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Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS) is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and
extend access to Sojourn: Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia
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SOJOURN: Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia Vol . 24, No. 2 (2009), pp. 251-68 DOI: 10.1355/sj24-2e
© 2009 ISEAS ISSN 0217-9520 print / ISSN 1793-2858 electronic
Background
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252 Carmeli Marie CHAVES
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Spatial Disparities and Rising Dependency in Mindanao, the Philippines 253
only less than half of that - at 23.8 per cent (National Statistics
Office 2000). These figures indicate that nearly half of the Philippine
population is crammed in urban barangays that make up only a
quarter of all barangays in the country.
It is clear, nonetheless, that the effects of urbanization have been
lopsided. Urbanization in the Philippines has seen some of the
country's poorest agricultural regions falling behind cities in socio-
economic development. Only the urban areas, the so-called drivers
of economic growth, received serious attention from the central
government in terms of infrastructure investments.
The Philippine government has observed the unbalanced spatial
distribution of development, recognizing, for instance, in the Medium
Term Philippine Development Plan 2004-2010 that poverty is greatest
in the rural areas (National Economic and Development Authority
(NEDA) 2000). The government subsequently launched a poverty
reduction programme that included, among others, the promotion
of agribusiness in the countryside in order to generate employment
(NEDA 2000) and livelihood programmes for populations reliant on
agriculture and the environment (NEDA 2000).
Beginning in 2000, such livelihood programmes were established
among rural communities in Mindanao, southern Philippines. The
Department of Agriculture (DA) and the Department of Environment
and Natural Resources (DENR) provided local peoples organizations
both technical and financial assistance in proposing and implementing
the livelihood projects.
The study, on which this paper is based, inquires whether these
rural livelihood programmes are an appropriate government policy
response to the observed spatial development imbalance. The follow-
ing questions guided the study:
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254 Carmeli Marie CHAVES
Research Methodology
Site Selection
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Spatial Disparities and Rising Dependency in Mindanao, the Philippines 255
Table 1
Study Sites
Total 3 6 9
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256 Carmeli Marie CHAVES
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Spatial Disparities and Rising Dependency in Mindanao, the Philippines 257
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258 Carmeli Marie CHAVES
Table 3
Study household members, by sex and by age group
Male Female
65+ 24 18 42
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Spatial Disparities and Rising Dependency in Mindanao, the Philippines 259
Income
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260 Carmeli Marie CHAVES
Table 4
Average monthly household income, by barangay
Reported by Reported by
Name of barangay males N females N Total N
Silad 140 18 109 15 126 33
Poblacion, Talisayan 75 13 64 7 71 20
Consuelo 124 14 119 16 121 30
Day-asan 164 15 184 4 169 19
Nabago 154 12 401 2 189 14
Manjagao 89 16 88 10 88 26
San Juan 122 20 122 3 122 23
Dapdap 128 7 117 4 124 11
Rizal 128 17 114 10 123 27
Total 125 132 118 71 122 203
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Spatial Disparities and Rising Dependency in Mindanao, the Philippines 261
Table 5
Livelihood activities of people's organisations
Surigao City
Day-asan Seaweed culture
Milkfish culture
Giant clam culture
Grouper culture
Lobster culture
Barobo Municipality
Dapdap Micro-lending
Dried fish and seaweed production
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262 Carmeli Marie CHAVES
shallow sea water. Houses on stilts rise above sea water suitable for
grouper and lobster culture as a "backyard" business. The waters of
Silad village are appropriate for seaweed culture, while most coastal
municipalities can host fish cages.
Unfortunately, pollution from households and agricultural runoff
from the surrounding upland contaminated the fish cages. Families had
to replenish their fish stocks when the pollutants killed the fingerlings.
Some projects, such as fish caging, required high capitalization.
A grouper fish cage costs Php20, 000-50, 000 (US$41 5-1,000),
depending on the number of stocks and materials used. Moreover,
grouper or lobster culture requires a year for the fish to reach their
marketable size.
Not all projects considered the skills and expertise of the residents,
especially of women. Fish caging, milkfish culture, seaweed culture,
giant clam culture, and grouper culture were perceived by the
community as male-oriented livelihood projects because the work
involved is said to require "masculine" skills. The women tried to
learn the rudiments of fish caging, but their interest and efforts
waned, especially when the livelihood activities competed for their
time for household chores.
At the outset, livelihood projects were proposed in response to a
perceived market demand for aquatic products. Oddly enough, when
the products were grown and harvested, the market was difficult to
find. Seaweed culture in Silad, for instance, was considered a viable
livelihood. The initial seaweed harvest was sold to a local industrial
buyer, who could not, however, assure the cooperative of future
orders. Faced with no secure market, the discouraged fisherfolks did
not expand their business after the first production cycle.
Likewise, Consuelo village residents engaged in milkfish production
in fish cages. Milkfish deboning also started as a project primarily
intended for women PO members. However, owing to a lack of
buyers, both the milkfish caging and the fish deboning projects were
discontinued.
What appeared on paper to be workable livelihood ideas turned
out differently upon implementation. While the project proposals
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Spatial Disparities and Rising Dependency in Mindanao, the Philippines 263
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264 Carmeli Marie CHAVES
Fishing has become less attractive to young men who not only have
to contend with a declining fish catch, but prefer the option of
working in urban areas to earn a steady income than to take their
chance with fishing as a livelihood. Young women are taking the
same urbanward route, eventually finding jobs as domestic helpers
or service workers in the cities and even abroad.
During group discussions, parents encourage the young to find
occupations other than fishing because the income from fishing is
lower and less reliable than the wages from employment in the cities,
even as labourers and domestic helpers. Parents dream of urban,
non-agricultural employment for their children. The driving force
for completing formal education is apparently to find work in the
city. Learning fishing skills from elders is foregone because as parents
reason out, fishing has not lifted their families out of poverty, and
therefore, there is no justification to encourage their children to take
up the livelihood they have engaged in.
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Spatial Disparities and Rising Dependency in Mindanao, the Philippines 265
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266 Carmeli Marie CHAVES
Conclusion
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Spatial Disparities and Rising Dependency in Mindanao, the Philippines 267
NOTES
REFERENCES
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268 Carmeli Marie CHAVES
Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources. 1996 Philippines Profile . Quezon City:
Department of Agriculture-Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources,
1997.
Chaves, Carmeli and Chona Echavez. "Those That Urbanization Left Behind". Final
Project Report. Philippine Center for Population and Development, 2007.
Dalzell, Paul and Perlita Corpuz. "The Present Status of Small Pelagic Fisheries in
the Philippines". In Philippine Tuna and Small Pelagic Fisheries: Status and
Prospects for Development , edited by C. Pagdilao and C. Garcia. Los Banos:
Philippine Council for Aquatic and Marine Research and Development,
1990.
Dalzell, Paul, Perlita Corpuz, Reuben Ganaden, and Daniel Pauly. Estimation
of Maximum of Sustainable Yield and Maximum Economic Rent from the
Philippines Small Pelagic Fisheries. Quezon City: Bureau of Fisheries and
Aquatic Resources, 1987.
Department of Environment and Natural Resources. The Community-Based Livelihood
Assistance Special Project. Quezon City: DENR, 2003.
National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA). Medium-Term Philippine
Development Plan 2004-2010. Pasig City: NEDA, 2000.
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