The Serekh as an Aspect of the Iconography of Early Kingship

Author(s): Alexandra A. O'Brien and Alexandra O'Brien

Source: Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt , 1996, Vol. 33 (1996), pp.
123-138
Published by: American Research Center in Egypt

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40000610

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 The Serekh as an Aspect of
the Iconography of Early Kingship*

Alexandra A. O'Brien

What is a serekh? The straightforward ment (ifanswer

we are to assume that the serekh is a
is that it is a way of writing the king's representation
name.of Itsome kind of building as men-
(usually) consists of three elements: tioned abovebot-
at the and to be discussed further be-
tom, a section of niched facade; above this, a low), perhaps a clerestory or some kind of actual
panel in which the king's name is written and, panel above the doorway.3 As for the falcon, this
sitting on top of all this, a falcon. This is theis clearly Horus, who throughout Egyptian his-
"classic" design.1 At times the falcon is joined tory
by was associated with the king.
a Seth animal or replaced by one, or is entirelyOn further consideration, however, it seems
absent, or is joined by a second falcon.2 This that the serekh is more than just a name. Ser-
might seem a straightforward motif, as the in- ekhs are not uniform. Often the falcon wears a

volvement of each element is fairly easy to ex- crown - either the red or white crown, or both;
and
plain. The niched facade probably represents a sometimes it brandishes a weapon. Often
the serekh appears to be standing in for, or per-
large building associated with the king - his pal-
ace perhaps, or his tomb; and either would serve
sonifying, the king. As for the niched facade and
to represent the monarch's wealth, power and name panel, as well as representing the palace or
tomb, they could be said to resemble a false
authority. These associations would be easily and
door. What then would be the implications of
rapidly understood by the viewer. The panel
the serekh representing a palace, or tomb, or
above is space in which to write the name itself,
false door? What are the relationships between
but probably goes back to an architectural ele-
these and the king and his name? Where and
how is the serekh used? What could be conveyed
* I would also like to acknowledge the assistance of Bruce
by this image? Perhaps this touches on the na-
Williams and Professors Janet Johnson, Mark Lehner and,
ture of the king himself. To the Egyptians their
above all, Lanny Bell. This paper was originally written for the
king was semi-divine, an earthly Horus, or a son
course, "The Origins of Pharaonic Civilisation," given by Pro-
fessor Mark Lehner at the University of Chicago in the fallof of the sun-god (depending on which version of
1994. In the summer of 1995, it was submitted in a revised the myth you examine). It is possible then, that
form to the department of Near Eastern Languages and Civil-
this is being conveyed in the serekh and, further-
isations at the University of Chicago, in partial fulfillment of
the Master of Arts decree. more, that the name inside it, the king's Horus
name,
1 According to Quirke, the 'masterpiece' is that of Djet is his Ka name.4 What is the relationship
from Abydos which "presents the Horus name of the between
king in the Ka, the niched facade, and divine
the perfect proportions of classical Egyptian art," Quirke,
kingship?
1990 p. 22; see also Smith, 1985, p. 87, fig. 51.
2 The combination of Seth animal and falcon occurs in
Before discussing all the aspects referred to
above, let us first establish the fields and present
mid-Dynasty II, and is generally taken to indicate the tempo-
definitions of the term srh.
rary break up of the country, with the Seth animal being
'espoused' by Peribsen - as shown by the Seth animal's pres-
ence on his Serekh - and Horus by Khasekhem, and both by 3 See the schematic false doors illustrated in LexA V, 564
Khasekhemwy, who is usually taken as identical with Khas-Abb. 1 and 568 Abb 3.
ekhem, while his 'dual' name is seen as symbolic of his re- 4 For Horus-name = Ka-name, see L. Bell, 1985 (JNES)
unification of the country; see Emery, 1961, pp. 95-103. and forthcoming, for the Ka and divine kingship.

123

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 124 JARCE XXXIII (1996)

Definitions of srh in Dictionaries thermore, the most recent excavations at Hiera-

konpolis have brought to light remains of what is
Banner for Horus-name generally assumed to be a palace gateway, com-
Gardiner's Grammar lists the serekh hiero- plete with niched walls.15
glyph (1) at O33 and describes it as a "banner
to contain Horus-name" and as a determinative
Palace facade
in srh, "banner" for the Horus-name.5 In both
Faulkner's dictionary and the Worterbuch The serekh is defined specifically as a "palace
it is
described as a "palace facade (design)" bearingby Faulkner,17 Gardiner,18 and in the
facade"16
Worterbuch.19
the Horus-name of the king,6 and "the palace
facade (?) on which the Horus falcon sits and in
which the king's Horus-name stands."7 MeeksFurther srh words

also defines srh as a "royal banner."8

Faulkner and the Worterbuch have "memo-
rial" (and hence "stela")20 and "Denkstein."21
Throne
Other, perhaps slightly more abstract, srh words,
From the above, another meaning with royal more obviously derived from s+rh, "to cause to
associations seems to have been derived, that of know," are the verbs "learn about," "complain,"
"accuse," and the nouns "guilty person," "ac-
"throne." The Worterbuch has srh as "throne" of

the king or of a god, and "in a boat."9 Meeks also "complainer," "evil spirit," "accusation"
cuser,"
and "reproach."22 Meeks has for srh, "tourmen-
has a definition of "throne" with the prepositions
shown in the Worterbuch.10 Redford writes ter(?)"
thatand "torturer (?)" (77.3720) "faire con-
naitre" and "denoncer" (77.3727), "le blame,"
the serekh throne, "with its symbolic reference
to the divine forebears who had preceded "le reproche"
the (77.3718) and srhi, Taccusateur"
(77.
reigning sovereign, makes its appearance under 3719). 23 Worterbuch has a similar range of
meanings,
Amenophis III."11 Baumgartel takes srh to mean "to make known, broadcast," "rebuke
s.o.," "accuse s.o. Likewise it has "a rebuke" or
"throne" and not "palace facade" because the fal-
"accusation," "magical protection of gods against
con sits on it and because "we have no indication
sickness"; a term used in association with Thoth;
what a palace of the first dynasty looked like."12
"accuser,"
There is an alabaster statuette of Pepy I seated on "slanderer"; also the name of a Judge
a throne, on the back of which is a serekh com- of the dead in the Netherworld and hence (?) the

plete with a Horus falcon on top.13 This is surely name of a sickness-bringing demon. There is also
serving as identification and cannot be used to a srh word written in group writing, as though its
reinforce a meaning of "throne" for srh}^ Fur- etymology was unknown to the scribe; but this
word probably means "spiritual torment." The
last srh word in the Worterbuch is "renown/fame/
5 Gardiner, 1957, p. 496 and p. 591. glory (depending on how one translates the
6 Faulkner, 1962, p. 236 (referring to Gardiner, ibid,
p. 72) and p. 237.
7 Worterbuch IV, p. 200, I, 3. 15 Weeks, 1971-1972, pp. 29-33 and fig. 1.
163Cf. the niched facade on the mastaba of Merneith and
8 ALex 1, 77.3721; he defines it likewise in ALex 2 and
but gives no examples. Lauer's reconstruction of the Djoser complex illustrating the
9 Wb IV, p. 200, II, 7-10 and with the prepositions r, tp, "palace facade" in Lauer, 1976, p. 87, fig. 8 and fig. 91.
niched
hr-tp and m. Faulkner, 1962, p. 236, "srh - 'palace facade design'."
10 ALex 1, 77.3721; 2, 78.3682 also with tp and hr-tp; and 18 Ibid., p. 496, "srh - the facade of palace or tomb."
3, 79.2670 also with hr-tp. 19 Wb IV, p. 200, I, 3, "eigentlich das (PalastfaBade?)."
11 Redford, 1986, p. 179, note 105 (K. P. Kuhlman, GM 20 Falkner, as above, p. 237.
50 [1981] 39 ff.). 21 Wb IV, p. 200, 15.
12 Baumgartel, 1975, p. 31 (note: before the most recent 22 Faulkner, as above, p. 236.
excavations at Hierakonpolis). 23 ALex 3, p. 333.
13 Cf. the alabaster statuette of Pepi I (Dyn. VI) in Smith, 24 Wb IV, p. 199, 1-15, p. 200, 1 and 2, and an interest-
1965, plate 55. ing variant determinative is shown on the right hand side of
14 Smith, 1965, pl. 55. The older edition has a better re- the page, the srh (O33 1) sign, probably due to phonetic
production than is found in the Simpson revision. similarity.

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 THE SEREKH AS AN ASPECT OF THE ICONOGRAPHY OF EARLY KINGSHIP 125

German "Ruhm") of a god, which one derstood what he was dealing with and did not
glorifies."25
Finally, Faulkner also has srh as "a realize
government
that a king possessed a Ka-name through-
department."26 This last definitionout his life;
will be nevertheless,
dis- the association he made
cussed further below. with the false door remains valid and shall be
looked at in more detail below.

Interpretations of srh in Existing Literature Lurker says of the serekh: "the rectangle with
its pattern symbolized a building, probably the
royal palace or the pharaoh's tomb, seen si-
Usually the serekh is seen as a representation
of the palace facade, as Gardiner writes, ".multaneously
. . in plan and section."33 " 'Palace'
of high god or king" is how Clark labels the
(the serekh) represents the facade of the palace
occupied by the king as reincarnation of the serekh
fal- sign in his list of "major religious sym-
con seen presiding over it."27 Thus Gardiner bols."34
also Kaplony takes srh to mean "indicator."35
points out the relationship between the King The and word used is "Anzeiger," from "anzeigen,"
Horus, the former being the earthly manifesta- "to show, announce . . . publish . . .";36 in other
tion of the latter. Emery states, "The serekh words,
en- Kaplony agrees with Petrie 's deriving srh,
closure represented the paneled facade of "palacethe facade/ name banner," from srh, "to cause
royal palace, which would be a building similar toinknow." Quirke says: "The Horus name panel
outward appearance to the royal tombs."28 Petriedepicts the niched facade and rectangular enclo-
would seem to have been the first to suggest that
sure wall of a palace at the time of the first uni-
the word srh, referring to the "name banner," fication of Egypt . . . and is echoed in a later
derived from srh, "to cause to know."29 Thusphrasehe for the king as 'Horus resident in the pal-
would have srh mean "that which causes to know" ace'. This frame was called the serekh, literally
or "that which broadcasts," with srh being then 'that which makes known', as it proclaimed the
an imperfective active participle (according to of the king."37 Quirke too, then, sees srh as
name
Gardiner's rules30). Petrie saw the srh as repre-
coming from "cause to know." Dochniak describes
senting a false door and, not fully understand- it as "representing a plan of the royal palace, the
ing the nature of the Ka-name (which, of allbottom
the half illustrating an elevation of the palace
king's names was the one which was written facade."38 Such indecision over which it repre-
within the serekh), assumed that the serekh was sents is expressed by Gardiner who says: "It is not
used only to write the names of kings after theyquite certain whether the building symbolised by
had died. This is primarily why he favouredthe the rectangle and facade (together termed the
false door derivation over the palace facade.31 srh) was the king's palace or his tomb."39
He wrote, ". . . throughout Egyptian art . . . the However, it may not be necessary to decide
Horus name was written intentionally and know- which of the above was being represented.40 If it
occurs
ingly over a doorway . . . which in earlier cases, is to us that the serekh may represent sev-
seen to be copied from the false door of a eral things, it probably occurred to the Egyp-
tomb."32 However, as said above, Petrie misun- tians who, indeed, were fond of overlapping
symbolism. The image was intended to contain
25 These entries are all to be found in Wb IV, p. 199f. many references, which were equally inherent in
26 Falkner, as above, p. 237. the objects represented.
27 Gardiner, 1961, p. 52. Petrie 's false door theory suggests a funereal
28 Emery, 1961, p. I78f. context for the serekh which is further strength-
29 Petrie, 1888, p. 21.
ened by his erroneous assumption that the
30 Gardiner, 1957, p. 273f. (§357).
31 Of course, ultimately they all have the same origin,
namely, niches on the exterior of a building, be that tomb or 33 Lurker, 1980, p. 107.
palace, because the false door, as explained by Haeny, is all 34 Clark, 1960, p. 257.
that remains of the niched facade on archaic tombs. He 35 Kaplony in LexA III, 59.
writes that the niched facade combines two concepts 36 Wildhaeen,
- the 1965, p. 71a.
enclosure wall of the king's palace and mat/reed37architec- Quirke, 1990, p. 19.
ture. It also represents the house of the dead. Haeny 38 Dochniak,
in MA diss., 1991, p. 35.
LexAV, 568-70. 39 Gardiner, 1957, p. 72.
32 Petrie, as above, p. 22. 40 Cf. Hoffman, 1984, p. 359.

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 126 JARCE XXXIII (1996)

Horus-name in the serekh (which

tal Ka besides individual Ka's, or outis generally
of which
understood from later evidence to be the Ka- individual Ka's arose."45 Mercer continues: "the
name of the king) was given to a king only Ka appears
on his to have been considered ... as the
death. Gardiner also inferred a "sepulchral con-
creative bond between deity, king and dynasty."46
text" for the serekh since he believed it to be In more recent discussions of the topic, Frank-
related to the Horus-name being the name of the Ka "man's impalpable life -force,"47
fort calls
the king's Ka or "spirit."41 He then goes on while Clark describes it as the "act and source of
to say:
"On the whole we may conclude that the Horus
transmission of life"48 and "part primitive ances-
name denotes the aspect of Horus worn tor by the
spirit, part ideal, part benefactor."49 Wilson,
king whilst dwelling in the palace." However, if
like Frankfort, calls it the "vital force"50 and says
this name signifies such a thing, this is hardly
further, a that the Ka is "the experience of power
funereal setting and contradicts Petrie's in its direct relation to man"51 and that in man it
assump-
tions and Gardiner's "sepulchral context." is the "vital force" (as above) and "mood"52 and
Even though he allowed for an association be-
"fortune."53 Kaplony sees it "als Macht im Leben
ein Aspekt von Menschen und Gottern."54 We
tween the Ka-name and the king in life, Gardiner,
may encapsulate these views with Wente's de-
like Petrie, would seem to be misunderstanding
the nature of the relationship between the king the Ka is "a dynamic vital force, formed
scription:
at one's
(or, indeed, anyone) and his Ka. At this point we birth. After death it rejoined the body
in the to
shall briefly discuss the Ka, insofar as it relates tomb and emerged through a false door
our understanding of the serekh. to receive offerings."55 The Ka was "that element
of personality that related to society."56 The ety-
TheKa mology of the word kS should also be born in
mind; the earliest occurrences of the Ka are with
The subject of the Ka is a problematic and
several determinatives - with the phallus, indi-
controversial one. Like many aspects cating "generative force," with the man with
of ancient
civilization, the ancient Egyptian concept hand towhich
mouth, indicating "intellectual power,"
approximates with our notion of "soul" theis
feminine
poorly kj.t means the female sexual organ
understood and thus, opinions vary. andThe
with Kathe is
plural ending (of abstraction) it is
one of several concepts which are associated used to mean
with"food."57 Before we continue, it
an individual, in life and in death.42 We will
should be-
be pointed out that these interpretations
gin with the oldest literature, because of it
theisKathis
are all referring to the royal Ka, and
work which could have influenced the first at- conclusions drawn about such cannot always be
tempts to understand the meaning of the taken serekh.to apply to the Ka of a private individual,
Some of this literature is nicely summarized which by
will be discussed below.

Mercer:43 Brugsch calls it the "character," This Mas- idea of a relationship to society, as ex-
pero, "double," Petrie, "ancestral spirit," pressed
Erman by Wente, is taken further in the most
and Von Bissing, "life principle," Steindorff, recent
"ge-explanation of this concept. Bell's inter-
pretation of the royal Ka is based largely on his
nius," Breasted, "protective spirit," and Gardiner,
"essence," "personality," "soul," "individuality"
study and
of the Luxor Temple, to which it was indeed
"temperament." Moret sees it as "mana"44 and
"thinks that there was an 'essential' or fundamen- 15 Mercer, 1949, p. 42.
16 As above, p. 44.
17 Frankfort, 1948, p. 91.
41 Gardiner, ibid., p. 72. 18 Clark, 1960, p. 231.
42 These aspects of an individual are: kS, bj, d/i, d.t, hS.t,
19 As above, p. 234.
ib. and rn. For a brief discussion of these concepts see Mer-S() Frankfort et al., 1946, p. 85.
cer, 1952, pp. 18-22 and Bell, forthcoming. 51 Frankfort, 1962, p. 65.
43 Mercer, 1949, p. 42 and cf. also Mercer, 1952, pp. 18-22. ?2 As above, p. 67.
44 From Webster's New International Dictionary, 1986, 33 Ibid., p. 68.
p. 1372a: "(Melanesian and Polynesian, similar to Hawaiian 34 Kaplony, in LexA III, 275a.
and Maori, mana) impersonal and supernatural force or 35 Wente, 1992, p. 411.
power that may be concentrated in objects or persons and )6 As previous footnote.
that may be inherited, acquired or conferred." 57 As note 42 and 1952, pp. 18-19.

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 THE SEREKH AS AN ASPECT OF THE ICONOGRAPHY OF EARLY KINGSHIP 127

dedicated.58 Bell describes the (royal) and

Ka as"the living were (its) current representa-
"the
divine aspect of the king, linking himtives
both . . .with
but the totality of each Ka was all mem-
bers of the It
the gods and with all his royal predecessors."59 lineage, both living and dead."68
is clear from the coronation scenes and associ-

ated birth scenes, where we see (retrospectively) Representations of the Ka

the royal Ka being fashioned at the king's birth,
that, on the coronation of a king he becomes
In temple and royal tomb scenes the Ka ap-
the living royal Ka.60 Indeed, at one point in the
pears as a double of the king with a hieroglyphic
coronation ceremony the king is calledKa-sign
"Fore-on its head.69 Often it is shown being
most of the Kas of All the Living."61 Thatfashioned the Ka with the child, at birth, by Khnum on
concerned is a generic one is apparent from the wheel.70 Franco states that only kings
his potter's
coronation scenes of Amenhotep III, where, as Kas represented as human beings.71 It
have their
Bell writes, "his name on this occasion is 'Fore- is widely assumed that at least some of the three-
most of the Kas of All the Living,' the general epi- dimensional representations of non-royal dead
thet by which all manifestations of the royal Kain their tombs are "Ka-statues," as they are in-
are designated, regardless of the particular rulertended as vessels for the Ka (for example, the
involved."62 In one scene the Ka and the Kingstatue in the serdab and, in some cases, multiple
exchange names, emphasizing the unity of the representations of the tomb owner).72 Bell de-
two,63 and in another, all the names in his five-scribes the king and all statues as potential ves-
fold titulary are "Foremost of the Kas of All thesels for the Ka.73 If this is the case, then Franco is
Living," and in yet another, they are all the Ka-wrong. There are many examples of such "Ka-
name.64 To summarize then, Bell sees the Ka as statues," some of which, moreover, are associated
not specific to an individual king but rather,with the false door, such as Mereruka and Idu,74
passed on from generation to generation, writ- of which more will be said below. However these
ing: "The Ka, unlike the Ba, was only temporarilystatues do not have the Ka-sign on their heads
associated with a particular body. It was . . . sepa-which, some might argue, is required for such a
rated from a body by death, subsequently enter-representation to be a true Ka-statue. The prime
ing a new life form."65 (if not the only known) example of such a statue
The king was, of course, not alone in possess-would be the wooden statue of the Ka of King
ing a Ka; all individuals had one. It was not Hor-Awibre (Dyn. XIII) from Dahshur, in which
specific to an individual, but rather "just as a
68 Ibid.
god's Ka took up transitory residence in a statue
69 Ibid.
body, endowing it with life, so an ancestor Ka
70 Lurker, p. 73 and Morenz, p. 183. However, as Bell
temporarily occupied and animated the body of points out, this is seen only on the accession of a king, and
an ordinary person, and the royal Ka transiently is not shown in relation to other (i.e., private) individuals as
inhabited and empowered the body of an indi- discussed above. See above in text and n. 57.

vidual king."66 The concept of the Ka can be ex-
plained in the context of a society, such as that of
ancient Egypt, in which the family was of greater
importance than an individual.67 It might per-
haps be seen as the spirit of a mythic ancestor,
58 Bell, 1985 (TNES) pp. 251-94.
59 As above, p. 256.
60 Ibid., pp. 266-67, also forthcoming
61 Ibid., p. 267 (with revised, corrected translation!, per- p. 32) points out, following Junker (1938, p. 118f.
sonal communication, Spring 1995).
62 Ibid., p. 267.
63 Ibid., p. 278.
64 Ibid., p. 278.
65 Bell, forthcoming.
66 As above.
67 Ibid.
71 Franco, 1993, p. 121.
72 The assumption that statues of the tomb-owner in his
tomb are Ka statues is probably based on confusion between
the Ba and the Ka. Faulkner refers to Ka-statues as some-
thing "in which the personality of the dead might find a
home at need" (1955, p. 141) and Spencer writes of the Ka's
ability "to dwell in a portrait figure of the deceased as well
as in the body itself" (Spencer, 1982, p. 60), which was ex-
ploited by the inclusion of multiple such figures in the tomb
in case the body should be destroyed (as above). Greven
(1952,
and p. 121), that "Der Statuenkammer, der Serdab, heiBt
h.w.t-kj" For examples of multiple representations of the
tomb-owner see Malek and Forman, 1986, p. 51, 52 and 53.
73 Cf. Bell, 1985 (TNES and BdE).
74 For Mereruka see Aldred, 1965, p. 117, fig. 117, and for
Idu see Simpson, 1976, pl. XXIX a, b and c and fig. 12. See also
Daumas, 1965, pl. 143 and 144 (both Mereruka and Idu).

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 128 JARCE XXXIII (1996)

the King's Ka is showntologists

stepping
may find it."83
out
Later,of
in his
areview
shrine
of
Greven, Faulkner
with a Ka-sign on its head.75 Ifdiscussed
thisthisisfurther,
howwritingthe Ka
must be portrayed, then there
that the king are asno
was regarded "beinghumanoid
or contain-
ing the 'Ka'However,
Kas other than the King's. of Horus (Pyr T 587b;
there 610d; 582d;
are a
number of royal Ka-statues which
647d) " and "the underlying ideado
seemsnot have
to be that
such a glyph on theirthe ruler embodies
heads but in his person are
which the essential
clearly
labelled as Ka-statues. Forof example,
characteristics Tutankha-
Horus, . . . also that 'essence' of
mun's tomb contained two
Horus such
is the kingship." figures
To him on either
it seemed that "the
side of the entrance to the
primitive natureking's burial
of the Ka was that cham-
it was the es-
ber.76 One of them was inscribed
sence, the fundamental nature, "kj-nsw
of the god or n Hr-
jhty Wsir nsw nb tjivyking who possessed it ... becausemic
Nb-hpr.w-Rc in all probabil-
hrw^ The
colossi of the deified Ramesses II at the entrance
ity the king originally was the one earthly person
who had a Ka, and that solely by virtue of his
to the Dynasty XVIII colonnade and those stand-
ing outside this king's pylon at Luxor werebeing
also the mundane representation of Horus."84
such Ka-statues,78 and remains of a similar Thus
statuehe follows Gardiner: "the word Ka in appro-
of Amenhotep III have also been found.79 So,contexts came to signify the kingly office."85
priate
with these royal statues being labeled as statuesThe king was born with his Ka, it being created
of the king's Ka, although they do not have at the
the same time as his body. In retrospect (i.e.,
Ka sign on their heads, it seems legitimate toafter
takea king had already ascended to the throne
and been crowned), it could be determined that
the non-royal statues as Ka-statues in compari-
his Ka was actually the royal Ka. Then he was
son to these, especially as the arms of Idu's statue
form a iSsign.80 assigned a Ka-name (i.e., Horus-name), which
No matter how it was represented, everyone remained with him throughout the rest of his
had a Ka or a portion of the "collective Ka." life,
The even though he might also take additional
difference between the royal and non-royal Horus-names
Ka during the course of his life.86 It
would be one of "quality" or perhaps, rather may de-bear mentioning here that often serekhs
appear embraced by the Ka-sign, for example,
gree of divinity,81 with the king being semi-divine
(i.e., both human and divine at the same time)at Medinet
, as Habu and Karnak.87 Also, a serekh
expressed, for instance, in the scenes in the might
inner contain the royal Ka's epithet hnty ko.w
part of Luxor Temple.82 The king as a human cnh.w
wasnb.w: "Foremost of the Kas of the All the
a vessel for Horus. The kingship was continuous,
Living."
with the king being ever the same Horus, only Theinuse of the serekh, as a representation of
a different, constantly renewed "vessel." the king's Horus-name or Ka-name, is not lim-
Following on his interpretation of Ka as ited
"at-to after his death. This will be demonstrated
further below when discussing the use of the
tribute," "rank" or "fashion" (amongst others),
Gardiner realized that the Egyptian word kS serekh
was which seems to appear in inscriptions in
also used in reference to the kingship itself:place
"The of the king. The importance of the name
implication that the king's 'Ka' is identical itself
with to the Egyptians should be born in mind,
his kingly office is less startling than some as Lurker states: "A name contained its owner's
Egyp-
whole being. People and objects actually only
75 See Smith, 1981, p. 179, fig. 70. had an existence from the moment that they
76 See Reeves, 1990, p. 83. bore a name, therefore the name was more than
77 Beinlich and Saleh, 1989, p. 11, #29.
a mere means of identification."88
78 Bell, forthcoming.
79 As above.
80 See footnote 74 above. 83 Gardiner, 1950, p. 7, n. 2.
81 In Ptahhotep, kS seems to be used in the sense of so- 84 Faulkner, 1955, p. 141f.
cial status, rank, even perhaps "caste", with all the attendant 8o As above.
rights/privileges/duties and obligations, i.e., everyone had 86 Bell, 1985.
a Ka but not all Kas were equal - Lanny Bell, personal com- 87 Medinet Habu I, pls. 101, 102, 111, 114 and 122c; and
munication, Chicago, Spring 1995. For translation see Lich- scenes from Karnak in Hall, 1986, fig. 46.
theim, 1975, pp. 61-80. 88 Lurker, pp. 83-84, see also Mercatante, 1978, p. 101.
82 Kemp, 1989, p. 207, fig. 72 and p. 208, after Bell, 1985 Also Piankoff, 1964, p. 5: "The name is ... the personality
(JNES). itself."

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 THE SEREKH AS AN ASPECT OF THE ICONOGRAPHY OF EARLY KINGSHIP 129

Other evidence stresses the link between the

came to be the living king who had succeeded to
serekh and the Ka and the latter 's name. the
Quirke
dead king Osiris"96 and hence, "every living
king
says of the name in the "falcon panel" (the was Horus."97 His proximity to the divine
space
above the palace-facade in the serekh): would
"Some be reflected in his Ka, as Frankfort states:
falcon panels offer a possible royal name 'Ka', is of his essence: his vital force (i.e., Ka,
"Divinity
but here, too, there are uncertainties. Later texts as above) is the vitality of a god."98
identify the falcon Horus as the 'Ka' (sustaining The serekh contains the Ka-name of the king,
spirit) of a king."89 Quirke thus raises the possi- who is semi-divine by virtue of his possession of
bility that some early serekhs contain the name the royal Ka.99 The serekh helps demonstrate
of a King Ka, or could they refer to the Ka of an the king's link to the god who is visualized as the
unnamed (possibly, but not necessarily) dead source of the royal Ka. If the king can be seen as
king? Or could the glyph itself be reread as a a falcon100 (for Horus), then his Ka, as his "dou-
different but similar sign, Gardiner's D32, which ble," can be as well. Perhaps it would be better
would be read inq or hpt? Quirke continues: "Pos- to say that this is how it could be represented,
sibly the falcon panel attempts to convey the because the Ka, being "inside" a person, would
same idea, that the falcon god is the Ka of the therefore temporarily take on the form of that
king, in which case it remains unknown which person. It is then possible to take the serekh as
specific king, which name, lies behind the appar- the falcon, being the king's Ka, with its name be-
ent Ka."90 low it. In this way the king's divine nature can be
So, the Horus is the royal Ka, and the name in emphasized. This "otherworldliness" expressed
the panel below is the particular name of that by the king's association with the Ka is further il-
Ka. The name in the serekh, then, is the king's lustrated in the private realm by the false doors
Ka-name. It is not necessary for a king to be
of Mereruka and Idu, which are clearly repre-
dead in order for his serekh to be used.
sented as gateways between this world and that
of the spirits.101 For his people, the king was
The King as Horus such a doorway between the two worlds; he was
considered ". . . the last of the gods but the first
Throughout Egyptian history, the king
ofwas
men - more god than man. In other words,
considered to be the earthly manifestation
the of
chasm between the gods and the king was
very narrow indeed."102 This embodiment of
Horus and the son of Re. As Mercer writes, "He
(the king) was called 'the Horus' for he was be- Horus in the king is most apparent in statuettes
lieved to be that god ... in visible form."91 Frank-published by Krieger in which the king is repre-
fort says that the rulership of Egypt ". . . fell to sented as a falcon, complete with feathers (figs.
the god Horus, who was incarnate in each pha- 15-17). 103
raoh"92 and "The throne was always occupied
by Horus, son of Osiris - from another view-
96 Tbid.
point, by the son of Re."93 So, Erman writes:
97 Ibid.; also Franco, p. 106: "Pharaon est concidere
"Dans sa titulaire, le roi se nomme expressementcomme Horus parmi les hommes" and ". . . il est l'incarna-
l'Horus ou, lorsqu'on veut le distinguer du dieu tion du pouvoir solaire par terre"; Lurker, p. 65: "To his
celeste, l'Horus dans le palais";94 likewise Frank-people the ruler was a manifestation of Horus"; LexA III,
fort: "(one of a group of) formal titles for the 19: "Der Konig ist in aller Regel Horus"; and see Bonnet,
1952, p. 308a.
pharaoh makes him the incorporation of the god
Horus . . ." and "the identification with Horus 98 Frankfort, 1946, p. 365, note 58. The unity of royal
Ka and King, as well as the identification of King with Horus
seems to have made the pharaoh the king of allin Bell, 1985 ( INES).
is discussed
Egypt."95 Clearly it is understood that "Horus
99 The king is "semi-divine" in the sense that the im-
mortal royal Ka, which is divine, is in a human mortal body.
89 Quirke, p. 21. The relationship between King, Horus and the royal Ka is
90 Ibid. discussed in detail by Bell in JNES 44 (1985) pp. 251-94
91 Mercer, 1949, p. 251. and in forthcoming.

92 Frankfort, 1948, p. 52. 100 Cf. Quirke, p. 21.

93 Ibid., p. 88. 101 See note 52.
94 Erman, 1937, p. 74. 102 Mercer, 1949, p. 251f.
95 Frankfort, 1946, p. 74. 103 Krieger, 1960, pls. 3, 4, and pp. 50-53, figs. 17-20.

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 130 JARCE XXXIII (1996)

To summarize the above, clearly the Egyptian describes the costly materials in his house, being
term k? lacks an equivalent concept and, thus, an expression of his wealth and power. This lin
single word in English. We may only attempt to between the king and his house/palace brings u
translate it with a series of vaguely appropriate to a link between the word srh and a building.
terms such as "vital essence," "attribute (s)," "soul"
and so forth. Gardiner and Faulkner believed
Srh as a Building in a Dynasty 6 Letter
that the king was a Ka because he was Horus, and
Yet is
that his kingship was termed Ka too. This another
sup-definition of srh occurs in Faulk-
ported by several of the Pyramid Textsner's dictionary, that of "government depart-
(referred
to by Faulkner as quoted above) and ment."107
also seems He refers the reader to an article in
JEA 13con-
to be supported by the fact that the serekh (1927) in which Gardiner discusses a let-
tains the Ka-name of the king. That the ter king
previously
is published by Gunn.108 Here the
Horus will be important to keep in mind word srh occurs
when it in the context of an admini-
comes to discussing the use of the serekh, in
strative letter, which concerns bringing groups
scenes and texts, in place of the king. of workmen from the Tura quarries to receive
clothing at a certain building referred to as the
House/Palace as King srh. It is written with a house (pr) sign as a deter-
minative109 and, as Gunn says, "it is a difficult
We have discussed both the name in the
word."110 He goes on to say (the problems of
translating
serekh and the falcon as representations of the the word being only too evident):
" 'stela'
king; perhaps the building depicted in is evidently an extension of an earlier
the lower
part of the design can be seen to be meaning
serving 'door'
the (or 'false door') which again will
same function. The king is Horus and betherefore
derived from the royal srh, perhaps the palace.
can be represented by a falcon, but It he is also
is thus possible to see in srh here a name for
the palace
referred to periphrastically by his residence or a part thereof."111 In his transla-
(es-
tion he leaves
pecially from the New Kingdom onwards) . Eventhe word untranslated as "srh

though the use of pr-cB for the ruler is much

building."112 Gardiner does likewise113 and say
later than the period with which we"Iare do largely
not know what the srh building (?) was . .
concerned here, there are similar references in it is hard to connect srh with the well-known

Egyptian literature from earlier times. Certainlyterm for the 'banner' which carried royal Horus-
it is easy to understand that the opulence of names."114
a
royal residence would reflect the wealth and Grdseloff 's rereading of the signs made things
power of the king, and this would certainly haveseem somewhat clearer. He realized that follow-
been intended. The term "pharaoh" itself is suching the word srh was not nfr wrt but imi-wrt}1^
a circumlocution for the king, coming from theThis would then be referring to "the srh building
Egyptian for "Great House."104 Grapow writes: on the west (of the capital)," "autrement dit, sur
"Der Konig, der seine Untertanen schiitzt, gleichle plateau des pyramides de la Vie dynastie."116
einem kiihlen Hause das jedem bis zum Tagesan-But, we still do not know what srh means.
bruch schlafen laBt . . ,"105 The importance of a Krieger takes up the letter again in a later arti-
richly adorned residence is expressed in Amen- cle.117 Agreeing with Grdseloff 's new reading,
emhat I's instructions for Sesostris I: "I built she goes on to say that this srh does not refer to
myself a house decked with gold, its ceiling of la-
pis lazuli, walls of silver, floors of [acacia 107 wood]
Faulkner, ,p. 237.
doors of copper, bolts of bronze made for eter- 1927 and Gunn, 1925, plates 1 and lb.
108 Gardiner,
nity, prepared for all time . . ."106 Amenemhat 109 Gunn, pl. 1.
110 Ibid., p. 249.
104 Cf., among others, Frankfort, 1977, p. 75. Barta111alsoIbid.
sees the combination of the falcon and the palace facade 112 Ibid.,
as p. 244.
meaning perhaps, "he of Horus" and "he of the palace," 113 Gardiner, 1927, p. 75.
Barta 1990, p. 56. 114 Ibid., p. 77.
115 Grdseloff, 1948, pp. 509-10.
105 Grapc>w, 1924, p. 162 and note 4 - he is quoting the
Kahun Hymn, 2, 13. 116 Ibid., p. 510.
106 Lichtheim, 1975, p. 137f. 117 Krieger, 1980.

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 THE SEREKH AS AN ASPECT OF THE ICONOGRAPHY OF EARLY KINGSHIP 131

andin
the palace, as it would not make sense 20). 125 con-
this They divided the serekhs into three
text, but rather the Djoser complex.118
groups: Wente,
therefore translates it as "Western Enclosure"
1 . Serekhs with a name, either with or without
and points out that the Djoser complex (the a falcon.
Western Enclosure) was the Old Kingdom ad-
2. Serekhs without a name or a falcon.
ministrative centre of the Saqqara necropolis.119 3. Serekhs without a name but with two falcons.
This does not further our understanding of srh
as "name-banner" or the search for the deriva- Most of those in group 1 were of Ka, Scorpion
tion of this term, as srh (meaning "Western and En-
Narmer (Dynasty 0); the remainder are, of
closure") was more than likely derived from course,
thehard to date without a name.126 How-
former. Nevertheless, this does demonstrate the ever, these serekhs are all potmarks, and Kaiser
association between srh and a large, "state" build- and Dreyer managed to place them in a relative
ing. If this Old Kingdom administrative centre chronology using the development of the pot-
was indeed located inside the Djoser complex, tery on which they were found.127 It would ap-
then clearly the srh word was adopted from its pear that the earliest serekhs are those unnamed
association with the niched enclosure wall of the and with two falcons; these are followed by blank
Djoser complex.120 Perhaps, then, it is the niched serekhs without falcons, and finally come ser-
enclosure wall of a compound that is depicted ekhs with names and one falcon.128 They saw six
in the serekh. The link between the serekh motif "named" kings of a unified Egypt before Aha, all
and a building, namely the palace, is reinforced attested at Abydos: Scorpion, Ka, Iri-Hor, King ?,
by the "early dynastic palace gate" which was and M-//r.129 There is some dispute over
Hjt-Hr
found at Hierakonpolis by Fairservis et al.121 whether to interpret the Iri-Hor potmark as the
name of a king (it is written without a serekh
Development of Serekhs facade). Dreyer later found the serekh of yet
another king, the Horus Crocodile.130
Let us turn now to early serekhs and the devel-
opment of this motif. As Quirke points out,The Reading of the "Iri-Hor" Potmark
these occur among the earliest texts and are part
of the development of writing, which in turnPotmarks
is of this king were published by Kaiser
part of the rise of the new state.122 All ofand
theDreyer in 1982. 131 They consist of a falcon
kings of Dynasties 0 to 2 have their names perched
rep- on a mouth-sign (r) under which are
resented in a serekh, all with a falcon (except
three horizontal strokes over three further hi-
Peribsen, whose serekh has a Seth animal and eroglyphic signs: a kj (or other readings132 ) and
Khasekhemwy's, which has both, as mentioned a mh (or hri) sign, and one more sign which looks
above).123 This remains the one method for the like a ph or a biS sign.133 As said, the discoverers
assumed these to be the name of a king, even
king to identify himself in writing until the car-
though there is no serekh. Petrie, too, inter-
touche, enclosing a different name, appears with
King Snofru in Dynasty IV124 Serekhs continue preted the signs as a king's name and read it as a
to appear throughout Egyptian history, but the
cartouche becomes the most prominent means
of referring to a king's name. 125 Kaiser and Dreyer, 1982, p. 263, fie. 14.
126 Ibid., pp. 262, 264.
Kaiser and Dreyer produced a table of early127 Ibid., dp. 264-65.
serekhs, illustrating their development (figs. 19128 As note 115, see also p. 266.
129 Ibid., pp. 266 and 268; the list of kings here is that of
Kaiser and Dreyer; there are problems with a king being
118 Ibid., pp. 91-92. named Ka; see pp. 7-8 above.
119 Wente, 1990, p. 42 and p. 53, note 1; see also Baer, 130 Dreyei% 1992, p. 260; Von der Way, 1993, p. 99f. and
1966, p. 9. Wilkinson. 1993.

120 SeeLauer, 1976, fie. 91. 131 See Drever, 1992, p. 234, Abb 10.
121 Fairservis et al., 1971-72, pp. 7-68 and fie. 1. 132 The sign that is read as kj (D18), could perhaps also
122 Quirke, p. 20. be read as inqlqni, shn (cf. Faulkner, 1962, p. 241 and Kap-
123 Ibid., p. 22; see note 2 above. lony, LexA III, 275 and 278, note 2) or hfit (D32).
124 Ibid., p. 25. 133 Ibid., p. 234.

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 132 JARCE XXXIII (1996)

king "Ro."134 Kaiser king

and and similar
Dreyerdoubts over Ka;allowed
and their pot- for the
marks aretheir
lack of a serekh by dating an importantking
part of the chronology.
to before the
appearance of this facade Establishing adesign,
chronology for unnamed
and serekhs
made him
the last king to have his is even more
name problematic.
so written.135
Petrie dated the tomb of Iri-Hor (tomb Bl at Dreyer also found serekhs of another king, the
Abydos) as later than Ka (whose name is writ- Horus Crocodile (the figure of a crocodile ap-
ten with a serekh) because of material from pearing over a spiral) whom he judged to have
within tomb Bl. Petrie thus dates the serekhless been reigning at the same time as Iri-Hor.144
king after the king with a serekh.136 According This king
to appears to be one of several kings at-
Wilkinson, Narmer is followed by Ka; and tested if Bl outside
is Abydos in the pre-dynastic pe-
post-Ka, then there is no room for another riod.145
king Von der Way produces examples of the
(Iri-Hor).137 Wilkinson also points out that names
the(of these kings other than Crocodile),
name Iri-Hor is not attested elsewhere and, fur- and all possess serekhs except P-Hr (which is the
thermore, that tomb Bl contains fragments of one example he used to support the reading of
inscriptions of a serekh containing the ncr-catfish the Iri-Hor mark as that of a king) . Dreyer's King
of Narmer's name.138 All this leads Wilkinson to Crocodile has a serekh facade with the name
suggest that the "iri-hor" mark is not a name but, (this repeated) on a sealing from Tarkhan;146
in fact, the mark of the "Royal Treasury" from and his potmark, although not written with a
where supplies for the tomb came.139 The tomb serekh as such (but associated with the serekh-
would then be that of an important official of the facade design in the sealing above) has a falcon
reign of Narmer.140 The reading of the serekh of sitting on a square (house?) sign in which the
Ka is also disputed. Baumgartel suggests that this name is written. Thus, the only kings to have
is not of a king called Ka but rather it refers to their names written without serekhs from the late
the Ka of Narmer with objects so marked com- pre-dynastic into the early Old Kingdom are P-Hr
ing from his Ka tomb.141 Von der Way echoes (P-Hrw of Von der Way) and Iri-Hor (of Dreyer
Wilkinson in stating the problem with taking and Petrie).
Iri-Hor as a king - the lack of a serekh - but he
gives an example of another king's name writ- Use of Serekhs
ten without a serekh, that of P-Hr, attested at
Qustul.142 Apart from inscriptions on stone, serekhs ap-
To summarize the above, Kaiser and Dreyer pear mainly as potmarks. Mercer, Emery, Kap-
produced a relative chronology of serekhs in lony, Kaiser and Dreyer, and Von der Way have
order to understand their development.143 This published numerous examples of these. They are
chronology is problematic largely because of of every type (figs. 24-26; figs. 25 and 26 have
doubts over whether or not Iri-Hor is actually a examples of two further types, mentioned above:
the double falcon and the crowned falcon):
134 Wilkinson, p. 241.
135 Ibid., p. 242. "classic" serekhs147
iAK> As noted by Wilkinson, p. 242.
137 As above.
serekhs with Horus falcon wearing a crown148
138 Ibid.
139 Cf. also Barta, 1990, pp. 55-58, who argues that this 144 Dreyer, 1992, p. 260 and p. 262, Abb la, b, 2b, 3a and
potmark (Iri-Hor or King Rw) is not a name but a proper b. This is somewhat confusing, as he previously states (as re-
noun meaning "companion of Horus." ferred to above and note 97): "die Zahl der namentlich
Ibid., p. 243; Wilkinson says to compare the court faBbaren gesamtagyptischen Konige vor Aha damit insges-
cemetery attached to the tomb of Aha at Abydos. amt sechs." Kaiser and Dreyer, p. 268.
141 Barmgartel, 1973, p. 31. 145 Von der Way, pp. 99-101.
142 Von der Way, 1993, p. 99 and Abb 22. 146 Dreyer, ibid., p. 263, Abb 3b.
143 Mercer also describes the development of serekhs 147 Kaplony, 1963, Tafeln 9-19, 30, 31, 37 (Abb 121), 47,
but not in nearly as much detail as Kaiser and Dreyer: first 50, 52, 53, 62, 63, 120, 121, 175a and b, 176, 177, 186, 195,
of all Amratian serekhs which are "undeveloped and sim- 196, 198, 199 and many more, and Emery, 1961, pp. 100,
ple," then Gerzean where the falcon appears with the nome fig. 64, 199, fig. 117 and 200, fig. 120.
standard. Mercer, 1942, p. 20 and notes 38 and 39; p. 9, 148 Ibid., p. 100, fig. 63 and Kaplony, Tafeln 80, Abb 303;
figs. 1 and 2, p. 11, fig. 4. Barta also discusses early serekhs/ 82, Abb 310; 83, Abb 313, 314; 129, Abb 780, 784, 785; 131,
serekhless kings' names, Barta, 1990, pp. 55-58. Abb 802.

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 THE SEREKH AS AN ASPECT OF THE ICONOGRAPHY OF EARLY KINGSHIP 133

serekhs with Seth animal149 gular frame beneath) holding weapons, stan-
serekhs with Horus falcon and Seth
dardsanimal150
and captives. This kind of serekh will be
(however, this category and thatdiscussed
above below.
appear An early (if not the earliest) ex-
only in the Archaic Period, see note 2 above).
ample would be the ncr-catfish glyph on an ivory
cylinder of Narmer.157 Here the fish (not within a
Why are there different types of serekhs
serekh andoriginating from it) being part
but clearly
how are they being used? Aside from potmarks,
of the king's name and symbolizing the king,
these motifs also appear on sealings anda stick
brandishes ivory with which it is beating cap-
and ebony dockets. They are clearly involved in also performed by kings,
tives. This is a gesture
identifying the ruling king and thence dating.
as Dochniak shows, including: Narmer himself
Dochniak describes a Dynasty I ivory label ofDen on an ivory label from
on his palette,158
Aha from Abydos as being used to date the
Abydos,159 and ob-
figures in the wall painting from
ject to which it was attached.151 Dating and/or
tomb 100 at Hierakonpolis (amongst others).160
identification would seem to be the The purpose
ncr-glyph is of
thus performing a dual func-
serekhs in all contexts in which they appear. If
tion of pictorial imagery and hieroglyphic text.161
this is for identification, is it possible
The Horusthat the
falcon, also in the Narmer palette, is
serekh takes the place of the king clearly
in texts?
representing the king (again, separated
from the serekh). It's outstretched arm, with
The Serekh as the King human hand and fist, holds a rope attached to
the head of the glyph on which it sits, symboliz-
Dochniak argues that in pictorial represen-
ing Narmer's conquest of the Delta.
tations of foundation and dedication festivals,
This quasi-anthropomorphization of glyphs
serekhs are used in place of the king.152 An ex- occurs more generally. We see nome (?) signs
ample of this is in a rock inscription of King Djer
with arms wielding hoes and holding captives on
at Gebel Sheikh Suliman where the serekh (i.e.,
the Libyan palette, the Bull Palette and the Two
the hawk/serekh combination), on the left of Gazelle Palette.162 As to the whole serekh itself,
the inscription, seems to be holding a Nubian there are numerous examples of this endowed
captive153 or, as Aldred put it, "the personifica- with arms, holding an assortment of objects
tion of Nubia is driven forward by the king's (when it is part of the abstract representation of
name."154 A similar example is an ivory label of the royal Ka). Seti I's serekh in a relief on the
Aha from Abydos, where the serekh is facingouter wall of the Hypostyle Hall at Karnak has
such a captive apparently looking to the serekh two arms, one with a feather (Ma' at) in its hand
(hawk/serekh combination as above) as if it were
the other holding a human-headed standard.163
the king.155 Vikentiev describes ivory tablets of Similar Ka-serekhs belong to Ramesses II and are
Sedj-sekhem-ka-Hor-Wenewty in which is com-
memorated the creation of effigies of Djebauty. 157 Dochniak, 1991 (VA 7) p. 102, fig. 1.
The king's (hawk-) serekh, facing the two effigies, 158 Aldred, 1987, p. 86, fig. 49.
seems to be standing in for him in the scene. 159 Smith, 1985, p. 86, fig. 49.
150 Ibid., p. 105, figs. 2-4.
Not only are there examples of the serekh
161 Ibid., p. 103f.
taking the king's place in inscriptions, but there 162 Petrie, 1953, pls. E and G.
are also many examples of serekhs with arms 63 Hall, 1986, fig. 46. Other examples of such represen-
and hands (either on the falcon or on the rectan- tations of the royal Ka occur in Luxor temple involving the
name of Amenhotep III, both the "abstract" royal Ka -
149 Ibid., Tafeln 76, 77 and 80, Abb 302. name on standard with human arms and hands holding
150 Emery? p 101> fig 65 and Kaplony, Tafeln 78; 79, Abb another standard - and the royal Ka depicted as a Horus
291, 292, 297; 80, Abb 303; 82; 83; 89, Abb 338. falcon serekh on the head of a small figure holding a human-
151 Dochniak, 1991 (MA diss.) p. 36 and Aldred, 1980, headed standard (see Brunner, 1977, Tafeln 58, 60 and 64).
p. 36, fig. 8. An example occurs in the funerary chapel of Sahure. Here
152 Dochniak, ibid., p. 44. we have an example of the royal Ka represented as a serekh
153 This js referred to by Dochniak, ibid., pp. 36 and 45 with Horus falcon on a standard with human arms and

and published by Arkell, 1950, p. 28. hands holding, in one hand, a Maat feather and an cnh sign
154 Aldred, 1987, p. 86 and fig. 50. and, in the other, a human-headed standard: see Borchardt,
155 Petrie, 1901, pl. XI, 1. 1913, Blatt 17. Another example occurs even as early as
156 Vikentiev, 1959, pp. 6-7, figs. 1 and 2 and p. 9. Snefru, see Fakhry, 1961, p. 169, fig. 279.

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 134 JARCE XXXIII (1996)

in interior wall reliefs of his Great Abu Simbel

are also portals in temples171). First of all, what
does a false door look like? Haeny has two help-
temple.164 Ramesses III also has such Ka-serekhs
ful with
in his Temple at Medinet Habu: serekhs schematic illustrations, one of the earlier
"Scheintiir"
arms holding, again, the Ma'at-feather and the and the other of the later "Prunk-
Ka-standard,165 serekhs with crowned Horus fal-
scheintur,"172 and there are further reproduc-
cons,166 and serekhs with uncrowned tions falcons, in Hayes.173 At its centre is a niched
with arms holding captives.167 These are doorway,
repre- which derived from the niched facade
sentations of the "abstract" royal Ka, and of appear
archaic period mud brick structures (possibly)
in places where one might expect to see via the
stone (such as the enclosure wall of the Djo-
ser complex).
"regular" royal Ka representation, i.e., that of a The original 'wooden door' is the
"double" of the king with a Ka glyph on deepest
its head cut part of the whole niche, in fact the
(as referred to above). That the latter can 'door'
be re- is the niche proper (as is clearly repre-
placed by or, perhaps, performs the same sented
func-on the painted coffins referred to be-
low).174
tion as the "abstract" Ka (which is represented byIn the false door this niching-effect is
a serekh) only serves to underline the now link transformed,
be- with the panels, which were
tween the Ka and the serekh.168 More crowned originally the lintel and jambs of the 'real' door,
serekhs (or, rather, perhaps crowned serekh filled fal-
with decoration and text. Mereruka's false

cons) are found in the titulary of Queen doorHet-

(referred to above) is unusual in having a
epheres on her bed canopy.169 It shouldstatue also be of the tomb owner stepping out through
noted that in all serekhs of Aha, the falcon it,
is hold-
as if into the chapel; and even more remark-
ing the shield and mace of the chj sign able (D34).170
is that of Idu in which he is represented as a
bust at the base of the door, as if emerging via
False Doors and their the burial shaft from his grave beneath.175 Out
Representations on Coffins of the ordinary they may be, but what excellent
illustrations of the purpose of this feature.
We return now to false doors, which were False doors were portals through which the
mentioned above in conjunction with their re- "spirits" could pass, in temples as well as tombs.
semblance to the serekh design and their rela- As Bell writes of these stelae "all depicted ele-
tionship with the Ka (see above), for which they ments associated with doorways." They had all
provided a way between this world and the next. the parts but could not be opened (by a mere
The use of the false door on coffins illustrates mortal, at least!) and many scholars have called
the adaptation of the design to another themobject
"false doors."176 They were not intended
(often with funerary connotations; false to doors
be opened by humans nor were they a mere
decorative motif, thus to call them "false" doors
is really a misnomer. They were fully functional,
164 Ibid., figs. 55, 56. for the spirit world, as Bell states "they worked
165 Epigraphic Survey, Medinet Habu II, 1932, pls.in101, divine dimension. They were gateways per-
102, 105, 111, 114 and 122- in the last two the hand hold- mitting direct, magical communication between
ing the feather is also holding an cnh.
the earth, sky, and netherworld."177 A powerfully
166 Ibid., pls. 101, 102, 105, 107, 108, 111, 114, 115, 116
and 122 c. symbolic example of the king making a similar
transition between his world and that of the rest
167 Ibid., pls. 118a, c, e and 119 a. Incidentally, in pl. 118 b,
of
d, and f the cartouche is similar - with hands holding cap- mankind took place every time he showed
tives; cf. the cartouche on Thutmosis IV's chariot in Wreszin-
himself at his "Window of Appearance." This was
ski, 1988 Tafeln 1 and 2 and Radwan, 1975, p. 230: Thutmosis'
cartouche is animated, endowed with a Horus head and hu-
man arms with hands holding a captive by the hair. 171 See Bell, forthcoming.
ib» pointed out by Bell, personal communication, Spring 172 LexA V, cols. 564 Abb 1 and 568 Abb 3.
1995. For more on representations of the royal Ka see Bar- 173 Hayes, 1990 (I), p. 95, fig. 53; 105, fig. 60 and 140,
guet, 1951, pp. 205-15. fig. 82.
169 Reisner, 1955, pl. 8 a. 174 Cf. description in Bell, forthcoming.
1/0 Examples are to be found in Kaplony, 1963, Tafeln 175 See note 74 above.
10, 11, 12 and 29, and 1964, Tafel II, 1050c; Tafel VI, 1068 176 Bell, forthcoming.
T10, 11, 12 and 29 also cf. Petrie, 1901, plate III. 177 As above.

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 THE SEREKH AS AN ASPECT OF THE ICONOGRAPHY OF EARLY KINGSHIP 135

a similar portal between his world developed

and that offrom
histhe false door, which would
subjects.178 stress a funereal context, or it developed from
This motif appears on coffins, usually with two the exterior of the king's palace (as a represen-
Uadjet eyes accompanying it, in a panel on top179 tation of a monumental gateway which would
or in the middle of the design,180 giving the im- probably have formed the entrance to the pal-
pression of a "window." The eyes were painted on ace, as can be inferred from the discoveries of
the coffin for the "soul" of the deceased to see Fairservis and his team at Hierakonpolis).186 It
through. The ability to see/pass through the is, of course, possible that the palace exterior
solid
objects of this world is further stressed reached by thethe serekh via the false door or via the
depiction of the false door with the eyes. The niched
use design on the exterior of early tombs
of the false door on coffins probably dates which
fromwere themselves representing the king's
the late Old Kingdom, when increasing instabil- palace (as is generally assumed). We will proba-
ity (as the land headed towards the fragmenta- bly never know what the origin of the motif
tion of the First Intermediate Period) caused a was.187 That one symbol could mean so many
decline in tomb decoration, leading to the repre- different things would not have been problem-
sentation of the most essential elements of the atic to the ancient Egyptians and in fact was
probably
tomb on the coffin itself.181 As Taylor states, "the the intention.
The false door and niched tomb facade have
coffin came to be in some respects a miniature
version of the tomb."182 The motif was retained
funereal contexts, which is where serekhs are
even after more settled circumstances allowed a
usually found (but this, like most of Egyptian
revival of tomb decoration.183 archaeology, may be accidental and therefore
Many coffins with this kind of decorationnotre-
necessarily fundamental to the meaning).
main,184 including an interesting exampleThough
in the this may be the case, it does not mean
Oriental Institute Museum. On the outside, Ipi-
that the serekh was used only by kings once they
were
Ha-Ishutef 's coffin has the two Uadjet eyes indead (moreover, the king's palace is a de-
cidedly
the usual place for him to see out of, but on the non-funerary context). This was how
Petrie
inside, behind those eyes is a false door.185 Thus wished to see it, but that was because he
had misunderstood the nature of the Ka and,
we return to the false door as a portal between
worlds. thus, the Ka-name (which is the name in the
serekh, being also the king's Horus name); the
Conclusion king was the living Horus on earth, and thus
the Ka-name and hence the serekh are associ-

The serekh design seems to have derived from

ated with the living king.
some kind of "door-like" construction. Either it The link between tomb, false door, and king is
an expression of the divinity of the king. For his
178 That at Akhetaten does not remain but is well knownsubjects, the Egyptian king was a gateway (rather
from tomb scenes (cf. Aldred, 1968, pls. 43 and 119 and p. 215,like the Ottoman "Sublime Porte") between the
and 1988, p. 262 and 275); however, that of Ramesses III at
Medinet Habu, between his palace and the (presumably)
public areas of the temple, still does remain (cf. Smith, 1981, 186 The discovery of tne "early dynastic palace gate" at Hi-
p. 364 and Hayes, 1990 (II) p. 366). erakonpolis referred to above is, as said, of interest here. It
179 Cf. inner coffin of army commander, Sepi, fromresembles El the design on the serekh and the bastions in the
Bersha, Dyn. XI/XII in Taylor, 1989, p. 23, fig. 13. enclosure wall of the Djoser complex at Saqqara (though of
180 Cf. the east wall of inner coffin of Gua, from El Bersha,
mud brick rather than stone). A notable observation is that
ibid., p. 18, fig. 6, and outer coffin of Khnumhotep, from
the gate at Hierakonpolis appears very much alone (and thus
Meir, Dyn. XII, ibid., p. 24, fie. 14. looking even more like a serekh?!). Although attached to a
181 Ibid., 1989, p. 8. wall, this wall is much thinner than the body of the gateway,
182 Ibid. and thus with its continuation of the gate's niched design
183 ThiH
would appear to be decorative rather than defensive (as
184 These are amply published by Hayes, p. 315, fig. 204 pointed out by Mark Lehner, Spring 1995).
and 318, fig. 207; Taylor, p. 18, fig. 6, 23, fig. 13, 24, fig. 14 187 This is rather a "chicken and egg" scenario, but it
and 26, fie. 17 and Terrace, 1968, pl. II. seems legitimate to surmise that the earliest serekhs occur
after the beginning of the architecture on which their de-
185 Oriental Institute Museum, case J-8, coffin of Ipi-Ha-
Ishutef. sign was based.

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 136 JARCE XXXIII (1996)

world of the gods and The theserekh dead,

motif would seem
and to bethe
a fine ex-world of

the living. The kingample was Horus,

of the who
Egyptian fondness forinherited
overlapping
his throne from Osiris, symbolism,
thus every with its intentional
living ambiguity
kingallow-
was
Horus and every deceaseding many kingideas aboutOsiris.
kingship, divinity
That andthe
the
name is the Horus-name royal Ka toand that
be expressed withinevery living
one apparently
king is Horus, also goes against
straightforward Pe trie's hypothe-
design.
sis. It is clearly the name of a livingking.
The serekh can stand in for, Further
orQuestions
"be," the king,
because a name represented
The above discussiona person's
of the serekh raises sev- whole
identity; and the serekh represented his Ka, his
eral controversial topics. Given more time to go
palace, his tomb and Horus. That it was con-
into the subject, there are certain aspects that
sidered to be the king is clear from inscriptions
would benefit from further study. The chief prob-
in which the serekh (or parts thereof) is ac-
lem is our lack of understanding of the Ka (how-
tive, possessing arms and holding captives, stan-
ever, a clearer understanding has been achieved
dards and weapons or, apparently, taking part in
in Bell's explanation),189 which seems to have a
a ceremony.
great bearing on the symbolism behind the motif.
As for the meaning of the word srh, this would
More examples of serekhs looked at in more
seem to derive from "cause to know," rather than
detail would be extremely useful: one thing no-
being an independent word with the same sound.
ticed in the course of research was that the falcon
If one considers all the srh words in the diction-
(or Seth animal) on the serekh wore different
aries, all of them would also have a plausible
crowns in different contexts (possibly?) or dif-
etymology in srh, "cause to know, make manifest,
ferent crowns or no crown, especially if in the
display." Kaplony's translation of the word as
context of a relief involving the king (wearing a
"Anzeiger" illustrates this well with this word be-
crown). u
ing derived from "anzeigen" as explained above.
The serekh thus serves to display the divine power
University of Chicago
and might of the king; it is a "banner" proclaim-
ing this.188

188 Cf. Gardiner, referred to on p. 2; see fig. 2a. For ref- 189 Bell, 1985 (TNES) and forthcoming.
190 As above.
erence see n. 4, p. 2.

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