Uncertainty and unpredictability of life!events often coexists with the
need to establish some level of control\ even if it is exercised within a very limited
framework of possible options[

Category negotiation to achieve continuity and self!esteem

It has been argued earlier that there are within!group variations in the way in which
threats are perceived[ The content of identities and meanings attached to di}erent
categories\ the way they are woven together and the particular aspects of di}erent
self!categories that are selected in order to construct a consistent identity represent
important processes[ The following passages attempt to tap some of these processes[
First\ we describe some of the common ways in which people conceptualise their
group identities\ with special emphasis on the di}erences between their ethnic and
national identity[
I identify as a former Yugoslavian\ as a person who was born in the old Yugoslavia\ in the
cosmopolitan Yugoslavia[ London suits me partly because it is so cosmopolitan\ just as
Sarajevo used to be[ I am proud to be a former!Yugoslav[ I am not ashamed[ I think that
the Serbs and Montenegrins appropriate this sense of Yugoslavianism undeservedly\ they
have no right to do it[ That|s not fair[ I am angry about it a little bit[ "Male\ 14\ Bosnia#
I hated the former!Yugoslavia\ I hated the whole system\ this idea of Yugoslavia could not
work\ and I had to go to the war to defend my country "Croatia# against it\ this dragon of
communism[ ð[ [ [Ł I am a Croat\ and this means everything to me] it is the place you were
born\ the food you eat\ the music you listen\ it is your roots[ "Male\ 17\ Croatia#
The _rst extract de_nes the Yugoslav identity in positive terms\ as an all!inclusive
category[ It also\ however\ illustrates how this category is negotiated in terms of level
of inclusiveness[ Which sub!category should be subsumed under the national category\
and the question of a {right| to claim a particular category shows the individual e}orts
in de_ning the contexts that might suit their own conceptualisations of the self[ The
current de_nition of the national category is being challenged "that is\ equating
Serbian and Montenegrin identity with that of Yugoslavia#\ and the continuity of its
meaning with that in the past demanded[
However\ such a positive representation of the category of a Yugoslav is not
uniform across the sample[ In the context of the recent inter!ethnic con~ict in the
former!Yugoslavia\ Croatian\ Albanian and many other identities have been de_ned
in contrast to the Yugoslavian identity\ and are made possible only in the context of
deconstruction of the category on the national level[ The two group!identities have
often been treated as mutually exclusive in the course of social change[ In the second
paragraph\ the {dragon of communism| is a powerful\ iconic representation of the
national category as an embodiment of all evil\ and this metaphor seems to represent
a pole on the dimension that spans the positive ethnic identity and the negative
national identity[
People attach di}erent meanings to the same categories] the category of Yugoslavs
represents a peaceful solution to some people\ but a source of con~ict and threat to
others[ Whereas this category is the only identity choice for some\ for others it means
the negation of the ethnic identity they have endorsed\ and for many\ this category is
negotiated in the context of a multiple identity matrix[ Some theories "e[g[ SCT\
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 Mi`ration and threat to identity 254

Turner et al[\ 0883\ 0876# have recognised the complex hierarchy of identity!categories]
it is argued that the relationship between di}erent categories within a hierarchy of
categories reveals much about the meanings of these categories for the self!concept\
depending on the context that determines the particular hierarchy of the categories
involved[ Often\ however\ the context of category hierarchies is itself a subject of
debate "Reicher et al[\ 0886^ Hopkins and Reicher\ 0885#\ and hierarchies are not
necessarily always determined by the socio!structural possibilities for identity!choice[
These are the situations that are often highly threatening for individuals\ as seen in
the following paragraphs[
I had to search for my identity[ It was like going through history that I never liked[ And I
was thinking\ how come I was fooled into believing that something like that "Yugoslavian
identity# is possible and that I as an Albanian was thinking that I was Yugoslavian[ And
also I have seen that actually there is nothing wrong with being an Albanian\ even being
out of the "Albanian# borders*because borders are nothing but human inventions[ "Male\
16\ Kosovo\ Serbia#
Q] How do you identify<
R] I am a lost case*the identity*totally lost[ Forgotten my own language\ don|t know
which language to speak\ where I belong to\ without a country\ without any properties\
totally lost[ This is some sort of temporary home for me\ but I feel like a gypsy[ I feel more
like a Serb\ and I feel the Serbian side much more\ but I can|t repress the Croatian side
either[ I don|t feel that I am welcome in Croatia\ it is not my home\ and I am not thinking
of going back to Croatia at all\ ever ð[ [ [Ł [ [ [
Q] Do you see yourself as an immigrant<
R] I adore the former Yugoslavia\ I never thought I was going to leave it for good\ I never
thought I was ever going to become an emigre[ I always wanted to live in Yugoslavia[ In
the past I travelled a lot\ but I knew where my home was[ Now I don|t know it any more[
Serbia is not my mentality\ and they consider me a foreigner as well partly because of my
accent\ partly because of the way I think*it is di}erent\ I don|t like the Serbian mentality[
In Croatia I do feel like at home\ although I feel that I am not accepted there[ I don|t feel
free there[ If things ever change there\ I would go back instantly[ That|s the only country
where I can live[ You can speak I don|t know how many languages\ but you will create a
masterpiece in a language you dream in^ we only love in one language[ "Female\ 12\ Croatia#

The desire for continuity evident in most of the excerpts requires negotiation against
perceived radical change in both structural factors "e[g[ group permeability# and
contextual factors "loss of material property\ the characteristics of di}erent cultures\
national borders#[ De_nitions of categories are being debated] the _rst excerpt exemp!
li_es a person|s attempt to invalidate a particular reality of social categories as they
existed in the past social context[ The past social identity is dismissed as {ephemeral|
and {unreal|\ the present social category asserted as {external| and {quintessential|\ and
the current context re!negotiated[ Here\ the speci_c reality of the national boundaries
between two groups "AlbanianÐYugoslav boundaries# is rejected\ and it gives way to
their {psychological reality| "the {Kosovo| and the {Albanian| Albanian identity#[
In the last excerpt\ being Serbian is perceived to be a familial legacy\ but both
structural "permeability# and cultural "di}erent mentality# barriers to belonging to
that group are recognised[ Croatian identity is also strongly felt\ and is de_ned in
terms of the sense of a past within a particular place "place attachment#\ where the
language and di}erent experiences were shared by the members of that community[
Here\ also\ structural and ideological barriers to belonging are prominent[ Being
Yugoslavian and being an emigrant are two conceptually con~icting categories that
co!exist in the respondent|s identity!structure] the former is salient by virtue of the
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255 L[ Timotijevic and G[ M[ Breakwell

need to assert continuity with the past strong national identi_cation\ and the latter\
by the virtue of the present situation "migration from the disappearing Yugoslavian
state#[ The con~icting categories have a strong emotional connotation] emigration is
associated with feelings of guilt for deserting the strongly salient identity[ Thus\ it
seems that these people are trying to negotiate their ethnic:national identity in the
face of still changing and uncertain category!meanings and group!relations[
Each categorisation has a set of meanings or representations that de_ne it[ Which
category will become central in an individual narrative to a large extent depends upon
the past identity and the material and psychological value placed upon the past and
present social contexts by each individual[ For instance\ in the _rst excerpt\ continuity
is negotiated\ surprisingly\ not through establishing consistency with the past self\ but
on the contrary\ through the concept of change[ In the second excerpt\ continuity is
under threat as no alternative for the self is found in the process of negotiating the
sense of continuity within the current socio!historical and relational context[ In
short\ for both respondents\ threat to continuity is imminent\ and how continuity is
constructed is not uniform\ and this co!varies with the meanings di}erent identities
assume for individuals[

Categories and distinctiveness

Positioning oneself in structural terms in relation to the host as well as the home
culture can also be a highly threatening task[ It requires negotiation of distinctiveness[
Being an immigrant\ a refugee\ a foreigner\ a stranger or a guest are the new labels
and categories that one has to deal with[ Using these categories to de_ne one|s new
position requires that an individual simultaneously comes to terms with the meaning
of these categorisations[ For our respondents\ being an immigrant requires dealing
with the two opposing\ but equally derogating representations*that of an intruder
"in relation to the host!country# and of a traitor "in relation to the home!culture#[
Both raise distinctiveness in a sub!optimal fashion "Brewer and Pickett\ 0888#[ They
both re~ect distinctiveness based on exclusion[
These di}erent categorical de_nitions and labels have often placed individuals at
risk of prejudice\ negative representation\ or stereotyping[ Here\ they have to deal
with the threat of too much or too little distinctiveness\ depending on the perspective
they adopt[
R] I am a refugee\ and that sounds terrible\ really bad [ [ [ When you say to the people here
that you are a refugee\ everyone turns their head away from you[ But I understand those
people[ I could never imagine myself as a refugee*this just happened to me[ I was at the
wrong place\ wrong time ð[ [ [Ł Sometimes when you watch TV and see people leaving their
homes in their villages\ you hear they say they are refugees\ and then you realise that you
are a refugee as well and I don|t want to be seen like that [ [ [
Q] Why<
R] I hate to _nd myself in the situation when people are asking me if I have ever had a
cooker or ever seen a microwave[ I|ve never thought of myself as a refugee\ I was studying
in Yugoslavia\ and it suddenly happened and I couldn|t do anything about it[ Probably no
one could do anything about it[ "Male\ 15\ Bosnia#
We expected that the war would _nish soon[ However\ time is passing\ and there is no end
to the war\ however\ it is di.cult to adjust to this environment here[ Here you have great
alienation^ everything is so di}erent from what we are used to[ The contacts with the English
are sporadic and super_cial[ They are closed nation\ are used to living this way[ You can|t

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 Mi`ration and threat to identity 256

expect*we are nothing special\ they have had those like us for decades[ We are not here
because they like us\ but because they have to follow the international conventions[ "Male\
34\ Bosnia#

A heightened sense of distinctiveness can often occur due to being in a minority\ out!
group position in relation to the dominant culture[ Many factors result in a negative
excessive distinctiveness] foreign accent\ perceived negative representation of the in!
group\ increased visibility through exposure of the British public to forceful images
of the in!group through the media\ perceived shifts in class as a member of a minority
group within a new structure\ etc[ In the above extract\ for instance\ the popular
representation of refugees as poverty!ridden\ displaced citizens of the undeveloped
third world is at odds with the newly emerging category of so!called {urban refugees|
"UNHCR#\ a more accurate description of the respondents in this study[
Conversely\ loss of distinctiveness may be reported in relation to the dominant
group who lump all the members of di}erent out!groups together[ This can sim!
ultaneously lead to the fear of the blurring of ethnic:cultural\ historical as well as
individual di}erences that exist within the {composite| group[
The following excerpt illustrates powerfully how people negotiate di}erent mean!
ings of the three categories "that in fact all implicate the {minority group| status# and
how these interact with their perception of threat to distinctiveness[
Q] Do you feel that you are a stranger in this country<
R] Yes I do\ I feel like a stranger here [ [ [ Not really like a stranger\ but like a guest[ You
come to visit your friend\ and you stay at his home\ and he makes you feel comfortable\ but
you really don|t feel comfortable\ but you have to stay there[ And I will always feel like a
guest[ And that|s OK\ as long as they keep me here[ Even in my country if I ever go back\
I will feel like a guest because things are di}erent now[ The things have changed and
probably the way people look at me now has changed[ You know\ four years is a long time[
And I will not spend here only four years but more\ and when I go back there I will be a
guest there as well[
Q] Do you feel like an immigrant here<
R] No\ never[ You know\ the word {immigrant| [ [ [*when it comes to immigration\ I will
always think about the classes of history and all those people we|d been learning about who
betrayed the country by emigrating\ that|s why[ I don|t feel that I betrayed my country[
That|s stupid\ I know\ still[ It|s much easier to say\ OK\ I am a refugee[
Q] Do you think of yourself as a refugee<
R] I don|t think about myself like that at all[ But when I have to go to the Home O.ce\
when I have to go to the Social Bene_ts Agency\ I feel*{oh\ look at yourself how low you
are now\ you used to be a normal person\ to enjoy yourself|[ You know\ only in those
situations I think of myself like that[ When I meet the English people and when they ask
me where I am from\ I think*OK\ what that guy will think of me when they hear that I
am a refugee\ from Bosnia and all these things\ that I am a refugee[ I feel distant from them[
And I don|t like that kind of feeling\ and I am trying to break away from it[ You know\ I
never had any kind of complexes in my life\ but this has become a social complex\ and you
can|t go straight to these people and ask*oh\ can I sit here\ etc[\ as you would do in your
country[ They would probably not like me because I am from Bosnia[ "Female\ 14\ Bosnia#

The _rst category of identi_cation*a {stranger| or a {guest|\ emphasised a strong

sense of distinctiveness both in relation to the mainstream new culture\ and to the
culture that is left behind\ implicating heightened individuation\ and often a sense of
isolation and marginality[ This extract\ in fact\ illustrates neatly Berry|s "0889\ 0886#
description of {marginalisation| acculturation strategy[ However\ already in the next
extract\ a powerful sense of {obligation| or {responsibility| towards one|s country and
culture*not wanting to feel that she betrayed her country by emigrating\ and wanting
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257 L[ Timotijevic and G[ M[ Breakwell

to see herself as a part of an {organic whole|*indicate a di}erent issue at hand[ It is

a matter of maintaining a sense of connection with her past through adhering to the
beliefs and norms instilled into her {system of values| through her culture and the
social in~uence processes*through {classes of history|[ This is an example of the
powerful rule of the motive to maintain sense of continuity "be it in terms of category
of identi_cation\ meanings attached to it\ or beliefs surrounding one|s identi_cation
in a broader sense#\ which impels the respondent to reject a minority category "of an
immigrant# often used to label her in the new situation[ And _nally\ being a refugee\
the category that she recognises has most direct consequences for her everyday life\
however\ is a forceful source of threat[ She is vividly disturbed by the identity!
implications of this new category!label[ And this a}ects her primarily at the level of
interaction with the {out!group|\ and the sense of exclusion from it[ Although she
rejects the label\ she recognises its real!life implications] through her discourse\ she
negotiates this category of identi_cation\ coping with the evident threat[ In short\ the
three ways in which distinctiveness threat is perceived are closely related to the
way the respondent constructed and derived meanings from di}erent categories in
question[

DISCUSSION AND SOME CONCLUSIONS

The volume of the data has forced us to omit certain realms of our respondents|
experiences[ However\ the aim of this study was to identify the main sources of threat
as perceived by the interviewees and we have presented here their most salient cognitive
and emotional aspects[
The respondents seem to be involved in an identity reconstruction process that is
paralleled by an endeavour to re!establish continuity in their self!identity narrative
"in Giddens| sense#[ Their inability to see the world as stable and predictable has
induced many to feel a substantial reduction in their control over their life[ However\
many respondents claim that they have {recognised| positive aspects arising from
su}ering and loss*they have tried to retain the sense of their own control\ even
within a limited framework of options\ and many considered this experience an
important aspect of their personal growth[ This is signi_cant\ suggesting that the
process of dealing with these types of threat can maintain self!e.cacy and self!esteem[
Understanding the context in which people realise their lives is crucial in the
construction of their identity "Hopkins and Reicher\ 0885^ Reicher et al[\ 0886#[ We
have shown that in the situation of volatile cultural and inter!group relationships\
what should be considered the signi_cant parameters of the social context have to be\
and often are\ renegotiated in order to establish a sense of continuity of one|s identity[
We have witnessed migrants| e}orts at negotiating their own sense of continuity in
the face of social and physical turbulence[ However\ how the respondents negotiated
sense of continuity to a large extent depended upon the ways in which they de_ned
their identities\ and therefore\ the sense of continuity could be established both in
terms of identity!change\ and identity!stability[ This search for continuity emerges as
an important principle that determines what is seen as threatening[
There was considerable consensus in the respondents| perception of their position
relative to the dominant culture[ Being a member of a minority group or a group with
derogated status a}ects people|s sense of distinctiveness[ However\ from the evidence
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 Mi`ration and threat to identity 258

here\ it emerges that there is a great deal of individual variation in the extent of change
in distinctiveness needed for identity!threat to be perceived[ The same position "of a
minority group member# can lead to too much distinctiveness for one person and too
little for another[ Vignoles\ Chryssochoou and Breakwell "1999# have recognised that
a great deal of inter! as well as intra!group variation may emerge in relation to the ways
distinctiveness is achieved[ The way people will derive their sense of distinctiveness will
largely depend upon the contents and subjective meaning that a category of identity
might assume for an individual[ The sources of distinctiveness\ just like the contents
of identities may be both culturally and contextually speci_c "Vignoles et al[\ 1999#[
The current analysis further suggested that the same identity!motives do not uni!
versally determine the experience of threat across situations[ Some evidence already
exists that\ for instance\ distinctiveness may sometimes override the need for positive
identity "Mlicki and Ellemers\ 0885^ Jetten\ Spears and Manstead\ 0888#[ Breakwell
"0875# has suggested that di}erent identity motives of self!esteem\ self!e.cacy\ dis!
tinctiveness and continuity may relate di}erentially to each other\ depending on the
cultural\ developmental and contextual determinants[ Here\ we have shown how\
given the meaning a category of identi_cation or the label implicating the self is
constructed\ di}erent types of threat are experienced[ What will be experienced as
threatening\ that is the sources of threat\ are therefore derived from the particular
way in which identity is constructed\ rather than some intrinsic property of identity
or a category\ such as its minority position[
The choice of the method may\ however\ also point to the possible problem in
generalising from the current data] the possibility of the systematic bias within the
sample due to the perceived ethnicity of the interviewer has already been emphasised
earlier in this paper[ However\ we would like to add that there is no reason to suspect
that bias would have been removed if the interviewer was {neutral| to the situation[
We would argue that the assumption of {neutrality| or {objectivity| of the researcher
is unsustainable "Hammersley\ 0885#] when highly sensitive issues are probed by a
researcher\ an element of mutual trust and understanding is crucial to the validity of
research "Kitwood\ 0879#[ Arguably\ a perception of similarity on some level "e[g[
common language# between the researcher and the respondent may be the _rst step
toward the development of such trustful relationship[ Besides\ given the circumstances
of the respondents in this study\ many of whom had an unresolved legal status in this
country\ such trust may have been undermined if the interviewer|s nationality was
that of the {dominant| group[ This may have created feelings of distance\ which\ given
the requirements of the study to unravel highly sensitive issues about people|s identity
to the researcher\ may have limited the respondents| willingness to respond[
To conclude\ the aim of this study was to look at manifestations of identity processes
under conditions when people are actively struggling with demands for change[ More
speci_cally\ we look at migrants| conceptualisation of what constitute threats to their
identity and the attempts they are making to adapt to the enduring changes[ We
expected on the basis of Identity Process Theory "Breakwell\ 0875# that experiences
which challenged self!esteem\ self!e.cacy\ distinctiveness and continuity would be
perceived as threatening\ which will have implications for the possibilities of response
to it[ The study shows evidence that people indeed experience di}erent types of threat[
It is suggested here that what types of threat are experienced will determine people|s
response to this threat[
Furthermore\ this piece of research also emphasises that identity re!construction is
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269 L[ Timotijevic and G[ M[ Breakwell

an on!going process[ There is no evidence that these migrants have so re!con!

ceptualised their identities that they have eliminated the threats[ Quite the contrary\
the threats are still there\ still attacking viability of their identities[ These threats
trigger various coping strategies but these are only partially\ if at all\ successful[ It
may be that in time the threats will dissipate\ perhaps as a result of new societal changes
or di}erent individual mobility opportunities\ but work such as this emphasises that
many threats to identity are chronic[ A weakness of social psychological models of
identity processes is that they do not explain how individuals continue to function
e}ectively as social agents when living with chronic threat[ We believe it is important
to develop a better understanding of the impact of chronic identity threat[

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