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Ghaznavids 253

wrote, “Ghālib, you write so well upon these Ghazna (now Ghaznī), located in present-day
mystic themes of Love Divine. We would have southeastern Afghanistan.
counted you a saint, but that we knew your love of
wine” [4]. However, in the year 1850 the King,
Bahadur Shah Zafar, bestowed the titles of Dabir- The Establishment of Ghaznavid Power
al-Mulk and Najam-ud-Daulah upon Ghālib,
which were seen to be an induction into nobility. The Ghaznavids were a dynasty founded by Turk-
Mirza Ghālib died on 15 February 1869. ish slave soldiers (Arabic: ghulāms or mamlūks)
who, at the height of their power in the first half of
the eleventh century, ruled vast territories
References stretching from western Iran to northwest India.
Their empire constituted the most powerful polity
1. Russel R, Islam K (2005) Ghālib: life and letters. In: erected in the Islamic world after the dissolution
Russell R (ed) The Oxford India Ghālib: life, letters and of the centralized power of the ‘Abbāsid Caliphate G
ghazals. Oxford University Press, New Delhi, p 3 in the ninth century. In India, they were responsi-
2. Schimmel A (1987) Foreword. In: Rahbar D (ed) Urdu
letters of Mirzā Asadu’llah Khān Ghālib. State Univer- ble for the permanent establishment of Islam in
sity of New York, New York, p x Punjab.
3. Hali MAH (1990) Yādgār-i-Ghālib (trans: Qadiri KH). The founder of the Ghaznavid line, Sebüktegīn
Idarah-i Adabiyāt, New Delhi, p 14 b. Jūq (or Qarā Bechkem), was born a pagan at
4. Russel R, Islam K (2005) Ghālib: life and letters. In:
Russell R (ed) The Oxford India Ghālib: life, letters and Barskhān/Barsghān on the Issıq Köl (Issyk Kul in
ghazals. Oxford University Press, New Delhi, p 105 modern Kyrgyzstan), pointing to possible origins
5. Varma PK (1989) Ghālib: the man and times. Penguin, among the Qarluq Turks. He was enslaved and
New Delhi, p 133 enrolled in the Turkish guard of the Sāmānids
6. Prigarina N (2004) Mirzā Ghālib: a creative biography
(trans: Faruqi MO). Oxford University Press, Karachi, (819–1005), whose empire was based in the
p 119 Transoxanian city of Bukhara. Sebüktegīn
7. Kanda KC (2007) Mirzā Ghālib: selected lyrics and became subordinate to the ghulām Alptegīn (d.
letters. New Dawn Press, New Delhi, p 197 963), the Sāmānid commander-in-chief of
Khurāsān. Alptegīn’s failed attempt to place his
own candidate on the Sāmānid throne after the
death of the amī r ‘Abd al-Malik b. Nūḥ in 961
Ghaznavids led to his withdrawal to the small town of Ghazna
in the province of Zābulistān, on the southeastern
Michael O’Neal edges of the empire, where the indigenous
Washington, DC, USA dynasty was dispossessed. Several ghulām com-
manders succeeded Alptegīn at Ghazna until 977,
when Sebüktegīn was elected its commander.
Synonyms Sebüktegīn’s 20-year rule saw his authority
extended over the lands surrounding Zābulistān,
Āl-i Sebüktegīn; Ghaznawids; Yamīnids including Kabul, Punjab, Bust (now in southern
Afghanistan), Quṣdār (Balūchistān), and
Khurāsān and Ṭukhāristān south of the Oxus
Definition River [5, 8]. Although Sebüktegīn remained for-
mally subordinate to the Sāmānids, as reflected in
The Ghaznavids (977–1186) were the ruling his title al-Ḥājib al-ajall (“most exalted com-
dynasty of a Perso-Islamic amīrate (latterly sul- mander”) [3, 11, 12], his largely autonomous
tanate) founded by slave soldiers of Turkish rule means that he may be regarded as the founder
descent and named after its principal capital of of the Ghaznavid dynasty.
254 Ghaznavids

The Apex of the Empire controlled Baghdad and effectively deprived the
Sunnī ‘Abbāsid caliphate of its temporal power. In
At Sebüktegīn’s death, his son Maḥmūd 1029, Ray (near modern Tehran) and Jibāl (the
Ghaznavī, the commander of Khurāsān, set aside central Zāgros Mountains) were conquered [5, 8,
his brother Ismā‘īl, who ruled in Ghazna and 22]. The following year, Mas‘ūd was in Iṣfahān,
Balkh. Maḥmūd thus became the sole inheritor recently wrested from the Kākūyids, when he
of his father’s patrimony, and by 999, he had heard of his father’s death; he marched east and
discarded the last vestiges of Sāmānid suzerainty. deposed his brother, Muḥammad, who had been
Initially recognizing the deposed ‘Abbāsid caliph named heir at Ghazna. Mas‘ūd has been judged as
al-Ṭā’i‘ (r. 974–991, d. 1003) in throwing off lacking his father’s political acumen. Certainly, he
Sāmānid dominion, Maḥmūd posed as defender failed to stem the influx of the Oghuz Türkmen
of the rights of al-Qādir (r. 991–1031), and in from Central Asia under the leadership of the
return, he received the honorific titles Yamī n al- Saljūq family, who by 1040 had routed Mas‘ūd
dawla and Amī n al-milla (“right hand of the state” in open battle and wrested Khurāsān from
and “trusted one of the religious community”) [2, Ghaznavid control.
3, 5, 12]. The former title in particular became an
important one, and indeed, the dynasty as a whole
is sometimes thereby identified as the Successors to Mas‘ūd I
“Yamīnids.”
Thus equipped with the prestige of caliphal After Mas‘ūd’s disastrous reign, the Ghaznavids’
investiture, Maḥmūd championed the cause of territories were reduced to eastern Afghanistan
Sunnī Islam to great effect in his campaigns and northwest India, although Balūchistān and
against his political rivals, both Muslim and non- coastal Makrān also appear to have kept up some
Muslim. The Ṣaffārids of Sīstān, the shēr (ruler) connection to Ghazna. The more manageable size
of Gharchistān, the Farīghūnids of Gūzgān, and of their domains enabled the later Ghaznavid sul-
the Ma’mūnids of Khwārazm were all overthrown tans to maintain authority for nearly a century and
on suitable pretexts. But Maḥmūd generally a half after Mas‘ūd’s death in 1041, while the
sought a modus vivendi with the Qarākhānid empire’s orientation toward India became even
Turks, his most dangerous rivals who ruled the more pronounced [7].
former Sāmānid heartlands in Transoxania. The The late 1040s and early 1050s were a period
Oxus separated the Qarākhānid and Ghaznavid of dynastic instability and general crisis. The
territories, but in 1008, Maḥmūd had to repel an murder of ‘Abd al-Rashīd and a number of
invasion of Ṭukhāristān by the Īleg Khān Naṣr b. Ghaznavid princes in c. 1051–1052 by the
‘Alī (d. 1012–1013) and Yūsuf Qadır Khān (d. ghulām Ṭughrul (Toghrıl) was followed by the
1032); in turn, he established bridgeheads across latter’s short-lived usurpation of the throne. After
the Oxus at Tirmidh (Termez) and most signifi- Ṭughrul’s assassination, the empire was placed
cantly in Khwārazm, primarily to pressure the on a more stable footing under Farrukhzād and
Qarākhānid ruler of Bukhārā and Samarqand during the 40-year reign of Ibrāhīm, under whom
called ‘Alītegīn (d. 1034), the brother and rival relations with the Saljūqs were generally stabi-
of Yūsuf Qadır Khān [2, 5, 22]. (On Maḥmūd’s lized. Farrukhzād was apparently the first
campaigns in India, see below.) Ghaznavid ruler to call himself by the typically
During Maḥmūd’s reign, his valiant son Saljūq title al-sulṭān al-mu‘aẓẓam (“great sul-
Mas‘ūd (I) spearheaded campaigns into the tan”) on his coinage; earlier rulers had been con-
pagan enclave of Ghūr, whose conquered inhabi- tent with the formal title amī r, following
tants were forcibly converted to Islam. Eventually, Sāmānid practice, although the title sulṭān (lit.
Maḥmūd turned his attention to western Iran and “power” or “authority”) was applied already to
the Twelver Shī‘ī Būyids, who since 945 had Maḥmūd in panegyric poetry and other contexts
Ghaznavids 255

[3, 7, 12]. The death of Ibrāhīm’s son Mas‘ūd submission [13, 17, 22, 24]. Besides such “infi-
(III) in 1115 sparked another period of dynastic del” Indian rājas, Maḥmūd targeted the “hereti-
struggle. Eventually, the throne passed to cal” Ismā‘īlī communities of Sind and Multan,
Mas‘ūd’s son Bahrām Shāh, who enforced his which were loyal to the rival Fāṭimid caliphate
claim as the protégé of the Great Saljūq sultan based in Cairo [5, 14, 19, 22].
Sanjar b. Malikshāh (r. 1118–1157). The Mas‘ūd I built upon his father’s legacy in India,
Ghaznavids thereby became formally subordi- capturing Sarsatī and Hānsī and sending his com-
nate to their historic rivals [7, 18]. mander-in-chief in India, Aḥmad b. Ināltegīn, to
In the mid-twelfth century, the dynasty came sack Benares. The later Ghaznavid sultans appear
under increasing pressure from the rising Ghūrids, to have mounted raids (Arabic: ghazā < ghazw;
particularly when Ghazna was sacked in c. 1150 whence ghāzī , a frontier warrior for the faith) on
by the sanguinary ‘Alā’ al-Dīn Ḥusayn. The occu- a more sporadic basis and without the permanent
pation of Ghazna by Oghuz adventurers in c. 1162 annexation of territory. Several expeditions are
permanently forced the Ghazanvids back onto mentioned under Ibrāhīm’s reign, including the G
Punjab. The end came in 1186 when Muḥammad sacking of Āgra by prince Sayf al-Dawla Maḥmūd
Ghūrī conquered Lahore and deposed the last in c. 1086–1090. Ibrāhīm’s son and successor
sultan, Khusraw Malik. Mas‘ūd (III) even captured and ransomed the
rāja of Kanauj, while Mas‘ūd’s commander
Ṭughā[n]tegīn (Toghantegin) led a foray across
Conquests and Raids in India the Ganges [7, 24, 27]. Such ghāzī activity con-
tinued into the reign of the last Ghaznavid sultan,
The earliest Muslim incursions into India began in Khusraw Malik, according to the testimony of
the seventh century, and Arab rule was perma- Fakhr-i Mudabbir and court poets [7, 26]. It is
nently established in Sind already under Muḥam- likely that the mysterious tax called turuṣkadaṇḍa
mad b. Qāsim (d. 715). But it was the Ghaznavid (“Turkish punishment”), described in Gāhaḍavāla
sultans who extended Islam to Punjab and united inscriptions, arose in connection with these events
it politically with the Iranian plateau, thereby [7, 31]. Nevertheless, the Ghaznavids’ posses-
opening a great “migration corridor” between the sions in India were largely confined to Punjab,
Middle East, Central Asia, and the Indian Subcon- where Lahore emerged as the second and final
tinent [31]. Indeed, under Maḥmūd, campaigns capital of the empire [27].
through the Afghan mountain passes into India The sultans proclaimed their victories through
became an almost annual affair [17, 22]. Follow- fatḥnāmas (victory dispatches) sent to Baghdad
ing in Sebüktegīn’s path, he overthrew the and perhaps to other Muslim courts, and Maḥmūd
Hindūshāhī rulers of Wayhind (now Hund, north- in particular evoked the image of a ghāzī carrying
east of Attock Fort) in a series of expeditions. The jihād into infidel lands [1]. Despite their religious
great fortresses and cities of northwest India soon justification, Maḥmūd’s military activities were
became objects of plundering, including Bhāṭiya designed to acquire plunder, territory, and fame
(Bhatinda) in 1004–1005; Bhīmnagar (Nagarkoṭ, for the Ghaznavid state; dethesaurized wealth was
modern Kangra) and Nārāyan (Nārāyaṇpur) in used to adorn the capital of Ghazna, finance
1009; Nandana in 1013–1014; and Sirsāwa, a repressive military regime, and lubricate the
Baran (Bulandshahr), Mahāban, Muttra sultan’s war machine in Iran [2, 5, 13]. Nonethe-
(Mathura), Kanauj, Munj, Āsī (Asnī?), and less, instances of temple desecration and destruc-
Sharwa (Sarawa?) in 1018–1019. In 1019–1020 tion of Hindu idols – such as at Thānesar
and again in 1022–1023, Maḥmūd attacked the (1014–1015), Bārī (1019), Muttra, Kanauj, and
Chandella (Candrātreya) ruler of Kalinjar, called most famously the temple of Somnāth
Nandā in the Muslim sources (Gaṇḍa, or his suc- (1025–1026) – acquired legendary status as exam-
cessor Vidyādhara), and reduced him to ples of Muslim iconoclasm [29, 31].
256 Ghaznavids

Political and Cultural Legacy Afghanistan; these include the palace (in ruins)
and minaret of Mas‘ūd III and the minaret of
The Ghaznavids were one of the most significant Bahrām Shāh at Ghazna. The extensive remains
dynasties in medieval Islamic history. For the first of the Ghaznavid palaces at Bust (Lashkar-i
time, an indigenous ruling dynasty (the Sāmānids) Bāzār) further attest to the former greatness of
was supplanted by its own generals in a process the dynasty [16, 23, 25].
that also represented the triumph of Turkish polit-
ical power in the Middle East. The Ghaznavid state
was highly centralized under the control of the The Ghaznavid Dynasty
sultan, whose despotism relied on a military class
of ethnically mixed contingents that even included 1. Sebüktegīn, Abū Manṣūr, 977–997
Indian troops; Turkish ghulāms comprised both 2. Ismā‘īl b. Sebüktegīn, 997–998
the senior cadre of commanders and the palace 3. Maḥmūd b. Sebüktegīn, Abū l-Qāsim,
guard [5, 30]. The state bureaucracy was staffed 998–1030
by Iranian bureaucrats from whose ranks came the 4. Muḥammad b. Maḥmūd, Abū Aḥmad 1030;
celebrated trio of early Ghaznavid historians: Abū 1040–1041
Naṣr ‘Utbī, Abū l-Fażl Bayhaqī, and Abū Sa‘īd 5. Mas‘ūd I b. Maḥmūd, Abū Sa‘īd, 1030–1040
‘Abd al-Ḥayy Gardīzī [4, 9, 10, 20]. 6. Mawdūd b. Mas‘ūd I, Abū l-Fatḥ, 1041–1048
The sultans were also important patrons of 7. Mas‘ūd II b. Mawdūd, c. 1048–1049
Arabic and especially Persianate culture, continu- 8. ‘Alī b. Mas‘ūd I, Abū l-Ḥasan, c. 1048–1049
ing here the legacy of their Sāmānid predecessors 9. ‘Abd al-Rashīd b. Maḥmūd, Abū Manṣūr,
[6, 15]. The most important scholar to flourish c. 1049–1052 [Usurpation of Ṭughrul
under Ghaznavid patronage was undoubtedly the (Toghrıl), Abū Sa‘īd, c. 1051–1052]
Khwārazmian polymath Abū Rayḥān al-Bīrūnī, 10. Farrukhzād b. Mas‘ūd I, Abū Shujā‘,
whose celebrated Indological magnum opus, 1052–1059
Kitāb taḥqī q mā li’l-Hind, describes conditions 11. Ibrāhīm b. Mas‘ūd I, Abū l-Muẓaffar,
in the early eleventh century in immense detail. 1059–1099
The much shorter account of India by Gardīzī, 12. Mas‘ūd III b. Ibrāhīm, Abū Sa‘d, 1099–1115
who personally knew and drew in part on al- 13. Shīrzād b. Mas‘ūd III, 1115–1116
Bīrūnī, derives largely from an earlier work by 14. Malik Arslān b. Mas‘ūd III, Abū l-Mulūk,
the Sāmānid vizier Abū ‘Abdallāh Jayhānī; this 1116–1117
account has in turn been traced back to a report 15. Bahrām Shāh b. Mas‘ūd III, Abū l-Muẓaffar,
compiled for an ‘Abbāsid vizier, the Barmakid c. 1117–1157
Yaḥyā b. Khālid, in c. 800 [21]. The Ghaznavid 16. Khusraw Shāh b. Bahrām Shāh,
imperial court also cultivated New Persian litera- c. 1157–1160
ture by attracting such talents as Abū l-Qāsim 17. Khusraw Malik b. Khusraw Shāh, Abū l-
Firdawsī, composer of the Iranian epic Muẓaffar, 1160–1186
Shāhnāma, as well as celebrated poets like
‘Unṣurī Balkhī, Farrukhī Sīstānī, Manūchihrī
Dāmghānī, ‘Asjadī Marvazī (or Haravī), Cross-References
Ghażā’irī Rāzī, Ḥakīm Sanā’ī, Mas‘ūd Sa‘d
Salmān, ‘Usmān Mukhtārī, Abū l-Faraj Rūnī, ▶ ‘Alā’ al-Dīn Ḥusayn (Ghūrid)
and Sayyid Ḥasan Ghaznavī [6, 7, 27, 28]. Several ▶ Bayhaqī, Abūl-Fażl
Ghaznavid rulers were enthusiastic builders. ▶ Bīrūnī, al-
Although most of their foundations have not sur- ▶ Delhi Sultanate
vived the vicissitudes of time, a few extraordinary ▶ Fakhr-i Mudabbir
architectural landmarks are extant in modern ▶ Ghūrids
Ghaznavids 257

▶ Ismā‘īlīs 11. Flury S (1925) Le décor épigraphique des monuments


▶ Ithnā ‘Asharī Shi‘ism de Ghazna. Syria 6(1):61–90
12. Giunta R, Bresc C (2004) Listes de la titulature des
▶ Jihād Ghaznavides et des Ghurides à travers les documents
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▶ Lahore 13. Habib M (1967) Sultan Mahmud of Ghaznin, 2nd edn.
S Chand, Delhi
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▶ Mas‘ūd I Netton IR (ed) Studies in honour of Clifford Edmund
▶ Muḥammad b. Qāsim Bosworth. Hunter of the east: Arabic and Semitic
▶ Muḥammad Ghūrī studies, vol 1. Brill, Leiden, pp 209–221
15. Hashmi YA (1958) Society and religion under the
▶ Multan (Islam and Muslims) Ghaznavids. J Pakistan Hist Soc 4(4):254–268
16. Hillenbrand R (2000) The architecture of the
Ghaznavids and Ghurids. In: Hillenbrand C (ed) Stud-
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