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 FOOTNOTES:

[1] Histoire de la Colonie Française en Canada, vol. i. p. 79.

[2] According to the Jesuit Relations for 1643-4, the Hurons cried out in
their despair: "The Iroquois, our mortal enemies, do not believe in God,
have no love for prayer, commit all kinds of crimes, and nevertheless
they prosper. We, since we have abandoned the customs of our fathers,
are slaughtered and burnt, our villages are destroyed. What good do we
get by lending ear to the Gospel, if conversion and death walk hand in
hand?" Garneau, who quotes this passage, adds: "One tribe of them that
had counted its warriors by hundreds was now reduced to thirty."

[3] Les Jésuites et la Nouvelle France. Vol. i. Introduction, p. xv. More

than two centuries earlier the pious Superior of the Ursuline Convent,
Mère de l'Incarnation, had referred, in her own gentle way, to their
incompleteness. "If," she says, "any one is disposed to conclude that the
labours of the convent are useless because no mention is made of them
in the Relations, the inference must equally be drawn that Monseigneur
the Bishop is useless; that his Seminary is useless; that the Seminary of
the Jesuit fathers themselves is useless; that the ecclesiastics of Montreal
are useless; and that finally the Hospital nuns are useless; because of
none of these persons or things do the Relations say a word. Nothing is
mentioned save what relates to the progress of the Gospel; and, even
so, lots of things are cut out after the record gets to France."—Letires
Spirituelles, edition of 1681, p. 259.
[4] Jesuits in North America, chap. xv.
[5] See the excellent monograph by M. Thos. Chapais, Jean Talon,
Intendant de la Nouvelle France, Quebec, 1904.
[6] See particularly the interesting work of Mr. Ernest Myrand, Frontenac
et ses Amis, Quebec, 1902.
[7] It was not till 1717 that the merchants of Montreal and Quebec were
allowed to meet and discuss business affairs.
[8] Quoted by Faillon, vol. iii. p. 432.
[9] This office was held by Colbert (in connection with a general control
of marine, finance, and public works) from 1669 to the date of his death,
6th September 1683; by his son, the Marquis of Seignelay, from 1683 to
the date of his own death, 3rd November 1690; and from that time to
the conclusion of the period covered by this narrative by the Marquis of
Pontchartrain.
[10] Through the influence of Talon, the king was induced in the year
1668 to sign a decree permitting the Récollets to return to Canada, and
reinstating them in their former possessions. Père Leclercq, Récollet,
says they were very much wanted. "For thirty years," to quote his words,
"complaint was made in Canada that consciences were being burdened;
and the more the colony increased in population the greater was the
outcry. I sincerely hope that there was no real occasion for it, and that
the great rigour of the [Jesuit] clergy was useful and necessary. Still the
Frenchman loves liberty, and under all skies is opposed to constraint,
even in religion."
[11] He had been speaking of the slow growth of the population of
Canada.
[12] Père Leclercq, Premier Etablissement de la Foi, vol. ii. p. 117.
[13] It was no doubt in large measure due to the extraordinary physical
vitality of the French race in Canada that so strong a tendency was
manifested towards this reversion, which of course was facilitated by the
general condition of life in a country that was little else than forest.
"L'école buissonnière" was at every one's door, and the men of the
colony were not alone in feeling the call of the wild. Mère Marie de
l'Incarnation, in her Lettres Spirituelles says: "Sans l'éducation que nous
donnons aux filles françaises qui sont un peu grandes, durant l'espace de
six mois environ, elles seraient des brutes pires que les sauvages; c'est
pourquoi on nous les donne presque toutes, les unes après les autres."
See Ferland's Cours d'Histoire du Canada, vol. ii. p. 85, who quotes this
passage without any reference to page. Passages of similar purport may,
however, be found on pp. 231 and 258 of the first edition (1681) of the
Lettres Spirituelles.
[14] Mr. P. T. Bedard, in his lecture on Frontenac, published in the
Annuaire of the Institut Canadien of Quebec for 1880 speaks of
Frontenac's "duplicity" in this matter, a stronger term than the facts seem
to justify.
[15] Vol. iii. pp. 446-52.
[16] Le Comte de Frontenac, p. 159.
[17] It is to be found in Margry, Mémoires et Documents des Origines
Françaises des Pays d'Outre Mer, vol. i. pp. 301-25.
[18] See Report (Procès Verbal) of the proceedings of the assembly in
Margry, Mémoires et Documents, vol. i. pp. 405-20.
[19] He had been charged some years before by a commissioner sent
out by the Company of the Hundred Associates with embezzlement, and
had taken part in a violent attack on the commissioner and in the seizure
of his papers.
[20] Vie de Colbert, vol. i. p. 502.
[21] Quoted by Gaillardin, Histoire du Règne de Louis XIV, vol. iv. p. 311.
[22] See extract from a letter written by him in Faillon, vol. iii. p. 315.
The Récollet, Père Leclercq, is uncharitable enough to hint that the
canoe accident may have been made to cover a lack of the documents
which the explorer professed to have had with him.
[23] See the Recit d'un ami de l'Abbé Galinée, in Margry, vol. i.
[24] Mère de l'Incarnation remarked even in her day the decrease of the
native population. "When we arrived in this country," she says, "the
Indians were so numerous that it seemed as if they were going to grow
into a vast population; but after they were baptized God called them to
Himself either by disease or by the hands of the Iroquois. It was perhaps
His wise design to permit their death lest their hearts should turn to
wickedness."—Lettres Spirituelles, edition of 1681, p. 230.
[25] Colden pithily sums up the result of the campaign in the following
words: "Thus a very chargeable and fatiguing expedition (which was to
strike terror of the French name into the stubborn hearts of the Five
Nations) ended in a scold between the French general and an old
Indian."
[26] Saint Vallier, Etat présent de l'Eglise et de la Colonie Française, p.
84.
[27] New York Colonial Documents, vol. ix. p. 268. See also "Transactions
between England and France, relating to Hudson's Bay, 1687," in
Canadian Archives, 1883, p. 173.
[28] Clément, Vie de Colbert, p. 456.
[29] "In dealing with indigenous races," observes M. Lorin, "governors
were sometimes obliged to sacrifice a few victims to the ferocity of
savages; and it was not on the eve of a campaign that it would have
been wise to exhibit towards the Iroquois a humanity that would have
been mistaken for weakness."—Comte de Frontenac, p. 333. We may
certainly agree that it would have been difficult for those who had
captured peaceful and unsuspecting natives for the horrible régime of
the galleys to adopt a high humanitarian tone in reproving the cruelties
of their Indian confederates and converts.
[30] New York Colonial Documents, vol. ix. p. 389.
[31] See his Lake St. Louis, Old and New.
[32] Both as regards the number of the slain and the details of the
massacre Charlevoix simply repeats the statements made by Frontenac
in a despatch dated the 15th November 1689, one month after his return
to Canada, and after several days spent at the scene of the disaster and
at Montreal. It is he who speaks of the "enlèvement de cent vingt
personnes après un massacre de deux cents brûlés, rôtis vifs, mangés, et
les enfans arrachés du ventre de leurs mères." The tendency in
furnishing information to the French government was always to
exaggerate the havoc wrought by the Indians. At the time Frontenac
wrote this despatch he was not aware of the further massacre at La
Chesnaye, the news of which only reached him on the 17th of November.
[33] Frontenac et ses Amis, p. 93.
[34] Comte de Frontenac, p. 358.
[35] Far from yielding to Frontenac's view of the matter, Denonville
doggedly adhered to his own opinion that the fort ought to be entirely
abandoned; and, when it was found that it had only been partly
destroyed, he wrote to the king advising that Frontenac should be
ordered to send up three hundred men with instructions to demolish it
utterly.
[36] Parkman tells the story in his usual brilliant manner in chapter iii. of
his Old Régime in Canada. Père Charlevoix gives the facts and adds: "Je
l'ai vu en 1721, âgé de quatre-vingt ans, plein de forces et de santé;
toute la colonie rendant hommage à sa vertu et à son mérite," vol. ii. p.
111, edition of 1744.
[37] New York Colonial Documents, p. 464.
[38] Perrot and his party, according to Monseignat's narrative, left the
end of the Island of Montreal on the 22nd May. The Albany—or more
correctly Schenectady party, for they did not venture to attack Albany—
returned towards the end of March. Frontenac's message must have
been composed some months before Perrot's departure, otherwise he
would undoubtedly have mentioned with pride the Schenectady
massacre. It was certainly not up to date.
[39] "There was little resistance," says Père Chrétien Leclercq, a
contemporary writer, "except at one house, where Sieur de Marque
Montigny was wounded; but Sieur de Ste. Hélène, having come up, all
were slaughtered with sword or tomahawk, the Indians sparing no
one."—Premier Etablissement de la Foi.
[40] Documentary History of New York, vol. ii. pp. 164-9.
[41] New York Colonial Documents, vol. ix. p. 440. See also Lorin, Comte
de Frontenac, chap. x.
[42] Comte de Frontenac, p. 367.
[43] Names given by the Indians to the governors of New York and
Massachusetts; Corlaer being a corruption of Cuyler, a Dutchman of the
early period held in high honour by them, and Kishon signifying "The
Fish."
[44] See "Winthrop's Journal" in New York Colonial Documents, vol. iv. p.
193.