Professional Documents
Culture Documents
1941
Second, when adopting policies, we should take the interests of each and every anti-
Japanese class and stratum into consideration and apply the principle of winning over
the majority and opposing the minority. We should also safeguard the freedoms, rights
and legal status of all anti-Japanese political parties.
Third, since the political power we have established is a joint dictatorship of several
revolutionary classes, with the participation of the representatives of all anti-Japanese
classes and parties, the struggle for democracy is bound to manifest itself among the
different parties and classes cherishing different interests and maintaining different
political positions. Far from being afraid of this kind of struggle, we should promote it,
for it is beneficial, not harmful, to us.
From the above we can see that democracy constitutes the essence of the government
established on the basis of the three-thirds system. Therefore, the Party should
maintain a spirit of democracy in exercising leadership in the government. Otherwise,
even if we have tried to make sure that Party members occupy no more than one-third
of the places in the government, we shall not be regarded as having given wholehearted
support to the three-thirds system.
If we say that the Communist Parties in West European countries are tainted with
some undesirable traditions of the social-democratic parties, the Chinese Communist
Party is more or less tainted with the undesirable traditions of the Kuomintang. The
concept of “ruling the country by the party”, held by some comrades, is a manifestation
in our Party of an abominable tradition of the Kuomintang.
When the Party proposed the three-thirds system, some Party members in the
Shanxi-Hebei-Henan Area resisted it, showing their neglect of democracy and the bad
effect of the idea of “ruling the country by the party”. Although there has been
considerable change in this regard, education and struggle are still needed to discard
this erroneous idea entirely.
In the past few years the idea of “ruling the country by the party” has become
prevalent in some areas, and some leading comrades have held to this mistaken idea
for a long time, bringing about the following disastrous consequences:
First, these comrades misunderstand the leading role played by the Party, believing
that to play such a role, Party members should monopolize everything; they fail to see
that to truly play such a role, the Party must have the support of the masses. A leading
role built on power is unreliable. During the December 9th Student Movement
in Beiping, Song Zheyuan suppressed the revolutionary students with his power — the
army, prison, police, broadsword and water cannon. Can we say that superiority lay
with Song Zheyuan? Of course not. In the past some comrades who often talked glibly
about superiority believed that since Party members constituted the majority in the
organs of political power and won the whole country, they could do whatever they
liked. Consequently, they made so many ultra-Left mistakes that the middle sections of
society became displeased with us, the progressives were worried about us, and the
masses complained about the Party. Except for people like Ah Q, who would say that
the Party has gained superiority?
Second, these comrades misunderstand Party leadership, believing that “Party
leadership is above everything else”. They interfere in government work, change at will
decrees promulgated by the government at a higher level, and transfer cadres who
work in organs of political power without going through administrative procedures.
The authorities in some places have refused to carry out government decrees without
Party notification, which led to confusion in the organs of political power. Some Party
members have gone a step further, taking “Party leadership is above everything else” to
mean “Party members are above everything else” and believing that Party members can
do evil and that the ones who have violated the law can be forgiven. As a result, non-
Party cadres regard the Party as “the supreme authority”. (This is indeed a bitter irony.
Yet, unfortunately, some of our Party members pride themselves on it.) Some of them
have become passive and dare not speak out and others are breaking away from us and
even rising in opposition to us, while the progressives are deeply worried about us. This
has given the masses the impression that the government is incompetent and that it is
the Communist Party that has the final say in everything, that the Party levies grain and
other taxes, formulates all the decrees for the government and is responsible for all the
mistakes made by the government. Hence, the government is not respected by the
masses and the Party has alienated itself from them. What stupidity! Under such
circumstances the Party’s guidance organs at various levels have become increasingly
insensitive, failing to study policies carefully, and busying themselves only with
interfering in the day-to-day work of the government, thus relaxing political leadership.
Party members become conceited simply because they are Party members. Those
working in the government are arrogant and overbearing, always considering
themselves to be in the right, looking down on non-Party people, and believing that
they can break the law, violate government standards of discipline and undermine
work order at will. A small number of Party members have even ganged up, becoming
lax in their duties and degenerate and trying to protect each other. As a consequence,
careerists have wormed their way into the Party in an attempt to destroy it in various
fields of endeavour. Over the past few years we have suffered a great deal in this
regard.
In short, the concept of “ruling the country by the party”, a result of the pernicious
influence of the Kuomintang, could most effectively lull the Party into complacency,
debase and destroy it, and separate it from the masses. We oppose the one-party
dictatorship of the Kuomintang, which is characterized by one party running the
country. We should especially prevent the pernicious influence of the Kuomintang
from spreading to our Party.
What is the correct principle for the Party to adhere to in leading the anti-Japanese
democratic government? It is the policy of giving guidance to and exercising
supervision over the government. In other words, the Party should assume the
responsibility of guiding the government so that the Party’s views can be acted on
through the government; the Party should take the responsibility of supervising the
government in order to ensure that the government truly accords with the principles of
the anti-Japanese democratic united front. The Party exercises leadership by providing
political principles, not by monopolizing everything, interfering in everything or
placing Party power above everything else. This is diametrically opposite to the policy
of “ruling the country by the party”.
Specifically, the Party should guide and supervise the government in the following
ways:
First, it should carefully study policies, formulate correct ones and, through the
leading Party members’ groups in the administrative organs and people’s
representative bodies, turn its policies into the decrees and administrative policies of
the government. The Party’s guidance organs only have the right to issue orders to the
leading Party members’ groups and the Party members in the government and the right
to offer suggestions to the government in the name of the Party when necessary; they
have absolutely no right to give orders to the government.
Third, the Party should do everything possible to institute the three-thirds system. It
should guide the election of assemblies of representatives and administrative
committees at all levels and the selection of administrative staff of governments at all
levels so as to ensure the application of the three-thirds system. No desired results can
be achieved in election or selection without leadership and planning. We should pay
special attention to this point in selecting village and district cadres and see to it that
the heads of villages and districts are Party members or progressives (or middle-of-the-
roaders who are upright and abide by higher-level government decrees).
Fourth, since democracy constitutes the essence of the three-thirds system, the Party
should urge and instruct leading Party members’ groups and Party members working
in government to have a full democratic spirit, high revolutionary enthusiasm, a
friendly attitude, a positive and dedicated work style, and statesmanship. In their work
they should stick to the Party’s political stand, join with non-Party cadres and play an
exemplary role, so as to spur non-Party cadres to work hard; they should guard against
becoming arrogant just because they are Party members. In its work of guiding and
supervising the government, the Party organization should start with leading Party
members’ groups and Party members.
Fifth, since the political power based on the three-thirds system is a joint dictatorship
of several revolutionary classes, comprising representatives from various anti-Japanese
classes and parties, there are bound to be different political views and stands, evoking
political debates. So long as we truly develop democracy, the struggle for democracy
will certainly be conducted on a large scale. This is really a good thing, because during
the struggle the opinions and demands of all classes will come out, and the true nature
of some parties will be laid bare for the masses to see. We Communists do not fear the
struggle for democracy, because our positions are correct. Only Right opportunists who
do not believe in the correctness of the Party’s positions, in addition to careerists,
corrupt bureaucrats and embezzlers, fear this struggle and are afraid that the masses
should know the Party’s true features. Party organizations should, therefore, make a
conscious effort to promote the struggle for democracy. First, they should help
comrades abandon their arbitrary and undemocratic practices, so that non-Party cadres
dare to speak out and do their work and entertain no misgivings about the Party. If they
can achieve this, they will know how to undertake this struggle, and the prestige of the
government and its work efficiency will be raised enormously.
Sixth, Party organizations should urge Party members and the masses to take a
correct attitude towards the government, making it clear to them that the anti-Japanese
democratic government of today is different from the government of the past under the
dictatorship of the landlord class and the bourgeoisie, and that all the people should
therefore support it heart and soul. The people should be persuaded to become
accustomed to observing the decrees of the anti-Japanese democratic government.
Comrades working in the government should observe discipline and the procedures of
the government and combat confusion and oppose disrespect of authority at higher
levels. Local Party organizations, mass organizations and army units have the
responsibility to support and help raise the prestige of the government. They have
absolutely no right to arrest or execute people or to interfere in the work of the
government, and army units are not allowed to regard the government as an organ
subordinate to them. It is true that some local governments do not accept Party
leadership, enacting some erroneous decrees and doing things not in the people’s
interest and in violation of the principle of a united front. For instance, some district
and village governments are like that. Such cases are likely to occur even after
democratic election. However, we should support, not oppose, such anti-Japanese
democratic governments, while opposing their erroneous decrees or bad administrative
individuals. In handling such matters we should adopt proper methods. For instance,
we can wage a struggle within the government or in the presence of the masses; we can
partially reorganize the government in question or replace the bad individuals through
election; we can also handle matters from above or from below — our general goal is to
educate the masses, correct mistakes and ensure Party leadership. No undemocratic,
improper methods are allowed in handling such matters. Even if a counter-
revolutionary is involved here, he shouldn’t be arrested and dealt with before waging a
democratic struggle against him or going through legal formalities. To do otherwise will
only harm, not benefit, us.
Seventh, the Party’s guidance organs should regularly discuss policies and decrees,
and check on the work of leading Party members’ groups. Some comrades should be
designated to take care of the work of leading Party members’ groups and of Party
branches in government organs. In providing guidance to leading Party members’
groups, the Party organs should stress political principles rather than minor points, so
as to allow the groups a certain flexibility in their work and to nurture their capabilities.
Party organizations should pay attention to theoretical studies and the development of
moral integrity and Party spirit among comrades working in the government.
Whenever they find the comrades have made mistakes, they should help them correct
the mistakes without delay. However, on public occasions they should try to enhance
the comrades’ prestige.
To ensure Party leadership in the government and unify the actions of Party
members working in the government, leading Party members’ groups should be formed
in the people’s representative bodies and administrative organs at and above the county
level. The group should be composed of no more than seven leading comrades,
appointed by Party headquarters at the corresponding level. Guided and administered
by the Party organization at the same level, the leading Party members’ group (A group
at the higher level has no connection with one at the lower level.) should carry out the
following tasks:
First, to accept Party instructions, orders and directives, try to win approval for Party
policies and decisions by administrative organs or people’s representative bodies, turn
Party positions into those of the government and then help the government carry them
out.
Second, on political grounds, to unite with non-Party cadres who work with them,
helping them fully understand Party policies so that they will willingly accept, support
and implement them, giving full play to their enthusiasm for the work; through them to
unite with every class, every anti-Japanese party and the majority of the people.
Third, to take every opportunity to expand the Party’s influence and expound the
Party’s positions; to help the anti-Japanese democratic government give full scope to
its role and enhance its prestige, so that the government and the people will be united
and the struggle against the regime of the Japanese aggressors and their Chinese
collaborators will be strengthened. At the same time, to seize every opportunity to
combat all actions undermining the Communist Party and anti-Japanese democratic
political power.
Fourth, to guide Party members working in the government, unifying their actions.
To regularly report to Party headquarters at the same level on its work and inform the
Party’s guidance organs as quickly as possible about its experience and problems in
work, as well as the reaction of the masses and various sections of society to Party
policies, so as to enable the Party to provide better guidance to the government.
3. They should keep to the correct political stand. When faced with views and actions
in violation of the principle of the united front or against the Party, they should not
remain silent or agree with them. They should reason with the people concerned or
even repudiate them, depending on the circumstances. Of course, in doing so, they
should adopt the correct methods. In general, they should explain matters to people in
a sincere manner, waging an effective struggle only against diehards and conspirators,
and, moreover, this should be done along with non-Party cadres. If this is done only by
Party members and non-Party people remain mere onlookers, it will show that they
have done their job poorly. They should encourage non-Party people, including
progressives and middle-of-the-roaders, to make proposals or motions along with
them. In this way they can maintain close ties with non-Party people and bring their
enthusiasm into full play. They should draw non-Party cadres into the study of policies
and decrees. They may also ask them to help draft documents, but first it will be
necessary to adequately discuss and determine the principles for drafting them. If they
don’t and their draft is totally rejected, it may chill the enthusiasm of non-Party cadres.
By keeping to a political stand we don’t mean that they should be opinionated. They
must adhere to political principles, not technical details. If such details do not do too
much harm to the general direction (even if there are some defects in them),
concessions are permitted. Moreover, they should be aware that they are not always
thoughtful enough and that non-Party cadres often have many correct ideas. Therefore,
they should listen attentively and remain open-minded when non-Party cadres present
their views.
4. They should refrain from offering opinions in the name of the Party. Not every
Party member is in a position to represent the Party. Only views on major events and
questions can be raised in the name of the Party. Only representatives appointed
formally by the Party have the right to speak on behalf of the Party, raise motions or get
in touch with other parties. Party representatives should be extremely prudent in word
and action. Each and every article to be published, speech to be delivered and motion
to be raised must be examined and approved by the Party committee beforehand. Even
if there is no time to do so, it should be discussed formally by the leading Party
members’ group and afterwards reported to the Party committee for endorsement. As
for an ordinary comrade, if he is openly a Party member, he can work in the capacity of
a Party member; if he is an underground Party member, he can work as a progressive.
5. To ensure the Party’s united action, there must be strict discipline within the
leading Party members’ group. First, it should hold itself totally responsible to the Party
committee at the same level and place itself under the latter’s strict supervision.
Second, there should be democratic discussion within the group, but once a decision
has been made, all the members should act in unison and no one shall be allowed to go
his own way. The leading Party members’ group bears the responsibility of giving
guidance to other Party members in leading positions (for instance, the leading Party
members’ group in an assembly of representatives should give guidance to all the Party
members in the assembly) and should inform them of any resolutions formulated,
which the latter must obey. To unify will and action, the leading Party members’ group
can hold special meetings to communicate its decisions or those of the Party committee
and organize discussions. It does not have to establish links with ordinary Party
members. When problems emerge, it can ask the Party branches in government organs
to solve them.
6. The leading Party members’ group has no right to go beyond the government or to
issue orders and give instructions. None of its resolutions can take effect until approved
by the government. The erroneous tendency to turn the leading Party members’ group
into a second government must be combated.
7. All Party members working in the government, especially leading cadres, must set
a good example in their work; this is one of the important prerequisites for ensuring
Party leadership.
The tasks of Party branches in government organs are basically the same as those of
ordinary Party branches; they do not have the same powers and responsibilities as
leading Party members’ groups. In the past, some Party branches in government organs
turned into second leading Party members’ groups or even second governments; this is
wrong and must be corrected.
Unlike those in rural areas, Party branches in the government have their own special
tasks, which require sound leadership from the Party branch committee.
First, they should systematically carry out united front work within their own organs
and constantly disseminate Marxism-Leninism and the Party’s positions among non-
Party people. To accomplish this, they should organize reading classes, study
associations, national salvation associations (also called national revolution associations
or save-the-nation associations), forums or academic lectures for the personnel of their
organs.
Second, Party members should set a good example in uniting with non-Party people,
so that the latter will be more active and responsible in their work. As for those Party
members who avoid contact with the masses, try to seek the limelight and outshine
others, or are arrogant because of being Party members, Party branches should
constantly educate and criticize them.
Third, Party members working in the government should be law-abiding and observe
discipline. If any of them should violate the law or commit irregularities, he should not
only be punished in accordance with the law, but also be dealt with by disciplinary
measures within the Party.
Fourth, the Party branch has no right to interfere in administrative work. However, it
should go to the masses to find out their problems, ideas and opinions, determine how
well both Party members and non-Party people are doing in their work, and then
report to the leading Party members’ group and the Party committee. The Party branch
has the right to check on the work done by individual Party members of the branch, but
it has no right to check on the work done by any department.
Fifth, the Party branch is placed under a department designated by the Party
committee, not by a leading Party members’ group. But when a leading Party members’
group has made a decision to be executed by all Party members of the branch, it should
inform the branch of the decision and the branch should execute it. Meanwhile, both
the Party branch and the leading Party members’ group have the right to offer
suggestions to each other. In order to make things go smoothly, the leading Party
members’ group should designate a comrade to serve as a liaison with the Party branch.
Sixth, the Party branch is an absolutely secret organization and no one is allowed to
conduct any activities in its name.
Seventh, the Party branch should report regularly to Party headquarters at a higher
level and accept its instructions.
Actual political struggle gives Party members and the masses the best opportunity to
temper themselves. We should stress education in democracy in schools, national
revolution associations and training classes. Moreover, we should make a careful and
detailed plan for each democratic movement, seeing to it that the movement fully
meets the requirements of democracy, and truly mobilize the masses to take part in it
and the entire Party to lead it. Only in this way can the movement achieve the desired
results and the Party membership and the masses be educated.
Recently the Northern Bureau of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist
Party made a proposal to the Joint Agency to establish the Provisional Assembly of
Representatives of the Shanxi-Hebei-Henan Border Area, which has been adopted.
This represents a major democratic move. This year’s village election and next year’s
county election and general election in the border areas are drawing near. Every aspect
of our work involves democracy. In doing its work and launching movements, the Party
should know how to mobilize the masses in a democratic manner and oppose all
undemocratic practices. There can be no broad mass movement without a democratic
work style, and there can be no genuine Bolshevik Party without a broad mass
movement.
In the struggle for democracy we should ensure Party leadership in the government
and, more important, we should make the Party a party of the masses!
(First published in Party Life, No. 35, April 15, 1941, by the Northern Bureau of the
Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC).)