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Is Homicide a Turning Point in the Life of Perpetrators? A Narrative Analysis

of the Life Stories of Marginalized and Middle-Class Male Homicide Offenders
in Metropolitan Buenos Ai...
Article in Qualitative Sociology Review · October 2022

DOI: 10.18778/1733-8077.18.4.06
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Martín Hernán Di Marco

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Is Homicide a Turning Point in the Life
of Perpetrators? A Narrative Analysis
of the Life Stories of Marginalized and
Middle-Class Male Homicide Offenders
in Metropolitan Buenos Aires, Argentina

University of Oslo, Norway
DOI: https://doi.org/10.18778/1733-8077.18.4.06
Keywords: Abstract: This paper aims to analyze the relevance given to violent deaths and imprisonment by male
Homicide; Violence; homicide perpetrators in their biographical reconstructions. Drawing on narrative criminology, this
Perpetrators; study examines the offenders’ emic terms, rationalities, and stories. The analysis is based on seven-
Narratives; Life ty-three purposefully selected narrative-biographical interviews and field observations in prisons and
Story; Turning- homes of former convicts (2016-2020) in Metropolitan Buenos Aires, Argentina. The corpus was analyzed
Points; Masculinity; following an inductive thematic coding strategy using ATLAS.ti. Three central narratives about homi-
Argentina cide and incarceration emerged: “opportunity,” “rock bottom,” and “disruptive.” For most, homicide was
described as a biographical opportunity to rethink their lives, pursue new pathways, and “stabilize”
a previously uncontrolled lifestyle. However, homicides perpetrated by respondents with higher so-
cioeconomic status were disruptive events. Participants used stoic rationality—the positive appraisal of
painful experiences—to structure their sense-making and stories of violence. This rationality permeated
perpetrators’ presentations of themselves, their turning points and lived experiences, and the violence
performed and suffered. This paper grapples with the widespread assumption that homicide is a radical
change in the lives of offenders and questions the universal meaning of violent death. Performing vio-
lence is not only neutralized but is also seen as an expected and inaugural event in life stories, dependent
on the worldviews of the social actors.
Martín Hernán Di Marco is a Postdoctoral Researcher his current research projects is Crime in Latin America
at the Department of Criminology and Sociology of Law at (CRIMLA), which focuses on developing culturally sensitive
the University of Oslo. He holds a Ph.D. in Social Sciences life-course criminology.
from Buenos Aires University. His research focuses on nar-
rative criminology, masculinity, and lethal violence. Among email address: mh.dimarco@gmail.com
110 ©2022 QSR Volume XVIII Issue 4

Is Homicide a Turning Point in the Life of Perpetrators? A Narrative Analysis of the Life Stories of Marginalized
and Middle-Class Male Homicide Offenders in Metropolitan Buenos Aires, Argentina
H
ow do homicide perpetrators make A small number of studies have used perpetrators’
sense of their crime? How significant life stories to understand the significance of homi-
is such an event in their life stories? cide. In the extant literature on perpetrator homicide,
Is homicide perpetration a turning linking the crime to a lack of adjustment to stress
point in their lives? This paper aims to analyze the and trauma (Ferrito, Needs, and Adshead 2016),
relevance given to violent death and imprisonment the use of neutralization techniques to circumvent
by male homicide perpetrators in Metropolitan Bue- shame from the crime (Ferrito et al. 2016), and the
nos Aires, Argentina (2016-2020) by examining their struggle of perpetrators to convey their suffering
biographical reconstructions and the turning point and articulate painful experiences (McKendy 2006)
descriptions in their narratives of the crime. By doing have been highlighted. Envisioning a homicide as
so, this study grapples with the widespread assump- a turning point in the perpetrator’s life trajectory
tion that homicide is a radical change in the lives of remains mixed. Life-course studies have concluded
offenders and questions the universal meaning of vi- that imprisonment may constitute a turning point in
olent death. the perpetrator’s criminal trajectory (Sampson and
Laub 1993; Cid and Martí 2012). Alternatively, other
Homicide has been a longstanding research topic in studies have shown that violent deaths are normal-
criminology and social sciences (Brookman, Magu- ized and not seen as a major life event, depending
ire, and Maguire 2017). However, this phenomenon on their life courses and socialization contexts (Liles
has largely been examined via quantitative methods, 2018), that the relevance given to the crime varies
especially for patterns, victims’ and victimizers’ pro- according to the perpetrators’ worldviews (Birkbeck
files, and criminogenic characteristics (Innes, Tucker, 2020; Gabaldón 2020), and that homicide can be pre-
and Innes 2017; Dobash and Emerson Dobash 2020). sented—in the context of a research interview—as an
The pre-eminence of statistical secondary data analy- irrelevant event (Birkbeck 2020). The justifications
ses in the study of lethal violence has been related to and neutralization strategies used by offenders (Ro-
methodological issues (i.e., barriers to accessing the dríguez 2020) and the use of prevailing narratives to
primary population, difficulties of conducting field- account for the crime (Presser 2008; Di Marco and
work in prison, or with former convicts, etc.), but also Evans 2020) have been recent strategies to analyze
to institutional barriers, from the IRBs and prisons’ the sense-making of homicide.
authorities, and the frustrations and blocks experi-
enced by researchers involved in dealing with prison Micro-sociological studies have looked into the ex-
systems’ staff and inmates (Liebling 1999; Patenaude periences and rituals that take place during phys-
2004). Consequently, few studies have endeavored to ical confrontations, allowing “high resolution”
examine the rationalities and stories of violent crimi- analytical descriptions of violent deaths (Innes,
nals (Presser 2008; Imbusch and Veit 2011; Hartmann Tucker, and Innes 2017:12). Stemming from the con-
2017), especially in Latin America (Birkbeck 2020:121; cept of situational transactions, as contextualized
Di Marco and Sy 2020).1 interactions in ritualized stages (Luckenbill 1972),
1
Katz (2002), Presser and Sandberg (2015), and Sandberg, Copes, and sociological literature about this topic and discussed the
and Pedersen (2019) have extensively reviewed criminological tendency to undermine the stories and experiences of offenders.
Qualitative Sociology Review • www.qualitativesociologyreview.org 111

radical interactionism has shown that male-male inology to understand inmates’ perspectives, their
confrontations imply an honor contest (Athens conflicts, and the effects of the penal device. Gauch-
1977), a mutual agreement of aggression, and a de- er (2002:7) suggests that storytelling can be a means
fense of status (Polk 1999). Humiliation and shame of survival, a strategy to “withstand the dislocation
are key emotions in the performance of violence that prison life creates.” This approach, as it has
(Athens 1977), and violence can be understood as been noted (Briggs 2011), allows for exploring the
“an attempt to replace shame with self-esteem” nuances of sense-making and highlights storytell-
(Gilligan 1999:111). ing as a form of identity building.
Moreover, Katz (1988) suggested that “righteous Particularly, narrative criminology has contribut-
manslaughter” is shaped by morality and emotions. ed to the understanding of crime by looking into
In the actor’s experience, violence is based on the the stories told by offenders and analyzing their
belief in the action’s justice. This approach to hom- sense-making (Presser 2008; Sandberg and Ugelvik
icidal action is grounded in the premise that back- 2016; Sandberg et al. 2019). The sense-making is rele-
ground biographical factors (such as socioeconomic vant to comprehend how perpetrators convey mean-
status) are not enough to explain the action itself ing to violence and to show that meanings shape past
(Katz 2002). Collins (2008) has argued that, since vio- and future actions (Presser and Sandberg 2015:1).
lence is usually an unsuccessful project, key aspects Drawing on neutralization theory (Sykes and Matza
to understanding its performance are the resources 1957), ethnomethodology (Garfinkel 1967), and so-
that actors use to overcome confrontational fear and ciology of accounts (Scott and Lyman 1968; Orbuch
tension. More recently, Ceretti and Natali (2020) pro- 1997), the narrative approach has shown the array of
posed the concept of violent cosmology to comple- resources at hand that actors situationally use to ac-
ment this micro-sociological approach to a narrative count for their actions. Similarly, desistance theory
understanding of violence. has highlighted how stories affect the persistence or
desistence of violence performance, and the offend-
These interactionist studies coincide in inquiring ers’ subjectivity (Maruna and Copes 2005). There-
about meaning by looking into the self as a situat- fore, this broad framework focused on storytelling
ed process (Athens 1977): meaning and in situ rit- articulates narration, identity, and rationalization as
uals are a necessary dyad. Nonetheless, empirical connected social processes.
micro-sociological studies of homicide have been
marginal in the field of homicide (Hartman 2017), Whether focused on storytelling or emotional ex-
mainly due to the methodological challenges of ob- perience, the above-mentioned literature highlights
serving violent deaths. Access to data or the epis- how the offenders’ worldview and subjectivity are
temological limitations of analyzing interviews to key to understanding their actions, their explana-
inquire about interactions are still a matter of dis- tions of a past action, and, most importantly, the
cussion (Collins 2008; Hartman 2017). possibility to desist or resist in the performance of
violence. Therefore, how homicide is placed in the
From a broader perspective, the voices of incarcer- perpetrators’ biographical reconstruction (the sto-
ated people have been a focal point of critical crim- ries about it, its tropes, and the relevance it acquires)

is key to identifying what instigates and sustains tentionally created a heterogeneous sample for the
harm-doing and what makes it change (Presser and level of education, age, and incarceration time. Ac-
Sandberg 2015). Furthermore, whether the narra- cess to the prisons was granted via three channels.
tives around violent deaths resemble or divert from First, educational facilities within the penitentia-
common institutional discourses (i.e., individualiz- ries (primary and secondary schools, universities,
ing, medicalizing, etc.) is central to understanding and workshop centers) were contacted. Second,
the subjective effects of prisons and the competing permission to enter prisons and contact inmates
meanings around homicide and incarceration. was formally requested to authorities. Third, in-
terviews were conducted as ‘visits’ (in visit areas),
Drawing on narrative criminology, this paper focus- which are formally solicited simultaneously by the
es on how male offenders give meaning to homicide inmates and the researcher. These different access
and present it in their life stories.2 This study, thus, strategies ensured that the population was varied,
highlights the strength of this theoretical frame- especially regarding their education and social
work to understand the shifting ways in which vio- context in prison. Fraternizing with prison guards
lence is signified, how it is presented in life stories, was avoided as far as possible to avert being seen
and how moments of engagement with masculine as an institutional actor and, therefore, to prevent
norms provide an alternative logic frame to institu- violating inmate codes and intensifying existing
tional rationalities to think about their lives. rivalries between participants and guards (Rosen-
feld, Jacobs, and Wright 2003). Contact with men
Methodology who had finished their prison sentences was made
via references from other imprisoned men encoun-
This paper is based on seventy-three narrative in- tered during the fieldwork.
terviews with 25 cis-gender men who were charged
with intentional homicide (homicidio doloso) of oth- In the resulting sample, 36% (n=9) of the men com-
er men in the context of a quarrel or interpersonal pleted primary school, 44% (n=11) had completed
dispute in Metropolitan Buenos Aires, Argentina high school, and 20% (n=5) had university degrees
(2016-2020). Data collection took place in four sites at the time of the crime. All men were 18 years or
belonging to either the Argentine Federal or Munic- older, with 48% (n=12) between 18 and 25, 36% (n=9)
ipal Penitentiary System, as well as the residences between 26-35, and 16% (n=4) 36 years or more when
of men who had finished serving their prison sen- the crime was committed. While the mean age of
tence. the sample (27) coincides with the average of male
homicide perpetrators in Argentina, the proportion
A purposive sampling technique was employed of men with higher educational credentials in this
because of the challenges of conducting fieldwork group of interviewees was purposefully higher to
in prison (i.e., accessing institutions, and contact- encourage comparison. At the time of the inter-
ing interviewees) (Briggs 2011). This strategy in- views, 40% (n=10) of men were between 18 and 25,
32% (n=8) were between 26-35, and 28% (n=7) were
2
I would like to acknowledge the substantial contribution of between 36 and more. The average time in prison
Dr. Subasri Narasimhan for her encouraging comments and
the review of the manuscript before submission. for the sample was of 4.5 years.

An unstructured narrative interview method was other and, at the same time, to get to know the in-
utilized to encourage the participants to guide the stitutional spaces. Typically, the first interview with
conversation, tackle emergent topics, and elaborate each case started after several other activities were
on meaningful themes (Corbally 2014). All inter- shared with him.
views began by asking the participants to tell their
life stories. Probing included follow-up questions, The fact that I was dubbed profe (teacher) by the par-
paraphrasing statements, and interjections. The ticipants from the different prisons and settings is an
conversation followed the sequences that the men indicator of how my presence in the field was seen.
brought up, and intrinsic questions (Chaitin 2004) Being associated with a figure of educational authori-
were usually asked in the third encounter. Partic- ty is a way of making sense of an academic project by
ipants were asked to draw lifelines to make their linking it with well-known hierarchies. This aspect
stories visually assessable for the interviewer (Adri- of the fieldwork sheds some light on the expressed
ansen 2012). Special attention was paid to how the reasons why the participants accepted to talk about
men sequenced their stories and which events or their lives. The main motivations expressed by in-
transitions created different stages (Rosenthal 2018). terviewees included: a. seeking understanding and
All interviews were conducted by the author of this telling their stories to an outsider, b. the desire for
paper. The interviews were digitally recorded and change and reform, c. expecting that the interview
lasted between 60 and 120 minutes. A total of 73 in- would have an impact on other people’s lives, and
terviews were conducted with participants. d. experiencing satisfaction by telling anecdotes.
In contrast with an initial hypothesis and some of the The prisons in which the fieldwork was conducted
specialized literature about interviewing offenders did not have specific rehabilitation devices, treatment
(Umaña 2018), conversations developed smoothly programs, or programas de externación (resocialization
and amicably. Humor and the thrill of telling their plans). Counseling (as specific guidance) was not
stories were common emotional predispositions. present in these prisons, which is a structural fea-
This general mood might not only be related to the ture of the Argentinean penal system (CELS 2005).
gratification of relating anecdotes (Jackson-Jacobs Nonetheless, individual psychological treatment and
2004) and the interactional uses of laughter (criticiz- religious groups (particularly, evangelists) were pres-
ing authority, boasting their achievements, and al- ent. Furthermore, educational institutions (and more
leviating suffering) (Sandberg, Tutenges, and Copes specifically, university courses within the prison)
2015) but to the fact that storytelling is a central have a prominent role in everyday life by organizing
identity-building practice and a ritual to establish a courses, seminars, workshops, and, more generally,
reputation in prison. an influx of topics and discourses. The programs and
activities organized by universities are, however, not
To ensure rapport, the fieldwork included other ac- discussed with or influenced by prison staff. 3
tivities other than the interview itself. Participating
in lectures and workshops, cooking and having 3
Under Argentine law, universities are autarchic and autono-
lunch, playing board games, and simply talking mous institutions. Consequently, guards are not allowed to en-
ter these facilities, and penal staff does not have the authority
about daily topics were ways to get to know each to intervene with educational material and plans.

All interviews were transcribed verbatim, assigned interviews (n=73), the word homicide was rarely
pseudonyms to anonymize the participants, and an- used by the participants to talk about their crimes
alyzed using ATLAS.ti software. Open codes were (n=2). Instead, participants used a range of direct
created following a thematic approach (Braun and and indirect expressions to describe the crime,
Clarke 2006). Two independent researchers cod- including “what happened,” “the reason why I’m
ed the entire corpus to assess the reliability of the here,” “the death,” “the mistake,” and “the inci-
analysis. This paper focuses on the biographical dent,” among others. The reluctance to directly
indexes, turning points, and life periods (Fischer name the killing as homicide has been previously
1978; Rosenthal and Bogner 2017:162-163) to recon- documented (Kessler 2010:122; Presser 2008; Ferrito
struct the private calendars (Leclerc-Olive 2009) of 2020), and serves as an indicator of how offenders
the participants. Biographical cases are used to il- manage their self-presentation and frame their sto-
lustrate the analysis. The analysis was based on the ries in interviews.
premise that the image of the self is not a direct re-
flection of experience, but a creative process situat- Participants from this study had heterogeneous so-
ed in the context of an interview and related to the cial backgrounds. The life histories of Walter and
interviewees’ construction of identity (Presser 2004; Serge synthesize the main features of middle-class
Butler 2005). and marginalized trajectories, as exemplary cases
(Rosenthal 2018). Walter was born in a wealthy neigh-
The narratives described in this paper are ideal types borhood of Buenos Aires. After attending primary
and are presented as sensitizing concepts (Blumer and secondary school in a bilingual institution, he
1969) that encourage the identification and interpre- continued his education by going to a private uni-
tation of the trends in storytelling and, ultimately, versity and working in his family’s business. Con-
understanding the role that homicide/imprison- tact with public and private institutions is presented
ment has in the lives of perpetrators. Moreover, the throughout his narrative, whereas physical violence
narratives should be considered as products of the is mentioned exclusively during his adolescence in
parameters of the interviews (Butler 2005)—they are the context of sports. He was 39 when he committed
the product of a situated social interaction. the homicide of his brother-in-law as a result of on-
going arguments over money. Contrastingly, Serge
Ethical approval was provided by the Bioethical was born on the outskirts of the city and moved
Committee “Dr. Vicente Federico del Giúdice.” In- several times before his adolescence. His father left
formed consent was utilized, in written and verbal his home when he was one year old and had a tur-
forms, and data were kept confidential. bulent criminal career. By the age of 15, Serge had
started committing small robberies and using drugs
Results with his group of neighborhood friends. Having
dropped out of high school, he pursued a career as
How do perpetrators talk about homicides? Where a professional bank robber. Aside from school, insti-
was the homicide ‘placed’ in their biographical tutions are notably absent in this life story. Fights,
reconstructions? And how is imprisonment posi- vendettas, and guns are mentioned throughout his
tioned and depicted in their life stories? Within the life story.

Despite the diverse stories of the men, there were bottom,” and “disruptive” (see: Table 1). These cat-
prevalent discourses to make sense of the crime egories were created based on two domains: first,
and to give an account of oneself. Three main nar- how men talked about the effect of the homicide on
ratives—presented as ideal types—were used to their lives and, second, the continuation-alteration
talk about homicide: “opportunity,” “hitting rock of a social trajectory.
Table 1. Narratives based on perspectives on homicide-imprisonment’s effect, and continuation-

alteration of social trajectory
Continuation-
Narratives Effect on life Exemplary quote
alteration
Departure from a problematic
pathway and potential moment “I had the chance to be locked up.
Opportunity Alteration
for self-improvement (focus on That was the best thing that could
the future) have happened to me.”
The momentary “I guess I had it coming. I was like

Negative expected turn (focus
alteration, the a car out of control, spinning out of
Rock bottom on the past)
continuation of the self control…”
“It was a sudden change in

everything. Never thought I would
Disruptive Radical negative unexpected Alteration
end up here, so… I’m a different man
turn (focus on the future)
after walking through those doors.”
Source: Self-elaboration.
An Opportunity: “It’s the Best Thing That Could For Ruben, being incarcerated after killing another
Have Happened to Me” man with whom he lived in an abandoned house
implied the prospect of a change in his self. He dis-
11 of the 25 narrators predominantly used opportu- cussed that being arrested meant a key moment in
nity narratives. These stories revolved around see- his life—it allowed him to embark on a new life path-
ing incarceration as a departure from their previous way and distance himself from the pre-determined
problematic pathways, a transition to a new stage future that his family expected he would have.
of life, and a potential or effective opportunity for
redemption or self-improvement. In these cases, ho- My family thought I had no future, “You’ll end up
micide was presented as less meaningful than the in jail, you’ll end up in a ditch.” And that was where
event of being imprisoned or an inseparable event I was heading...And I grew up thinking that, and
from imprisonment. I even wanted to become the worst badass [poronga] in

the neighborhood. Until I had the chance to be locked Serge’s story shares the view of imprisonment as
up [caer preso]. That was the best thing that could have an opportunity—it inaugurates a moment in his life
happened to me. Otherwise, I would have ended up when he felt safe from a potentially violent death
dead...This is a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity. Al- himself, and he describes a halt to his criminal career.
though I think my family sees that just as a pause in
my pathway, behind bars. But, it is not; it put me back I had a lot of negative moments in my life, many shitty
on track. [Ruben, 23 years old] decisions, you know. Getting high, hanging out with
the wrong people, beating up my classmates. That was
References to being “locked up” [caer preso] as all negative, a burden. But, on the positive side, other
a turning point and, simultaneously, a biographi- things happened that kept me afloat. Having my neph-
cal opportunity were frequent in the life stories of ews and seeing them grow up healthy and out of trou-
young men from marginalized areas. These narra- ble. And being imprisoned, too, transforming myself
tives were more frequent amongst those men who and putting me back on track...Some of the good, posi-
used redemption narratives (Ferrito et al. 2012; Liem tive things in life just hit you, but ultimately help you...
and Richardson 2014; Di Marco and Evans 2020). Ex- This helped me grow up and realize that I was going
pressions like, “I had the chance to be locked up,” down the wrong path. [Serge, 26 years old]
“it was the best thing that could have happened to
me,” and “it was the only thing that put me back Ruben and Serge’s stories illustrate the discursive
on track” not only refer to changes in their social effect of penal knowledge devices, such as psycholo-
contexts, resources, and potential pathways but also gy and educational courses in prison (Jarman 2019).
their worldviews. Redemption, possibilities, and Seeing prison as a moment of atonement, redemp-
self-improvement are discursive elements that the tion, and even learning is rooted in the discourses
interviewees learn from the penal enunciation con- encouraged in correctional devices (Maruna and
texts (Mcadams et al. 2001). Copes 2005). The use of labels (“back on track,”
“transformation,” etc.), which are more commonly
In stories such as Ruben’s, homicide is presented as used by prison staff and healthcare professionals, is
a life index—a mark in his trajectory (Atkinson 1998). connected to this discursive outcome. Furthermore,
However, going to prison represents a major event this presentation of the self as a redeemed character,
that supersedes death itself. In this participant’s sto- indicates the parameters with which offenders can
ry, the interchange between homicide and prison be- give an account of themselves (Butler 2005).
came clear as he omitted the killing altogether when
drawing his lifeline and, in place, highlighted being As Briggs (2011) and Gaucher (2002) noted, inmates’
arrested. When reading the line, he stated: storytelling is not only a key identity-building prac-
tice but a survival strategy. Ascribing to institution-
So, then I moved to this house, with these guys al stories about life, transformation, and opportuni-
I knew from the streets and… not much else. The next ties allows them to shape their presentation of self
important thing was when I was arrested [encanar] in the penal context and grapple with the sense of
and came here. And then things started going better, agency (McKendy 2006). Identifying a prison sen-
smoother. [Ruben, 23 years old] tence as a time to “transform” oneself can be a way

to deal with the emotions following the institutional While most of the interviewees who used “opportu-
speech. nity” narratives stressed that prison could be a pos-
itive life-altering event, others used them to empha-
Similarly, Nicholas presented his detention as size other aspects. For instance, Charly pointed out
a turning point more relevant than homicide itself. that being in prison is not only a place to “get back
This crime was seen as an inevitable outcome of his on track” but also to protect himself from his family
lifestyle. and family legacy.
Sooner or later, it was going to happen. And it did Coming here, after what happened, was sort of for the
happen [laughs and shrugs his shoulders]. You can best. I thought, “I’ll be sentenced for a long time, and
get a bullet, crash when you’re being chased by the I’ll have the chance to study, and not worry about oth-
cops, or get caught. I was caught…As a kid I didn’t ex- er stuff,” you know? Especially about my family, my
pect to end up playing for the national football team. father, and my brothers...This was very, very import-
I’ve always had my feet on the ground. But, I didn’t ant for me [raises his voice]. I didn’t have many hap-
expect to go through these changes inside here...I’m py memories with my family. My father went in and
taking advantage of the situation now because I’ll be out of prison during my whole life. A dead brother,
all by myself when I get out. So, I’m learning from two in prison for armed robbery...I still have a chance
people who know more, you know? [Nicholas, 20 to… be different from them here. This keeps me away
years old] from them. Otherwise, I’ll be in the same shithole.
[Charly, 19 years old]
Detention is not only depicted as more meaningful
than the crime itself, but it is described as a learning Charly’s narrative exemplifies two tendencies in
platform. Violent death is not an unexpected or dis- the stories. First, he indirectly references homicide
tant event, nor does it disrupt the respondent’s sto- (“what happened”). Second, he stresses the posi-
ryline. Prison is presented as a usual transition and, tive aspect of being imprisoned after violent death.
for some men, an aspirational event. The optimistic However, unlike Ruben, Serge, and Nicholas, he
logic about detention and death takes the form of emphasized this turning point to solve a fami-
a compensatory biographical arc (Hankiss 1981). ly-related conflict and highlight the distance from
family to combat inevitable generational legacies.
Presenting a hopeful view of prison and highlight- This adaptation of the “opportunity” narrative into
ing detention over the crime was prevalent in these a different story shows the range of ways in which
narratives. These stories allowed interviewees to it can be adapted and presented depending on bi-
distance themselves and their past actions from neg- ographical trajectories and symbolic resources. It
ative meanings (Tomsen and Gadd 2019). Further- also shows that interpreting this stage as an op-
more, describing hypothetical scenarios (“I would portunity is not necessarily related to individual
have ended [up] dead”), by contrasting what hap- ‘personal change’ narratives rooted in broader neo-
pened and what could have occurred, allowed them liberal discourses since it is also linked with local
to evaluate their stories within an optimistic frame folk theories about crime, violence, and safety (Jar-
(Labov 1982:226). man 2019).

In contrast with these cases, other stories are more key differences. First, he committed homicide at an
ambiguous as to the meaning of homicide and de- older age (36) compared to the other offenders. Sec-
tention within the life course. Understandably, this ond, his life story is structured with a fatalist arc (Di
is not a result of the ubiquitous sense of these events Marco and Evans 2020)—his explanation and neu-
but of how men reconstruct their life stories and tralization around the violence are related to his po-
negotiate meaning in the context of the interviews sition in society, by his depiction, as an “underdog.”
(Presser 2005) and the ambiguity and opacity man- By directly interpreting the interviewer as a teacher,
aged when giving accounts of themselves (Tewks- he stresses the ‘obviousness’ of this argument and
bury and Gagné 2001; Butler 2005). Dan illustrated seeks an accomplice to the narrative (Presser 2004).
this ambiguity when he stated that being detained
was one more “medal of honor”: The opportunity stories presented so far have
a cross-cutting theme—the pivotal moments in re-
What really fucked me up was when I got the boot spondents’ lives not only “make them who they
from the petrol station. That fucked me up [empha- are now” but make them stronger, more resilient,
sizes]. You are a teacher, you’ll understand. I had and more prepared for the world. As masculinities
a chance in life then not to steal or end up selling shit studies have suggested (Messerschmidt 2000; Jew-
in the streets...I’m here because that is what happens kes and Morrell 2018), the selection and interpre-
with the underdog...For a lot of people, that’s a medal tation of life events illustrated a way of presenting
of honor: you have one for every cop you drop, ev- the self and making sense of adverse experiences as
ery time you survive prison. For me, it’s just one more moral and subjective tests. For these men, violence
small medal, an extra point…But, I’ll use the time is not alien—it is a force negotiated and contested.
here to prove to everyone I can do my best and that The possibility of using violence is presented stoi-
I can have a proper job and life. [Dan, 37 years old] cally, by the resources at hand (Ellis, Winlow, and
Hall 2017). Moreover, in most of these cases, ho-
Dan presents a variation of the stories of detention micide is presented as a righteous act (Katz 1988).
and death—these events do not highlight a set of Violence is committed because, from the men’s per-
before and after expectations but mark a less im- spective, the victim violated fundamental and un-
portant biographical index. In his trope, losing a job assailable values.
meant the beginning of a personal decline. In this
antithetical presentation of the self (Hankiss 1981), There are several main analytical features of “op-
detention is one more moment in life—he is still portunity” narratives. In Ruben, Charly, and Dan’s
the same person from before the homicide, and the stories, for instance, being imprisoned [encanar] is
crime underscores his prior, inescapable trajectory. seen as a marked turning point—it indicates the
Nonetheless, prison is still a stage to “prove to ev- stop of a trajectory and a change towards a better
eryone” that he can change. life course. Changing the social environment, de-
sisting from crime, or avoiding peers are the prac-
While Dan’s story reinforces the tendency of the tical product of incarceration. This is presented as
perpetrators to present imprisonment as a more an “opportunity,” “chance,” and “a rest from a tur-
important event than the crime, this case has some bulent life.” Their stories are filled with expres-

sions and tropes (“the best thing that could have “Being here” is presented as a crucial moment,
happened to me,” “I would have ended up dead”), whereas “the quarrel” that ended up in homicide
which illustrate how imprisonment can be seen as is downgraded to “just one more” incident in his
a more relevant event than the actual homicide. decline arc. David’s story has a self-absolutory plot
Moments that are associated with trauma, tragedy, (Hankiss 1981)—the protagonist’s previous trajec-
or despair are, therefore, interpreted, negotiated, tory explains the crime. In this account, the back-
and valued in their presentation of the self as hav- ground (being fired, his volatile temperament, the
ing the potential to change them for good. tendency to start fights) is stressed to give meaning
to the homicide—the violent death is presented as
Hitting Rock Bottom: “Life Comes to a Halt” a logical or comprehensible outcome of a prior per-
sonal tendency. For this, he uses an “out of control”
Eight of the 25 interviewees primarily told rock script, which is common in rationalizing and neu-
bottom narratives. In contrast with opportunity tralizing violent crimes committed by men (Hearn
narratives—in which an optimistic view on the 1998; Presser 2004; Dobash, Dobash, and Cavanagh
dyad homicide-imprisonment is stressed—in this 2009).
narrative, the optimistic interpretation of homi-
cide/imprisonment is overshadowed by a sense of David: Being irritated all day long, feeling boiling
momentary negative alternation of life. Moreover, with rage, I could have gone down the same path for
stories using the “rock bottom” plots focus on how many years. But, this happened, and, well, I’m here.
detention implies the logical consequence of a pre- Martín: Yes. Feeling boiling with rage. Before, you
vious life trajectory. This change in the protago- mentioned that some other men here see this as an
nist’s story can be presented as necessary (“there opportunity.
was no other way”) or contingent (“I could have David: Yes, some do. They think they’ll end up
gone down the same path for many years”) at the changed, reformed, purified [mocking accentuation].
time. I believe most of us are here, including me, because
we hit rock bottom because we were far too taken by
David illustrates this narrative in its necessary vari- criminality, anger, greed, or something else. Sooner
ation. He committed the homicide of a neighbor af- or later, they come here. [David, 26 years old]
ter a long-standing fight over a fence. He was 24 at
the time of the crime. Differentiating oneself from “others” serves as
a chance to present a certain moral self and, at the
Just before this happened, I lost my job. Because of same time, to depict the morality of “others” (Linde
a misunderstanding, I was fired…This changed me 1993). David’s distancing from men who see prison
from that point onwards: I was really irritated and as an opportunity helps to understand the compet-
started fights over any little thing. My quarrel with ing worldviews in this institution (who am I, who
Jacob [the neighbor] was just one more fight I picked are the rest, what subjective processes take place
up…But, because of that fight, I ended up here…I guess in prison, what is change) and, at the same time, to
I had it coming. I was like a car out of control, spin- evaluate how hegemonic are these narratives. His
ning out of control… [David, 26 years old] reference to other inmates’ perspectives (verdict or

not) illustrates how the narratives around homi- moment” in his life, being imprisoned does not
cide and imprisonment are being exchanged and necessarily imply an end to his criminal activities.
disputed and, consequently, have micropolitical
consequences for them. Opportunity and rock bot- I handled things wrong with him [boss], with him
tom narratives are competing in the penal context. and my wife, and other people. But, I had a rope
around my neck…This was a rock bottom moment in
A common theme in rock bottom and opportuni- my life [estaba en las últimas], and somebody ended up
ty narratives is the anticipated nature of negative dead, but I know I’ll end up again doing other shit
events, including imprisonment, direct conflict when I get out…Of course, being here, imprisoned, is
with the police, and another major declining inci- fucked up, and it’s, how can I put it? Something that
dent. Fights, violent accidents, or a “mishap” are I’ll remember for the rest of my life. That my family
presented as foreshadowed and routine events in will remember for the rest of their life. But, there are
their stories: “that’s what usually happens,” “it was a lot of things at the end of the tunnel, and, from what
meant to be,” “I had it coming,” “it’s not destiny, I’ve heard, not all of them are good. I might end up
but it is what usually happens.” The fact that men robbing again, who knows? [Patrick, 29 years old]
who told these stories “took for granted” homicide
or arrest was rooted in their inextricable relation- Although rock bottom narratives can depict the halt
ship with violent dynamics (Auyero, Bourgois, and in the type of delinquency life course, they can also
Scheper-Hughes 2015) and their normalizing of take the form of a temporary or momentary story
certain forms of physical violence (Karandinos et (“I might end up robbing again”). For instance, Marc
al. 2014). stressed that being imprisoned was a result of his
lack of skills and inexperience as a criminal, and in-
While rock bottom and opportunity narratives are carceration is a means of improving and perfecting
used to make sense of their lives and of the crime it- his criminal activities.
self, the meanings conveyed differ. Rock bottom sto-
ries emphasize the momentary end of a stage in life, I came here because I was stupid [gil], I didn’t know
focusing on the events that led to this moment. In how to handle things, how to stop…I was high ev-
contrast with opportunity narratives (where the fu- ery time I went to rob. That’s for beginners. This was
ture is emphasized), the past is more relevant. This meant to be, but I’ll come out smarter [más pillo] at
type of story not only is a neutralization strategy least…A guy died, unfortunately…Meanwhile, I’m
similar to the ones found in other studies (Presser sitting here in this shithole. [Marc, 23 years old]
2004; Di Marco and Evans 2020; Rodríguez 2020) but
it is also an indicator of how the violent act itself is Marc illustrates that hitting rock bottom might not im-
defended and legitimized. ply a process for the “entire self” but a transition and
change of a particular aspect of the protagonist. In
Patrick provides a variation of this narrative. He this account, his “beginner self” changed and, thus,
was sentenced to 10 years in prison after stabbing it is allowed a transformation to “come out smarter.”
his former boss, who owed him money. His story In contrast with the positive view of imprisonment
accentuates that, while reaching the “rock bottom in the opportunity narrative—in which redemption

and subjective transformation are brought up in the the previous stories, these narratives stress that the
interviews as key components of their processes— protagonists suffer a radical unexpected change in
in rock bottom stories, being imprisoned can imply their lives. “I never ever thought something like this
“using this instance to perfect my skills.” As Kessler might happen to me,” “everything turned upside
(2010) argues, the professionalization of delinquents down in the blink of an eye,” and “I was stunned,
usually implies reaching certain stages in their ca- in shock; I’ve never even been to a police station
reer, which can be experienced as landmarks—their before” were expressions that illustrate the pivotal
life course and goals remain unaltered, yet halts are meaning of homicide and imprisonment for these
lived as learning stages. men.
What are the main analytical features of “rock bot- Most of the participants (n=19) that employed op-
tom” stories? This narrative is used to present homi- portunity or rock bottom narratives were young
cide and imprisonment as a momentary halt in the men who were raised in marginalized neighbor-
life course, whether it is seen as necessary or con- hoods. Nonetheless, older offenders and especially
tingent. These variations all contain the same dis- those with higher socioeconomic statuses described
tinctive discursive elements—an expected alteration the homicide as a disruptive story. The crime was
from a previous path is experienced. However, this viewed as a painful transition to an unknown and
change is not interpreted as a moment of complete uncertain stage of life.
subjective transformation or “self-improvement” (as
“opportunity” stories highlight) but rather a small- Denise killed his partner’s ex-husband after an ar-
er change in some aspect of the trajectory (criminal gument over custody rights. At that time, he was
skills, temperament, “street smarts”). working in his family’s company and living in
a wealthy area of Buenos Aires. The killing marked
The fact that the dyad homicide-imprisonment is a clear “before and after” event, and it is still a con-
presented with this narrative underscores the nor- templative matter [procesar] in his current life.
malization of violent deaths in certain social con-
texts (Karandinos et al. 2014) and how this is related I was about to buy a house on the beach. Just had even
to prevalent worldviews (Santos 2012). Homicides talked to the realtor...And then this happened and
were presented as righteous actions and, hence, changed everything [puts his hand on his forehead].
neutralized. As other research in Latin America I’m still figuring it out [procesando]. It was a sudden
has suggested (Birkbeck 2020; Gabaldón 2020), these change in everything. Never thought I would end up
types of stories are indicators of the likelihood of here, so… I’m a different man after walking through
violence occurring and, in general terms, of how it those doors...I’ve been talking to the psychologist,
is signified in certain contexts. and even knowing that I have a violent personality
doesn’t make it easier for me to understand what hap-
Disruptive: “This Is Not My Life” pened…That pushed me here. [Denise, 39 years old]
Six of the 25 participants predominantly used dis- In contrast with opportunity and rock bottom sto-
ruptive narratives in their life stories. In contrast to ries, Denise’s disruptive narrative emphasized an

abrupt change in his life trajectory. Both the death his life story—it is the breakdown of relationships
and the incarceration marked a negative change in and a sudden, unexpected, and unfamiliar shift
his expected life course. His story illustrates the pre- in his life course. Moreover, his distancing from
vailing arc in disruptive stories—personal decline the protagonist of the story (“this is not my life”)
(Adshead and Ferrito 2015). The fact that he uses marks a stable narrative—the act of violence is ex-
a biomedical label (“violent personality”) illustrates plained by a temporary lapse in character and does
how certain medicalizing discourses shape the sto- not reference the narrator’s ‘true’ identity (Presser
ries and accounts of these men. While not all of the 2008). Unlike opportunity narratives, in which the
participants used expert theories and terms to make past and present selves are presented as different,
sense of their actions, the presence of psychological in stories about disruption, the protagonist does not
categories shows the presence of dominant theories change.
in penal devices, as has been found by other studies
(Di Marco and Evans 2020; Di Marco 2022). Despite the distance from violent deaths in Walter’s
life before the crime, his interpretation of the situa-
In Walter’s case, the death of his brother-in-law and tion is like his approach to prison—he must “man
his conviction for first-degree homicide was not up” (bancársela) and learn from this experience. Sto-
only seen as a watershed in his life, but a change in icism is a key element in the traditional construc-
his family’s dynamic. tion of masculinities (Connell 1995), and it is a com-
mon topic in these interviews—either learning from
Go figure that…I never, ever thought something like the experience or being strong for a certain reason
this could happen to me. Never. One day, out of the (a future, a relationship, faith, etc.) remain cross-cut-
blue, everything went south. I lost my job; I lost my ting themes. Despite the grief, sorrow, and sadness
little sister. She didn’t want to talk to me ever again. expressed in the interviews, “surrendering,” as an
My parents are still by my side. But, you can tell this interviewee said, was not an option. This could be
situation hurts them…What makes it worse is that interpreted as emotional illiteracy (Hearn 1988:27)
when I’m out, they’ll [his parents] be probably gone… or, conversely, as a specific type of rationality.
If you asked the 35-year-old me if I would ever have
fought with someone like that, or if I would be any- For Juan, who killed his cousin in an argument over
where near such an atrocious incident, I would have inheritance, the crime altered the expected course
laughed and said no…When I woke up at the police of his life.
station, the day after, I remember thinking, so vividly,
this is not my life. This is not my life…It’s been 2 years It’s hard to…It was a fight, yes. We were arguing about
now, and I know that, even though that man, from money, yes. But, it’s not something I premeditated, or
that day [of the incident] was not really me, I have to that he provoked, or anything like that. It was truly
man up [bancársela] and use this experience to learn an accident…The thing got out of control, and he fell
something. [Walter, 42 years old] [from a terrace]…I’ve heard all the stories from other
men here, and they’ve all had these types of experi-
The previous verbatim illustrates Walter’s symbolic ences before. They fought, stabbed, and hammered.
distance from the violent deaths. The crime marks I didn’t…That doesn’t mean I’m not guilty, legally

speaking. But, it’s something that the judge didn’t rock bottom narratives, stories that take this form
consider. And now my life is ruined. I lost everything highlight homicide as a turning point and its nega-
I had. Family, house, wife. I’m alone now and I must tive effect on their lives—death distorted an other-
start from scratch…At least I can prove everyone that wise planned life course. The impact on subjective
that’s not who I am, that it was an isolated event. well-being, relationships, or their future life and self
[Juan, 29 years old] are the focal point of these stories. Men who had
narrated their lives with this structure emphasized
Stories about accidents, mishaps, and being under the unexpected nature of the crime. These men did
the influence are common tropes to distance the not have prior experience with violent deaths, the
narrator from the event and neutralize a crime (Do- police, and the judicial system. As Santos (2012)
bash et al. 2009; Presser 2009). In Juan’s story, his points out, the life-world that social actors take for
distancing from “other men here” is a key aspect of granted explains the disruptive effect in their lives
his narrative to present himself as less condemnable and the reason why these deaths are not justified as
than other prisoners. Furthermore, the possibility righteous acts. This offers a nuance to Katz’s (1988)
of envisioning a future—in contrast with previous findings.
optimistic narratives revolving around redemption
and self-transformation—is referred to as “ruined.” Discussion and Conclusion: A Necessity
Despite this presentation, “start from scratch” and Made into Virtue?
“proving” himself illustrate the same stoicism from
other stories. How were homicide and imprisonment portrayed
in these life stories? What is the analytical rele-
In disruption narratives, the presentation of homi- vance of these narratives? The biographical analy-
cide-detention as a turning point oriented the bi- sis provides detailed and comprehensive data about
ographical reconstruction towards the identification turning points and how the actors perceived them.
of key life indexes—stressors, decisive moments in Previous research has scarcely asked why, how, or if
their lives that marked them or events that could ex- homicide became a pivotal moment in the eyes of the
plain the death were common topics in these stories. perpetrators (Brookman 2015; Liles 2018). By adding
Presenting the homicide as an unexpected dreadful the analysis of the offenders’ rationalities, this anal-
event implied, in this narrative, accounting for its ysis suggests four empirically-grounded points re-
extraordinary nature. lated to the sense-making process of violent deaths
and the presentation of the self, which were “put on
Was it my character? Was it the greed for money? stage” (Goffman 1967) during the interviews.
Was it debt? Was it how we were raised? I don’t know.
I don’t know if there is an answer. But, I’ve been think- Firstly, perpetrators made sense of the killings in
ing about it ever since. Thinking about what could ex- heterogeneous ways, illustrating that homicide is
plain what happened. [Juan, 29 years old] not necessarily experienced as a negative or a “trau-
matic” event—in most cases, homicides were seen
What are the main analytical features of “disrup- as a positive inaugural moment. This finding is
tive” narratives? In contrast with opportunity and further nuanced when comparing the structure of

the life stories of men from different socioeconom- Distancing the self from the negative and stigma-
ic backgrounds and age groups. The structuring tizing meanings of violence has been a well-studied
(which events organize their stories/calendars) and phenomenon (Presser 2004; Tomsen and Gadd 2019;
sequencing (how they concatenate vital events) of Rodríguez 2020). As Presser (2008:78) has stated,
the stories vary, as well as the expectations in their placing the crime on the margins of their life sto-
life—for younger men from marginalized areas, vi- ry is a usual strategy by offenders to differentiate
olent death is part of their expected future (Santos themselves from the criminal action, emphasize
2012). This finding reinforces the hypothesis that that the crime does not define them, and, ultimately,
homicide is not inherently a turning point in the illustrates the creative process of self-presentation.
life of perpetrators since violent deaths were pre- This paper not only confirms this statement but con-
dominantly normalized (Liles 2018; Birkbeck 2020; textualizes this phenomenon in the hegemonic dis-
Gabaldón 2020). Furthermore, stating that the act of courses of Argentinean penal institutions.
killing is not necessarily ‘traumatic’ allows reinter-
preting of dominant theories about painful expe- Secondly, the sense-making process varied amongst
riences (McKendy 2006) and adjustment to stress men from different social backgrounds and classes.
(Ferrito, Needs, and Adshead 2016)—discursive con- Identifying the violent act and incorporating it in the
texts shape experiences of harm and pain. stories varied concerning how distant violent death
was to a respondent’s everyday life. Namely, men
As Presser (2004) noted, the elements of life stories from marginalized neighborhoods “tolerated” more
are what the actors select to present in the interview. violent crimes (Cozzi 2014) and legitimized their
Therefore, the question about the conditions of se- transit through prison. As Hearn has pointed out,
lection and the variation amongst the different par- engaging in violence has a subjective effect, since
ticipants is key. The shifting ways in which homi- the more frequent the violence is in everyday life,
cide is signified are not only related to its centrality “the more it is taken-for-granted” (Hearn 1998:202).
in the life stories but also to how it is symbolically
managed. Young men from marginalized neighbor- Additionally, being in prison is neutralized and nar-
hoods did not present the killing as a crossroad. In- ratively treated as a positive event—being “locked
stead, being “locked up” [encanar] was an event that up” [encanar] can be an expected event in life-cours-
changed their life-courses. Narratively, the offend- es and can also be interpreted as a transition to
ers used a metonymy between homicide and im- “rest,” “train,” or “be safeguarded” from daily haz-
prisonment—prison can replace death as a vital in- ards of their neighborhoods. Thus, homicide can be
dex. In line with a contextualized understanding of a positive index in life (Mcadams et al. 2001; Baird
these narratives, the greater importance of impris- 2018).
onment can be interpreted as a survival resource in
prison and a strategy to reshape institutional dis- This finding provides an opportunity to revisit the
courses (Gaucher 2002). Talking about their life and statement that homicide is intrinsically related to
the crime is necessarily related to the available and trauma and an abrupt change in a life trajectory,
valid stories in prison and, therefore, a way to avoid suggested in previous research (Liem and Richard-
stigma. son 2014; Adshead and Ferrito 2015), as well as com-

mon sense. Lethal violence—as well as other forms Stoic rationality is illustrated with two main points.
of harm and suffering—can be normalized in their First, most biographical indexes were related to hon-
perspective and, consequently, it might not repre- or and ‘character-building’ stories. This was preva-
sent a turning point (Liles 2018). Furthermore, these lent in either younger or older men: “becoming in-
life stories allow understanding of violence perpe- dependent,” “becoming a man,” “learning about
tration in a different light from the hegemonic med- life,” or even being imprisoned. Second, presenting
icalized frameworks (Scheper-Hughes 1992; Epele these events, and specifically the homicide, in a posi-
2019), which tend to apply biomedical labels to the tive manner coincided with moments of engagement
actors’ experiences, unacknowledging how human with masculine social norms (Connell 1995:122)—the
experience and meaning are shaped by discursive moments of passage illustrate the proactive search
environments. for certain attributes.
Based on this result, the following hypothesis could Finally, the positive appraisal of harmful experienc-
be formulated—the greater the symbolic distance es, imprisonment, and homicide are linked to the in-
with homicide, the more the tendency to experience stitutional discourses themselves. Thinking in terms
and present this event with a disruptive narrative. of personal growth, strengthening and safeguarding
Further exploration of this hypothesis might en- are deeply connected to the devices present in prison
courage the merging of narrative and interaction- (i.e., psychology and religion). Hence, this dominant
ist theories of violence—namely, the perspectives interpretation of their lives has institutional marks
of Collins (2008), as a continuation of Athens and (Presser 2008) or text-atoms (Martin 2019) that shape
Katz’s work. As it has been suggested by Ceretti it. This raises the question of whether replacing ho-
and Natali (2020), the sensible experiences of actors micide with imprisonment as a turning point could
could indicate the sources of perpetrators’ narra- be an unintended consequence of these discourses.
tives. Considering Katz (1988) and Athens’ (1977) This presents a paradox related to the fact that the
phenomenological understanding of the self, the more institutionalized discourses overshadow the
above findings suggest that social background in- homicide itself by incorporating expert labels and
fluences how violence is experienced and narrated. theories about self-improvement.
Thirdly, despite the heterogeneous tropes of the sto- As previous research in Argentina has shown
ries, a similar stoic logic was applied to present their (Di Marco 2022), several narratives can be identified
lives—harmful, painful, or disruptive events were in the accounts of homicide offenders, including re-
interpreted as “growing up” events that made them demption, complicity, and fatalistic stories. While
stronger. This prevailing rationality to interpret not all of these resemble dominant neoliberal psy-
lived experiences—the positive appraisal of harm- chological narratives (i.e., individualizing and med-
ful events—can be linked to how hegemonic mascu- icalizing social actions) (Illouz 2008), the prevalence
linities experience and interpret their lives (Hearn of self-improvement and self-help narratives in the
1998; Messerschmidt 2000; Ellis, Winlow, and Hall findings above is noteworthy. Violent death and im-
2017; Baird 2018) and to a restorative strategy of the prisonment can be seen as a life index that triggers
self (Kimmel 2019). a positive individual change. Nonetheless, rock bot-

tom stories, when considering homicide/imprison- Drawing on narrative criminology, this paper ad-
ment a momentary stage, show a clash between in- dresses two gaps in the sociological literature on
stitutionalized penal discourses and folk theories of homicide. First, it reconstructs the life stories of per-
crime (Jarman 2019). In these cases, homicide can be petrators of male-male homicide focusing on the
justified and legitimized as a valid action and a fore- identification of biographical turning points pre-
seen moment in life. sented by the actors themselves. Second, it analyses
the sense-making of homicide and imprisonment
The previous analysis can be related to two broad by perpetrators and it shows how meanings about
frameworks of biographical narratives. First, the death can be managed differently according to so-
selection and presentation of turning points can cioeconomic background and horizon of expecta-
be a way to identify rationalizations and neutral- tions of inevitable life course events.
ization strategies of a past action (Sykes and Matza
1957; Orbuch 1997) and, second, it can be interpret- By exploring the life stories with an emic perspective,
ed as sensible aspects that “enable” the crime itself this paper grapples with the widespread assumption
(Katz 2002) since stories shape, instigate, and sustain that homicide is a radical change in the lives of of-
future actions (Presser and Sandberg 2015). Either fenders and questions the universal meaning of vi-
way, homicide “appears” and “disappears” from olent death. Performing violence is not only neutral-
the life stories and is displaced by imprisonment as ized but is also seen as an expected and inaugural
a turning point, depending on how normalized is event in life stories, dependent on the worldviews of
violence and violent deaths in the horizon of expec- the social actors. Furthermore, homicide tended to be
tations (Schütz 1967). made invisible in the accounts, superseded by deten-
tion that had a more significant role in their stories
Identifying the narratives that perpetrators use to
rationalize the crime offers a rare opportunity to The findings and nuances of this paper intend to ex-
analyze the first-hand stories told to manage the pand the ongoing discussions about violence from
emotions about this event, and ultimately analyze an academic and public-policy perspective. The stoic
the values and meanings that enable or prevent de- rationality, the positive appraisal of painful experi-
sistance (Presser and Sandberg 2015). This approach ences, and the metonym between homicide and im-
also illustrates that subjective transformation linked prisonment are key results that encourage reviewing
to correctional devices is not linear (Ferrito et al. how penal devices tackle offender treatment, espe-
2016). As suggested above, men use new discours- cially in the Latin American context. Moreover, de-
es (redemption, “opportunity,” etc.) to explain ho- spite the institutional difficulties and reluctance of
micide. Analyzing how narratives are negotiated researchers to produce first-hand data with perpe-
would allow engaging with offenders without sim- trators—as it has been discussed by Brookman (2015)
plifying their agency or the institutional setting in and Brookman, Maguire, and Maguire (2017)—this
the shaping of stories. This is a key approach when methodological strategy has proven to be an unavoid-
designing and evaluating penal institutions and, able step in comprehending the current regional and
more generally, identifying the conditions of the global scenario about homicide. In this research, the
possibility of violence. use of open-ended interviews has been central to

avoid guiding the participants with external terms killing is associated with an existential moment and
and logic. an irrational, deranged, or immoral act. This research
shows otherwise. Revisiting existing data, theories,
While there is a plethora of scholarly theories about frameworks, and institutional devices that state cer-
homicide, only empirical explorations of sense-mak- tain meanings conveyed to violence—without having
ing can contribute to a comprehensive understanding empirical grounds for it—constitutes a worthy path
of the phenomenon. In academia and common sense, of inquiry, still vastly unexplored.
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Citation
Di Marco, Martín Hernán. 2022. “Is Homicide a Turning Point in the Life of Perpetrators? A Narrative Analysis of the Life
Stories of Marginalized and Middle-Class Male Homicide Offenders in Metropolitan Buenos Aires, Argentina.” Qualitative
Sociology Review 18(4):110-131. Retrieved Month, Year (http://www.qualitativesociologyreview.org/ENG/archive_eng.php). DOI:
https://doi.org/10.18778/1733-8077.18.4.06
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Is Homicide a Turning Point in the Life of Perpetrators? A Narrative Analysis

Article in Qualitative Sociology Review · October 2022

Martín Hernán Di Marco

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Martín Hernán Di Marco

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Table 1. Narratives based on perspectives on homicide-imprisonment’s effect, and continuation-

The momentary “I guess I had it coming. I was like

“It was a sudden change in

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