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vi CONTENTS
CHAPtER 3 Central Tendency 67

PREVIEW 68
3.1 Overview 68
3.2 The Mean 70
3.3 The Median 79
3.4 The Mode 83
3.5 Selecting a Measure of Central Tendency 86
3.6 Central Tendency and the Shape of the Distribution 92
Summary 94
Focus on Problem Solving 95
Demonstration 3.1 96
Problems 96
CHAPtER 4 Variability 99
PREVIEW 100
4.1 Introduction to Variability 101
4.2 Defining Standard Deviation and Variance 103
4.3 Measuring Variance and Standard Deviation for a Population 108
4.4 Measuring Standard Deviation and Variance for a Sample 111
4.5 Sample Variance as an Unbiased Statistic 117
4.6 More about Variance and Standard Deviation 119
Summary 125
Problems 128
z-Scores: Location of Scores

CHAPtER 5 and Standardized Distributions 131
PREVIEW 132
5.1 Introduction to z-Scores 133
5.2 z-Scores and Locations in a Distribution 135
5.3 Other Relationships Between z, X, 𝛍, and 𝛔 138
CONTENTS vii
5.4 Using z-Scores to Standardize a Distribution 141

5.5 Other Standardized Distributions Based on z-Scores 145
5.6 Computing z-Scores for Samples 148
5.7 Looking Ahead to Inferential Statistics 150
Summary 153
Problems 156
CHAPtER 6 Probability 159

PREVIEW 160
6.1 Introduction to Probability 160
6.2 Probability and the Normal Distribution 165
6.3 Probabilities and Proportions for Scores
from a Normal Distribution 172
6.4 Probability and the Binomial Distribution 179
Summary 186
Problems 189
Probability and Samples: The Distribution

CHAPtER 7 of Sample Means 193
PREVIEW 194
7.1 Samples, Populations, and the Distribution
of Sample Means 194
7.2 The Distribution of Sample Means for any Population
and any Sample Size 199
7.3 Probability and the Distribution of Sample Means 206
7.4 More about Standard Error 210
viii CONTENTS
Summary 219
Problems 221
CHAPtER 8 Introduction to Hypothesis Testing 223

PREVIEW 224
8.1 The Logic of Hypothesis Testing 225
8.2 Uncertainty and Errors in Hypothesis Testing 236
8.3 More about Hypothesis Tests 240
8.4 Directional (One-Tailed) Hypothesis Tests 245
8.5 Concerns about Hypothesis Testing: Measuring Effect Size 250
8.6 Statistical Power 254
Summary 260
Problems 263
CHAPtER 9 Introduction to the t Statistic 267

PREVIEW 268
9.1 The t Statistic: An Alternative to z 268
9.2 Hypothesis Tests with the t Statistic 274
9.3 Measuring Effect Size for the t Statistic 279
9.4 Directional Hypotheses and One-Tailed Tests 288
Summary 291
Problems 295
CONTENTS ix
CHAPtER 10 The t Test for Two Independent Samples 299

PREVIEW 300
10.1 Introduction to the Independent-Measures Design 300
10.2 The Null Hypothesis and the Independent-Measures t Statistic 302
10.3 Hypothesis Tests with the Independent-Measures t Statistic 310
10.4 Effect Size and Confidence Intervals for the
Independent-Measures t 316
10.5 The Role of Sample Variance and Sample Size in the
Independent-Measures t Test 322
Summary 325
Problems 329
CHAPtER 11 The t Test for Two Related Samples 335

PREVIEW 336
11.1 Introduction to Repeated-Measures Designs 336
11.2 The t Statistic for a Repeated-Measures Research Design 339
11.3 Hypothesis Tests for the Repeated-Measures Design 343
11.4 Effect Size and Confidence Intervals for the Repeated-Measures t 347
11.5 Comparing Repeated- and Independent-Measures Designs 352
Summary 355
Problems 360
CHAPtER 12 Introduction to Analysis of Variance 365

PREVIEW 366
12.1 Introduction (An Overview of Analysis of Variance) 366
12.2 The Logic of Analysis of Variance 372
12.3 ANOVA Notation and Formulas 375
x CONTENTS
12.4 Examples of Hypothesis Testing and Effect Size with ANOVA 383
12.5 Post Hoc Tests 393
12.6 More about ANOVA 397
Summary 403
Problems 408
CHAPtER 13 Repeated-Measures Analysis of Variance 413

PREVIEW 414
13.1 Overview of the Repeated-Measures ANOVA 415
13.2 Hypothesis Testing and Effect Size with the
Repeated-Measures ANOVA 420
13.3 More about the Repeated-Measures Design 429
Summary 436
Problems 441
Two-Factor Analysis of Variance

CHAPtER 14 (Independent Measures) 447
PREVIEW 448
14.1 An Overview of the Two-Factor, Independent-Measures, ANOVA: Main
Effects and Interactions 448
14.2 An Example of the Two-Factor ANOVA and Effect Size 458
14.3 More about the Two-Factor ANOVA 467
Summary 473
Problems 479
CONTENTS xi
CHAPtER 15 Correlation 485

PREVIEW 486
15.1 Introduction 487
15.2 The Pearson Correlation 489
15.3 Using and Interpreting the Pearson Correlation 495
15.4 Hypothesis Tests with the Pearson Correlation 506
15.5 Alternatives to the Pearson Correlation 510
Summary 520
Problems 524
CHAPtER 16 Introduction to Regression 529

PREVIEW 530
16.1 Introduction to Linear Equations and Regression 530
16.2 The Standard Error of Estimate and Analysis of Regression:
The Significance of the Regression Equation 538
16.3 Introduction to Multiple Regression with Two Predictor Variables 544
Summary 552
Linear and Multiple Regression 554
Problems 556
The Chi-Square Statistic: Tests for Goodness

CHAPtER 17 of Fit and Independence 559
PREVIEW 560
17.1 Introduction to Chi-Square: The Test for Goodness of Fit 561
17.2 An Example of the Chi-Square Test for Goodness of Fit 567
17.3 The Chi-Square Test for Independence 573
17.4 Effect Size and Assumptions for the Chi-Square Tests 582
17.5 Special Applications of the Chi-Square Tests 587
xii CONTENTS
Summary 591
Problems 597
CHAPtER 18 The Binomial Test 603

PREVIEW 604
18.1 Introduction to the Binomial Test 604
18.2 An Example of the Binomial Test 608
18.3 More about the Binomial Test: Relationship with Chi-Square
and the Sign Test 612
Summary 617
Problems 620
A PPE N D IX E S
A Basic Mathematics Review 625
A.1 Symbols and Notation 627
A.2 Proportions: Fractions, Decimals, and Percentages 629
A.3 Negative Numbers 635
A.4 Basic Algebra: Solving Equations 637
A.5 Exponents and Square Roots 640
B Statistical Tables 647
C Solutions for Odd-Numbered Problems in the Text 663
D General Instructions for Using SPSS 683
E Hypothesis Tests for Ordinal Data: Mann-Whitney,
Wilcoxon, Kruskal-Wallis, and Friedman Tests 687
Statistics Organizer: Finding the Right Statistics for Your Data 701
References 717
Name Index 723
Subject Index 725
PREFACE
M any students in the behavioral sciences view the required statistics course as an
intimidating obstacle that has been placed in the middle of an otherwise interest-
ing curriculum. They want to learn about human behavior—not about math and science.
As a result, the statistics course is seen as irrelevant to their education and career goals.
However, as long as the behavioral sciences are founded in science, knowledge of statistics
will be necessary. Statistical procedures provide researchers with objective and systematic
methods for describing and interpreting their research results. Scientific research is the
system that we use to gather information, and statistics are the tools that we use to distill
the information into sensible and justified conclusions. The goal of this book is not only
to teach the methods of statistics, but also to convey the basic principles of objectivity and
logic that are essential for science and valuable for decision making in everyday life.
Those of you who are familiar with previous editions of Statistics for the Behavioral
Sciences will notice that some changes have been made. These changes are summarized
in the section entitled “To the Instructor.” In revising this text, our students have been
foremost in our minds. Over the years, they have provided honest and useful feedback.
Their hard work and perseverance has made our writing and teaching most rewarding. We
sincerely thank them. Students who are using this edition should please read the section of
the preface entitled “To the Student.”
The book chapters are organized in the sequence that we use for our own statistics
courses. We begin with descriptive statistics, and then examine a variety of statistical pro-
cedures focused on sample means and variance before moving on to correlational methods
and nonparametric statistics. Information about modifying this sequence is presented in the
To The Instructor section for individuals who prefer a different organization. Each chapter
contains numerous examples, many based on actual research studies, learning checks, a
summary and list of key terms, and a set of 20–30 problems.
Ancillaries
Ancillaries for this edition include the following.
■■ MindTap® Psychology: MindTap® Psychology for Gravetter/Wallnau’s Statistics
for The Behavioral Sciences, 10th Edition is the digital learning solution that helps
instructors engage and transform today’s students into critical thinkers. Through paths
of dynamic assignments and applications that you can personalize, real-time course
analytics, and an accessible reader, MindTap helps you turn cookie cutter into cutting
edge, apathy into engagement, and memorizers into higher-level thinkers.
As an instructor using MindTap you have at your fingertips the right content and
unique set of tools curated specifically for your course, such as video tutorials that
walk students through various concepts and interactive problem tutorials that provide
students opportunities to practice what they have learned, all in an interface designed
to improve workflow and save time when planning lessons and course structure. The
control to build and personalize your course is all yours, focusing on the most relevant
xiii
xiv PREFACE
material while also lowering costs for your students. Stay connected and informed in
your course through real time student tracking that provides the opportunity to adjust
the course as needed based on analytics of interactivity in the course.
■■ Online Instructor’s Manual: The manual includes learning objectives, key terms,
a detailed chapter outline, a chapter summary, lesson plans, discussion topics, student
activities, “What If” scenarios, media tools, a sample syllabus and an expanded test
bank. The learning objectives are correlated with the discussion topics, student
activities, and media tools.
■■ Online PowerPoints: Helping you make your lectures more engaging while effec-
tively reaching your visually oriented students, these handy Microsoft PowerPoint®
slides outline the chapters of the main text in a classroom-ready presentation. The
PowerPoint® slides are updated to reflect the content and organization of the new
edition of the text.
■■ Cengage Learning Testing, powered by Cognero®: Cengage Learning Testing,
Powered by Cognero®, is a flexible online system that allows you to author, edit,
and manage test bank content. You can create multiple test versions in an instant and
deliver tests from your LMS in your classroom.
Acknowledgments
It takes a lot of good, hard-working people to produce a book. Our friends at Cengage
have made enormous contributions to this textbook. We thank: Jon-David Hague, Product
Director; Timothy Matray, Product Team Director; Jasmin Tokatlian, Content Develop-
ment Manager; Kimiya Hojjat, Product Assistant; and Vernon Boes, Art Director. Special
thanks go to Stefanie Chase, our Content Developer and to Lynn Lustberg who led us
through production at MPS.
Reviewers play a very important role in the development of a manuscript. Accordingly,
we offer our appreciation to the following colleagues for their assistance: Patricia Case,
University of Toledo; Kevin David, Northeastern State University; Adia Garrett, Univer-
sity of Maryland, Baltimore County; Carrie E. Hall, Miami University; Deletha Hardin,
University of Tampa; Angela Heads, Prairie View A&M University; Roberto Heredia,
Texas A&M International University; Alisha Janowski, University of Central Florida;
Matthew Mulvaney, The College at Brockport (SUNY); Nicholas Von Glahn, California
State Polytechnic University, Pomona; and Ronald Yockey, Fresno State University.
To the Instructor
Those of you familiar with the previous edition of Statistics for the Behavioral Sciences will
notice a number of changes in the 10th edition. Throughout this book, research examples
have been updated, real world examples have been added, and the end-of-chapter problems
have been extensively revised. Major revisions for this edition include the following:
1. Each section of every chapter begins with a list of Learning Objectives for that
specific section.
2. Each section ends with a Learning Check consisting of multiple-choice questions
with at least one question for each Learning Objective.
PREFACE xv
3. The former Chapter 19, Choosing the Right Statistics, has been eliminated and
an abridged version is now an Appendix replacing the Statistics Organizer, which
appeared in earlier editions.
Other examples of specific and noteworthy revisions include the following.
Chapter 1 The section on data structures and research methods parallels the new
Appendix, Choosing the Right Statistics.
Chapter 2 The chapter opens with a new Preview to introduce the concept and purpose
of frequency distributions.
Chapter 3 Minor editing clarifies and simplifies the discussion the median.
Chapter 4 The chapter opens with a new Preview to introduce the topic of Central
Tendency. The sections on standard deviation and variance have been edited to increase
emphasis on concepts rather than calculations.
Chapter 5 The section discussion relationships between z, X, μ, and σ has been

expanded and includes a new demonstration example.
Chapter 6 The chapter opens with a new Preview to introduce the topic of Probability.
The section, Looking Ahead to Inferential Statistics, has been substantially shortened and
simplified.
Chapter 7 The former Box explaining difference between standard deviation and
standard error was deleted and the content incorporated into Section 7.4 with editing to
emphasize that the standard error is the primary new element introduced in the chapter.
The final section, Looking Ahead to Inferential Statistics, was simplified and shortened to
be consistent with the changes in Chapter 6.
Chapter 8 A redundant example was deleted which shortened and streamlined the
remaining material so that most of the chapter is focused on the same research example.
Chapter 9 The chapter opens with a new Preview to introduce the t statistic and explain
why a new test statistic is needed. The section introducing Confidence Intervals was edited
to clarify the origin of the confidence interval equation and to emphasize that the interval
is constructed at the sample mean.
Chapter 10 The chapter opens with a new Preview introducing the independent-mea-
sures t statistic. The section presenting the estimated standard error of (M1 – M2) has been
simplified and shortened.
Chapter 11 The chapter opens with a new Preview introducing the repeated-measures t
statistic. The section discussing hypothesis testing has been separated from the section on
effect size and confidence intervals to be consistent with the other two chapters on t tests.
The section comparing independent- and repeated-measures designs has been expanded.
Chapter 12 The chapter opens with a new Preview introducing ANOVA and explaining
why a new hypothesis testing procedure is necessary. Sections in the chapter have been
reorganized to allow flow directly from hypothesis tests and effect size to post tests.
xvi PREFACE
Chapter 13 Substantially expanded the section discussing factors that influence the
outcome of a repeated-measures hypothesis test and associated measures of effect size.
Chapter 14 The chapter opens with a new Preview presenting a two-factor research
example and introducing the associated ANOVA. Sections have been reorganized so that
simple main effects and the idea of using a second factor to reduce variance from indi-
vidual differences are now presented as extra material related to the two-factor ANOVA.
Chapter 15 The chapter opens with a new Preview presenting a correlational research
study and the concept of a correlation. A new section introduces the t statistic for evaluat-
ing the significance of a correlation and the section on partial correlations has been simpli-
fied and shortened.
Chapter 16 The chapter opens with a new Preview introducing the concept of regression and
its purpose. A new section demonstrates the equivalence of testing the significance of a correla-
tion and testing the significance of a regression equation with one predictor variable. The sec-
tion on residuals for the multiple-regression equation has been edited to simplify and shorten.
Chapter 17 A new chapter Preview presents an experimental study with data consisting
of frequencies, which are not compatible with computing means and variances. Chi-square
tests are introduced as a solution to this problem. A new section introduces Cohen’s w as
a means of measuring effect size for both chi-square tests.
Chapter 18 Substantial editing clarifies the section explaining how the real limits for
each score can influence the conclusion from a binomial test.
The former Chapter 19 covering the task of matching statistical methods to specific
types of data has been substantially shortened and converted into an Appendix.
■■Matching the Text to Your Syllabus

The book chapters are organized in the sequence that we use for our own statistics courses.
However, different instructors may prefer different organizations and probably will choose
to omit or deemphasize specific topics. We have tried to make separate chapters, and even
sections of chapters, completely self-contained, so they can be deleted or reorganized to fit
the syllabus for nearly any instructor. Some common examples are as follows.
■■ It is common for instructors to choose between emphasizing analysis of variance
(Chapters 12, 13, and 14) or emphasizing correlation/regression (Chapters 15 and 16).
It is rare for a one-semester course to complete coverage of both topics.
■■ Although we choose to complete all the hypothesis tests for means and mean
differences before introducing correlation (Chapter 15), many instructors prefer to
place correlation much earlier in the sequence of course topics. To accommodate
this, Sections 15.1, 15.2, and 15.3 present the calculation and interpretation of
the Pearson correlation and can be introduced immediately following Chapter 4
(variability). Other sections of Chapter 15 refer to hypothesis testing and should be
delayed until the process of hypothesis testing (Chapter 8) has been introduced.
■■ It is also possible for instructors to present the chi-square tests (Chapter 17) much
earlier in the sequence of course topics. Chapter 17, which presents hypothesis tests
for proportions, can be presented immediately after Chapter 8, which introduces the
process of hypothesis testing. If this is done, we also recommend that the Pearson
correlation (Sections 15.1, 15.2, and 15.3) be presented early to provide a foundation
for the chi-square test for independence.
PREFACE xvii
To the Student
A primary goal of this book is to make the task of learning statistics as easy and painless
as possible. Among other things, you will notice that the book provides you with a number
of opportunities to practice the techniques you will be learning in the form of Learning
Checks, Examples, Demonstrations, and end-of-chapter problems. We encourage you to
take advantage of these opportunities. Read the text rather than just memorizing the for-
mulas. We have taken care to present each statistical procedure in a conceptual context that
explains why the procedure was developed and when it should be used. If you read this
material and gain an understanding of the basic concepts underlying a statistical formula,
you will find that learning the formula and how to use it will be much easier. In the “Study
Hints,” that follow, we provide advice that we give our own students. Ask your instructor
for advice as well; we are sure that other instructors will have ideas of their own.
Over the years, the students in our classes and other students using our book have given
us valuable feedback. If you have any suggestions or comments about this book, you can
write to either Professor Emeritus Frederick Gravetter or Professor Emeritus Larry Wallnau
at the Department of Psychology, SUNY College at Brockport, 350 New Campus Drive,
Brockport, New York 14420. You can also contact Professor Emeritus Gravetter directly at
fgravett@brockport.edu.
■■Study Hints
You may find some of these tips helpful, as our own students have reported.
■■ The key to success in a statistics course is to keep up with the material. Each new
topic builds on previous topics. If you have learned the previous material, then the
new topic is just one small step forward. Without the proper background, however,
the new topic can be a complete mystery. If you find that you are falling behind, get
help immediately.
■■ You will learn (and remember) much more if you study for short periods several
times per week rather than try to condense all of your studying into one long session.
For example, it is far more effective to study half an hour every night than to have
a single 3½-hour study session once a week. We cannot even work on writing this
book without frequent rest breaks.
■■ Do some work before class. Keep a little ahead of the instructor by reading the appro-
priate sections before they are presented in class. Although you may not fully under-
stand what you read, you will have a general idea of the topic, which will make the
lecture easier to follow. Also, you can identify material that is particularly confusing
and then be sure the topic is clarified in class.
■■ Pay attention and think during class. Although this advice seems obvious, often it is
not practiced. Many students spend so much time trying to write down every example
presented or every word spoken by the instructor that they do not actually understand
and process what is being said. Check with your instructor—there may not be a need
to copy every example presented in class, especially if there are many examples like
it in the text. Sometimes, we tell our students to put their pens and pencils down for a
moment and just listen.
■■ Test yourself regularly. Do not wait until the end of the chapter or the end of the
week to check your knowledge. After each lecture, work some of the end-of-chapter
problems and do the Learning Checks. Review the Demonstration Problems, and
be sure you can define the Key Terms. If you are having trouble, get your questions
answered immediately—reread the section, go to your instructor, or ask questions in
class. By doing so, you will be able to move ahead to new material.
xviii PREFACE
■■ Do not kid yourself! Avoid denial. Many students observe their instructor solve
problems in class and think to themselves, “This looks easy, I understand it.” Do
you really understand it? Can you really do the problem on your own without having
to leaf through the pages of a chapter? Although there is nothing wrong with using
examples in the text as models for solving problems, you should try working a prob-
lem with your book closed to test your level of mastery.
■■ We realize that many students are embarrassed to ask for help. It is our biggest chal-
lenge as instructors. You must find a way to overcome this aversion. Perhaps contact-
ing the instructor directly would be a good starting point, if asking questions in class
is too anxiety-provoking. You could be pleasantly surprised to find that your instruc-
tor does not yell, scold, or bite! Also, your instructor might know of another student
who can offer assistance. Peer tutoring can be very helpful.
Frederick J Gravetter
Larry B. Wallnau
A B o U t tH E AU tH o R S
Frederick J Gravetter is Professor Emeritus of Psychology at the

State University of New York College at Brockport. While teaching at
Brockport, Dr. Gravetter specialized in statistics, experimental design, and
cognitive psychology. He received his bachelor’s degree in mathematics from
M.I.T. and his Ph.D in psychology from Duke University. In addition to pub-
lishing this textbook and several research articles, Dr. Gravetter co-authored
Research Methods for the Behavioral Science and Essentials of Statistics for
the Behavioral Sciences.
Frederick Gravetter
Larry B. WaLLnau is Professor Emeritus of Psychology at the State

University of New York College at Brockport. While teaching at Brockport,
he published numerous research articles in biopsychology. With
Dr. Gravetter, he co-authored Essentials of Statistics for the Behavioral
Sciences. Dr. Wallnau also has provided editorial consulting for numerous
publishers and journals. He has taken up running and has competed in 5K
races in New York and Connecticut. He takes great pleasure in adopting
neglected and rescued dogs.
Larry B. Wallnau
xix
CH A P T ER
Introduction to Statistics 1
© Deborah Batt
PREVIEW
1.1 Statistics, Science, and Observations
1.2 Data Structures, Research Methods, and Statistics
1.3 Variables and Measurement
1.4 Statistical Notation
Summary
Focus on Problem Solving
Demonstration 1.1
Problems
1
PREVIEW
Before we begin our discussion of statistics, we ask you The objectives for this first chapter are to provide
to read the following paragraph taken from the philoso- an introduction to the topic of statistics and to give you
phy of Wrong Shui (Candappa, 2000). some background for the rest of the book. We discuss
the role of statistics within the general field of scientific
The Journey to Enlightenment
inquiry, and we introduce some of the vocabulary and
In Wrong Shui, life is seen as a cosmic journey,
notation that are necessary for the statistical methods
a struggle to overcome unseen and unexpected
that follow.
obstacles at the end of which the traveler will find
As you read through the following chapters, keep
illumination and enlightenment. Replicate this quest
in mind that the general topic of statistics follows a
in your home by moving light switches away from
well-organized, logically developed progression that
doors and over to the far side of each room.*
leads from basic concepts and definitions to increas-
Why did we begin a statistics book with a bit of twisted ingly sophisticated techniques. Thus, each new topic
philosophy? In part, we simply wanted to lighten the serves as a foundation for the material that follows. The
mood with a bit of humor—starting a statistics course is content of the first nine chapters, for example, provides
typically not viewed as one of life’s joyous moments. In an essential background and context for the statistical
addition, the paragraph is an excellent counterexample for methods presented in Chapter 10. If you turn directly
the purpose of this book. Specifically, our goal is to do to Chapter 10 without reading the first nine chapters,
everything possible to prevent you from stumbling around you will find the material confusing and incomprehen-
in the dark by providing lots of help and illumination as sible. However, if you learn and use the background
you journey through the world of statistics. To accomplish material, you will have a good frame of reference for
this, we begin each section of the book with clearly stated understanding and incorporating new concepts as they
learning objectives and end each section with a brief quiz are presented.
to test your mastery of the new material. We also intro-
duce each new statistical procedure by explaining the pur-
pose it is intended to serve. If you understand why a new *Candappa, R. (2000). The little book of wrong shui. Kansas City:
procedure is needed, you will find it much easier to learn. Andrews McMeel Publishing. Reprinted by permission.
1.1 Statistics, Science, and Observations

LEARNING OBJECTIVEs 1. Define the terms population, sample, parameter, and statistic, and describe the
relationships between them.
2. Define descriptive and inferential statistics and describe how these two general
categories of statistics are used in a typical research study.
3. Describe the concept of sampling error and explain how this concept creates the
fundamental problem that inferential statistics must address.
■■Definitions of Statistics
By one definition, statistics consist of facts and figures such as the average annual snowfall
in Denver or Derrick Jeter’s lifetime batting average. These statistics are usually informative
and time-saving because they condense large quantities of information into a few simple fig-
ures. Later in this chapter we return to the notion of calculating statistics (facts and figures)
but, for now, we concentrate on a much broader definition of statistics. Specifically, we use
the term statistics to refer to a general field of mathematics. In this case, we are using the
term statistics as a shortened version of statistical procedures. For example, you are prob-
ably using this book for a statistics course in which you will learn about the statistical tech-
niques that are used to summarize and evaluate research results in the behavioral sciences.
2
SEctIon 1.1 | Statistics, Science, and Observations 3
Research in the behavioral sciences (and other fields) involves gathering information.
To determine, for example, whether college students learn better by reading material on
printed pages or on a computer screen, you would need to gather information about stu-
dents’ study habits and their academic performance. When researchers finish the task of
gathering information, they typically find themselves with pages and pages of measure-
ments such as preferences, personality scores, opinions, and so on. In this book, we present
the statistics that researchers use to analyze and interpret the information that they gather.
Specifically, statistics serve two general purposes:
1. Statistics are used to organize and summarize the information so that the researcher can
see what happened in the research study and can communicate the results to others.
2. Statistics help the researcher to answer the questions that initiated the research by
determining exactly what general conclusions are justified based on the specific
results that were obtained.
DEFInItIon The term statistics refers to a set of mathematical procedures for organizing, sum-
marizing, and interpreting information.
Statistical procedures help ensure that the information or observations are presented
and interpreted in an accurate and informative way. In somewhat grandiose terms, statistics
help researchers bring order out of chaos. In addition, statistics provide researchers with a
set of standardized techniques that are recognized and understood throughout the scientific
community. Thus, the statistical methods used by one researcher will be familiar to other
researchers, who can accurately interpret the statistical analyses with a full understanding
of how the analysis was done and what the results signify.
■■Populations and Samples

Research in the behavioral sciences typically begins with a general question about a specific
group (or groups) of individuals. For example, a researcher may want to know what factors
are associated with academic dishonesty among college students. Or a researcher may want
to examine the amount of time spent in the bathroom for men compared to women. In the
first example, the researcher is interested in the group of college students. In the second
example, the researcher wants to compare the group of men with the group of women. In sta-
tistical terminology, the entire group that a researcher wishes to study is called a population.
DEFInItIon A population is the set of all the individuals of interest in a particular study.
As you can well imagine, a population can be quite large—for example, the entire set
of women on the planet Earth. A researcher might be more specific, limiting the population
for study to women who are registered voters in the United States. Perhaps the investigator
would like to study the population consisting of women who are heads of state. Populations
can obviously vary in size from extremely large to very small, depending on how the inves-
tigator defines the population. The population being studied should always be identified by
the researcher. In addition, the population need not consist of people—it could be a popula-
tion of rats, corporations, parts produced in a factory, or anything else an investigator wants
to study. In practice, populations are typically very large, such as the population of college
sophomores in the United States or the population of small businesses.
Because populations tend to be very large, it usually is impossible for a researcher to
examine every individual in the population of interest. Therefore, researchers typically select
4 chaPtER 1 | Introduction to Statistics
a smaller, more manageable group from the population and limit their studies to the individ-
uals in the selected group. In statistical terms, a set of individuals selected from a population
is called a sample. A sample is intended to be representative of its population, and a sample
should always be identified in terms of the population from which it was selected.
DEFInItIon A sample is a set of individuals selected from a population, usually intended to

represent the population in a research study.
Just as we saw with populations, samples can vary in size. For example, one study might
examine a sample of only 10 students in a graduate program and another study might use a
sample of more than 10,000 people who take a specific cholesterol medication.
So far we have talked about a sample being selected from a population. However, this is
actually only half of the full relationship between a sample and its population. Specifically,
when a researcher finishes examining the sample, the goal is to generalize the results back
to the entire population. Remember that the research started with a general question about
the population. To answer the question, a researcher studies a sample and then generalizes
the results from the sample to the population. The full relationship between a sample and a
population is shown in Figure 1.1.
■■Variables and Data

Typically, researchers are interested in specific characteristics of the individuals in the pop-
ulation (or in the sample), or they are interested in outside factors that may influence the
individuals. For example, a researcher may be interested in the influence of the weather on
people’s moods. As the weather changes, do people’s moods also change? Something that
can change or have different values is called a variable.
DEFInItIon A variable is a characteristic or condition that changes or has different values for
different individuals.
THE POPULATION
All of the individuals of interest
The results
The sample
from the sample
is selected from
are generalized
the population
to the population
F I G U R E 1.1 THE SAMPLE

The relationship between a The individuals selected to
population and a sample. participate in the research study
Once again, variables can be characteristics that differ from one individual to another,
such as height, weight, gender, or personality. Also, variables can be environmental condi-
tions that change such as temperature, time of day, or the size of the room in which the
research is being conducted.
To demonstrate changes in variables, it is necessary to make measurements of the variables
being examined. The measurement obtained for each individual is called a datum, or more com-
monly, a score or raw score. The complete set of scores is called the data set or simply the data.
DEFInItIon Data (plural) are measurements or observations. A data set is a collection of mea-
surements or observations. A datum (singular) is a single measurement or observa-
tion and is commonly called a score or raw score.
Before we move on, we should make one more point about samples, populations, and
data. Earlier, we defined populations and samples in terms of individuals. For example,
we discussed a population of graduate students and a sample of cholesterol patients. Be
forewarned, however, that we will also refer to populations or samples of scores. Because
research typically involves measuring each individual to obtain a score, every sample (or
population) of individuals produces a corresponding sample (or population) of scores.
■■Parameters and Statistics

When describing data it is necessary to distinguish whether the data come from a popula-
tion or a sample. A characteristic that describes a population—for example, the average
score for the population—is called a parameter. A characteristic that describes a sample is
called a statistic. Thus, the average score for a sample is an example of a statistic. Typically,
the research process begins with a question about a population parameter. However, the
actual data come from a sample and are used to compute sample statistics.
DEFInItIon A parameter is a value, usually a numerical value, that describes a population. A

parameter is usually derived from measurements of the individuals in the population.
A statistic is a value, usually a numerical value, that describes a sample. A statistic
is usually derived from measurements of the individuals in the sample.
Every population parameter has a corresponding sample statistic, and most research
studies involve using statistics from samples as the basis for answering questions about
population parameters. As a result, much of this book is concerned with the relationship
between sample statistics and the corresponding population parameters. In Chapter 7, for
example, we examine the relationship between the mean obtained for a sample and the
mean for the population from which the sample was obtained.
■■Descriptive and Inferential Statistical Methods

Although researchers have developed a variety of different statistical procedures to orga-
nize and interpret data, these different procedures can be classified into two general catego-
ries. The first category, descriptive statistics, consists of statistical procedures that are used
to simplify and summarize data.
DEFInItIon Descriptive statistics are statistical procedures used to summarize, organize, and
simplify data.
Descriptive statistics are techniques that take raw scores and organize or summarize
them in a form that is more manageable. Often the scores are organized in a table or a graph
so that it is possible to see the entire set of scores. Another common technique is to sum-
marize a set of scores by computing an average. Note that even if the data set has hundreds
of scores, the average provides a single descriptive value for the entire set.
The second general category of statistical techniques is called inferential statistics.
Inferential statistics are methods that use sample data to make general statements about a
population.
DEFInItIon Inferential statistics consist of techniques that allow us to study samples and then
make generalizations about the populations from which they were selected.
Because populations are typically very large, it usually is not possible to measure
everyone in the population. Therefore, a sample is selected to represent the population.
By analyzing the results from the sample, we hope to make general statements about the
population. Typically, researchers use sample statistics as the basis for drawing conclusions
about population parameters. One problem with using samples, however, is that a sample
provides only limited information about the population. Although samples are generally
representative of their populations, a sample is not expected to give a perfectly accurate
picture of the whole population. There usually is some discrepancy between a sample sta-
tistic and the corresponding population parameter. This discrepancy is called sampling
error, and it creates the fundamental problem inferential statistics must always address.
DEFInItIon Sampling error is the naturally occurring discrepancy, or error, that exists between
a sample statistic and the corresponding population parameter.
The concept of sampling error is illustrated in Figure 1.2. The figure shows a popula-
tion of 1,000 college students and 2 samples, each with 5 students who were selected from
the population. Notice that each sample contains different individuals who have different
characteristics. Because the characteristics of each sample depend on the specific people in
the sample, statistics will vary from one sample to another. For example, the five students
in sample 1 have an average age of 19.8 years and the students in sample 2 have an average
age of 20.4 years.
It is also very unlikely that the statistics obtained for a sample will be identical to the
parameters for the entire population. In Figure 1.2, for example, neither sample has sta-
tistics that are exactly the same as the population parameters. You should also realize that
Figure 1.2 shows only two of the hundreds of possible samples. Each sample would contain
different individuals and would produce different statistics. This is the basic concept of
sampling error: sample statistics vary from one sample to another and typically are differ-
ent from the corresponding population parameters.
One common example of sampling error is the error associated with a sample propor-
tion. For example, in newspaper articles reporting results from political polls, you fre-
quently find statements such as this:
Candidate Brown leads the poll with 51% of the vote. Candidate Jones has 42%
approval, and the remaining 7% are undecided. This poll was taken from a sample of regis-
tered voters and has a margin of error of plus-or-minus 4 percentage points.
The “margin of error” is the sampling error. In this case, the percentages that are reported
were obtained from a sample and are being generalized to the whole population. As always,
you do not expect the statistics from a sample to be perfect. There always will be some
“margin of error” when sample statistics are used to represent population parameters.
F I G U R E 1. 2
A demonstration of sampling error. Two
samples are selected from the same population.
Notice that the sample statistics are different Population
of 1000 college students
from one sample to another and all the sample
statistics are different from the corresponding Population Parameters
population parameters. The natural differ- Average Age 5 21.3 years
ences that exist, by chance, between a sample Average IQ 5 112.5
statistic and population parameter are called 65% Female, 35% Male
sampling error.
Sample #1 Sample #2
Eric Tom
Jessica Kristen
Laura Sara
Karen Andrew
Brian John
Sample Statistics Sample Statistics

Average Age 5 19.8 Average Age 5 20.4
Average IQ 5 104.6 Average IQ 5 114.2
60% Female, 40% Male 40% Female, 60% Male
As a further demonstration of sampling error, imagine that your statistics class is sepa-
rated into two groups by drawing a line from front to back through the middle of the room.
Now imagine that you compute the average age (or height, or IQ) for each group. Will the
two groups have exactly the same average? Almost certainly they will not. No matter what
you chose to measure, you will probably find some difference between the two groups.
However, the difference you obtain does not necessarily mean that there is a systematic
difference between the two groups. For example, if the average age for students on the
right-hand side of the room is higher than the average for students on the left, it is unlikely
that some mysterious force has caused the older people to gravitate to the right side of
the room. Instead, the difference is probably the result of random factors such as chance.
The unpredictable, unsystematic differences that exist from one sample to another are an
example of sampling error.
■■Statistics in the Context of Research

The following example shows the general stages of a research study and demonstrates
how descriptive statistics and inferential statistics are used to organize and interpret the
data. At the end of the example, note how sampling error can affect the interpretation of
experimental results, and consider why inferential statistical methods are needed to deal
with this problem.
ExamplE 1.1 Figure 1.3 shows an overview of a general research situation and demonstrates the roles that
descriptive and inferential statistics play. The purpose of the research study is to address a
question that we posed earlier: Do college students learn better by studying text on printed
pages or on a computer screen? Two samples are selected from the population of college
students. The students in sample A are given printed pages of text to study for 30 minutes
and the students in sample B study the same text on a computer screen. Next, all of the
students are given a multiple-choice test to evaluate their knowledge of the material. At this
point, the researcher has two sets of data: the scores for sample A and the scores for sample
B (see the figure). Now is the time to begin using statistics.
First, descriptive statistics are used to simplify the pages of data. For example, the
researcher could draw a graph showing the scores for each sample or compute the aver-
age score for each sample. Note that descriptive methods provide a simplified, organized
Step 1
Experiment: Population of
Compare two College
studying methods Students
Data
Test scores for the Sample A Sample B
students in each Read from printed Read from computer
sample pages screen
25 26 28 20 22 27
27 21 27 23 17 23
30 28 24 25 28 21
19 23 26 22 19 22
29 26 22 18 24 19
Step 2
Descriptive statistics: 20 25 30 20 25 30
Organize and simplify
Average Average
Score = 26 Score = 22
Step 3 The sample data show a 4-point difference

Inferential statistics: between the two methods of studying. However,
Interpret results there are two ways to interpret the results.
1. There actually is no difference between
the two studying methods, and the sample
difference is due to chance (sampling error).
2. There really is a difference between
the two methods, and the sample data
F i g u r E 1. 3 accurately reflect this difference.
The role of statistics in experimental The goal of inferential statistics is to help researchers
research. decide between the two interpretations.
description of the scores. In this example, the students who studied printed pages had an aver-
age score of 26 on the test, and the students who studied text on the computer averaged 22.
Once the researcher has described the results, the next step is to interpret the outcome.
This is the role of inferential statistics. In this example, the researcher has found a difference
of 4 points between the two samples (sample A averaged 26 and sample B averaged 22). The
problem for inferential statistics is to differentiate between the following two interpretations:
1. There is no real difference between the printed page and a computer screen, and
the 4-point difference between the samples is just an example of sampling error
(like the samples in Figure 1.2).
2. There really is a difference between the printed page and a computer screen, and
the 4-point difference between the samples was caused by the different methods
of studying.
In simple English, does the 4-point difference between samples provide convincing
evidence of a difference between the two studying methods, or is the 4-point difference just
chance? The purpose of inferential statistics is to answer this question. ■
lE arn in g Ch ECk 1. A researcher is interested in the sleeping habits of American college students.
A group of 50 students is interviewed and the researcher finds that these students
sleep an average of 6.7 hours per day. For this study, the average of 6.7 hours is an
example of a(n) .
a. parameter
b. statistic
c. population
d. sample
2. A researcher is curious about the average IQ of registered voters in the state of Florida.
The entire group of registered voters in the state is an example of a .
a. sample
b. statistic
c. population
d. parameter
3. Statistical techniques that summarize, organize, and simplify data are classified
as .
a. population statistics
b. sample statistics
c. descriptive statistics
d. inferential statistics
4. In general, statistical techniques are used to summarize the data from
a research study and statistical techniques are used to determine what
conclusions are justified by the results.
a. inferential, descriptive
b. descriptive, inferential
c. sample, population
d. population, sample
5. IQ tests are standardized so that the average score is 100 for the entire group of
people who take the test each year. However, if you selected a group of 20 people
who took the test and computed their average IQ score you probably would not get
100. What statistical concept explains the difference between your mean and the
mean for the entire group?
a. statistical error
b. inferential error
c. descriptive error
d. sampling error
an s wE r s 1. B, 2. C, 3. C, 4. B, 5. D
1.2 Data Structures, Research Methods, and Statistics

LEARNING OBJECTIVEs 4. Differentiate correlational, experimental, and nonexperimental research and describe
the data structures associated with each.
5. Define independent, dependent, and quasi-independent variables and recognize
examples of each.
■■Individual Variables: Descriptive Research

Some research studies are conducted simply to describe individual variables as they exist
naturally. For example, a college official may conduct a survey to describe the eating, sleep-
ing, and study habits of a group of college students. When the results consist of numerical
scores, such as the number of hours spent studying each day, they are typically described
by the statistical techniques that are presented in Chapters 3 and 4. Non-numerical scores
are typically described by computing the proportion or percentage in each category. For
example, a recent newspaper article reported that 34.9% of Americans are obese, which is
roughly 35 pounds over a healthy weight.
■■Relationships Between Variables

Most research, however, is intended to examine relationships between two or more vari-
ables. For example, is there a relationship between the amount of violence in the video
games played by children and the amount of aggressive behavior they display? Is there a
relationship between the quality of breakfast and academic performance for elementary
school children? Is there a relationship between the number of hours of sleep and grade
point average for college students? To establish the existence of a relationship, research-
ers must make observations—that is, measurements of the two variables. The resulting
measurements can be classified into two distinct data structures that also help to classify
different research methods and different statistical techniques. In the following section we
identify and discuss these two data structures.
I. One Group with Two Variables Measured for Each Individual: The Corre-
lational Method One method for examining the relationship between variables is to
observe the two variables as they exist naturally for a set of individuals. That is, simply
SEctIon 1.2 | Data Structures, Research Methods, and Statistics 11
measure the two variables for each individual. For example, research has demonstrated a
relationship between sleep habits, especially wake-up time, and academic performance
for college students (Trockel, Barnes, and Egget, 2000). The researchers used a survey to
measure wake-up time and school records to measure academic performance for each stu-
dent. Figure 1.4 shows an example of the kind of data obtained in the study. The research-
ers then look for consistent patterns in the data to provide evidence for a relationship
between variables. For example, as wake-up time changes from one student to another, is
there also a tendency for academic performance to change?
Consistent patterns in the data are often easier to see if the scores are presented in a
graph. Figure 1.4 also shows the scores for the eight students in a graph called a scatter
plot. In the scatter plot, each individual is represented by a point so that the horizontal
position corresponds to the student’s wake-up time and the vertical position corresponds
to the student’s academic performance score. The scatter plot shows a clear relationship
between wake-up time and academic performance: as wake-up time increases, academic
performance decreases.
A research study that simply measures two different variables for each individual and
produces the kind of data shown in Figure 1.4 is an example of the correlational method,
or the correlational research strategy.
DEFInItIon In the correlational method, two different variables are observed to determine
whether there is a relationship between them.
■■Statistics for the Correlational Method

When the data from a correlational study consist of numerical scores, the relationship
between the two variables is usually measured and described using a statistic called a
correlation. Correlations and the correlational method are discussed in detail in Chap-
ters 15 and 16. Occasionally, the measurement process used for a correlational study
simply classifies individuals into categories that do not correspond to numerical values.
For example, a researcher could classify a group of college students by gender (male
(a) (b) 3.8

Wake-up Academic
3.6
Academic performance
Student Time Performance

3.4
A 11 2.4
3.2
B 9 3.6
C 9 3.2 3.0
D 12 2.2 2.8
E 7 3.8 2.6
F 10 2.2
2.4
G 10 3.0
H 8 3.0 2.2
2.0
7 8 9 10 11 12
Wake-up time
F i g u r E 1. 4
One of two data structures for evaluating the relationship between variables. Note that there are two separate measure-
ments for each individual (wake-up time and academic performance). The same scores are shown in a table (a) and in
a graph (b).
or female) and by cell-phone preference (talk or text). Note that the researcher has two
scores for each individual but neither of the scores is a numerical value. This type of data
is typically summarized in a table showing how many individuals are classified into each
of the possible categories. Table 1.1 shows an example of this kind of summary table. The
table shows for example, that 30 of the males in the sample preferred texting to talking.
This type of data can be coded with numbers (for example, male = 0 and female = 1)
so that it is possible to compute a correlation. However, the relationship between vari-
ables for non-numerical data, such as the data in Table 1.1, is usually evaluated using
a statistical technique known as a chi-square test. Chi-square tests are presented in
Chapter 17.
Ta b lE 1.1 Correlational data consisting of non-numerical scores. Note that there are two measurements for
each individual: gender and cell phone preference. The numbers indicate how many people are in
each category. For example, out of the 50 males, 30 prefer text over talk.
Cell Phone Preference
Text Talk
Males 30 20 50
Females 25 25 50
■■Limitations of the Correlational Method

The results from a correlational study can demonstrate the existence of a relationship
between two variables, but they do not provide an explanation for the relationship. In
particular, a correlational study cannot demonstrate a cause-and-effect relationship. For
example, the data in Figure 1.4 show a systematic relationship between wake-up time and
academic performance for a group of college students; those who sleep late tend to have
lower performance scores than those who wake early. However, there are many possible
explanations for the relationship and we do not know exactly what factor (or factors) is
responsible for late sleepers having lower grades. In particular, we cannot conclude that
waking students up earlier would cause their academic performance to improve, or that
studying more would cause students to wake up earlier. To demonstrate a cause-and-effect
relationship between two variables, researchers must use the experimental method, which
is discussed next.
II. Comparing Two (or More) Groups of Scores: Experimental and Nonexperi-
mental Methods The second method for examining the relationship between two
variables involves the comparison of two or more groups of scores. In this situation, the
relationship between variables is examined by using one of the variables to define the
groups, and then measuring the second variable to obtain scores for each group. For exam-
ple, Polman, de Castro, and van Aken (2008) randomly divided a sample of 10-year-old
boys into two groups. One group then played a violent video game and the second played
a nonviolent game. After the game-playing session, the children went to a free play period
and were monitored for aggressive behaviors (hitting, kicking, pushing, frightening, name
calling, fighting, quarreling, or teasing another child). An example of the resulting data is
shown in Figure 1.5. The researchers then compare the scores for the violent-video group
with the scores for the nonviolent-video group. A systematic difference between the two
groups provides evidence for a relationship between playing violent video games and
aggressive behavior for 10-year-old boys.
SEctIon 1.2 | Data Structures, Research Methods, and Statistics 13
F i g u r E 1. 5 One variable (type of video game)

Violent Nonviolent
Evaluating the rela- is used to define groups
tionship between 7 8
variables by compar- 8 4
ing groups of scores. 10 8
Note that the values of A second variable (aggressive behavior) 7 3
is measured to obtain scores within each group 9 6
one variable are used 8 5
to define the groups 6 3
and the second vari- 10 4
able is measured to 9 4
obtain scores within 6 5
each group.
Compare groups
of scores
■■Statistics for Comparing Two (or More) Groups of Scores

Most of the statistical procedures presented in this book are designed for research stud-
ies that compare groups of scores like the study in Figure 1.5. Specifically, we examine
descriptive statistics that summarize and describe the scores in each group and we use
inferential statistics to determine whether the differences between the groups can be gen-
eralized to the entire population.
When the measurement procedure produces numerical scores, the statistical evalua-
tion typically involves computing the average score for each group and then comparing
the averages. The process of computing averages is presented in Chapter 3, and a variety
of statistical techniques for comparing averages are presented in Chapters 8–14. If the
measurement process simply classifies individuals into non-numerical categories, the sta-
tistical evaluation usually consists of computing proportions for each group and then com-
paring proportions. Previously, in Table 1.1, we presented an example of non-numerical
data examining the relationship between gender and cell-phone preference. The same data
can be used to compare the proportions for males with the proportions for females. For
example, using text is preferred by 60% of the males compared to 50% of the females. As
before, these data are evaluated using a chi-square test, which is presented in Chapter 17.
■■Experimental and Nonexperimental Methods

There are two distinct research methods that both produce groups of scores to be compared:
the experimental and the nonexperimental strategies. These two research methods use
exactly the same statistics and they both demonstrate a relationship between two variables.
The distinction between the two research strategies is how the relationship is interpreted.
The results from an experiment allow a cause-and-effect explanation. For example, we can
conclude that changes in one variable are responsible for causing differences in a second
variable. A nonexperimental study does not permit a cause-and effect explanation. We can
say that changes in one variable are accompanied by changes in a second variable, but we
cannot say why. Each of the two research methods is discussed in the following sections.
■■The Experimental Method

One specific research method that involves comparing groups of scores is known as the
experimental method or the experimental research strategy. The goal of an experimental
study is to demonstrate a cause-and-effect relationship between two variables. Specifically,
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DANCE ON STILTS AT THE GIRLS’ UNYAGO, NIUCHI
Newala, too, suffers from the distance of its water-supply—at least

the Newala of to-day does; there was once another Newala in a lovely
valley at the foot of the plateau. I visited it and found scarcely a trace
of houses, only a Christian cemetery, with the graves of several
missionaries and their converts, remaining as a monument of its
former glories. But the surroundings are wonderfully beautiful. A
thick grove of splendid mango-trees closes in the weather-worn
crosses and headstones; behind them, combining the useful and the
agreeable, is a whole plantation of lemon-trees covered with ripe
fruit; not the small African kind, but a much larger and also juicier
imported variety, which drops into the hands of the passing traveller,
without calling for any exertion on his part. Old Newala is now under
the jurisdiction of the native pastor, Daudi, at Chingulungulu, who,
as I am on very friendly terms with him, allows me, as a matter of
course, the use of this lemon-grove during my stay at Newala.
FEET MUTILATED BY THE RAVAGES OF THE “JIGGER”
(Sarcopsylla penetrans)
The water-supply of New Newala is in the bottom of the valley,

some 1,600 feet lower down. The way is not only long and fatiguing,
but the water, when we get it, is thoroughly bad. We are suffering not
only from this, but from the fact that the arrangements at Newala are
nothing short of luxurious. We have a separate kitchen—a hut built
against the boma palisade on the right of the baraza, the interior of
which is not visible from our usual position. Our two cooks were not
long in finding this out, and they consequently do—or rather neglect
to do—what they please. In any case they do not seem to be very
particular about the boiling of our drinking-water—at least I can
attribute to no other cause certain attacks of a dysenteric nature,
from which both Knudsen and I have suffered for some time. If a
man like Omari has to be left unwatched for a moment, he is capable
of anything. Besides this complaint, we are inconvenienced by the
state of our nails, which have become as hard as glass, and crack on
the slightest provocation, and I have the additional infliction of
pimples all over me. As if all this were not enough, we have also, for
the last week been waging war against the jigger, who has found his
Eldorado in the hot sand of the Makonde plateau. Our men are seen
all day long—whenever their chronic colds and the dysentery likewise
raging among them permit—occupied in removing this scourge of
Africa from their feet and trying to prevent the disastrous
consequences of its presence. It is quite common to see natives of
this place with one or two toes missing; many have lost all their toes,
or even the whole front part of the foot, so that a well-formed leg
ends in a shapeless stump. These ravages are caused by the female of
Sarcopsylla penetrans, which bores its way under the skin and there
develops an egg-sac the size of a pea. In all books on the subject, it is
stated that one’s attention is called to the presence of this parasite by
an intolerable itching. This agrees very well with my experience, so
far as the softer parts of the sole, the spaces between and under the
toes, and the side of the foot are concerned, but if the creature
penetrates through the harder parts of the heel or ball of the foot, it
may escape even the most careful search till it has reached maturity.
Then there is no time to be lost, if the horrible ulceration, of which
we see cases by the dozen every day, is to be prevented. It is much
easier, by the way, to discover the insect on the white skin of a
European than on that of a native, on which the dark speck scarcely
shows. The four or five jiggers which, in spite of the fact that I
constantly wore high laced boots, chose my feet to settle in, were
taken out for me by the all-accomplished Knudsen, after which I
thought it advisable to wash out the cavities with corrosive
sublimate. The natives have a different sort of disinfectant—they fill
the hole with scraped roots. In a tiny Makua village on the slope of
the plateau south of Newala, we saw an old woman who had filled all
the spaces under her toe-nails with powdered roots by way of
prophylactic treatment. What will be the result, if any, who can say?
The rest of the many trifling ills which trouble our existence are
really more comic than serious. In the absence of anything else to
smoke, Knudsen and I at last opened a box of cigars procured from
the Indian store-keeper at Lindi, and tried them, with the most
distressing results. Whether they contain opium or some other
narcotic, neither of us can say, but after the tenth puff we were both
“off,” three-quarters stupefied and unspeakably wretched. Slowly we
recovered—and what happened next? Half-an-hour later we were
once more smoking these poisonous concoctions—so insatiable is the
craving for tobacco in the tropics.
Even my present attacks of fever scarcely deserve to be taken
seriously. I have had no less than three here at Newala, all of which
have run their course in an incredibly short time. In the early
afternoon, I am busy with my old natives, asking questions and
making notes. The strong midday coffee has stimulated my spirits to
an extraordinary degree, the brain is active and vigorous, and work
progresses rapidly, while a pleasant warmth pervades the whole
body. Suddenly this gives place to a violent chill, forcing me to put on
my overcoat, though it is only half-past three and the afternoon sun
is at its hottest. Now the brain no longer works with such acuteness
and logical precision; more especially does it fail me in trying to
establish the syntax of the difficult Makua language on which I have
ventured, as if I had not enough to do without it. Under the
circumstances it seems advisable to take my temperature, and I do
so, to save trouble, without leaving my seat, and while going on with
my work. On examination, I find it to be 101·48°. My tutors are
abruptly dismissed and my bed set up in the baraza; a few minutes
later I am in it and treating myself internally with hot water and
lemon-juice.
Three hours later, the thermometer marks nearly 104°, and I make
them carry me back into the tent, bed and all, as I am now perspiring
heavily, and exposure to the cold wind just beginning to blow might
mean a fatal chill. I lie still for a little while, and then find, to my
great relief, that the temperature is not rising, but rather falling. This
is about 7.30 p.m. At 8 p.m. I find, to my unbounded astonishment,
that it has fallen below 98·6°, and I feel perfectly well. I read for an
hour or two, and could very well enjoy a smoke, if I had the
wherewithal—Indian cigars being out of the question.
Having no medical training, I am at a loss to account for this state
of things. It is impossible that these transitory attacks of high fever
should be malarial; it seems more probable that they are due to a
kind of sunstroke. On consulting my note-book, I become more and
more inclined to think this is the case, for these attacks regularly
follow extreme fatigue and long exposure to strong sunshine. They at
least have the advantage of being only short interruptions to my
work, as on the following morning I am always quite fresh and fit.
My treasure of a cook is suffering from an enormous hydrocele which
makes it difficult for him to get up, and Moritz is obliged to keep in
the dark on account of his inflamed eyes. Knudsen’s cook, a raw boy
from somewhere in the bush, knows still less of cooking than Omari;
consequently Nils Knudsen himself has been promoted to the vacant
post. Finding that we had come to the end of our supplies, he began
by sending to Chingulungulu for the four sucking-pigs which we had
bought from Matola and temporarily left in his charge; and when
they came up, neatly packed in a large crate, he callously slaughtered
the biggest of them. The first joint we were thoughtless enough to
entrust for roasting to Knudsen’s mshenzi cook, and it was
consequently uneatable; but we made the rest of the animal into a
jelly which we ate with great relish after weeks of underfeeding,
consuming incredible helpings of it at both midday and evening
meals. The only drawback is a certain want of variety in the tinned
vegetables. Dr. Jäger, to whom the Geographical Commission
entrusted the provisioning of the expeditions—mine as well as his
own—because he had more time on his hands than the rest of us,
seems to have laid in a huge stock of Teltow turnips,[46] an article of
food which is all very well for occasional use, but which quickly palls
when set before one every day; and we seem to have no other tins
left. There is no help for it—we must put up with the turnips; but I
am certain that, once I am home again, I shall not touch them for ten
years to come.
Amid all these minor evils, which, after all, go to make up the
genuine flavour of Africa, there is at least one cheering touch:
Knudsen has, with the dexterity of a skilled mechanic, repaired my 9
× 12 cm. camera, at least so far that I can use it with a little care.
How, in the absence of finger-nails, he was able to accomplish such a
ticklish piece of work, having no tool but a clumsy screw-driver for
taking to pieces and putting together again the complicated
mechanism of the instantaneous shutter, is still a mystery to me; but
he did it successfully. The loss of his finger-nails shows him in a light
contrasting curiously enough with the intelligence evinced by the
above operation; though, after all, it is scarcely surprising after his
ten years’ residence in the bush. One day, at Lindi, he had occasion
to wash a dog, which must have been in need of very thorough
cleansing, for the bottle handed to our friend for the purpose had an
extremely strong smell. Having performed his task in the most
conscientious manner, he perceived with some surprise that the dog
did not appear much the better for it, and was further surprised by
finding his own nails ulcerating away in the course of the next few
days. “How was I to know that carbolic acid has to be diluted?” he
mutters indignantly, from time to time, with a troubled gaze at his
mutilated finger-tips.
Since we came to Newala we have been making excursions in all
directions through the surrounding country, in accordance with old
habit, and also because the akida Sefu did not get together the tribal
elders from whom I wanted information so speedily as he had
promised. There is, however, no harm done, as, even if seen only
from the outside, the country and people are interesting enough.
The Makonde plateau is like a large rectangular table rounded off
at the corners. Measured from the Indian Ocean to Newala, it is
about seventy-five miles long, and between the Rovuma and the
Lukuledi it averages fifty miles in breadth, so that its superficial area
is about two-thirds of that of the kingdom of Saxony. The surface,
however, is not level, but uniformly inclined from its south-western
edge to the ocean. From the upper edge, on which Newala lies, the
eye ranges for many miles east and north-east, without encountering
any obstacle, over the Makonde bush. It is a green sea, from which
here and there thick clouds of smoke rise, to show that it, too, is
inhabited by men who carry on their tillage like so many other
primitive peoples, by cutting down and burning the bush, and
manuring with the ashes. Even in the radiant light of a tropical day
such a fire is a grand sight.
Much less effective is the impression produced just now by the
great western plain as seen from the edge of the plateau. As often as
time permits, I stroll along this edge, sometimes in one direction,
sometimes in another, in the hope of finding the air clear enough to
let me enjoy the view; but I have always been disappointed.
Wherever one looks, clouds of smoke rise from the burning bush,
and the air is full of smoke and vapour. It is a pity, for under more
favourable circumstances the panorama of the whole country up to
the distant Majeje hills must be truly magnificent. It is of little use
taking photographs now, and an outline sketch gives a very poor idea
of the scenery. In one of these excursions I went out of my way to
make a personal attempt on the Makonde bush. The present edge of
the plateau is the result of a far-reaching process of destruction
through erosion and denudation. The Makonde strata are
everywhere cut into by ravines, which, though short, are hundreds of
yards in depth. In consequence of the loose stratification of these
beds, not only are the walls of these ravines nearly vertical, but their
upper end is closed by an equally steep escarpment, so that the
western edge of the Makonde plateau is hemmed in by a series of
deep, basin-like valleys. In order to get from one side of such a ravine
to the other, I cut my way through the bush with a dozen of my men.
It was a very open part, with more grass than scrub, but even so the
short stretch of less than two hundred yards was very hard work; at
the end of it the men’s calicoes were in rags and they themselves
bleeding from hundreds of scratches, while even our strong khaki
suits had not escaped scatheless.
NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR

MAHUTA
I see increasing reason to believe that the view formed some time
back as to the origin of the Makonde bush is the correct one. I have
no doubt that it is not a natural product, but the result of human
occupation. Those parts of the high country where man—as a very
slight amount of practice enables the eye to perceive at once—has not
yet penetrated with axe and hoe, are still occupied by a splendid
timber forest quite able to sustain a comparison with our mixed
forests in Germany. But wherever man has once built his hut or tilled
his field, this horrible bush springs up. Every phase of this process
may be seen in the course of a couple of hours’ walk along the main
road. From the bush to right or left, one hears the sound of the axe—
not from one spot only, but from several directions at once. A few
steps further on, we can see what is taking place. The brush has been
cut down and piled up in heaps to the height of a yard or more,
between which the trunks of the large trees stand up like the last
pillars of a magnificent ruined building. These, too, present a
melancholy spectacle: the destructive Makonde have ringed them—
cut a broad strip of bark all round to ensure their dying off—and also
piled up pyramids of brush round them. Father and son, mother and
son-in-law, are chopping away perseveringly in the background—too
busy, almost, to look round at the white stranger, who usually excites
so much interest. If you pass by the same place a week later, the piles
of brushwood have disappeared and a thick layer of ashes has taken
the place of the green forest. The large trees stretch their
smouldering trunks and branches in dumb accusation to heaven—if
they have not already fallen and been more or less reduced to ashes,
perhaps only showing as a white stripe on the dark ground.
This work of destruction is carried out by the Makonde alike on the
virgin forest and on the bush which has sprung up on sites already
cultivated and deserted. In the second case they are saved the trouble
of burning the large trees, these being entirely absent in the
secondary bush.
After burning this piece of forest ground and loosening it with the
hoe, the native sows his corn and plants his vegetables. All over the
country, he goes in for bed-culture, which requires, and, in fact,
receives, the most careful attention. Weeds are nowhere tolerated in
the south of German East Africa. The crops may fail on the plains,
where droughts are frequent, but never on the plateau with its
abundant rains and heavy dews. Its fortunate inhabitants even have
the satisfaction of seeing the proud Wayao and Wamakua working
for them as labourers, driven by hunger to serve where they were
accustomed to rule.
But the light, sandy soil is soon exhausted, and would yield no
harvest the second year if cultivated twice running. This fact has
been familiar to the native for ages; consequently he provides in
time, and, while his crop is growing, prepares the next plot with axe
and firebrand. Next year he plants this with his various crops and
lets the first piece lie fallow. For a short time it remains waste and
desolate; then nature steps in to repair the destruction wrought by
man; a thousand new growths spring out of the exhausted soil, and
even the old stumps put forth fresh shoots. Next year the new growth
is up to one’s knees, and in a few years more it is that terrible,
impenetrable bush, which maintains its position till the black
occupier of the land has made the round of all the available sites and
come back to his starting point.
The Makonde are, body and soul, so to speak, one with this bush.
According to my Yao informants, indeed, their name means nothing
else but “bush people.” Their own tradition says that they have been
settled up here for a very long time, but to my surprise they laid great
stress on an original immigration. Their old homes were in the
south-east, near Mikindani and the mouth of the Rovuma, whence
their peaceful forefathers were driven by the continual raids of the
Sakalavas from Madagascar and the warlike Shirazis[47] of the coast,
to take refuge on the almost inaccessible plateau. I have studied
African ethnology for twenty years, but the fact that changes of
population in this apparently quiet and peaceable corner of the earth
could have been occasioned by outside enterprises taking place on
the high seas, was completely new to me. It is, no doubt, however,
correct.
The charming tribal legend of the Makonde—besides informing us
of other interesting matters—explains why they have to live in the
thickest of the bush and a long way from the edge of the plateau,
instead of making their permanent homes beside the purling brooks
and springs of the low country.
“The place where the tribe originated is Mahuta, on the southern
side of the plateau towards the Rovuma, where of old time there was
nothing but thick bush. Out of this bush came a man who never
washed himself or shaved his head, and who ate and drank but little.
He went out and made a human figure from the wood of a tree
growing in the open country, which he took home to his abode in the
bush and there set it upright. In the night this image came to life and
was a woman. The man and woman went down together to the
Rovuma to wash themselves. Here the woman gave birth to a still-
born child. They left that place and passed over the high land into the
valley of the Mbemkuru, where the woman had another child, which
was also born dead. Then they returned to the high bush country of
Mahuta, where the third child was born, which lived and grew up. In
course of time, the couple had many more children, and called
themselves Wamatanda. These were the ancestral stock of the
Makonde, also called Wamakonde,[48] i.e., aborigines. Their
forefather, the man from the bush, gave his children the command to
bury their dead upright, in memory of the mother of their race who
was cut out of wood and awoke to life when standing upright. He also
warned them against settling in the valleys and near large streams,
for sickness and death dwelt there. They were to make it a rule to
have their huts at least an hour’s walk from the nearest watering-
place; then their children would thrive and escape illness.”
The explanation of the name Makonde given by my informants is
somewhat different from that contained in the above legend, which I
extract from a little book (small, but packed with information), by
Pater Adams, entitled Lindi und sein Hinterland. Otherwise, my
results agree exactly with the statements of the legend. Washing?
Hapana—there is no such thing. Why should they do so? As it is, the
supply of water scarcely suffices for cooking and drinking; other
people do not wash, so why should the Makonde distinguish himself
by such needless eccentricity? As for shaving the head, the short,
woolly crop scarcely needs it,[49] so the second ancestral precept is
likewise easy enough to follow. Beyond this, however, there is
nothing ridiculous in the ancestor’s advice. I have obtained from
various local artists a fairly large number of figures carved in wood,
ranging from fifteen to twenty-three inches in height, and
representing women belonging to the great group of the Mavia,
Makonde, and Matambwe tribes. The carving is remarkably well
done and renders the female type with great accuracy, especially the
keloid ornamentation, to be described later on. As to the object and
meaning of their works the sculptors either could or (more probably)
would tell me nothing, and I was forced to content myself with the
scanty information vouchsafed by one man, who said that the figures
were merely intended to represent the nembo—the artificial
deformations of pelele, ear-discs, and keloids. The legend recorded
by Pater Adams places these figures in a new light. They must surely
be more than mere dolls; and we may even venture to assume that
they are—though the majority of present-day Makonde are probably
unaware of the fact—representations of the tribal ancestress.
The references in the legend to the descent from Mahuta to the
Rovuma, and to a journey across the highlands into the Mbekuru
valley, undoubtedly indicate the previous history of the tribe, the
travels of the ancestral pair typifying the migrations of their
descendants. The descent to the neighbouring Rovuma valley, with
its extraordinary fertility and great abundance of game, is intelligible
at a glance—but the crossing of the Lukuledi depression, the ascent
to the Rondo Plateau and the descent to the Mbemkuru, also lie
within the bounds of probability, for all these districts have exactly
the same character as the extreme south. Now, however, comes a
point of especial interest for our bacteriological age. The primitive
Makonde did not enjoy their lives in the marshy river-valleys.
Disease raged among them, and many died. It was only after they
had returned to their original home near Mahuta, that the health
conditions of these people improved. We are very apt to think of the
African as a stupid person whose ignorance of nature is only equalled
by his fear of it, and who looks on all mishaps as caused by evil
spirits and malignant natural powers. It is much more correct to
assume in this case that the people very early learnt to distinguish
districts infested with malaria from those where it is absent.
This knowledge is crystallized in the
ancestral warning against settling in the
valleys and near the great waters, the
dwelling-places of disease and death. At the
same time, for security against the hostile
Mavia south of the Rovuma, it was enacted
that every settlement must be not less than a
certain distance from the southern edge of the
plateau. Such in fact is their mode of life at the
present day. It is not such a bad one, and
certainly they are both safer and more
comfortable than the Makua, the recent
intruders from the south, who have made USUAL METHOD OF
good their footing on the western edge of the CLOSING HUT-DOOR
plateau, extending over a fairly wide belt of
country. Neither Makua nor Makonde show in their dwellings
anything of the size and comeliness of the Yao houses in the plain,
especially at Masasi, Chingulungulu and Zuza’s. Jumbe Chauro, a
Makonde hamlet not far from Newala, on the road to Mahuta, is the
most important settlement of the tribe I have yet seen, and has fairly
spacious huts. But how slovenly is their construction compared with
the palatial residences of the elephant-hunters living in the plain.
The roofs are still more untidy than in the general run of huts during
the dry season, the walls show here and there the scanty beginnings
or the lamentable remains of the mud plastering, and the interior is a
veritable dog-kennel; dirt, dust and disorder everywhere. A few huts
only show any attempt at division into rooms, and this consists
merely of very roughly-made bamboo partitions. In one point alone
have I noticed any indication of progress—in the method of fastening
the door. Houses all over the south are secured in a simple but
ingenious manner. The door consists of a set of stout pieces of wood
or bamboo, tied with bark-string to two cross-pieces, and moving in
two grooves round one of the door-posts, so as to open inwards. If
the owner wishes to leave home, he takes two logs as thick as a man’s
upper arm and about a yard long. One of these is placed obliquely
against the middle of the door from the inside, so as to form an angle
of from 60° to 75° with the ground. He then places the second piece
horizontally across the first, pressing it downward with all his might.
It is kept in place by two strong posts planted in the ground a few
inches inside the door. This fastening is absolutely safe, but of course
cannot be applied to both doors at once, otherwise how could the
owner leave or enter his house? I have not yet succeeded in finding
out how the back door is fastened.
MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO

This is the general way of closing a house. The Makonde at Jumbe
Chauro, however, have a much more complicated, solid and original
one. Here, too, the door is as already described, except that there is
only one post on the inside, standing by itself about six inches from
one side of the doorway. Opposite this post is a hole in the wall just
large enough to admit a man’s arm. The door is closed inside by a
large wooden bolt passing through a hole in this post and pressing
with its free end against the door. The other end has three holes into
which fit three pegs running in vertical grooves inside the post. The
door is opened with a wooden key about a foot long, somewhat
curved and sloped off at the butt; the other end has three pegs
corresponding to the holes, in the bolt, so that, when it is thrust
through the hole in the wall and inserted into the rectangular
opening in the post, the pegs can be lifted and the bolt drawn out.[50]
MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY
With no small pride first one householder and then a second

showed me on the spot the action of this greatest invention of the
Makonde Highlands. To both with an admiring exclamation of
“Vizuri sana!” (“Very fine!”). I expressed the wish to take back these
marvels with me to Ulaya, to show the Wazungu what clever fellows
the Makonde are. Scarcely five minutes after my return to camp at
Newala, the two men came up sweating under the weight of two
heavy logs which they laid down at my feet, handing over at the same
time the keys of the fallen fortress. Arguing, logically enough, that if
the key was wanted, the lock would be wanted with it, they had taken
their axes and chopped down the posts—as it never occurred to them
to dig them out of the ground and so bring them intact. Thus I have
two badly damaged specimens, and the owners, instead of praise,
come in for a blowing-up.
The Makua huts in the environs of Newala are especially
miserable; their more than slovenly construction reminds one of the
temporary erections of the Makua at Hatia’s, though the people here
have not been concerned in a war. It must therefore be due to
congenital idleness, or else to the absence of a powerful chief. Even
the baraza at Mlipa’s, a short hour’s walk south-east of Newala,
shares in this general neglect. While public buildings in this country
are usually looked after more or less carefully, this is in evident
danger of being blown over by the first strong easterly gale. The only
attractive object in this whole district is the grave of the late chief
Mlipa. I visited it in the morning, while the sun was still trying with
partial success to break through the rolling mists, and the circular
grove of tall euphorbias, which, with a broken pot, is all that marks
the old king’s resting-place, impressed one with a touch of pathos.
Even my very materially-minded carriers seemed to feel something
of the sort, for instead of their usual ribald songs, they chanted
solemnly, as we marched on through the dense green of the Makonde
bush:—
“We shall arrive with the great master; we stand in a row and have
no fear about getting our food and our money from the Serkali (the
Government). We are not afraid; we are going along with the great
master, the lion; we are going down to the coast and back.”
With regard to the characteristic features of the various tribes here
on the western edge of the plateau, I can arrive at no other
conclusion than the one already come to in the plain, viz., that it is
impossible for anyone but a trained anthropologist to assign any
given individual at once to his proper tribe. In fact, I think that even
an anthropological specialist, after the most careful examination,
might find it a difficult task to decide. The whole congeries of peoples
collected in the region bounded on the west by the great Central
African rift, Tanganyika and Nyasa, and on the east by the Indian
Ocean, are closely related to each other—some of their languages are
only distinguished from one another as dialects of the same speech,
and no doubt all the tribes present the same shape of skull and
structure of skeleton. Thus, surely, there can be no very striking
differences in outward appearance.
Even did such exist, I should have no time
to concern myself with them, for day after day,
I have to see or hear, as the case may be—in
any case to grasp and record—an
extraordinary number of ethnographic
phenomena. I am almost disposed to think it
fortunate that some departments of inquiry, at
least, are barred by external circumstances.
Chief among these is the subject of iron-
working. We are apt to think of Africa as a
country where iron ore is everywhere, so to
speak, to be picked up by the roadside, and
where it would be quite surprising if the
inhabitants had not learnt to smelt the
material ready to their hand. In fact, the
knowledge of this art ranges all over the
continent, from the Kabyles in the north to the
Kafirs in the south. Here between the Rovuma
and the Lukuledi the conditions are not so
favourable. According to the statements of the
Makonde, neither ironstone nor any other
form of iron ore is known to them. They have
not therefore advanced to the art of smelting
the metal, but have hitherto bought all their
THE ANCESTRESS OF
THE MAKONDE
iron implements from neighbouring tribes.
Even in the plain the inhabitants are not much
better off. Only one man now living is said to
understand the art of smelting iron. This old fundi lives close to
Huwe, that isolated, steep-sided block of granite which rises out of
the green solitude between Masasi and Chingulungulu, and whose
jagged and splintered top meets the traveller’s eye everywhere. While
still at Masasi I wished to see this man at work, but was told that,
frightened by the rising, he had retired across the Rovuma, though
he would soon return. All subsequent inquiries as to whether the
fundi had come back met with the genuine African answer, “Bado”
(“Not yet”).
BRAZIER
Some consolation was afforded me by a brassfounder, whom I

came across in the bush near Akundonde’s. This man is the favourite
of women, and therefore no doubt of the gods; he welds the glittering
brass rods purchased at the coast into those massive, heavy rings
which, on the wrists and ankles of the local fair ones, continually give
me fresh food for admiration. Like every decent master-craftsman he
had all his tools with him, consisting of a pair of bellows, three
crucibles and a hammer—nothing more, apparently. He was quite
willing to show his skill, and in a twinkling had fixed his bellows on
the ground. They are simply two goat-skins, taken off whole, the four
legs being closed by knots, while the upper opening, intended to
admit the air, is kept stretched by two pieces of wood. At the lower
end of the skin a smaller opening is left into which a wooden tube is
stuck. The fundi has quickly borrowed a heap of wood-embers from
the nearest hut; he then fixes the free ends of the two tubes into an
earthen pipe, and clamps them to the ground by means of a bent
piece of wood. Now he fills one of his small clay crucibles, the dross
on which shows that they have been long in use, with the yellow
material, places it in the midst of the embers, which, at present are
only faintly glimmering, and begins his work. In quick alternation
the smith’s two hands move up and down with the open ends of the
bellows; as he raises his hand he holds the slit wide open, so as to let
the air enter the skin bag unhindered. In pressing it down he closes
the bag, and the air puffs through the bamboo tube and clay pipe into
the fire, which quickly burns up. The smith, however, does not keep
on with this work, but beckons to another man, who relieves him at
the bellows, while he takes some more tools out of a large skin pouch
carried on his back. I look on in wonder as, with a smooth round
stick about the thickness of a finger, he bores a few vertical holes into
the clean sand of the soil. This should not be difficult, yet the man
seems to be taking great pains over it. Then he fastens down to the
ground, with a couple of wooden clamps, a neat little trough made by
splitting a joint of bamboo in half, so that the ends are closed by the
two knots. At last the yellow metal has attained the right consistency,
and the fundi lifts the crucible from the fire by means of two sticks
split at the end to serve as tongs. A short swift turn to the left—a
tilting of the crucible—and the molten brass, hissing and giving forth
clouds of smoke, flows first into the bamboo mould and then into the
holes in the ground.
The technique of this backwoods craftsman may not be very far
advanced, but it cannot be denied that he knows how to obtain an
adequate result by the simplest means. The ladies of highest rank in
this country—that is to say, those who can afford it, wear two kinds
of these massive brass rings, one cylindrical, the other semicircular
in section. The latter are cast in the most ingenious way in the
bamboo mould, the former in the circular hole in the sand. It is quite
a simple matter for the fundi to fit these bars to the limbs of his fair
customers; with a few light strokes of his hammer he bends the
pliable brass round arm or ankle without further inconvenience to
the wearer.
SHAPING THE POT
SMOOTHING WITH MAIZE-COB
CUTTING THE EDGE

FINISHING THE BOTTOM
LAST SMOOTHING BEFORE

BURNING
FIRING THE BRUSH-PILE

LIGHTING THE FARTHER SIDE OF
THE PILE
TURNING THE RED-HOT VESSEL
NYASA WOMAN MAKING POTS AT MASASI

Pottery is an art which must always and everywhere excite the
interest of the student, just because it is so intimately connected with
the development of human culture, and because its relics are one of
the principal factors in the reconstruction of our own condition in
prehistoric times. I shall always remember with pleasure the two or
three afternoons at Masasi when Salim Matola’s mother, a slightly-
built, graceful, pleasant-looking woman, explained to me with
touching patience, by means of concrete illustrations, the ceramic art
of her people. The only implements for this primitive process were a
lump of clay in her left hand, and in the right a calabash containing
the following valuables: the fragment of a maize-cob stripped of all
its grains, a smooth, oval pebble, about the size of a pigeon’s egg, a
few chips of gourd-shell, a bamboo splinter about the length of one’s
hand, a small shell, and a bunch of some herb resembling spinach.
Nothing more. The woman scraped with the
shell a round, shallow hole in the soft, fine
sand of the soil, and, when an active young
girl had filled the calabash with water for her,
she began to knead the clay. As if by magic it
gradually assumed the shape of a rough but
already well-shaped vessel, which only wanted
a little touching up with the instruments
before mentioned. I looked out with the
MAKUA WOMAN closest attention for any indication of the use
MAKING A POT. of the potter’s wheel, in however rudimentary
SHOWS THE a form, but no—hapana (there is none). The
BEGINNINGS OF THE embryo pot stood firmly in its little
POTTER’S WHEEL
depression, and the woman walked round it in
a stooping posture, whether she was removing
small stones or similar foreign bodies with the maize-cob, smoothing
the inner or outer surface with the splinter of bamboo, or later, after
letting it dry for a day, pricking in the ornamentation with a pointed
bit of gourd-shell, or working out the bottom, or cutting the edge
with a sharp bamboo knife, or giving the last touches to the finished
vessel. This occupation of the women is infinitely toilsome, but it is
without doubt an accurate reproduction of the process in use among
our ancestors of the Neolithic and Bronze ages.
There is no doubt that the invention of pottery, an item in human
progress whose importance cannot be over-estimated, is due to
women. Rough, coarse and unfeeling, the men of the horde range
over the countryside. When the united cunning of the hunters has
succeeded in killing the game; not one of them thinks of carrying
home the spoil. A bright fire, kindled by a vigorous wielding of the
drill, is crackling beside them; the animal has been cleaned and cut
up secundum artem, and, after a slight singeing, will soon disappear
under their sharp teeth; no one all this time giving a single thought
to wife or child.
To what shifts, on the other hand, the primitive wife, and still more
the primitive mother, was put! Not even prehistoric stomachs could
endure an unvarying diet of raw food. Something or other suggested
the beneficial effect of hot water on the majority of approved but
indigestible dishes. Perhaps a neighbour had tried holding the hard
roots or tubers over the fire in a calabash filled with water—or maybe
an ostrich-egg-shell, or a hastily improvised vessel of bark. They
became much softer and more palatable than they had previously
been; but, unfortunately, the vessel could not stand the fire and got
charred on the outside. That can be remedied, thought our
ancestress, and plastered a layer of wet clay round a similar vessel.
This is an improvement; the cooking utensil remains uninjured, but
the heat of the fire has shrunk it, so that it is loose in its shell. The
next step is to detach it, so, with a firm grip and a jerk, shell and
kernel are separated, and pottery is invented. Perhaps, however, the
discovery which led to an intelligent use of the burnt-clay shell, was
made in a slightly different way. Ostrich-eggs and calabashes are not
to be found in every part of the world, but everywhere mankind has
arrived at the art of making baskets out of pliant materials, such as
bark, bast, strips of palm-leaf, supple twigs, etc. Our inventor has no
water-tight vessel provided by nature. “Never mind, let us line the
basket with clay.” This answers the purpose, but alas! the basket gets
burnt over the blazing fire, the woman watches the process of
cooking with increasing uneasiness, fearing a leak, but no leak
appears. The food, done to a turn, is eaten with peculiar relish; and
the cooking-vessel is examined, half in curiosity, half in satisfaction
at the result. The plastic clay is now hard as stone, and at the same
time looks exceedingly well, for the neat plaiting of the burnt basket
is traced all over it in a pretty pattern. Thus, simultaneously with
pottery, its ornamentation was invented.
Primitive woman has another claim to respect. It was the man,
roving abroad, who invented the art of producing fire at will, but the
woman, unable to imitate him in this, has been a Vestal from the
earliest times. Nothing gives so much trouble as the keeping alight of
the smouldering brand, and, above all, when all the men are absent
from the camp. Heavy rain-clouds gather, already the first large
drops are falling, the first gusts of the storm rage over the plain. The
little flame, a greater anxiety to the woman than her own children,
flickers unsteadily in the blast. What is to be done? A sudden thought
occurs to her, and in an instant she has constructed a primitive hut
out of strips of bark, to protect the flame against rain and wind.
This, or something very like it, was the way in which the principle
of the house was discovered; and even the most hardened misogynist
cannot fairly refuse a woman the credit of it. The protection of the
hearth-fire from the weather is the germ from which the human
dwelling was evolved. Men had little, if any share, in this forward
step, and that only at a late stage. Even at the present day, the
plastering of the housewall with clay and the manufacture of pottery
are exclusively the women’s business. These are two very significant
survivals. Our European kitchen-garden, too, is originally a woman’s
invention, and the hoe, the primitive instrument of agriculture, is,
characteristically enough, still used in this department. But the
noblest achievement which we owe to the other sex is unquestionably
the art of cookery. Roasting alone—the oldest process—is one for
which men took the hint (a very obvious one) from nature. It must
have been suggested by the scorched carcase of some animal
overtaken by the destructive forest-fires. But boiling—the process of
improving organic substances by the help of water heated to boiling-
point—is a much later discovery. It is so recent that it has not even
yet penetrated to all parts of the world. The Polynesians understand
how to steam food, that is, to cook it, neatly wrapped in leaves, in a
hole in the earth between hot stones, the air being excluded, and
(sometimes) a few drops of water sprinkled on the stones; but they
do not understand boiling.
To come back from this digression, we find that the slender Nyasa
woman has, after once more carefully examining the finished pot,
put it aside in the shade to dry. On the following day she sends me
word by her son, Salim Matola, who is always on hand, that she is
going to do the burning, and, on coming out of my house, I find her
already hard at work. She has spread on the ground a layer of very
dry sticks, about as thick as one’s thumb, has laid the pot (now of a
yellowish-grey colour) on them, and is piling brushwood round it.
My faithful Pesa mbili, the mnyampara, who has been standing by,
most obligingly, with a lighted stick, now hands it to her. Both of
them, blowing steadily, light the pile on the lee side, and, when the
flame begins to catch, on the weather side also. Soon the whole is in a
blaze, but the dry fuel is quickly consumed and the fire dies down, so
that we see the red-hot vessel rising from the ashes. The woman
turns it continually with a long stick, sometimes one way and
sometimes another, so that it may be evenly heated all over. In
twenty minutes she rolls it out of the ash-heap, takes up the bundle
of spinach, which has been lying for two days in a jar of water, and
sprinkles the red-hot clay with it. The places where the drops fall are
marked by black spots on the uniform reddish-brown surface. With a
sigh of relief, and with visible satisfaction, the woman rises to an
erect position; she is standing just in a line between me and the fire,
from which a cloud of smoke is just rising: I press the ball of my
camera, the shutter clicks—the apotheosis is achieved! Like a
priestess, representative of her inventive sex, the graceful woman
stands: at her feet the hearth-fire she has given us beside her the
invention she has devised for us, in the background the home she has
built for us.
At Newala, also, I have had the manufacture of pottery carried on
in my presence. Technically the process is better than that already
described, for here we find the beginnings of the potter’s wheel,
which does not seem to exist in the plains; at least I have seen
nothing of the sort. The artist, a frightfully stupid Makua woman, did
not make a depression in the ground to receive the pot she was about
to shape, but used instead a large potsherd. Otherwise, she went to
work in much the same way as Salim’s mother, except that she saved
herself the trouble of walking round and round her work by squatting
at her ease and letting the pot and potsherd rotate round her; this is
surely the first step towards a machine. But it does not follow that
the pot was improved by the process. It is true that it was beautifully
rounded and presented a very creditable appearance when finished,
but the numerous large and small vessels which I have seen, and, in
part, collected, in the “less advanced” districts, are no less so. We
moderns imagine that instruments of precision are necessary to
produce excellent results. Go to the prehistoric collections of our
museums and look at the pots, urns and bowls of our ancestors in the
dim ages of the past, and you will at once perceive your error.
MAKING LONGITUDINAL CUT IN
BARK
DRAWING THE BARK OFF THE LOG
REMOVING THE OUTER BARK

BEATING THE BARK
WORKING THE BARK-CLOTH AFTER BEATING, TO MAKE IT

SOFT
MANUFACTURE OF BARK-CLOTH AT NEWALA

To-day, nearly the whole population of German East Africa is
clothed in imported calico. This was not always the case; even now in
some parts of the north dressed skins are still the prevailing wear,
and in the north-western districts—east and north of Lake
Tanganyika—lies a zone where bark-cloth has not yet been
superseded. Probably not many generations have passed since such
bark fabrics and kilts of skins were the only clothing even in the
south. Even to-day, large quantities of this bright-red or drab
material are still to be found; but if we wish to see it, we must look in
the granaries and on the drying stages inside the native huts, where
it serves less ambitious uses as wrappings for those seeds and fruits
which require to be packed with special care. The salt produced at
Masasi, too, is packed for transport to a distance in large sheets of
bark-cloth. Wherever I found it in any degree possible, I studied the
process of making this cloth. The native requisitioned for the
purpose arrived, carrying a log between two and three yards long and
as thick as his thigh, and nothing else except a curiously-shaped
mallet and the usual long, sharp and pointed knife which all men and
boys wear in a belt at their backs without a sheath—horribile dictu!
[51]
Silently he squats down before me, and with two rapid cuts has
drawn a couple of circles round the log some two yards apart, and
slits the bark lengthwise between them with the point of his knife.
With evident care, he then scrapes off the outer rind all round the
log, so that in a quarter of an hour the inner red layer of the bark
shows up brightly-coloured between the two untouched ends. With
some trouble and much caution, he now loosens the bark at one end,
and opens the cylinder. He then stands up, takes hold of the free
edge with both hands, and turning it inside out, slowly but steadily
pulls it off in one piece. Now comes the troublesome work of
scraping all superfluous particles of outer bark from the outside of
the long, narrow piece of material, while the inner side is carefully
scrutinised for defective spots. At last it is ready for beating. Having
signalled to a friend, who immediately places a bowl of water beside
him, the artificer damps his sheet of bark all over, seizes his mallet,
lays one end of the stuff on the smoothest spot of the log, and
hammers away slowly but continuously. “Very simple!” I think to
myself. “Why, I could do that, too!”—but I am forced to change my
opinions a little later on; for the beating is quite an art, if the fabric is
not to be beaten to pieces. To prevent the breaking of the fibres, the
stuff is several times folded across, so as to interpose several
thicknesses between the mallet and the block. At last the required
state is reached, and the fundi seizes the sheet, still folded, by both
ends, and wrings it out, or calls an assistant to take one end while he
holds the other. The cloth produced in this way is not nearly so fine
and uniform in texture as the famous Uganda bark-cloth, but it is
quite soft, and, above all, cheap.
Now, too, I examine the mallet. My craftsman has been using the
simpler but better form of this implement, a conical block of some
hard wood, its base—the striking surface—being scored across and
across with more or less deeply-cut grooves, and the handle stuck
into a hole in the middle. The other and earlier form of mallet is
shaped in the same way, but the head is fastened by an ingenious
network of bark strips into the split bamboo serving as a handle. The
observation so often made, that ancient customs persist longest in
connection with religious ceremonies and in the life of children, here
finds confirmation. As we shall soon see, bark-cloth is still worn
during the unyago,[52] having been prepared with special solemn
ceremonies; and many a mother, if she has no other garment handy,
will still put her little one into a kilt of bark-cloth, which, after all,
looks better, besides being more in keeping with its African
surroundings, than the ridiculous bit of print from Ulaya.
MAKUA WOMEN

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Statistics for The Behavioral Sciences

10th Edition, (Ebook PDF)

CHAPtER 3 Central Tendency 67

z-Scores: Location of Scores

5.4 Using z-Scores to Standardize a Distribution 141

CHAPtER 6 Probability 159

Probability and Samples: The Distribution

CHAPtER 8 Introduction to Hypothesis Testing 223

CHAPtER 9 Introduction to the t Statistic 267

CHAPtER 10 The t Test for Two Independent Samples 299

CHAPtER 11 The t Test for Two Related Samples 335

CHAPtER 12 Introduction to Analysis of Variance 365

CHAPtER 13 Repeated-Measures Analysis of Variance 413

Two-Factor Analysis of Variance

CHAPtER 15 Correlation 485

CHAPtER 16 Introduction to Regression 529

The Chi-Square Statistic: Tests for Goodness

CHAPtER 18 The Binomial Test 603

Chapter 5 The section discussion relationships between z, X, μ, and σ has been

■■Matching the Text to Your Syllabus

Frederick J Gravetter is Professor Emeritus of Psychology at the

Larry B. WaLLnau is Professor Emeritus of Psychology at the State

1.1 Statistics, Science, and Observations

■■Populations and Samples

DEFInItIon A sample is a set of individuals selected from a population, usually intended to

■■Variables and Data

F I G U R E 1.1 THE SAMPLE

■■Parameters and Statistics

DEFInItIon A parameter is a value, usually a numerical value, that describes a population. A

■■Descriptive and Inferential Statistical Methods

Sample Statistics Sample Statistics

■■Statistics in the Context of Research

Step 3 The sample data show a 4-point difference

1.2 Data Structures, Research Methods, and Statistics

■■Individual Variables: Descriptive Research

■■Relationships Between Variables

■■Statistics for the Correlational Method

(a) (b) 3.8

Student Time Performance

■■Limitations of the Correlational Method

F i g u r E 1. 5 One variable (type of video game)

■■Statistics for Comparing Two (or More) Groups of Scores

■■Experimental and Nonexperimental Methods

■■The Experimental Method

Newala, too, suffers from the distance of its water-supply—at least

The water-supply of New Newala is in the bottom of the valley,

NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR

MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO

MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY

With no small pride first one householder and then a second

Some consolation was afforded me by a brassfounder, whom I

SMOOTHING WITH MAIZE-COB

CUTTING THE EDGE

LAST SMOOTHING BEFORE

FIRING THE BRUSH-PILE

TURNING THE RED-HOT VESSEL

NYASA WOMAN MAKING POTS AT MASASI

DRAWING THE BARK OFF THE LOG

REMOVING THE OUTER BARK

WORKING THE BARK-CLOTH AFTER BEATING, TO MAKE IT

MANUFACTURE OF BARK-CLOTH AT NEWALA

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