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EMOTIONALLABORIN SERVICEROLES:
THEINFLUENCEOF IDENTITY
BLAKEE. ASHFORTH
Concordia University
RONALD H. HUMPHREY
Wayne State University
The role of emotion in the workplace has been a constant though often
implicit theme in the organizational behavior literature. The interactive
effects among the work context, the work content, and the individual's
emotional state-frequently operationalized as satisfaction, intrinsic mo-
tivation, stress, and mood-has been examined under such headings as
job design (Hackman & Oldham, 1980), decision making and innovation
(Isen & Baron, 1991), group dynamics (Smith & Berg, 1987), leadership
(Yukl, 1989), culture and climate (Schneider, 1990a), and the physical en-
vironment (Sundstrom, 1986).
Recent theoretical and empirical work has been focused on how emo-
tions are expressed in the workplace as well as on how they are experi-
enced (James, 1989; Parkinson, 1991; Rafaeli & Sutton, 1987, 1989, 1991;
Stenross & Kleinman, 1989; Sutton, 1991; Van Maanen & Kunda, 1989;
Zerbe & Falkenberg, 1989). This work indicates that the manner in which
one displays feelings has a strong impact on the quality of service trans-
actions, the attractiveness of the interpersonal climate, and the experi-
ence of emotion itself.
The present discussion focuses on the concept of emotional labor
(Hochschild, 1979, 1983), that is, the act of expressing socially desired
The authors thank Fred Mael, David Waldman, and the participants in Gary Johns's
organizational behavior doctoral seminar at Concordia University for their helpful com-
ments on earlier drafts of this article.
88
EMOTIONAL
LABOR
Hochschild (1979, 1983) argued that common expectations exist con-
cerning the appropriate emotional reactions of individuals involved in
service transactions. These expectations give rise to feeling rules or
norms that specify the range, intensity, duration, and object of emotions
that should be experienced. Thus, flight attendants are expected to feel
cheerful and friendly, funeral directors are expected to feel somber and
reserved, and nurses are expected to feel empathetic and supportive.
Following Rafaeli and Sutton's (1989) lead, we prefer the term display
rules (Ekman, 1973) to feeling rules because the former refers to what
emotions ought to be publicly expressed rather than to what emotions are
actually felt. Because display rules refer to behavior rather than to inter-
nal states, it is relatively easy for customers, managers, and peers to
observe one's level of compliance with the rules.
We define the act of displaying the appropriate emotion (i.e., con-
forming with a display rule) as emotional labor. This notion differs some-
what from Hochschild's (1983: 7) definition of emotional labor as "the man-
agement of feeling to create a publicly observable facial and bodily dis-
play." We prefer to focus on behavior rather than on the presumed
emotions underlying behavior because (a) as we noted previously, it is
the actual behavior or compliance with display rules that is directly ob-
served by and directly affects service recipients and (b) as we will dis-
cuss, one may conform with display rules without having to "manage"
feelings. Thus, our definition both emphasizes behavior and decouples
the experience of emotion from the expression of emotion.
Emotional labor can be considered a form of impression management
to the extent that the laborer deliberately attempts to direct his or her
behavior toward others in order to foster both certain social perceptions of
himself or herself and a certain interpersonal climate (Gardner & Mar-
tinko, 1988; Grove & Fisk, 1989). Indeed, like impression management
theory, Hochschild's (1983) conception of emotional labor draws heavily
on the dramaturgical perspective (Goffman, 1959, 1969): The laborer is
viewed as an actor performing on stage for an often discriminating audi-
ence.
The Service Context
According to the services management literature, there are several
reasons why the concept of emotional labor has particular relevance to
service encounters (Bowen, Chase, Cummings, & Associates, 1990; Bowen
& Schneider, 1988; Brown, Gummesson, Edvardsson, & Gustavsson, 1991).
First, front-line service personnel are situated at the organization-
customer interface and, thus, represent the organization to customers.
(The generic term customers is meant to encompass specific types such as
patients, clients, and students.) Second, service transactions often in-
volve face-to-face interactions between service agents and customers.
Third, given the uncertainty created by customer participation in the ser-
vice encounter, such encounters often have a dynamic and emergent
quality. Fourth, the services rendered during an encounter are relatively
intangible, thus making it difficult for customers to evaluate service qual-
ity. These four factors place a premium on the behavior of the service
agent during the encounter, and this behavior often strongly affects cus-
tomers' perceptions of product quality, both of goods and services (Bowen
et al., 1989).
Thus, following Hochschild (1983), we focus on organizational mem-
bers in customer-contact functions. Although our primary focus is on
transactions with external customers, these arguments also apply to
transactions involving internal customers. It should also be noted that in
Plas & Hoover-Dempsey, 1988). Further, consistent with the dynamic and
emergent nature of many encounters, ethnographic studies of emotional
labor indicate that different occupational/organizational display rules
tend to be utilized as the demands of a given transaction change (e.g.,
Clark & LaBeff, 1982; Rafaeli, 1989; Sutton, 1991).
Finally, occupational and organizational norms also tend to be con-
sistent with societal norms, though exceptions in these cases are more
prevalent. Occupational or organizational display rules may differ in de-
gree or in kind from societal display rules. As an example of the former,
patients expect their physicians to demonstrate personal concern and
solicitude, whereas physicians share an occupational norm that legiti-
mates a greater degree of detachment (Lief & Fox, 1963). Generally, the
greater the power and status of the agent, occupation, or organization
vis-a-vis the customer, the greater the latitude to modify the degree of
compliance with societal norms. As an example of differences in the kind
of display rules, Rafaeli and Sutton (1991) demonstrated how police inter-
rogators and bill collectors expressed hostility and coldness to induce
anxiety in suspects and debtors. Differences in kind often reflect a coer-
cive element, where the presence of the target is more or less involuntary
and the agent has greater power than the target and greater control over
the encounter. Other examples of this coercive element include some
encounters with trial lawyers, teachers, emergency response personnel,
and prison officials.
Surface Acting and Deep Acting
Hochschild (1979, 1983) argued that a service provider performs emo-
tional labor in one of two ways. First, he or she may comply with display
rules through surface acting. Surface acting involves simulating emotions
that are not actually felt, which is accomplished by careful presentation
of verbal and nonverbal cues, such as facial expression, gestures, and
voice tone. In this way, the service agent feigns emotions that are not
experienced. A flight attendant discussed how she would prevent panic
during a crisis, despite her own anxiety:
I may just talk to myself: "Watch it. Don't let him get to you.
Don't let him get to you...." And I'll talk to my partner and
she'll say the same thing to me. After a while, the anger goes
away. (Hochschild, 1983:55)
Hochschild (1983: 38-42) discussed two avenues for deep acting: (a)
exhorting feeling, whereby one actively attempts to evoke or suppress an
emotion and (b) trained imagination, whereby one actively invokes
thoughts, images, and memories to induce the associated emotion (think-
ing of a wedding to feel happy). Surface acting focuses directly on one's
outward behavior; deep acting focuses directly on one's inner feelings.
Thus, this latter form of emotional labor extends the conventional notion
of impression management as the direct manipulation of behavior: In
deep acting, behavioral change is an indirect effect.
We noted previously that surface acting is consistent with either a
strong or weak concern for one's customers. Given the greater psychic
effort involved in deep acting, it appears that this form of emotional labor
is more consistent with a strong concern for one's customers.
Finally, the concepts of surface and deep acting refer to the effort or
act of trying to display the appropriate emotion, not to the outcomes-that
is, the quality of the effort (how genuine the emotion appears) and the
effects this effort has on the target audience (Hochschild, 1979). Just as the
performances of professional actors vary in quality, so too does the qual-
ity of emotional labor vary across service providers and across service
episodes for a given provider. Indeed, it seems likely that effort and out-
smoothly (Gross & Stone, 1964). Also, by mandating the display of emotion
and not the authentic experience of emotion, display rules allow the la-
borer to cognitively distance himself or herself from the implicated emo-
tion and to maintain his or her objectivity and emotional equilibrium.
Medical students learn the art of "detached concern" (Lief & Fox, 1963),
where they convey concern but remain sufficiently aloof to retain their
impartiality, and lawyers learn to act aggressively in court on behalf of
their clients without feeling conflicted about the actual guilt of their cli-
ents (Hirschhorn, 1989).
Service provider. Emotional labor also may facilitate self-expression.
As with most norms, although display rules do constrain behavior, there
is a certain degree of latitude in how they are enacted. This range of
acceptability enables the service agent to project at least some of the
"authentic self" into the enactment, that is, a sense of who one is, a sense
of what one values and wants, and a sense of how one is connected to
others. Clark and LaBeff (1982) discussed the wide variety of styles used
by professionals to inform people of the death of a loved one while re-
maining consistent with the norms of expressed compassion and support-
iveness, and Jackall (1978) described how bank tellers modified organi-
zationally mandated display rules to suit their own interpersonal styles.
Research on environmental psychology indicates that opportunities to
"personalize" the physical workspace-to modify it to reflect one's iden-
tity-are associated with satisfaction (Sundstrom, 1986). Analogously, it
seems likely that the personalization of role enactment afforded by ex-
pressive latitude would promote well-being.
This discussion suggests the following propositions:
Proposition 1: If the expression of emotion is perceived
by the audience as sincere, then compliance with dis-
play rules will be positively associated with task perfor-
mance.
Proposition 2: The latitude for self-expression in the per-
formance of emotional labor will be positively associ-
ated with personal well-being.
It should be noted that occasional deviations from display rules also
may facilitate task effectiveness and self-expression. First, by selectively
breaking rules, one effectively steps "out of role" to communicate the
nature and depth of one's (actual or apparent) personal convictions.
Santino (1990) described occupational stories exchanged by flight atten-
dants and by Pullman porters in which an agent, provoked by a very rude
passenger or pilot/conductor, responds directly and sharply. The deviant
nature of the retort lends weight to the message and may even help forge
new display rules, particularly if the agent involved has accumulated
idiosyncrasy credits (Hollander, 1964). The very popularity of such occu-
pational stories signifies their salutary effect on agents' collective esteem
and solidarity.
Second, Rafaeli and Sutton (1991) studied the use of emotional con-
trast strategies. Police interrogators and bill collectors often conveyed a
mix of positive and negative emotions to create a contrast effect that
simultaneously heightened the anxiety-inducing properties of the nega-
tive emotions and the trust-inducing properties of the positive emotions.
By deviating from suspects' and debtors' stereotypic expectations of neg-
ative displays, the agents believed they gained greater compliance.
Dysfunctions of Emotional Labor
Task effectiveness. Emotional labor, however, is a double-edged
sword. Ashforth (In press) argues that when a system is established to
oversee a given concern, the reasonable expectation is created that the
concern will be effectively addressed. Analogously, the very presence of
a service agent (e.g., a bank teller versus an automated teller machine)
creates the expectation that good service will be forthcoming. However,
good service is often difficult to provide. First, customer perceptions of
good service hinge on more than mechanical conformity with display
rules: They hinge on the extent to which the service agent conveys a sense
of genuine interpersonal sensitivity and concern. The establishment of
this emotional rapport or resonance cannot be simply mandated by the
organization. Second, the ability of service agents to provide good service
is often externally constrained by physical and resource limitations,
peak/off-peak fluctuations in the level of customer demand, conflicting
and ambiguous role demands from customers, peers, and management,
and so forth. Third, "good service" is necessarily in the eye of the be-
holder, and the potential for disappointment is high, (a) given that spe-
cific expectations often vary across customers and that a service agent
may not perceive or may be incapable of responding to such variation and
(b) given that various cognitive biases predispose customers to perceive
their treatment unfavorably (Ashforth, In press). The risk, then, in priming
expectations of good service is that they may go unmet, thus alienating
the customer. This double-edge notion is succinctly captured by Thomp-
son (1976: 115): "synthetic compassion can be more offensive than none at
all."
Service provider. What is functional for the organization and cus-
tomer may well be dysfunctional for the service provider. Hochschild's
(1983) interest in emotional labor stems from what she argues are the
pernicious effects of both surface acting and deep acting on the laborer.
First, portraying emotions that are not felt (surface acting) creates a sense
of strain that Hochschild terms emotive dissonance, which is akin to cog-
nitive dissonance. This dissonance may cause the individual to feel false
and hypocritical. Loseke and Cahill (1986) described such a dilemma en-
countered by social work students: Their helping role often necessitated
that they mask their feelings from clients, and yet they experienced this
masking as fraudulent and as an indication that they were not bona fide
social workers. Ultimately, such dissonance could lead to personal and
they were forced to physically restrain or coerce patients (cf. role distanc-
ing, Goffman, 1961), and Lifton (1986) described how Nazi doctors utilized
"psychological numbing" so as not to feel guilt and shame at their com-
plicity in the extermination of human beings while ostensibly affirming
their Hippocratic Oath of caregiving. Though the latter example is ex-
treme, it does point out the potential to cognitively insulate oneself from
emotional discrepancies.
Such techniques are frequently intended to create a psychological
and perhaps even physical boundary between one's central identity and
the undesired identity implied by one's role behavior (Epstein, 1989). The
boundary acts as a buffer or breakwater against the daily assaults on a
cherished self, forestalling the potential dysfunctions of emotional labor
and the impetus for identity realignment. Indeed, given how frequently
defense mechanisms appear to be used in everyday life, it could be ar-
gued that the dysfunctions of emotional labor represent a failure of one's
routine resistances to change in the self.
Given the normative quality of display rules (and feeling rules), de-
fense mechanisms often require the tacit support of management or the
legitimation of an occupational subculture or counterculture (Thoits, 1990;
Van Maanen & Barley, 1984). Organizations that require frequent emo-
tional labor, such as retail stores and banks, often rigorously demarcate
"frontstage" and "backstage" regions to allow employees to temporarily
"step out of character" and relax (Goffman, 1959), and Rosecrance (1988)
found that public defenders' attempts to neutralize the hostility of their
clients were heavily supported by occupational myths (e.g., clients are
naive).
This discussion suggests two further propositions:
Proposition 8: Organizational efforts to encourage iden-
tification with the service role (or the values and norms
of the role) are less likely to succeed if they are per-
ceived by the service provider to be heavy-handed and
insensitive to his or her individuality, professionalism,
or worth.
Proposition 9: Surface acting and deep acting are less
likely to foster identification with the service role (or the
values and norms of the role) if the service provider uti-
lizes behavioral or cognitive defense mechanisms to re-
move or avoid the causes of the discrepancies or to
buffer the psychological impact of the discrepancies.
Emotional Costs of Identification
Finally, it should be noted that identification carries its own set of
potential emotional risks. One risk entails burnout. Field research sug-
gests that human service workers often become emotionally exhausted by
their ongoing attempts to provide care and support for needy people (Lee
& Ashforth, In press; Maslach, 1982). Exhausted workers report that, de-
spite their best efforts, they are simply unable to give any more of them-
selves. Maslach (1982) found that individuals with high initial job involve-
ment, professional commitment, idealism, and empathy for others are
most susceptible to burnout, presumably because they invest more emo-
tion in the enactment of their helping role. These, of course, are precisely
the individuals most likely to identify with their roles.
A second and related risk involves self-esteem. Social identity theo-
rists maintain that individuals identify with groups partly to enhance
self-esteem (Hogg & Abrams, 1990). Thus, identification can be emotion-
ally debilitating if one is forcibly separated from the group in question, as
through a layoff, transfer, or retirement, or if the group performs poorly or
becomes socially stigmatized. The debilitating effect of identification can
be mitigated, however, if one is able to rationalize the negative event or
find another basis for social comparison (Mael & Ashforth, 1992).
Third, identification with a role may exacerbate the psychological
impact of job stressors and performance failures. The more individuals
define themselves in terms of their organizational roles, the greater the
internalization of role obligations (Ashforth & Mael, 1989) and the more
likely they will feel anxious if they are unable to fulfill those obligations.
In Burke's (1991) terms, this failure "interrupts" the continuous verification
of one's social identity, triggering distress. Thus, in a study of bank em-
ployees, Schneider (1980) found that it was precisely those employees who
were most committed to a service orientation that experienced the great-
est frustration at management's tendency to put efficiency ahead of ser-
vice.
These emotional risks stem from a fundamental dependency on the
work identity. Research on social identity indicates that the accumulation
of multiple identities generally benefits one's psychological health
(Thoits, 1983, 1991). The greater the proportion of one's self-conception
that is vested in a single identity, the more emotionally susceptible is one
to the ups and downs of the role or group in question. Indeed, two items
from the Mael and Ashforth (1992: 122) measure of organizational identi-
fication are "When someone criticizes [this organization], it feels like a
personal insult" and "This organization's successes are my successes."
Thus, the more central the role in one's identity, the greater the vulnera-
bility to emotional costs. Ironically, it may well be the alienated em-
ployee who is best able to distance himself or herself from the group and
its associated emotional demands. Note, however, that the very depen-
dency that puts one at risk may also function as a source of emotional
well-being, providing a sense of belongingness, empowerment, and
meaningfulness (Ashforth & Mael, 1989).
This discussion suggests a final proposition:
DISCUSSIONAND CONCLUSION
Hochschild (1983) argued that service providers are expected to feel
and display certain emotions during service encounters. The act of dis-
playing the appropriate emotion is termed emotional labor. If service
providers do not genuinely feel the expected emotion, then emotional
labor may be performed through either surface acting, whereby they pre-
tend to feel the emotion, or deep acting, whereby they induce themselves
to feel the emotion. Emotional labor is a double-edged sword in that it can
facilitate task performance by regulating interaction and precluding in-
terpersonal problems, or it can impair performance by priming expecta-
tions of good service that cannot be met. Also, although emotional labor
may provide the service agent with some leeway for self-expression,
Hochschild (1983) argued that it may undermine personal well-being
through emotive dissonance (the sense of strain caused by portraying
feelings that are not felt) and self-alienation (the loss of one's sense of
authentic self).
We argued that this perspective on emotional labor could be enriched
by incorporating the concept of identity. Specifically, we maintained that
the negative effects of emotional labor on the well-being of the service
provider are moderated by identification with the role (or the values and
norms of the role) in question. Indeed, identification may render emo-
tional labor enjoyable and enhance well-being. It was further maintained
that (a) surface acting and deep acting trigger psychological pressures to
align one's experience of emotions with one's expression of emotions, but
that service providers may use various behavioral and cognitive defense
mechanisms to mitigate these pressures and thus forestall identity re-
alignment and (b) organizations often attempt to recruit, select, socialize,
and reinforce the internalization of and compliance with display rules in
occupations where emotional labor is central to the work role. Identifica-
tion, however, carries an emotional risk: It may psychologically bind one
to the role such that one's well-being becomes more or less yoked to
perceived successes and failures in the role.
Research Implications
This perspective suggests several directions for future research.
First, at the micro level, researchers should focus on the experience and
expression of emotion during service episodes. Particular attention
should be paid to the interaction of situational, interpersonal, and indi-
vidual factors and the way in which the process of emotional labor un-
folds and with what outcomes. The literatures on services marketing,
identity, emotional labor, dramaturgy, and impression management sug-
gest a host of potentially important variables. A partial list of situational
and interpersonal variables include transaction-defining and identity
cues, consistency between customer expectations and occupational and
organizational display rules, duration of the episode, time pressure, de-
points. Thus, the propositions may apply generally across the organiza-
tion (Rafaeli & Sutton, 1989). However, researchers should consider the
differences between internal or external customer contact roles and other
roles and the implications these differences may have for the develop-
ment of display rules, the performance of -and sanctions for -emotional
labor, and tendencies toward identification. For example, one could ar-
gue that display rules generally are less likely to regulate non-customer-
related within-organization interactions because (a) service agents typi-
cally are responsible for enacting the organization's desired image vis-
a-vis external customers and perhaps the department's or occupation's
desired image vis-a-vis internal customers and (b) external customers, as
"partial employees" (Mills & Morris, 1986), tend to be seen less frequently
and turn over more quickly than full employees; thus, they are less likely
to develop an informal, personalized working relationship with organi-
zational members. Or one could argue that display rules are more likely
to regulate interactions across hierarchical, departmental, and occupa-
tional boundaries than interactions within such boundaries, because of
differences in status, authority, and so on.
Conclusion
Interactions involving organizational members are subject to norms
regarding the content, intensity, diversity, and consistency of displayed
emotion. The resulting emotional labor suggests that the expression of
socially appropriate emotion constitutes a neglected form of role demand.
Given the centrality of emotion in the construction of one's perceptions of
the world and the self and, thus, the potentially important effects of re-
working one's emotions, it is crucial that management researchers study
the whys and wherefores of this phenomenon.
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Blake Ashforth received his Ph.D. in organizational behavior from the University of
Toronto. He is an associate professor of management at Concordia University, Mon-
treal, Canada. His current research interests include the dysfunctions of organiza-
tional structures and processes, the adjustment of newcomers to work, and the links
between micro level (individual), meso level (groups), and macro level (organiza-
tional) processes.
Ron Humphrey received his Ph.D. in sociology and social psychology from the Uni-
versity of Michigan. He is currently an assistant professor at Wayne State Univer-
sity, Detroit, in the Department of Management. His research interests focus on how
organizational structures and job characteristics influence cognitive and emotional
processes, including decision making, power relations, communication, prototypes,
and scripts.