Professional Documents
Culture Documents
UNIVERSITY OF LAGOS,
AKOKA, LAGOS.
TERM PAPER
BY
MATRIC. NO.:139015077
TO
11 AUGUST, 2014.
1. INTRODUCTION.
The term, “Administrative history”, has certain multi-dimensional exigencies: from politics to
economics and to socio-cultural dimension. This multi-dimensional outlook is partly due to the
fact that the academic field of history has been a battle ground between the traditionalists such as
Ranke Von Leopald, Marc Trachtenberg, Richard Evans and G.R Elton whose view on the
processes involving the generation of historical knowledge is anchored on the fact that
interpretation and selection of evidence should be done, strictly independent of the historian’s
preconceived emotion and the modernist cum post-modernists such as Keith Jenkins, E.H Carr,
and Carl Bercker whose ideal is anchored on the fact that selection of evidence should be sought
and interpreted dependent on the historian’s preconceived emotions. In view of this heated
debate between these scholars, any definition of administrative history that does take cognizance
of the ideal traditionalists would definitely spark off vituperative attacks from the post-
modernists and vice versa. [1] Attempts, however, shall be made to present a middle-of –the-road
approach, taken cognizance of the terms, “Administration” and “history” before apt definition of
spectrum of an umbrella term that relates to an inquiry into past events, recent or distant, as well
information about these events with a view to searching for the truth about these events and
finding probable grounds by which the truth sought and found can be used to solve societal
problems.[2] Intrinsic in this definition is the fact that history is an enquiry into past events as it
relates to interpretation of evidence and collation of information with a view to finding lasting
solution to societal problems. From this definition, therefore, one would see how the study of
history, not arguments about the study of texts, is always sacrosanct to finding probable solutions
to societal problems.
Looking at societal problems critically and objectively, without any subjective or personal
insight, one cannot but see the connection between them and phenomenal maladministration. The
nexus between these two contextual phenomena brings us to, first, make succinct definition of
what administration means, a definition which pitches one against the term “maladministration”,
a term which enables us to look insightfully and critically into how societal problems are
engendered, which then makes the study of history becomes relevant. What then is
activities that are related to operating and administering public or private related organisations. [3]
This particular definition takes a swipe on administration being activities involving both human
rationalities and self-inflicted irrationalities. That is to say that administration viewed in this
form talks about the actions of people within certain specified limits: what people do, how they
do it and when they do it. Then, there is another aspect of the definition of administration which
also stresses the socio-cultural, economic and political system within which people carry out
certain specified tasks within certain specified limits, hence, such terms as, liberalism, realism,
democracy, parliamentary system, globalisation, capitalism, socialism to mention but a few. [4]
Given such terms above, therefore, what people do, how they do it and when they do it within
Having made the basis for the terms “history” and “administration”, it then becomes clear as to
the path the concept of administrative history should make recourse to. Although most scientists
believe that their field of study can be traced to a past, recent or distant, most administrative
scientists similarly believe that their field has a history, recent or distant. Be that as it may, there
is the need to understand that scholars only treat administrative history from the perspective of
demonstrated logically that public administrative has, in fact, had a long-standing tradition both
in practise and in writing. According to him, administration has been an issue ever since human
beings recognised the need to organise themselves in order to organise the environment in which
they lived. This history, in turn, underlines the need for administrators to be aware of the
importance and contemporary impact of past decisions and old traditions or systems of
governance. [5]
Considering this fact, however, the concept of administrative history should be seen within the
spectrum of an inquiry into the history of how people, information and resources are mobilised
cognizance of the environment that such organisation or community resides. All entities or
states, confined to a particular geographical location, have one form of administrative system or
the other. With recourse to norms and age-long traditions, this form of administrative system is
derived to suit this particular geographical location and probably designed to solve certain
system may have been designed to be, it has certain historical settings which, overtime, has gone
through series of transformation. Take, for instance, Nigeria’s administrative system of the 1960s
which bore certain semblance with colonial and in fact British, administrative system. If one,
therefore, tries to make astute research on the Nigeria’s administrative system of the 1960s and
the problems thereon, problems which partly formed what overheated the politics of the 1960s
until the Civil War; one might need to understand the intricacies of Nigeria’s administrative
system of the colonial interregnum. This particular reasoning coincides with Raadschelders’
view that “knowledge of the past enlarges and sharpens our insights in the how and why of
Intrinsic in the above assertion, and more, is the fact that administrative effectiveness and
exigencies must have existed elsewhere which may have positive or negative influence on other
entities or climes. This singularly points to the fact enunciated by Raadschelders that western
administrative system was influenced by the rediscovery of Greek’s administrative system. [7]
Notwithstanding, therefore, the difficulty involved in delving into the concept of administrative
history and the course to which historians or scholars may chart, it suffices to note that
administrative history is an enquiry into the past as regards how people, information and
resources are effectively mobilised and efficiently organised with a view to achieving
context.
3. How the primary goals and objectives of the organisation, agency, company or
4. What successes and challenges has the organisation had in meeting its goals.
For these reasons, therefore both public and private organisations may seek to document their
administrative history. Retrospectively, the ‘why’ most scholars undertake the study of
administrative history are varied. For some entities, a significant anniversary or event may
prompt reflection on the origins of the organisation and the process by which it evolved over
time. Many government institutions undertake administrative history in order to document past
policy changes and procedures. Irrespective of whichever divide the argument falls, the truth still
remains that administrative history is an enquiry into the processes of evolution of administrative
exigencies.
There has been quite number of terms such as “national homogenisation”, “national orientation”,
“national consciousness”, “national identity” associated with the term, “national integration”.
These terms, as diverse as they are, preclude a common trend. However, beyond the general
is a substantial causal dynamics and structural and cultural perspective which people who live
within a geographical entity are enjoined to coin. The term, “national integration”, irrespective of
similarity of meaning and trend, can also be viewed from “two ends of a spectrum of attitude”,
REALISM AND LIBERALISM. [8] Either seen from the continuum of a general understanding
and conception or from the perspective of realism or liberalism, it suffices to understand that
national integration is a response or panacea to the challenges being faced by most politically
new. National integration, therefore, as defined and popularised by Kaufman J. Stuart, Cameron
Keith and Shona Khurana, is the awareness of a common identity and peaceful co-existence
among the citizens of a culturally, socially and religiously diverse entity. [10] [11] [12] Intrinsic in
this definition is the fact that what is often known as the consciousness of oneness in a multi-
cultural and religious entity is borne out of the realisation of the need to cultivate attitude, efforts
and state-centred policies which tend to give a sense of belonging to all irrespective of cultural,
Having made the above assertion, it is important at this juncture to concentrate, first, on the
contemporary Nigerian challenges, and second, on the economic and political system within
which people carry out certain specific tasks within certain specified limits. In examining the
economic and political system within which people carry out certain specific tasks within certain
specified limits, there is the need, on the one hand, to focus on the problems being faced in
Nigeria currently which seem to militate against her national development and on the other hand,
examine a type of administrative system to which scholars have accorded the best as being
AMALGAMATION.
Be that as it may, it is important to note that the usefulness of administrative history can be seen
to solving these problems. Since the inception of the Nigerian nation, Nigerian governments, past
and present, have made serious efforts to propagate policies and programmes that are geared
towards national integration. Despite such well-intended and unity-oriented programmes and
policies, Nigeria’s unity has continued to be plagued and threatened by embedded socio-cultural,
religious and political dichotomies, more sharply divided than we were under the colonial
regimes. [13] Considering the multi-dimensional outlook of Nigeria’s problems, one cannot but
see the inter-connectedness between the issues revolving around Nigeria’s amalgamation and her
contemporary challenges, challenges ranging from environmental insecurity arising from the
spate of bombing across the Eastern part of the North, political insecurity arising from the
falsification of population figures which tended to give more political and economic advantage
to the North, the Niger-Delta question and fiscal federalism (resource control). [14]
Retrospectively, it is important to note that prior to the advent of British colonisation, the
geographical region now known as Nigeria comprised the homelands to several independent and
contiguous nationalities, each having its distinctive political systems, economic market and
communal diplomacy. Even though, it is generally agreed among Nigeria’s foremost Historians
such as Professor Ade Ajayi, Professor Kenneth Dike and a host of other Nigerian historians that
these independent and contiguous entities occasionally engaged in war and territorial conquests
fuelled mainly by the raging trade commoditised in human labour and merchants arming one
group to fight and enslave others, yet what characterised the nature of interplay among these
independent and contiguous entities was a relative peaceful co-existence founded on strict
communal diplomacy as against the European diplomacy of the nineteenth century. Towards the
end of the nineteenth century, therefore, the British occupied most of the region. By the
beginning of the twentieth century, they had divided up and fragmented the region into two
Protectorates: Northern and Southern Nigeria. In simple term, what the British colonialists had
done was disintegrate entities that were culturally and socio-politically at peace with one another
and integrate these entities with those that had different ideologies. The British colonialists
extorted trade agreements, subjugated diverse groups to forced relocation and deeply interfered
in territorial sovereignty. [15] The ripple effects of this forced relocation and British interference
in Nigeria’s territorial sovereignty are deeply rooted in some of the contemporary challenges that
challenges and the economic and political system within which people carry out certain specific
tasks within certain specified limits, there is the need to look at a type of administrative system to
which scholars have accorded the best as being plausible to solving contemporary Nigeria’s
problems. Instance of this type of administrative system is one whose vocal point is on the
That the origin of Nigerian federalism is traceable to British colonial rule is no longer new.
However, opinion varies on the basic reason for its introduction. Some scholars opine that
federalism was introduced in Nigeria by the British for administrative convenience. Some are of
the view that Britain imposed federalism on Nigeria in order to maintain some control on the
country after independence. Others believe that the British colonialists adopted federalism in
Nigeria to solve the problem of how to keep the large and ethnically diverse groups of people
together. Regardless of the status of each of these arguments, all of the viewpoints are useful in
Southern and Northern Protectorates in 1914. The federal structure began to form in 1939 under
Sir Bernard Bourdillon who divided the Southern Protectorate into two. [17] The Richard and
Macpherson Constitution of 1946 and 1951 respectively only created a decentralised unitary
system. The practise of federalism in Nigeria was officially adopted through the Lyttleton
Constitution of 1954 as it was the first genuine federal constitution of the country. The
constitution was introduced due to the crisis generated by the Macpherson Constitution,
especially the motion of self-government, and the Kano Riots of 1953. [18] These events
convinced the colonial administration that considerable regional autonomy must be granted to
the regional governments and that only federalism could hold the Nigerian peoples together.
Nigerian federalism became consolidated at independence, and since then, it has been operating
in both political and fiscal context, although not in full consonance with basic principles of
federal practise elsewhere in the world. Historically, Nigeria’s federal system has oscillated
between the excessive regionalism that marked the First Republic (1960 -1966) and the
excessive centralisation of the military, and relatively, the post-military era. [19]
Federalism is often regarded as the appropriate governmental principle for countries with huge
and enormous ethno-cultural diversities. Nigeria, with over two hundred and fifty ethnic groups,
inherited a federal system from Britain in 1960, a federal system which was inherently flawed
with favouritism, more particularly when there is a new revelation that the 1963 Population
Census was inflated in favour of the North. [20] Even though successive administrative
governments in Nigeria, since independence, have attempted, with varying degrees of sincerity
and commitment, to operate federal institutions that can accommodate the country’s ethnic,
cultural, religious and linguistic diversities and nurture a sense of national unity, however, the
leaders of these governments, at all levels, have failed to fulfil their obligations o offer good
and accountable public conduct. Indeed, failure to encourage genuine power sharing has
triggered dangerous rivalries between the central government and the thirty six states
government over revenue from the country’s oil and other natural resources. [21] The defective
federal structure has also promoted bitter struggles between interest groups to capture the state
and its attendant wealth and facilitated the emergence of violent ethnic militias, while politicians
exploit and exacerbate inter-communal tensions for selfish reasons. Thus, communities
throughout the country increasingly feel marginalised and alienated from the Nigerian state, the
same feelings that permeated the entire country in1950s before the colonialist government
4. CONCLUSION.
The point being made here is simple: Nigeria’s problems of national integration , challenges
ranging from environmental insecurity arising from the spate of bombing across the Eastern part
of the North, political insecurity arising from the falsification of population figures which tended
to give more political and economic advantage to the North, the Niger-Delta question and fiscal
federalism (resource control), can be quarantined and eventually decapitated once the study of
administrative history is put in the perspective of insights into the past as to how and when
Nigeria encountered her problems and what policies used to resolve these problems. Nigeria’s
problems of national integration are problems of history, tested by history and resolved by
history, to which the study of administrative history is very relevant. Be that as it may, Nigeria’s
quest for national integration was given the impetus it needed by the military elite corps. This is
partly because the military has dominated Governance for many years. The basic structural
reorganization needed to foster national integration was instituted by the military. This also
includes steps taken to assuage the fears of the minorities enclosed within the hitherto three
major ethnic groups in Nigeria. The immobilize state of national integration in Nigeria is as a
result of the absence of normative standards and respected by all parties. The institutionalization
of such standard should transcend the federal, state, local governments and the ward levels. This
is the only way towards the birth of an organic Nigerian state. This problem has lingered because
national integration in Nigeria has not been a voluntary process. However given a purposeful
leadership and a ‘just administration’, national integration would produce a fairly organic
Nigerian state. However, it should be acknowledged that the journey towards that destination is
still a long distance away, which the study of administrative history can shorten. Nigeria is still
on that part, but a purposeful leadership which is inclining to inputs, would make national
integration attainable, possible with great attention to the study of administrative history.
From the standpoint of its usefulness, therefore, one can see that the study of administrative
history is crucial when examining the various problems plaguing Nigeria’s effort towards
national integration.
REFERENCES.
1. Trachtenberg, M. (1998). “The Past Under Siege: A Historian Ponders on the State of His
2. ibid, vol.10
6. ibid, p.9
7. ibid, p.10
8. Rourke, J.T et al (2004). “International Politics on the World Stage.” New York:
9. ibid, p.154
10. Kaufman, J.S (2001). “Modern Hatred: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War.” New
11. Cameron, Keith (1999). “National Identity.” Exter, England: Intellect, 1994. p.4
12. Khurana, Shona (2014). “National Integration: Complete Information on the Meaning,
13. Etim, O.F (2013). “Administration of National Integration in Nigeria: The Challenges
15. Akanbi, T.O (2014). “Ten Decades after Amalgamation: Nigeria’s Lessons in
Governance, Challenges, and Prospects.” Co-Ed. by Pro. Olupona J. and Dr. T.O Akanbi.
Book Project on Amalgamation and Governance Challenges in Nigeria: Call for Papers.
Contemporary Political Economy of Nigeria.” Ilorin: Sally and Associate Press, 1999.
p.58
Contemporary Political Economy of Nigeria.” Ilorin: Sally and Associate Press, 1999.
p.66