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access to New England Review (1990-)
. . . But there is no power more formidable, more terrible in the world, than the poets' prophetic word.
- Anna Akhmatova
A. or a long time now Anna Akhmatova has been known in her own country as one
of the most gifted Russian poets of the twentieth century. Yet in the West she is still
relatively unknown.
For many the only poems by Akhmatova that have been read and recited have been
the love poems which she wrote as a young Russian aristocrat at the turn of the century.
These poems have always attracted large numbers of enthusiasts, for Akhmatova was
able to capture and convey the vast range of evolving emotions experienced in a love
affair - from the first thrill of meeting, to a deepening love contending with hatred,
and eventually to violent destructive passion or total indifference. But others before
her had turned to these themes. What made Akhmatova so revolutionary in 19 12,
when her first collection, Evening, was published, was the particular manner in which
she conveyed these emotions. She was writing against the background of the Symbolist
movement, and her poetry marks a radical break with the erudite, ornate style and the
mystical representation of love so typical of poets like Alexander Blok and Audrey
Bely. Her lyrics are composed of short fragments of simple speech that do not form
a logical coherent pattern. Instead, they reflect the way we actually think - the links
between the images are emotional, and simple everyday objects are charged with
psychological associations. Like Alexander Pushkin, who was her model in many ways,
Akhmatova was intent on conveying worlds of meaning through precise details.
What is less well understood, however, is that Akhmatova was not only a poet but
a prophet. While throughout her life her style remained essentially the same (except
in certain works like Poems Without a Hero or her verse dramas), over the years themes
of political and historical consequence as well as philosophical themes begin to play
an increasingly important role in her writings.
Akhmatova often complained about being immured, "walled in," by critics, into a
conception of her enterprise which was limited to the very early period of her career.
There was good reason for this: except for a trusted few, no one knew of her poems
against the Stalinist Terror. These works certainly were not allowed to be published
in the Soviet Union, and only certain examples - a noted one being her famous cycle
entitled Requiem - were published in the West during her lifetime. Yet many consider
Roberta Reeder 1 o 5
In fact, Akhmatova's poetic response to the pressure of historical events began before
the revolution. Although until that time her poetry was largely apolitical, when World
War I broke out in 19 14 she had been moved to write a few extremely powerful poems
confronting that development. While her husband, the poet Nicholas Gumilyov,
insisted on combining patriotism with a conscious Nietzschean stance of the male
seeking situations of utmost danger to prove his Superman status, Akhmatova reacted
with a sense of dread and foreboding to the outbreak of the war. In her memoirs, she
observes that the real twentieth century began in 19 14 when war broke out, for the
war brought not only devastation, but revolution and ultimate ruin to the Russian
land. The name of the city Petersburg, with its Germanic associations, was altered to
Petrograd, a Slavic term, and the name itself became a métonymie symbol for the
transformation in the consciousness of the Russian people of its conception of itself
and its relation to its sometimes friendly but often hostile neighbor. Of this first year
of the war, Akhmatova writes:
At the beginning of May the Petersburg season began to fade, and everyone left. This time they
left Petersburg forever. We returned not to Petersburg but to Petrograd. We fell from the 19th
into the 20 th century. Everything became different, beginning with the appearance of the city.
by the intelligentsia and upper classes toward the suffering of the common people.
The war began on July 19th, Russian Old Calendar (thirteen days behind our
calendar). Written the next day, one of Akhmatova's most striking poems about the
war is the first in the cycle entitled "July 19 14." Unlike the religious imagery in the
poems in her earlier collection Rosary, where sacred symbolism was often employed
to convey a sense of intense passion, here as in the ancient Russian chronicles, religious
imagery serves to elevate the historical immediacies of the war to a more philosophical
level. In earlier periods the Russian chroniclers would not only relate facts but interpret
historical events (such as the incursion of the Mongols) allegorically, as a punishment
of the Russian people for their sins. In this poem the themes of retribution and
forgiveness through divine intercession are central. Akhmatova remains secure in her
belief that Russia would be compelled to live through a terrible period, but that in
the end the Madonna would protect them all, spreading her mantle over them as
By 19 1 6 patriotic fervor had been replaced by despair in the minds of most Russians,
including Akhmatova. Her poem "In Memoriam, July 19, 1914," written in 1916,
depicts the poet as a vessel of God Himself, and now she has evolved from a singer
of love songs to a prophet of doom:
We aged a hundred years, and this
Happened in a single hour:
The short summer had already died,
The body of the ploughed plains soaked.
In a poem written in 1915, the poet again takes on the mantel of the prophet:
No, tsarévitch, I am not the one
You want me to be.
And no longer do my lips
Kiss - they prophesy.
During the course of the war the evolution of Akhmatova from a poet of personal
themes to a prophet of historical events was noted by the critic Sergey Rafalovich:
Roberta Reeder 1 o 7
Akhmatova spent the summer of 19 17 away from the city, on her husband's estate
in the province of Tver. But the overall atmosphere of horror and doom hanging over
the land continues to assert itself in an evocative poem:
Akhmatova was back in Petrograd when the Bolsheviks began the October
Revolution. The only record we have of her immediate reaction is a recollection by
her intimate friend Boris Anrep, who was saying farewell to her in January, 19 18 on
his way to London: "For some time we spoke about the meaning of the revolution,"
he writes. "She was excited and said we must expect more changes in our lives. The
same thing's going to happen that occurred in France during the Revolution, but
Despite the devastation and chaos around her, Akhmatova remained in Russia, at
the same time as many of her friends fled. Her reaction to their flight from the homeland
figures in her memorable poem titled "When in suicidal anguish," written in 1918.
Though the speaker is tempted by the voice calling her to leave her suffering country,
she remains, not realizing that the horrors she now faces are small in comparison to
those that she and her companions will have to endure in the future. The first few
lines may refer to the treaty in which the Bolsheviks capitulated to the Germans,
ending their role in the war. (These lines of the poem were not published in Russia
until recently.)
When in suicidal anguish
The nation awaited its German guests,
And the stern spirit of Byzantium
Had fled from the Russian Church,
When the capital by the Neva,
Forgetting her greatness,
Like a drunken prostitute
Did not know who would take her next,
A voice came to me. It called out comfortingly.
It said, "Come here,
Leave your deaf and sinful land,
Leave Russia forever,
I will wash the blood from your hands,
Root out the black shame from your heart,
With a new name I will conceal
The pain of defeats and injuries."
But calmly and indifferently,
I covered my ears with my hands,
So that my sorrowing spirit
Would not be stained by those shameful words.
The brutal Civil War began in 191 8 and lasted three years. No one thought the
Bolsheviks would remain in power for long, but by 19 19 Akhmatova was beginning
to feel the sense of overwhelming dread that permeated the capital.
Petrograd, 1 91 9
Roberta Reeder 1 o 9
When her husband Gumilyov returned from the war, Akhmatova asked for a divorce.
Their marriage had disintegrated long before, but they had remained friends. After
the revolution, Gumilyov had become an important figure in the world of art, helping
writers get food and clothing, organizing poetry readings for the masses, and establishing
literary circles and workshops for the intelligentsia where he trained new poets and
new appreciators of the written word. In August, 1 921, however, Gumilyov was arrested
on the ostensible charge of involvement in a counterrevolutionary plot. No one thought
events would move so quickly - some tried to help, but their efforts were in vain. A
possible reason for the arrest of Gumilyov and others was that the Bolsheviks were
reacting to the Kronstadt Rebellion that had taken place during the previous March,
and that they needed to demonstrate vividly what could happen to those who might
have any ideas about resisting the regime. On August 25 th, at the age of thirty-five,
Nikolay Gumilyov was executed.
Gumilyov's death was shattering to Akhmatova: she felt somehow responsible for
it, and she grieved for many years. Her horror was conveyed in a moving poem, "Terror,
fingering things in the dark," dated August 27, 1 921 . In it she personifies the abstract
feeling of terror, which leads "the moonbeam to an ax." It would be better, she
says, to be executed by rifle or to be hanged on the scaffold than to have to endure
the prolonged fear of imminent death, or the pain of someone you love dying. This
is a theme that will be developed in Akhmatova's poems about the Stalinist terror -
the sense that it is not the actual physical event of exile or execution that is most
unendurable, but the anxiety of waiting, waiting for the knock on the door to take
you to prison, to the camps, to your death:
Never does Akhmatova mention the revolution directly; her attention remains centered
on its effects on the life around her. One poem, "Everything has been plundered . . . ,"
bears a distinct resemblance to Alexander Blok's famous poem "The Twelve," in which
despite the pervasiveness of looting, rape, and rout there is an intuitive feeling that this
stage of great suffering will lead inevitably to a glorious dawn - symbolized in Blok's
work by Christ and in Akhmatova's by "the miraculous," which is drawing near.
A new society was indeed created in this new Soviet Union, but it was constructed
on the basis of a totalitarian state in which the happiness of the many was to be
determined and controlled by the few. In this new order, the role of artists and
intellectuals was to be a painful one, as became increasingly clear when, in 1922,
over a hundred intellectuals, including the philosopher Nicholas Berdyaev, were arrested
and exiled. The poet Osip Mandelstam quickly grasped what the new role of the poet
was to be in this society: "He [the modern poet] sings of ideas, systems of knowledge
and state theories, just as his predecessors sang of nightingales and roses." But
Akhmatova did not wish to express in rhyme the accepted theories of the state; as a
result, by 1925 she was no longer published and was considered irrelevant. In 1922
the poet Vladimir Mayakovsky, the mighty Futurist and poet laureate of the Soviet
Roberta Reeder 1 1 1
The chamber intimacy of Anna Akhmatova, the mystical verses of Vyacheslav Ivanov and his
Hellenic motifs - what meaning do they have for our harsh, iron age? Of course, as literary
milestones, as the last born child of a collapsing structure, they find their place on the pages
of literary history; but for us, for our epoch - these are insignificant, pathetic, and laughable
anachronisms.
Poets now had to make a choice - to accommodate themselves to the new regime,
or to remain consciously on the periphery. Akhmatova chose the latter. She signals
this in an unpublished poem of 192 1, in which she recalls the ancient name of Russia -
the land of Rus:
In the same year in which those lines were written, 1924, Akhmatova produced one
of her most famous poems, "Lot's Wife." Turning to biblical imagery, she takes on
the persona of a woman looking back - on the realistic level, to the familiar locales
of her native city. But these specific places become métonymie symbols for "the past"
that must be let go if one is to make peace with the future, no matter how terrifying
it may be. Although Akhmatova's generation at first thought a return to the former
way of life might be possible, by 1924 both the emigres and those remaining in Russia
felt compelled to admit that the Bolsheviks were probably going to remain in power
indefinitely - perhaps forever - and each individual had to find a way of coming to
terms with this recognition.
Lot's Wife
Lot's wife looked back from behind him and became a pillar of salt.
- Book of Genesis
The suicide of the poet Sergey Yesenin on December 27, 1925 was a shock to
Akhmatova, though she had never really liked him as a person or a poet. Of peasant
origin, Yesenin hoped one day Russia would become a land of agricultural communes,
all committed to sharing the fruits of the earth. But the Social Revolutionaries, who
wanted to make this dream come true, lost to the Bolsheviks, who saw the future of
the Soviet Union in terms of accelerating industrial progress. Yesenin died a broken,
drunken man. In spite of all her criticism of him, however, Akhmatova was upset when
she learned the circumstances of his death: "He lived horribly and died horribly," she
observed. "How fragile the peasants are when they are unsuccessful in their contact
with civilization - each year another poet dies. ... It is horrible when a poet dies."
Although it cannot be proven conclusively, it is possible that her poem, "It would
be so easy to abandon this life," written about the death of a poet in 1925, refers
specifically to Yesenin:
After her brief time together with Vladimir Shileiko, an Assyriologist whom she married
in 1918 and from whom she separated in 1 921, Akhmatova eventually went to live
with her lover Nicholas Punin, a famous avant-garde art critic and professor, along
with his wife and daughter in a wing of the Sheremetyev Palace. During this time, she
Roberta Reeder 1 1 3
There had been a time when, terrified of chaos, we had all prayed for a strong system, for a
powerful hand that would stem the angry human river overflowing its banks. This fear of
chaos was perhaps the most permanent of our feelings. . . . What we wanted was for the course
of history to be made smooth. . . . This longing prepared us, psychologically, for the appear-
ance of the Wise Leaders who would tell us where we were going. And once they were there,
we no longer ventured to act without their guidance. ... In our blindness we ourselves strug-
gled to impose unanimity - because in every difference of opinion, we saw the beginnings
of new anarchy and chaos. ... So we went on, nursing a sense of our own inadequacy, until
the moment came for each of us to discover from bitter experience how precarious was his
own state of grace.
In this situation in the early thirties, Akhmatova began translating Macbeth, but in
the end she only succeeded in working on Act I, Scene iii, the famous witches' scene.
She must have seen parallels between the murders committed by Macbeth and his wife
to gain power and what was occurring in the Soviet Union; Lady Macbeth, the "Scottish
queen," appears in Akhmatova's famous poem written in 1933 evoking the blood
spilled by the Bolsheviks:
early 1930s "the vegetarian years," meaning that this would come to be seen as a
relatively harmless period in comparison to the "meat-eating" years that followed, but
when visiting the Mandelstams in Moscow, she felt that "in spite of the fact that the
time was comparatively vegetarian, the shadow of doom lay on this house." She recalls
a walk she took with Mandelstam along Prechistenka Street in February, 1934. "We
turned onto Gogol Boulevard and Osip said, 'I'm ready for death.'" But when he was
finally arrested for the poem in which he portrays Stalin with "cockroach whiskers"
and "fingers as fat as worms," the effect on this gentle, sensitive poet was a progressive
descent into madness. The secret police came for him when Akhmatova was visiting
the Mandelstams in May, 1934. He and his wife were sent away to Voronezh, where
in February, 1936 Akhmatova went to visit them.
When her poem reflecting this visit was first published in 1940, the last four lines
were omitted. At first glance, the poem seems to be a poetic guided tour of Voronezh,
mentioning not only the landscape and townscape, but alluding to the monuments
and historical occurrences associated with the place - the statue of Peter the Great,
who built his fleet here, and the Battle of Kulikovo, a landmark event in Russian history,
which was fought nearby in 1380 (in that encounter, the Grand Prince Dmitry Donskoy
defeated the Tatars after many years of domination). As the poem progresses, the
mood shifts. At first the images evoke winter stillness, lack of life - crows, ice, a
faded dome; but then a sound breaks the stillness - there is a roaring in the poplars,
compared in a simile to the sounds of a happy event, to cups clashing together at a
wedding feast toasting the joy of the poet and her companions. After the expectation
created by this simile - the sense that more happy events are to follow - suddenly in
the last four lines anxiety is palpably personified, as in Akhmatova's poem on the death
of Gumilyov, "Terror, fingering things in the dark." In the room of the poet in
"Voronezh," Fear and the Muse keep watch together:
In the terrible years of the Yezhov terror, I spent seventeen months in the prison lines of
Leningrad. Once, someone "recognized" me. Then a woman with bluish lips standing behind
me, who, of course, had never heard me called by name before, woke up from the stupor to
which everyone had succumbed and whispered in my ear: "Can you describe this?" And I
answered: "Yes, I can." Then something that looked like a smile passed over what had once
been her face.
In this great work Akhmatova fulfills her destiny as the voice of her people, taking
on the persona of the Mourner in the Russian village, and of the Madonna. This poetic
cycle is both universal and specifically Russian in its symbolic implications. On the
universal level it depicts the suffering of women in general who, like the Madonna,
must stand on the side and witness helplessly the suffering of those who are compelled
to meet an incomprehensible destiny. In such circumstances, the woman can only
provide comfort and prayer so that the pain and agony may be alleviated somehow.
But there are specific Russian references here as well. In the first verse of the cycle the
poet compares herself to a peasant woman performing the ancient Russian ritual of
vynos - the carrying out of the dead from the house to the vehicle that will take the
body to the cemetery. Instead of a dead body, however, this time it is a live prisoner,
someone beloved. Another specifically Russian cultural allusion is to the icons, the
sacred images painted on wood to which the Orthodox pray, and the icon shelf, placed
in a special corner of the house where meals and rituals take place. At the end of this
work, the poem's speaker compares herself to the wives of the Streltsy or Archers,
the military corps employed by Peter the Great's sister Sophia, whom they supported
In some of the poems in Requiem, there are allusions to Tsarskoye Selo, the lovely
area near Petersburg where Akhmatova grew up. The town is represented by the poet
as symbolic of the womb-like existence of the upper classes before the revolution, a time
when they attempted to shut themselves off from the sufferings of the people; reflecting
on this milieu, the speaker comes to regard her earlier self as a "gay little sinner":
Roberta Reeder 1 1 7
One of Akhmatova's most powerful responses to the Terror is her poem "Stanzas"
(written in 1940 but not published in the Soviet Union until 1989), in which she
indirectly addresses Stalin himself. She enumerates infamous figures in Russian history
who have lived in the Kremlin and implies that the leader now in residence there is
living up to and even surpassing his predecessors in the enormity of his cruelty. The
poem addresses a "Streltsy" or "Archer" moon - which might refer to late winter
(associated the astrological sign Sagittarius, the Archer), or to the Streltsy corps rebellion
against Peter the Great mentioned earlier, or to both. There are allusions here to tsars
like Boris Godunov, the various Ivans, and Dmitry, the Pretender to the Russian throne
at the beginning of the seventeenth century who, in attempting to capture Russia with
the aid of the Catholic Poles, had alienated the Russian people:
Archer Moon. Beyond the Moscow River. Night.
Like a religious procession the hours of Holy Week go by.
I had a terrible dream. Is it possible
That no one, no one, no one can help me?
You had better not live in the Kremlin, the Preobrazhensky Guard was right;
The germs of the ancient frenzy are still swarming here:
Boris Godunov's wild fear, and all the Ivans' evil spite,
And the Pretender's arrogance - instead of the people's rights.
In another unpublished poem, "Why did you poison the water?" (1935), the poet
complains that instead of being rewarded for staying in her motherland, she is being
punished by having her freedom taken away:
The implications of the hair shirt and walking with a candle as penance become
clearer in Akhmatova's poem on Dante. While Pushkin turned to the Roman poet
Ovid as the archetype of the poet in exile, Akhmatova turned to Dante, whom she
and Mandelstam were both reading in the thirties. Like the Pushkin poem on Ovid,
Akhmatova's work is a thinly disguised reflection on the dignity a poet must retain no
matter what external conditions are tormenting him - whether it be the political regime
of fourteenth-century Florence or that of twentieth-century Leningrad. After being
forced to leave Florence in 1302, Dante was offered the possibility of returning under
condition of a humiliating public repentance, which he rejected. He refused to walk
"with a lighted candle" in a ritual of repentance:
Dante
One of those who had gone into voluntary exile abroad after the revolution was Marina
Tsevtayeva. She and Akhmatova had never met, but in the 1910s Tsvetayeva had
written a series of adoring poems to Akhmatova, calling her the "Muse of Lament."
She had spent many years in Prague and Paris, but in 1937 her husband, Sergey Efron,
was implicated in the murder of a Western official by the Soviet secret police and
fled to the Soviet Union. Two years later Tsevtayeva and her son followed, joining
Efron and her daughter, who had returned earlier. The regime turned on the family,
arresting her husband and daughter. Tsvetayeva herself continued to live on a meager
Roberta Reeder 1 1 9
Belated Reply
No one knows what the two poets discussed at their meeting - two women so very
different in their attitudes toward life and their conceptions of poetry: one a product
of the muted elegance of Petersburg, expressing her emotion through verse
distinguished by restraint, and the other reflecting the noisy bustle of Moscow, declaring
her feelings in writings charged with raw emotion. Not having read Akhmatova's
unpublished poems from the nineteen-twenties and thirties, Tsvetayeva assumed that
Akhmatova had remained fixed in the style and themes of her early period, and in
her diary she was critical of Akhmatova's verse. They met behind the closed door of
Akhmatova's room in the apartment of the poet's friend Nina Olshanskaya. Later on,
during the war, Tsvetayeva was evacuated and ended up in Yelabuga, a town near
Kazan, where she could find no work. On the afternoon of August 31, 1941, she was
found hanging from a hook inside the entrance of her hut.
Along with many other artistic figures such as Shostakovich, Akhmatova herself was
evacuated during the war to Central Asia, where she lived for several years in Tashkent.
On the way there she learned about Tsvetayeva's suicide. In "Over Asia - the mists
of spring," written on June 24, 1942, Akhmatova included the following lines alluding
to her sense of the predicement they shared:
As arrest after arrest intruded on the lives of those around her, around 1940
Akhmatova wrote that she wished emphatically to cast a vote in favor of something
positive - not something extraordinary, merely a return to an ordinary situation in
which a door could once again be seen as nothing more than a door:
At the end of the nineteen-forties, when the situation was unchanged, Akhmatova
wrote "The Glass Doorbell," in which the glass doorbell performs a function similar
to that of the lock as a focus of terror:
In keeping with this persisting sense of anxiety, on August 14, 1946 the Central
Committee of the Communist Party passed a Resolution condemning the journals
Zvezda and Leningrad for publishing the works of Akhmatova and Zoshchenko. As
Churchill was to observe, the iron curtain had been rung down earlier that year by
Stalin, and the Resolution was a symbolic act confirming this. A few weeks later, on
September 4th, Akhmatova and Zoshchenko were expelled from the Union of Writers.
In his speech that evening to the Leningrad branch of the Union, Andrey Zhdanov,
Secretary of the Central Committee, said: "What positive contribution can Akhmatova's
work make to our young people? It can only sow despondency, spiritual depression,
pessimism, and the desire to walk away from the questions of public life." After her
expulsion, and for many years thereafter, Akhmatova retained a few loyal friends,
including Pasternak, who helped her and supported her both spiritually and financially;
but most of the people she had known avoided her. She expresses her profound
state of alienation in her poem "Prologue," written sometime in the nineteen-fifties,
in which she presents herself as a leper:
Akhmatova's son Lev also suffered from the effects of the Resolution. Released from
the camps to fight in the war, he had taken part in the capture of Berlin. He was allowed
to return to Leningrad after the war had ended, but was arrested again in November,
1949 and sentenced to ten years in a camp in Siberia. It was around this time that Akhmatova
wrote a series of short poems as part of a cycle entitled "Shards" - as if to suggest that the
individual poems were like fragments of an ancient vessel. She begins the cycle with an
epigraph, a phrase taken (and misquoted slightly) from Joyce's Ulysses: "You cannot leave
your mother an orphan." In the brief quatrain serving as the second poem of the cycle,
Akhmatova contrasts the various verbal definitions that may be applied to a single person -
in this case, in the biographical subtext, Lev Gumilyov. For the regime he bears the signifier
"rebel," but for Akhmatova he is designated by another, more personal, name:
The West knew little of Akhmatova's life or her works written during the nineteen-
forties and fifties. Many thought she had stopped writing verse altogether. By not
allowing her to be published for so long - except for a book in 1940 that was
immediately confiscated and some poems which were permitted to appear during the
war - Stalin had condemned Akhmatova to silence, at least to Western readers. She
expresses her sense of this choking silence in part V of "Shards," in which, without
mentioning him directly, she compares Stalin to a butcher who had hung her (like
Marina Tsvetayeva) "on a bloody hook":
Akhmatova's lament for her imprisoned son is heard at the end of one of her greatest
works, Poem without a Hero. It is a long narrative poem, in a style more reminiscent
of the complex opaqueness and erudite allusions of the Symbolists at the beginning of
There are several stanzas thought to be conceived for possible inclusion in Poem
Without a Hero but not included in the text. In one of these the poet identifies herself
and other women suffering during the Stalinist Terror with the ancient heroines of
Troy - Hecuba, queen of Troy, who looked on helplessly as her dear son, the hero
Hektor, died, and the Trojan princess Cassandra, who was condemned to know the
future but whose fate it was to have her prophecies ignored:
But finally, on March 5, 1953 an event occurred that changed the life of Akhmatova
and millions of others in the Soviet Union: Joseph Stalin died. Not long afterward,
in a closed session of the Twentieth Party Congress that took place in February, 1956,
the new First Secretary of the Communist Party, Nikita Khrushchev, denounced Stalin
as a cruel, bloodthirsty tyrant. The "Thaw" had begun. While the Thaw certainly
did not fulfill all the hopes of the intelligentsia or the people at large, it did at least
mean that the harshest aspects of the reign of Terror were ended, and there was a
perceptible loosening of the iron rule of the former regime. Lev Gumilyov, Akhmatova's
son, was released in May, 1956, and her own works went into circulation again, though
it was not until 1958 that a whole collection of her writings would appear.
In 1957, unsure when - or whether - her works would engage a wide audience again,
Akhmatova wrote the poem "They will forget? - How astonishing!" It was her
Although Akhmatova spent the last years of her life under the somewhat looser
regime of Khrushchev, she never stopped writing about his feared predecessor, and
sometime around 1962 she addressed a poem "To the Defenders of Stalin." These
defenders are placed in a long historical line of those who supported the despots, who
tormented the innocent:
A decade earlier, in 1950, hoping to please Stalin so that he would free her son,
Akhmatova had written a cycle of poems, "In Praise of Peace," simple poems with a
clear message praising the victory of Russia in the war. Despite this effort on her part,
her son remained a prisoner in the camps. These poems in this group were written
in the officially-sanctioned style of Socialist Realism, and they include the kinds of
trite phrases found in hundreds of poems produced during the Stalinist period. The
poem entitled "In the Pioneer Camp," for instance, ends with the lines: ". . . There
the children marched by with their banners/ And the Motherland herself, admiring
them, / Inclined her invisible brow toward them." In a poem called "No, we didn't
suffer together in vain," written later (in 1 961, five years before her death), Akhmatova
seems implicitly to' refer to this uncomfortable episode in her life. And yet in her
own eyes, throughout this grim period when she felt compelled to make some
compromises, she retained her inner freedom even as she outwardly groveled before
the "bloody puppet-executioner." She had chosen to stay in her country - and she
suffered for it, in many ways; but in the end she affirmed her decision to share this
appalling epoch with her own people: