Behavioral Sciences Stat New Engaging Titles From 4ltr Press 2nd Edition Ebook PDF

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CONTENTS
1 Introduction to Statistics
and Research 2
1-1 Learning about Statistics 3
1-2 The Logic of Research 5
© Vladimir L./Shutterstock.com
1-3 Understanding Relationships 7
1-4 Applying Descriptive and Inferential Statistics 10
1-5 Understanding Experiments and Correlational
Studies 11
1-6 The Characteristics of Scores 15
2 Creating and Using

Frequency Distributions 20
2-1 Some New Symbols and Terminology 21
© Sai Yeung Chan/Shutterstock.com
2-2 Understanding Frequency Distributions 22

2-3 Types of Frequency Distributions 25
2-4 Relative Frequency and the Normal Curve 29
2-5 Understanding Percentile and Cumulative
Frequency 32
3 Summarizing Scores with

Measures of Central Tendency 36
Jerry and Marcy Monkman/EcoPhotography.com/Alamy
3-1 Some New Symbols and Procedures 37

3-2 What Is Central Tendency? 37
3-3 Computing the Mean, Median, and Mode 39
3-4 Applying the Mean to Research 44
3-5 Describing the Population Mean 49
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4 Summarizing Scores with
Measures of Variability 52
4-1 Understanding Variability 53
4-2 The Range 55
4-3 The Sample Variance and Standard Deviation 55
4-4 The Population Variance and
Standard Deviation 59
4-5 Summary of the Variance and Standard
Deviation 61
©Stanth/Shutterstock.com
4-6 Computing the Formulas for Variance and
Standard Deviation 62
4-7 Statistics in the Research Literature: Reporting
Means and Variability 65
5 Describing Data with

z-Scores and the Normal
Curve 68
5-1 Understanding z-Scores 69
5-2 Using the z-Distribution to Interpret Scores 72
5-3 Using the z-Distribution to Compare Different
©iStockphoto.com/Casarsa
Variables 74
5-4 Using the z-Distribution to Compute Relative
Frequency 75
5-5 Using z-Scores to Describe Sample Means 79
6 Using Probability to Make

Decisions about Data 88
6-1 Understanding Probability 89
6-2 Probability Distributions 90
6-3 Obtaining Probability from the Standard Normal
Curve 92
6-4 Random Sampling and Sampling Error 94
6-5 Deciding Whether a Sample Represents
a Population 96
Zentilia/Dreamstime.com
vi Contents
7 Overview of Statistical
Hypothesis Testing: The z-Test
106
7-1 The Role of Inferential Statistics in Research 107
7-2 Setting Up Inferential Procedures 108
©iunewind/Shutterstock.com
7-3 Performing the z-Test 113
7-4 Interpreting Significant and Nonsignificant
Results 115
7-5 Summary of the z-Test 117
7-6 The One-Tailed Test 118
the Results 120
7-8 Errors in Statistical Decision Making 121
8 Hypothesis Testing Using

the One-Sample t-Test 126
8-1 Understanding the One-Sample t-Test 127
8-2 Performing the One-Sample t-Test 128
©Yuri Arcurs/Shutterstock.com
8-3 Interpreting the t-Test 133

8-4 Estimating m by Computing a Confidence
Interval 135
8-5 Statistics in the Research Literature:
Reporting t 138
9 Hypothesis Testing Using

the Two-Sample t-Test 140
9-1 Understanding the Two-Sample Experiment 141
9-2 The Independent-Samples t-Test 142
9-3 Performing the Independent-Samples t-Test 144
9-4 The Related-Samples t-Test 149
Fancy Collection/SuperStock
9-5 Performing the Related-Samples t-Test 152

9-6 Statistics in the Research Literature: Reporting a
Two-Sample Study 156
9-7 Describing Effect Size 156
Contents vii
© Martin Holtkamp/Taxi Japan/Getty Images
10 Describing Relationships
Using Correlation and
Regression 162
10-1 Understanding Correlations 163
10-2 The Pearson Correlation Coefficient 171
10-3 Significance Testing of the Pearson r 174
Reporting r 178
10-5 An Introduction to Linear Regression 178
10-6 The Proportion of Variance Accounted For: r 2 180
© Influx Productions/Photodisc/Jupiterimages
11 Hypothesis Testing
Using the One-Way Analysis of
Variance 184
11-1 An Overview of the Analysis of Variance 185
11-2 Components of the ANOVA 189
11-3 Performing the ANOVA 191
11-4 Performing the Tukey HSD Test 196
ANOVA 198
11-6 Effect Size and Eta2 198
11-7 A Word about the Within-Subjects ANOVA 199
12 Understanding
the Two-Way Analysis of
Variance 202
12-1 Understanding the Two-Way Design 203
12-2 Understanding Main Effects 204
12-3 Understanding the Interaction Effect 207
©Aeypix/Shutterstock.com
12-4 Completing the Two-Way ANOVA 209

12-5 Interpreting the Two-Way Experiment 214
viii Contents
13 Chi Square and
Nonparametric Procedures 218
13-1 Parametric versus Nonparametric Statistics 219
13-2 Chi Square Procedures 220
13-3 The One-Way Chi Square: The Goodness
of Fit Test 220
Nicholas Pavloff/Iconica/Getty Images

13-4 The Two-Way Chi Square: The Test
of Independence 224
Reporting χ 2 229
13-6 A Word about Nonparametric Procedures for
Ordinal Scores 229
Appendix A: Math Review

and Additional Computing
Formulas 234
A-1 Review of Basic Math 234
A-2 Computing Confidence Intervals for the
Two-Sample t-Test 238
A-3 Computing the Linear Regression Equation 239
A-4 Computing the Two-Way Between-Subjects
ANOVA 241
A-5 Computing the One-Way Within-Subjects
ANOVA 247
Appendix B: Statistical Tables 252
Appendix C: Answers to
Odd-Numbered Study
Problems 264
Index 276
Contents ix
Chapter
1
INTRODUCTION TO STATISTICS
AND RESEARCH
GOING F O R WA R D
Your goals in this chapter are to learn:

• The logic of research and the purpose of statistical procedures.
• What a relationship between scores is.
• When and why descriptive and inferential procedures are used.
• What the difference is between an experiment and a correlational
study, and what the independent variable, the conditions, and the
dependent variable are.
• What the four scales of measurement are.
O
kay, so you’re taking a course in statistics. What does
Sections this involve? Well, first of all, statistics involve math,
but if that makes you a little nervous, you can relax:
1-1 Learning about Statistics
You do not need to be a math wizard to do well in
1-2 The Logic of Research this course. You need to know only how to add, subtract, multiply,
1-3 Understanding and divide—and use a calculator. Also, the term statistics is often
Relationships shorthand for statistical procedures, and statisticians have already
1-4 Applying Descriptive and developed the statistical procedures you’ll be learning about. So
Inferential Statistics you won’t be solving simultaneous equations, performing proofs
1-5 Understanding and derivations, or doing other mystery math. You will simply
Experiments and learn how to select the statistical procedure—the formula—that is
Correlational Studies
appropriate for a given situation and then compute and interpret
1-6 The Characteristics of the answer. And don’t worry, there are not that many to learn, and
Scores these fancy-sounding “procedures” include such simple things as
computing an average or drawing a graph. (A quick refresher in
2 Behavioral Sciences STAT2
© Vladimir L./Shutterstock.com
math basics is in Appendix A.1. If you can do that, is necessary for comprehending other people’s research
and for understanding your chosen field of study.
you’ll be fine.)
How do researchers use statistics? Behavioral
Instead of thinking of statistics as math prob- research always involves measuring behaviors. For
lems, think of them as tools that psychologists and example, to study intelligence, researchers measure
the IQ scores of individuals, or to study memory, they
other behavioral researchers employ when “ana- measure the number of things that people remember
lyzing” the results of their research. Therefore, for or forget. We call these scores the data. Any study
you to understand statistics, your first step is to typically produces a very large batch of data, and it
is at this point that researchers apply statistical proce-
understand the basics of research so that you can dures, because statistics help us to make sense out of
see how statistics fit in. To get you started, in this the data. We do this in four ways.
chapter we will discuss (1) what learning statistics 1. First, we organize the scores so that we can see
any patterns in the data. Often this simply involves
involves, (2) the logic of research and the purpose
creating a table or graph.
of statistics, (3) the two major types of studies that 2. Second, we summarize the data. Usually we don’t
researchers conduct, and (4) the four ways that want to examine each individual score in a study,
researchers measure behaviors. and a summary—such as the average score—
allows us to quickly understand the general
characteristics of the data.
1-1 LEARNING ABOUT 3. Third, statistics communicate the results of a study.
STATISTICS You will learn the standard techniques and sym-
bols we use to quickly and clearly communicate
Why is it important to learn statistics? Statistical proce- results, especially in published research reports.
dures are an important part of the research that forms 4. Finally, we use statistics to interpret what the
the basis for psychology and other behavioral sciences. data indicate. All behavioral research is designed
People involved with these sciences use statistics and sta- to answer a question about a behavior and,
tistical concepts every day. Even if you are not interested ultimately, we must decide what the data tell us
in conducting research yourself, understanding statistics about that behavior.
Chapter 1: Introduction to Statistics and Research 3
is learning this code. Once you speak the lan-
guage, much of the mystery of statistics will
THE PURPOSE OF evaporate. So learn (memorize) the terminology
STATISTICAL by using the glossary in the page margins and the
PROCEDURES IS •
other learning aids that are provided.
The only way to learn statistics is to do statis-
TO MAKE SENSE OUT OF DATA. tics, so you must practice using the formulas and
concepts. Therefore, at the end of each chapter
are study questions that you should complete.
You’ll see there are actually only a few different Seriously work on these questions. (This is the
ways that behavioral research is generally conducted, practice test before the real test!) The answers to
and for each way, there are slightly different formu- the odd-numbered problems are in Appendix C,
las that we use. Thus, in a nutshell, the purpose of and your instructor has the answers to the even-
this course is to familiarize you with each research numbered problems.
approach, teach you the appropriate formulas for that • At the end of this book are two tear-out “Review
approach, and show you how to use the answers you Cards” for each chapter. They include: (1) a
compute to make sense out of the data (by organizing, Chapter Summary, with linkage to key vocabu-
summarizing, communicating, and interpreting). lary terms; (2) a Procedures and Formulas section,
Along the way, it is easy to get carried away and where you can review how to use the formulas
concentrate on only the formulas and calculations. and procedures (keep it handy when doing the
However, don’t forget that statistics are a research end-of-chapter study questions); and (3) a Putting
tool that you must learn to apply. Therefore, more It All Together fill-in-the-blank exercise that
than anything else, your goal is to learn when to use reviews concepts, procedures, and vocabulary.
each procedure and how to interpret its answer. (Complete this for all chapters to create a study
guide for the final exam.)
• You cannot get too much practice, so also visit
1-1a Studying Statistics the CourseMate website as described on the
The nature of statistics leads to some “rules” for how inside cover of this book. A number of study tools
to approach this topic and how to use this book. are provided for each chapter, including printable
• You will be learning novel ways to think about flashcards, interactive crossword puzzles, and
the information conveyed by numbers. You more practice problems.
need to carefully read and study the material,
and often you will need to read it again. Don’t
try to “cram” statistics. You won’t learn any-
1-1b Using the SPSS Computer
thing (and your brain will melt). You must Program
translate the new terminology and symbols into
In this book we’ll use formulas to compute the answers
things that you understand, and that takes time
“by hand” so that you can see how each is produced.
and effort.
Once you are familiar with statistics, though, you
• Don’t skip something if it seems difficult because will want to use a computer. One of the most popular
concepts and formulas build upon previous ones. statistics programs is called SPSS. At the end of most
Following each major topic in a chapter, test chapters in this book is a brief section relating SPSS
yourself with the in-chapter “Quick Practice.” If to the chapter’s procedures, and you’ll find step-by-
you have problems with it, go back—you missed step instructions on one of the Chapter Review Cards.
something. (Also, the beginning of each chapter (Review Card 1.4 describes how to get started by
lists what you should understand from previous entering data.) These instructions are appropriate for
chapters. Make sure you do.) version 20 and other recent versions of SPSS. Establish
• Researchers use a shorthand “code” for describ- a routine of using the data from odd-numbered study
ing statistical analyses and communicating problems at the end of a chapter and checking your
research results. A major part of learning statistics answers in Appendix C.
influence on a specific behavior in population
a specific situation. Then, using The large group of
TO BRUSH UP ON our findings, we generalize back

to the broader behaviors and
individuals to which
a law of nature
YOUR MATH SKILLS, CHECK OUT laws we began with. For example,
applies
BASIC
THE REVIEW OF here’s an idea for a simple study. sample A
relatively small subset
MATH IN APPENDIX A.1

Say that we think a law of nature
is that people must study informa-
of a population
intended to represent
ON PAGE 234. tion in order to learn it. We trans- the population
late this into the more specific participants

hypothesis that “the more you The individuals who
are measured in a
But remember, computer programs do only what you study statistics, the better you’ll sample
tell them to do. SPSS cannot decide which statistical learn them.” Next, we will trans-
procedure to compute in a particular situation, nor late the hypothesis into a situation
can it interpret the answer for you. You really must where we can observe and measure specific people
learn when to use each statistic and what the answer who study specific material in different amounts, to
means. see if they do learn differently. Based on what we
observe, we have evidence for working back to the
general law regarding studying and learning.
1-2 THE LOGIC OF The first part of this translation process involves
samples and populations.
RESEARCH
The goal of behavioral research is to understand the 1-2a Samples and Populations
“laws of nature” that apply to the behaviors of liv-
ing organisms. That is, researchers assume that spe- When researchers talk of a behavior occurring
cific influences govern every behavior of all members in nature, they say it occurs in the population. A
of a particular group. Although any single study is a population is the entire group of individuals to
small step in this process, our goal is to understand which a law of nature applies (whether all humans,
every factor that influences the behavior. Thus, when all men, all 4-year-old English-speaking children,
researchers study such things as the mating behavior etc.). For our example, the population might be all
of sea lions or social interactions among humans, they college students who take statistics. A population
are ultimately studying the laws of usuallyy contains all possible members—past,
nature. present, and future—so we usually con-
sider it to be infinitely large.
The reason a study is a
small step is because nature But what However, to study an infinite pop-
How
iss very complex. Therefore, does it mean? ulation would
w
Instead, we
take roughly forever!
w study a sample from the
research involves a series of
translations that simplify things population. A sample is a relatively
populatio
so that we can examine a specific small subset
sub of a population that is
intended to represent, or stand in for,
the population.
p Thus, we might
study the students in your statis-
tics cl
class as a sample representing
the population
po of all college stu-
dents studying statistics. The indi-
© iStockphoto.com/Andrzej Burak
viduals measured in a sample are

vidual
called the participants and it is
their scores that constitute
our data.
example of the scores that everyone in the population
would obtain.
On the other hand, any sample can be unrepre-
sentative and then it inaccurately reflects the popula-
tion. The reason this occurs is simply due to random
chance—the “luck of the draw” of who we happen
to select for a sample. Thus, maybe, simply because
© iStockphoto.com/Aldo Murillo
of who happened to enroll in your statistics class, it
contains some very unusual, atypical students who
are not at all like those in the population. If so, then
their behaviors and scores will mislead us about those
of the typical statistics student. Therefore, as you’ll
see, researchers always consider the possibility that
a conclusion about the population—about nature—
Although researchers ultimately discuss the behav- might be incorrect because it might be based on an
ior of individuals, in statistics we often go directly to unrepresentative sample.
their scores. Thus, we will talk about the population Researchers study the behavior of the individuals
of scores as if we have already measured the behavior in a sample by measuring specific variables.
of everyone in the population in a particular situation.
Likewise, we will talk about a sample of scores, imply- 1-2b Understanding Variables
ing that we have already measured our participants.
Thus, a population is the complete group of scores We measure aspects of the situation that we think
that would be found for everyone in a particular situ- influence a behavior, and we measure aspects of the
ation, and a sample is a subset of those scores that we behavior itself. The aspects of the situation or behav-
actually measure in that situation. ior that we measure are called variables. A variable
The logic behind samples and populations is this: is anything that can produce two or more different
We use the scores in a sample to infer—to estimate— scores. A few of the variables found in behavioral
the scores we would expect to find in the population research include characteristics of an individual, like
if we could measure it. Then by translating the scores your age, race, gender, personality type, political affili-
back into the behaviors they reflect, we can infer the ation, and physical attributes. Other variables mea-
behavior of the population. By describing the behav- sure your reactions, such as how anxious, angry, or
ior of the population, we are describing how nature aggressive you are, or how attractive you think some-
works, because the population is the entire group to one is. Sometimes variables reflect performance, such
which the law of nature applies. Thus, if we observe as how hard you work at a task or how well you recall
that greater studying leads to better learning for the a situation. And variables also measure characteristics
sample of students in your statistics class, we will infer of a situation, like the amount of noise, light, or heat
that similar scores and behaviors would be found in that is present; the difficulty or attributes of a task; or
the population of all statistics students. This provides
evidence that, in nature, more studying does lead to
better learning.
Notice that the above assumes that a sample is
representative of the population. We discuss this issue
in later chapters, but put simply, the individuals in a
representative sample accurately reflect the individu-
als that are found in the population.
This means that then our inferences
variable Anything
about a behavior or
about the scores and behaviors found
Erik Isakson/Getty Images
situation that, when in the population will also be accu-

measured, can produce rate. Thus, if your class is representa-
two or more different
tive of all college students, then the
scores
scores the class obtains are a good
how many others are present and the types of interac-
tions you have with them. Table 1.1
Variables fall into two general categories. If a Scores Showing a Relationship between the
score indicates the amount of a variable that is present, Variables of Study Time and Test Grades
the variable is a quantitative variable. A person’s FYI: The data presented in this book are fictional. Any resemblance to
height, for example, is a quantitative variable. Some real data is purely a coincidence.
variables, however, cannot be measured in amounts,
Student Study Time in Hours Test Grades
but instead classify or categorize an individual on
the basis of some characteristic. These variables are Gary 1 F
called qualitative variables. A person’s gender, for Bo 1 F
example, is qualitative because the “score” of male or Sue 2 D
female indicates a quality, or category.
Tony 2 D
For our research on studying and learning sta-
tistics, say that to measure “studying,” we select the Sidney 3 C
variable of the number of hours that students spent Ann 4 B
studying for a particular statistics test. To measure Rose 4 B
“learning,” we select the variable of their perfor-
Lou 5 A
mance on the test. After measuring participants’
scores on these variables, we examine the relationship
between them.
1-3 UNDERSTANDING
RELATIONSHIPS In a relationship, as the scores on
If nature relates those mental activities we call study- one variable change, the scores
ing to those mental activities we call learning, then dif- on the other variable change in
ferent amounts of learning should occur with differ- a consistent manner.
ent amounts of studying. In other words, there should
be a relationship between studying and learning. A
relationship is a pattern in which, as the scores on
one variable change, the scores on the other variable Because we see a relationship in these sample data,
change in a consistent manner. In our example, we we have evidence that in nature, studying and learn-
predict the relationship in which the longer you study, ing do operate as we hypothesized:
the higher your test grade will be. The amount someone studies does quantitative
Say that we ask some students how long they stud- seem to make a difference in test variable A
variable for which
ied for a test and their subsequent grades on the test. grades. In the same way, whenever scores reflect the
We obtain the data in Table 1.1. To see the relation- a law of nature ties behaviors or amount of the
ship, first look at those people who studied for 1 hour events together, then we’ll see that variable that is present
and see their grade. Then look at those who studied particular scores from one variable qualitative
2 hours, and see that they had a different grade from are associated with particular scores variable A
variable for which
those studying 1 hour. And so on. These scores form from another variable so that a rela- scores reflect a quality
a relationship because as the study-time scores change tionship is formed. Therefore, most or category that is
(increase), the test grades also change in a consistent research is designed to investigate present
fashion (also increase). Further, when study-time relationships, because relationships relationship
scores do not change (e.g., Gary and Bo both studied are the tell-tale signs of a law at work. A pattern between
two variables
for 1 hour), the grades also do not change (they both A major use of statistical pro- where a change
received Fs). We often use the term association when cedures is to examine the scores in in one variable is
talking about relationships: Here, low study times are a relationship and the pattern they accompanied by a
consistent change in
associated with low test grades and high study times form. The simplest relationships fit
the other
are associated with high test grades. one of two patterns. Let’s call one
variable X and the other Y. Then, sometimes the rela-
tionship fits the description “the more you X, the Table 1.2
more you Y.” Examples of this include the following: Scores Showing a Relationship between Study
The more you study, the higher your grade; the more Time and Number of Errors on Test
alcohol you drink, the more you fall down; the more
often you speed, the more traffic tickets you receive; Student X Hours of Study Y Errors on Test
and even that old saying “The bigger they are, the Amy 1 12
harder they fall.” Karen 1 13
At other times, the relationship fits the description
Joe 1 11
“the more you X, the less you Y.” Examples of this
include the following: The more you study, the fewer Cleo 2 11
the errors you make; the more alcohol you drink, the Jack 2 10
less coordinated you are; the more you “cut” classes, Maria 2 9
the lower your grades; and even that old saying “The
Terry 3 9
more you practice statistics, the less difficult they are.”
Relationships may also form more complicated Manny 3 10
patterns where, for example, more X at first leads to Chris 4 9
more Y, but beyond a certain point, even more X leads Sam 4 8
to less Y. For example, the more you exercise the bet-
Gary 5 7
ter you feel, until you reach a certain point, beyond
which more exercise leads to feeling less well, due to
pain and exhaustion.
Although the above examples involve quantitative
For example, Table 1.2 presents a less consistent
variables, we can also study relationships that involve
relationship between the number of hours studied
qualitative variables. For example, gender is a com-
and the number of errors made on the test. Notice
monly studied qualitative variable. If you think of
that the variables are also labeled X and Y. When
being male or female as someone’s “score” on the gen-
looking at a relationship, get in the habit of asking,
der variable, then we see a relationship when, as gender
“As the X scores increase, do the Y scores change in
scores change, scores on another variable also change.
a consistent fashion?” Answer this by again looking
For example, saying that men tend to be taller than
at one study-time score (at one X score) and seeing
women is actually describing a relationship, because
the error scores (the Y scores) that are paired with it.
as gender scores change (going from men to women),
Then look at the next X score and see the Y scores
their corresponding height scores tend to decrease.
paired with it. Two aspects of the data in Table 1.2
produce a less consistent relationship: First, not
1-3a The Consistency of a everyone who studies for a particular time receives
Relationship the same error score (e.g., 12, 13, and 11 errors are
all paired with 1 hour). Second, sometimes a par-
Table 1.1 showed a perfectly consistent association ticular error score is paired with different studying
between hours of study time and test grades: All scores (e.g., 11 errors occur with both 1 and 2 hours
those who studied the same amount received the same of study). These aspects cause overlapping groups of
grade. In a perfectly consistent relationship, a score different error scores to occur at each study time, so
on one variable is always paired with one and only the overall pattern is harder to see. In fact, the greater
one score on the other variable. This makes for a very the differences among the group of Y scores at an X
clear, obvious pattern when you examine the data. In and the more the Y scores overlap between groups,
the real world, however, not everyone who studies for the less consistent the relationship will be. Nonethe-
the same amount of time will receive the same test less, we still see the pattern where more studying
grade. (Life is not fair.) A relationship can be present tends to be associated with lower error scores, so a
even if there is only some degree of consistency. Then, relationship is present. Essentially, one batch of error
as the scores on one variable change, the scores on the scores occurs at one study-time score, but a different
other variable tend to change in a consistent fashion. batch of error scores tends to occur at the next study-
This produces a less obvious pattern in the data. time score.
Notice that the less consistent relationship above
still supports our original hypothesis about how nature
operates: We see that, at least to some degree, nature
does relate studying and test errors. Thus, we will always
A relationship is present
examine the relationship in our data, no matter how
(though not perfectly consistent)
consistent it is. A particular study can produce anywhere
between a perfectly consistent relationship and no rela- if there tends to be a different
tionship. In Chapter 10 we will discuss in depth how group of Y scores associated
to describe and interpret the consistency of a particular with each X score. A relationship
relationship. (As you’ll see, the degree of consistency in is not present when virtually the
a relationship is called its strength, and a less consistent same batch of Y scores is paired
relationship is a weaker relationship.) Until then, it is
with every X score.
enough for you to simply know what a relationship is.
1-3b When No Relationship Is

Present
Table 1.3
At the other extreme, sometimes the scores from two Scores Showing No Relationship between Hours
variables do not form a relationship. For example, say of Study Time and Number of Errors on Test
that we had obtained the data shown in Table 1.3.
Here, no relationship is present because the error Student X Hours of Study Y Errors on Test
scores paired with 1 hour are essentially the same as Amy 1 12
the error scores paired with 2 hours, and so on. Thus,
Karen 1 10
virtually the same (but not identical) batch of error
scores shows up at each study time, so no pattern of Joe 1 8
increasing or decreasing errors is present. These data Cleo 2 11
show that how long people study does not make a Jack 2 10
consistent difference in their error scores. Therefore,
Maria 2 9
this result would not provide evidence that studying
and learning operate as we think. Terry 3 12
Manny 3 9
Chris 3 10
Less studying may lead Sam 4 11
to more errors ... Jane 4 10
Gary 4 8
© iStockphoto.com/AAR Studio
> Quick Practice 1-4 APPLYING DESCRIPTIVE
AND INFERENTIAL
> A relationship is present when, as the
scores on one variable change, the scores
on another variable tend to change in a
STATISTICS
Statistics help us make sense out of data, and now you
consistent fashion. can see that “making sense” means to understand the
scores and the relationship they form. However, because
More Examples
we are always talking about samples and populations,
Below, Sample A shows a perfect relationship: One Y
we separate statistical procedures into those that apply
score occurs at only one X. Sample B shows a less con-
to samples and those that apply to populations.
sistent relationship: Sometimes different Ys occur at a
Descriptive statistics are procedures for orga-
particular X, and the same Y occurs with different Xs.
nizing and summarizing sample data. The answers from
Sample C shows no relationship: The same Ys tend to
such procedures are often a single number that describes
show up at every X.
important information about the scores. (When you
see descriptive, think describe.) A sample’s average, for
A B C
example, is an important descriptive statistic because
X Y X Y X Y in one number we summarize all scores in the sample.
1 20 1 12 1 12 Descriptive statistics are also used to describe the rela-
1 20 1 15 1 15 tionship in sample data. For our study-time research,
for example, we’d want to know whether a relation-
1 20 1 20 1 20
ship is present, how consistently errors decrease with
2 25 2 20 2 20 increased study time, and so on. (We’ll discuss the com-
2 25 2 30 2 12 mon descriptive procedures in the next few chapters.)
2 25 2 40 2 15 After describing the sample, we want to use that
3 30 3 40 3 20 information to estimate or infer the data we would
find if we could measure the entire population. How-
3 30 3 40 3 15
ever, we cannot automatically assume that the scores
3 30 3 50 3 12 and the relationship we see in the sample are what we
would see in the population: Remember, the sample
might be unrepresentative, so that it misleads us about
For Practice the population. Therefore, first we apply additional
Which samples show a perfect, inconsistent, or no statistical procedures. Inferential statistics are pro-
relationship? cedures for drawing inferences about the scores and
relationship that would be found in the population.
A B C D Essentially, inferential procedures help us to decide
X Y X Y X Y X Y whether our sample accurately represents the rela-
2 4 80 80 33 28 40 60 tionship found in the population. If it does, then, for
2 4 80 79 33 20 40 60
3 6 85 76 43 27 45 60
© iStockphoto.com/Rob Broek
3 6 85 75 43 20 45 60
4 8 90 71 53 20 50 60
4 8 90 70 53 28 50 60
> Answers
C and D: No Relationship
B: Inconsistent Relationship
A: Perfect Relationship
© iStockphoto.com/Robert MacAusland
© Naypong/Shutterstock.com
example, we would use the class average as an esti- population in a given situation, we are describing how
mate of the average score we’d find in the population a law of nature operates.
of students. Or, we would use the relationship in our
sample to estimate how, for everyone, greater learn-
ing tends to occur with greater studying. (We discuss
inferential procedures in the second half of this book.)
1-5 UNDERSTANDING
EXPERIMENTS AND
1-4a Statistics versus Parameters CORRELATIONAL STUDIES
Researchers use the following system so that we know In research we can examine a rela- descriptive
when we are describing a sample and when we are tionship using a variety of different statistics
describing a population. A number that describes an kinds of studies. In other words, we Procedures for
organizing and
aspect of the scores in a sample is called a statistic. use different designs. The design summarizing sample
Thus, a statistic is an answer obtained from a descrip- of a study is how it is laid out— data
tive procedure. We compute different statistics to how many samples are examined, inferential
describe different aspects of the data, and the symbol how participants are selected and statistics
for each is a different letter from the English alphabet. tested, and so on. A study’s design is Procedures for
determining whether
On the other hand, a number that describes an aspect important because different designs
sample data
of the scores in the population is called a parameter. require different descriptive and accurately represent
Thus, a parameter is obtained when applying inferen- inferential procedures. Recall that the relationship in the
tial procedures. The symbols for the different param- your goal is to learn when to use population
eters are letters from the Greek alphabet. each statistical procedure and, in statistic A
For example, the average in your statistics class is part, that means learning the par- number that
describes a sample
a sample average, a descriptive statistic that is symbol- ticular procedures that are appro- of scores; symbolized
ized by a letter from the English alphabet. If we then priate for a particular design. (On by a letter from the
estimate the average in the population, we are esti- the tear-out cards in your book is English alphabet
mating a parameter, and the symbol for a population a decision tree for selecting proce- parameter
average is a letter from the Greek alphabet. dures, which you should refer to as A number that
describes a
After performing the appropriate descriptive and you learn statistics.) population of scores;
inferential procedures, we stop being a “statistician” To begin, recognize that we symbolized by a
and return to being a behavioral scientist: We inter- have two major types of designs letter from the Greek
alphabet
pret the results in terms of the underlying behaviors, because we have two general ways
psychological principles, sociological influences, and of demonstrating a relationship: design The way
in which a study is
so on, that they reflect. This completes the circle, using experiments or using correla-
laid out
because by describing the behavior of everyone in the tional studies.
experiment 1-5a Experiments wishes (we’ll have some participants study for 4 hours
whether they want to or not).
A study in which
one variable is In an experiment, the researcher Technically, a true independent variable is manip-
actively changed or actively changes or manipulates one ulated by doing something to participants. However,
manipulated and scores
variable and then measures partici- there are many variables that an experimenter can-
on another variable are
measured to determine pants’ scores on another variable to not manipulate in this way. For example, we might
whether a relationship see if a relationship is produced. For hypothesize that growing older causes a change in
occurs some behavior, but we can’t make some people be
example, say that we study amount
independent of study time and test errors in an 20 years old and make others be 60 years old. Instead,
variable In an experiment. We decide to compare we would manipulate the variable by selecting one
experiment, a variable
manipulated by the 1, 2, 3, and 4 hours of study time, sample of 20-year-olds and one sample of 60-year-
experimenter that so we select four samples of stu- olds. We will also call this type of variable an inde-
is hypothesized to dents. We have one sample study for pendent variable (although technically it is called a
cause a change in the
dependent variable 1 hour, administer the statistics test, quasi-independent variable). Statistically, we treat all
and count the number of errors each independent variables the same.
condition An
amount or category participant makes. We have another Thus, the experimenter is always in control of the
of the independent sample study for 2 hours, administer independent variable, either by determining what is
variable that creates the the test, and count their errors, and done to each sample or by determining a character-
specific situation under
so on. Then we determine if we have istic of the individuals in each sample. Therefore, a
which participants’
scores on the produced the relationship where, as participant’s “score” on the independent variable is
dependent variable are we increase study time, error scores determined by the experimenter: Above, students in
measured the sample that studied 1 hour have a score of 1 on the
tend to decrease.
dependent You must understand the com- study-time variable; people in the 20-year-old sample
variable In an ponents of an experiment and learn have a score of 20 on the age variable.
experiment, the
behavior or attribute their names.
of participants that is CONDITIONS OF THE INDEPENDENT VARIABLE An
measured; expected to THE INDEPENDENT VARIABLE An independent variable is the overall variable a researcher
be influenced by the independent variable is the vari- manipulates, which is potentially composed of many
independent variable
able that is changed or manipulated different amounts or categories. From these the
by the experimenter. We manipulate researcher selects the conditions. A condition is the
this variable because we assume that doing so will specific amount or category of the independent vari-
cause the behavior and scores on the other variable to able that creates the situation under which participants
change. Thus, in our example above, amount of study are studied. Thus, although our independent variable is
time is our independent variable: We manipulate study amount of study time—which could be any amount—
time because doing this should our conditions involve 1, 2, 3, or
cause participants’ error scores 4 hours of study. Likewise, if
to change in the predicted way. we compare 20-year-olds to
(To prove that this variable 60-year-olds, then 20 and 60
is actually the cause is a very are each a condition of the
difficult task, which we’ll save independent variable of age.
Jetta Productions/Blend Images/Alamy
for an advanced discussion.

In the meantime, be cautious THE DEPENDENT VARIABLE
when using the word cause.) The dependent variable
You can remember independent is the variable that measures
because this variable occurs a behavior or attribute of par-
independently of participants’ ticipants that we expect will be
influenced by the indepen-
dent variable. Therefore, Table 1.4
we measure participants’ Summary of Identifying an Experiment’s Components
scores on the dependent
variable in each condition. Researcher’s Name of Amounts of
You can remember depen- Activity Role of Variable Variable Variable Present
dent because whether a Researcher → Variable influences a → Independent → Conditions
score is high or low pre- manipulates behavior variable
sumably depends on a par- variable
ticipant’s reaction to the Researcher → Variable measures → Dependent → Scores
condition. (This variable measures behavior that is variable
reflects the behavior that variable influenced
is “caused” in the relation-
ship.) Thus, in our study-
ing experiment, test errors
is our dependent variable because these scores depend
on how participants respond to their particular study
Drawing Conclusions from 1-5b
time. Or, in a different experiment, if we compare the an Experiment
activity levels of 20- and 60-year-olds, then partici- As we change the conditions of the independent vari-
pants’ activity level is the dependent variable because able, participants’ scores on the dependent variable
presumably it depends on their age. Note: The depen- should also change in a consistent fashion. To see this
dent variable is also called the “dependent measure” relationship, a useful way to diagram an experiment
and we obtain “dependent scores.” is shown in Table 1.5. Each column in the diagram is
IDENTIFYING AN EXPERIMENT’S COMPONENTS It is a condition of the independent variable (here, amount
important that you can identify independent and depen- of study time). The numbers in a column are the scores
dent variables, so let’s practice: Say my experiment is on the dependent variable from participants who were
to determine if a person’s concentration is improved tested under that condition (here, each score is the
immediately after physical exercise. First, recognize number of test errors).
that implicitly, we are always looking for a relation- Remember that a condition determines partici-
ship, so I’m really asking, “Is it true that the more peo- pants’ scores on the independent variable: Participants
ple exercise, the more their concentration improves?” in the 1-hour condition each have a score of “1” on
Therefore, also implicitly, I’m going to need to measure the independent variable, those under 2 hours have
the concentration of different participants after I make a score of “2,” and so on. Thus, the diagram commu-
them get different amounts of exercise. So what are the nicates pairs of scores consisting of 1-13, 1-12, 1-11;
variables? Use Table 1.4, which summarizes the deci- then 2-9, 2-8, 2-7, etc.
sion process. (The table is also on Review Card 1.2.) Now look for the relationship as we did previ-
What is the variable I’m manipulating because I think ously: First look at the error scores paired with 1 hour,
it influences a behavior?
Amount of exercise; so
Table 1.5
it is my independent
Diagram of an Experiment Involving the Independent Variable of Number of
variable (and the differ-
Hours Spent Studying and the Dependent Variable of Number of Errors Made on a
ent amounts that par-
Statistics Test
ticipants exercise are
my conditions). What Independent Variable: Number of Hours Spent Studying
is the variable I’m mea-
Condition 1: Condition 2: Condition 3: Condition 4:
suring because it reflects
Dependent Variable: 1 Hour 2 Hours 3 Hours 4 Hours
a behavior I think is
being influenced? Con- Number of Errors Made on 13 9 7 5
centration; so it is my a Statistics Test ➞ 12 8 6 3
dependent variable that 11 7 5 2
produces my data.
Petarneych... | Dreamstime.com
© mtsyri/Shutterstock.com
then at the error scores paired with 2 hours, and so correlational study, the researcher measures par-
on. The pattern here forms a relationship where, ticipants’ scores on two variables and then determines
as study-time scores increase, error scores tend to whether a relationship is present. Thus, in an experi-
decrease. Essentially, participants in the 1-hour condi- ment the researcher attempts to make a relationship
tion produce one batch of error scores, those in the happen, while in a correlational study the researcher
2-hour condition produce a different, lower batch of is a passive observer who looks to see if a relationship
error scores, and so on. exists. For example, we used a correlational approach
We use this diagram because it facilitates applying previously when we simply asked some students how
our statistics. For example, it makes sense to compute long they studied for a test and what their test grade
the average error score in each condition (each column). was. Or, we would have a correlational design if we
Notice, however, that we apply statistics to the depen- asked people their career choices and measured their
dent variable. We do not know what scores our partici- personality, asking, “Is career choice related to per-
pants will produce, so these are the scores that we need sonality type?”
help in making sense of (especially in a more realistic As usual, we want to first describe and understand
study where we might have 100 different scores in each the relationship we’ve observed in the sample, and cor-
column). We do not compute anything about the inde- relational designs have their own descriptive statistical
pendent variable because we know all about it (e.g., procedures for doing this. Here we do not know the
above we have no reason to compute the average of 1, scores that participants will produce for either vari-
2, 3, and 4 hours). Rather, the conditions simply form able, so the starting point for making sense of them is
the groups of dependent scores that we then examine. often to compute the average score on each variable.
Thus, we will use specific descriptive procedures Also, to decide about the relationship we would find in
to summarize the sample’s scores and the relationship the population, we have specific correlational inferen-
found in an experiment. Then, to infer that we’d see a tial procedures. Finally, as with an experiment, we will
similar relationship if we tested the entire population, translate the relationship back to the original hypoth-
we have specific inferential procedures for experi- esis about studying and learning that we began with so
ments. Finally, we will translate the relationship back that we can add to our understanding of nature.
to the original hypothesis about studying and learning
that we began with, so that we can add to our under-
standing of nature.
correlational
study A design in 1-5c Correlational In a correlational study, the
which participants’
scores on two variables
Studies researcher simply measures
are measured, without participants’ scores on two
manipulation of either
Not all research is an experiment.
Sometimes we do not manipulate or variables to determine if a
variable, to determine
whether they form a change either variable and instead relationship exists.
relationship
conduct a correlational study. In a
> Quick Practice 1-6 THE CHARACTERISTICS
OF SCORES
> In an experiment, the researcher
changes the conditions of the
independent variable and then measures
We have one more issue to consider when selecting the
descriptive or inferential procedure to use in a particular
participants’ behavior using the experiment or correlational study. Although we always
© iStockphoto.com/RusN
dependent variable. measure one or more variables, the numbers that
comprise the scores can have different
erent underly-
> In a correlational design the researcher

measures participants on two variables.
ing mathematical characteristics. The partic-
ular characteristics of our scores determine
which procedures we should use, e, because
More Examples the kinds of math we can perform rm depend
In a study, participants’ relaxation scores are measured on the kinds of numbers we have.. There-
after they’ve been in a darkened room for either 10, fore, always pay attention to two o
20, or 30 minutes. This is an experiment because the important characteristics of
researcher controls the length of times in the room. The your scores: the scale of mea-
independent variable is length of time, the conditions surement involved and whether
are 10, 20, or 30 minutes, and the dependent variable the measurements are continuous us
is relaxation. or discrete.
A survey measures participants’ patriotism and
also asks how often they’ve voted. This is a correlational
design because the researcher passively measures both
1-6a The Four Types of
variables. Measurement Scales
Numbers mean different things in different contexts.
The meaning of a 1 on a license plate is different from
For Practice
that of a 1 in a race, which is different still from the
1. In an experiment, the _____ is changed by the meaning of a 1 in a hockey score. The kind of infor-
researcher to see if it produces a change in partici- mation that scores convey depends on the scale of
pants’ scores on the _____. measurement that is used in measuring the variable.
There are four types of measurement scales: nominal,
2. To see if drinking influences one’s ability to drive,
ordinal, interval, and ratio.
each participants’ level of coordination is measured
With a nominal scale, we do not measure an
after drinking 1, 2, or 3 ounces of alcohol. The inde-
amount, but rather we categorize or classify indi-
pendent variable is _____, the conditions are _____,
viduals. For example, to “measure” your gender, we
and the dependent variable is _____.
classify you as either male or female. Rather than
3. In an experiment, the _____ variable reflects partici- using these labels, however, it is easier for us (and for
pants’ behaviors or attributes. computers) to use numbers to identify the categories.
4. We measure the age and income of 50 people to For example, we might assign a “1” to each male and
see if older people tend to make more money. What a “2” to each female. These scores involve a nominal
type of design is this? scale because the numbers are used simply for iden-
tification (so for nominal, think name). Such scores
> Answers are assigned arbitrarily—they don’t reflect an amount,
and we could use any other numbers. Thus, the key
4. correlational here is that nominal scores indicate only that one
3. dependent individual is qualitatively differ-
nominal scale
nation ent from another. So, the numbers A scale in which
2. amount of alcohol; 1, 2, or 3 ounces; level of coordi- on football uniforms or on your each score is used
credit card are nominal scales. In for identification and
does not indicate an
research, we have nominal variables
1. independent variable; dependent variable
amount
when studying different types of
schizophrenia or different therapies. the number 0, it is not a true zero—it does not mean
ordinal scale A
scale in which scores
These variables can occur in any that none of the variable is present. Therefore, the
indicate rank order design, so for example, in a correla- key is that you can have less than this amount, so an
tional study, we might measure the interval scale allows negative numbers. For example,
interval scale
A scale in which political affiliation of participants temperature (in Celsius or Fahrenheit) involves an
scores measure actual using a nominal scale by assigning interval scale: Because 0° does not mean that zero
amounts; but zero does
a 5 to democrats, a 10 to republi- heat is present, you can have even less heat at ⫺1°. In
not mean zero amount
is present, so negative cans, and so on. Then we might also research, interval scales are common with intelligence
numbers are possible measure participants’ income, to or personality tests: A score of zero does not mean
ratio scale A scale determine whether as party affilia- zero intelligence or zero personality. Or, in our study-
in which scores measure tion “scores” change, income scores ing research we might determine the average test score
actual amounts and zero also change. Or, if an experiment and then assign students a zero if they are average; a
means no amount of
the variable is present,
compares the job satisfaction scores ⫹1, ⫹2, etc., for the amount they are above average;
so negative numbers are of workers in several different occu- and a ⫺1, ⫺2, etc., for the amount they are below
not possible pations, the independent variable average. Then we’d see if more positive scores tend to
continuous is the nominal variable of type of occur with higher study times. Or, if we create condi-
variable A variable occupation. tions based on whether participants are in a positive,
that can be measured
in fractional amounts
A different approach is to use negative, or neutral mood, then this independent vari-
an ordinal scale. Here the scores able reflects an interval scale.
discrete
indicate rank order—anything that is The final approach is to use a ratio scale. Here,
variable A
variable that cannot be akin to 1st, 2nd, 3rd, … is ordinal. like interval scores, each score measures an actual
measured in fractional (Ordinal sounds like ordered.) In quantity, and an equal amount separates adjacent
amounts
our studying example, we’d have an scores. However, 0 truly means that none of the vari-
ordinal scale if we assigned a 1 to stu- able is present. Therefore, the key is that you cannot
dents who scored best on the test, a 2 to those in sec- have negative numbers, because you cannot have less
ond place, and so on. Then we’d ask, “As study times than nothing. Also, only with a true zero can we make
change, do students’ ranks also tend to change?” Or, “ratio” statements, such as “4 is twice as much as 2.”
if an experiment compares 1st graders to 2nd grad- (So for ratio, think ratio!) We used ratio scales in our
ers, then this independent variable involves an ordi- previous examples when measuring the number of
nal scale. The key here is that ordinal scores indicate errors and the number of hours studied. Likewise, if
only a relative amount—identifying we compare the conditions of having people on diets
who scored relatively high or low. consisting of either 1,000, 1,500, or 2,000 calories a
Also, there is no score of 0, and day, then this independent variable involves a ratio
the same amount does not separate scale. Other examples of ratio variables include the
every pair of adjacent scores: 1st level of income in a household, the amount of time
may be only slightly ahead of 2nd, required to complete a task, or the number of items
but 2nd may be miles away from in a list to be recalled by participants. (See Review
3rd. Other examples of ordinal Card 1.2 for a summary of the four scales of mea-
variables include clothing size (e.g., surement.)
small, medium, large), college year We can study relationships that involve any com-
(e.g., freshman or sophomore), and bination of the above scales.
letter grades (e.g., A or B).
A third approach is to use an
interval scale. Here each score 1-6b Continuous versus Discrete
indicates an actual quantity, Variables
and an equal amount sepa-
© udra11/Shutterstock.com
rates any adjacent scores. (For In addition to considering the scale used to measure a
interval scores, remember equal variable, you must also consider whether the variable
intervals between them.) However, is continuous or discrete. A continuous variable can
although interval scales do include be measured in fractional amounts, so decimals make
sense. That is, our measurements continue between
the whole-number amounts, and there is no limit to
how small a fraction may be. Thus, the variable of
> Quick Practice
age is continuous because it is perfectly intelligent to
say that someone is 19.6879 years old. On the other
hand, some variables are discrete variables, which
> Nominal scales identify categories and
ordinal scales reflect rank order. Both
interval and ratio scales measure actual
are measured in fixed amounts that cannot be broken quantities, but negative numbers can
into smaller amounts. Usually the amounts are labeled occur with interval scales and not with
using whole numbers, so decimals do not make sense. ratio scales.
For example, being male or female, or being in 1st
grade versus 2nd grade are discrete variables, because
you can be in one group or you can be in the other
group, but you can’t be in between. Some variables
> Interval and ratio scales are assumed to
be continuous, which allows fractional
amounts; nominal and ordinal scales are
may be labeled using fractions, as with shoe sizes, but assumed to be discrete, which does not
they are still discrete because they cannot be broken allow fractional amounts.
into smaller units.
Usually researchers assume that variables mea- More Examples
sured using nominal or ordinal scales are discrete, If your grade on an essay exam is based on the number
but that variables measured using interval or ratio of correct statements you include, then a ratio scale is
scales are at least theoretically continuous. For exam- involved; if it is based on how much your essay is better
ple, intelligence tests are designed to produce whole- or worse than what the professor expected, an interval
number scores, so you cannot have an IQ of 95.6. But scale is involved; if it indicates that yours was relatively
theoretically an IQ of 95.6 makes sense, so intelli- one of the best or worst essays in the class, this is an
gence is a theoretically continuous (interval) variable. ordinal scale (as is pass/fail); if it is based on the last digit
Likewise, it sounds strange if the government reports of your ID number, then a nominal scale is involved. If
that the average family has 2.4 children, because this you can receive one grade or another, but nothing in
is a discrete (ratio) variable and no one has .4 of a between, it involves a discrete scale; if fractions are pos-
child. However, it makes sense to treat this as theo- sible, it involves a continuous scale.
retically continuous, because we can interpret what it
means if the average this year is 2.4, but last year it
was 2.8. (I’ve heard that a recent survey showed the For Practice
average American home contains 2.5 people and 2.7 1. Whether you are ahead or behind when gambling
televisions!) involves a(n) _____ scale.
2. The number of hours you slept last night involves
a(n) _____ scale.
3. Your blood type involves a(n) _____ scale.
4. Whether you are a lieutenant or major in the army
involves a(n) _____ scale.
Whether a variable is
continuous or discrete and 5. If scores can contain fractions, the variable is _____;
if fractions are not possible, the variable is_____.
whether it is measured using
a nominal, ordinal, interval, or > Answers
ratio scale are factors that 5. continuous; discrete
determine which statistical
4. ordinal
procedure to apply.
3. nominal
2. ratio
1. interval
Need some extra practice? Be sure to complete all study problems at the end of each chapter. Tear out
and use the Chapter Review Cards in the back of your book. Check out the additional study aids online
in CourseMate at www.cengagebrain.com
STUDY PROBLEMS
(Answers for odd-numbered problems are in Appendix C.)
1. What is the goal of behavioral research? 17. Researcher A gives participants various amounts
of alcohol and then observes any decrease in their
2. Why is it important for students of behavioral
ability to walk. Researcher B notes the various
research to understand statistics?
amounts of alcohol that participants drink at a
3. (a) What is a population? (b) What is a sample? party and then observes any decrease in their
(c) How are samples used to make conclusions ability to walk. Which study is an experiment, and
about populations? (d) What are researchers really which is a correlational study? Why?
referring to when they talk about the population?
18. Maria asked a sample of college students about
4. (a) What is a variable? (b) What is a quantitative their favorite beverage. Based on what the major-
variable? (c) What is a qualitative variable? ity said, she concluded that most college students
prefer drinking carrot juice to other beverages!
5. What pattern among the X and Y scores do you What statistical argument can you give for not
see when: (a) A relationship exists between them? accepting this conclusion?
(b) No relationship is present?
19. In the following experiments, identify the
6. What is the difference in the pattern among the independent variable, the conditions, and the
X and Y scores between (a) a perfectly consistent dependent variable: (a) studying whether final
relationship and (b) a less consistent (weaker) exam scores are influenced by whether concur-
relationship? rent background music is soft, loud, or absent;
7. (a) What is a representative sample? (b) What is (b) comparing students from small, medium, and
an unrepresentative sample? (c) What produces an large colleges with respect to how much fun they
unrepresentative sample? have during the semester; (c) studying whether
being first-, second-, or third-born is related to
8. What is the general purpose of experiments and intelligence; (d) studying whether length of daily
correlational studies? exposure to a sunlamp (15 versus 60 minutes)
9. What is the difference between an experiment and accounts for differences in depression; (e) studying
a correlational study? whether being in a room with blue walls, green
walls, or red walls influences aggressive behavior
10. In an experiment, what is the dependent variable? in adolescents.
11. What is the difference between the independent 20. Use the words relationship, sample, population,
variable and the conditions of the independent statistic, and parameter to describe the flow of a
variable? research study to determine whether a relation-
12. (a) What are descriptive statistics used for? ship exists in nature.
(b) What are inferential statistics used for? 21. Which of the following data sets show a
13. (a) What is the difference between a statistic and a relationship?
parameter? (b) What types of symbols are used for
statistics and for parameters? Sample A Sample B Sample C Sample D
14. Define the four scales of measurement. X Y X Y X Y X Y
15. (a) Distinguish between continuous and discrete 1 10 20 40 13 20 92 76
variables. (b) Which scales are usually assumed 1 10 20 42 13 19 92 75
to be discrete, and which are assumed to be
continuous?
1 10 22 40 13 18 92 77
2 20 22 41 13 17 95 74
16. What are the two aspects of a study to consider
when selecting the descriptive or inferential statis-
2 20 23 40 13 15 95 74
tics you should employ? 3 30 24 40 13 14 97 73
3 30 24 42 13 13 97 74
22. Which sample in problem 21 shows the most 25. In the chart below, identify the characteristics of
consistent relationship? How do you know? each variable.
23. What pattern do we see when the results of an
experiment show a relationship? Type of
Continuous or Measurement
24. Indicate whether a researcher would conduct an
experiment or a correlational study when study- Variable Discrete Scale
ing: (a) whether different amounts of caffeine Personality type _____ _____
consumed in 1 hour influence speed of complet-
ing a complex task; (b) the relationship between Academic major _____ _____
number of extracurricular activities and GPA; Number of minutes _____ _____
(c) the relationship between the number of pairs before and after an event
of sneakers owned and the person’s athleticism; Restaurant ratings _____ _____
(d) how attractive men rate a woman when
(best, next best, etc.)
she is wearing one of three different types of
perfume; (e) the relationship between GPA and Speed (miles per hr) _____ _____
the ability to pay off school loans; (f) the influ- Dollars in your pocket _____ _____
ence of different amounts of beer consumed on Change in weight (in lb) _____ _____
a person’s mood.
Savings account balance _____ _____
Reaction time _____ _____
Letter grades _____ _____
Clothing size _____ _____
Registered voter _____ _____
Therapeutic approach _____ _____
Schizophrenia type _____ _____
Work absences _____ _____
Words recalled _____ _____
Chapter
2
CREATING AND USING
FREQUENCY DISTRIBUTIONS
LOOKING BACK GOING F O R WA R D
Be sure you understand from Chapter 1: Your goals in this chapter are to learn:
• What nominal, ordinal, interval, and • What frequency is and how a frequency distribution is created.
ratio scales of measurement are. • When to graph frequency distributions using a bar graph,
• What continuous and discrete histogram, or polygon.
measurements are. • What normal, skewed, and bimodal distributions are.
• What relative frequency and percentile are and how we use the
area under the normal curve to compute them.
S
o we’re off into the world of descriptive statistics. Recall
Sections that a goal is to make sense of the scores by organizing

and summarizing them. One important way to do this
2-1 Some New Symbols and
is to create tables and graphs, because they show the
Terminology
scores you’ve obtained and they make it easier to see the rela-
2-2 Understanding
tionship between two variables that is hidden in the data. Before
Frequency Distributions
we examine the relationship between two variables, however,
2-3 Types of Frequency
we first summarize the scores on each variable alone. Therefore,
Distributions
this chapter will discuss the common ways to describe scores
2-4 Relative Frequency and
from one variable by using a frequency distribution. You’ll see
the Normal Curve
(1) how to show a frequency distribution in a table or graph,
2-5 Understanding Percentile (2) the common patterns found in frequency distributions, and
and Cumulative
(3) how to use a frequency distribution to compute additional
Frequency
information about scores.
© Sai Yeung Chan/Shutterstock.com
2-1 SOME NEW SYMBOLS count how many times that score occurs. If three par-
ticipants scored 66, then 66 occurred three times, so
AND TERMINOLOGY the frequency of 66 is 3 and so f ⫽ 3. Creating a fre-
quency distribution involves counting the frequency
The scores we initially measure in of every score in the data.
a study are
ar called the raw scores. In most statistical procedures, we also count the
Descriptive statistics help us boil total number of scores we have. The symbol for the
down raw scores into an interpre- total number of scores in a set of data is the uppercase
table, “dig
“digestible” form. There are N. Thus, N ⫽ 43 means that we have 43 scores. Note
several way
ways to do this, but the start- that N is not the number of different scores, so even
ing point is to count the number of if all 43 scores in a sample are the same score, N still
times each scscore occurred. The number equals 43.
of times a sco
score occurs in a set of data
is the score’s frequency. If we exam-
ine the frequencies
freque of every score in the raw scores
The scores initially
data, we create a fr frequency distribution. The measured in a study
term distribution is th the general name research-
frequency (f )
ers have for any organized
org set of data. In a The number of times
frequency dist distribution, the scores are each score occurs
organized based on each score’s frequency. in a set of data;
The frequency of a also called simple
© iStockphoto.com/Joanne Green/Blackjake
(Actually, resear
researchers have several ways to
frequency
describe freque
frequency, so technically, when score is symbolized
frequency
we simply cou count the frequency of each by f. The total number distribution A
score, we are cr creating a simple frequency of scores in the data distribution showing
distribution.) is symbolized by N. the number of times
The symbo
symbol for a score’s frequency each score occurs in
the data
is the lowercas
lowercase f. To find f for a score,
Chapter 2: Creating and Using Frequency Distributions 21
2-2 UNDERSTANDING Researchers have several rules of thumb for mak-
ing a frequency table. Start with a score column and an
FREQUENCY DISTRIBUTIONS f column. The score column has the highest score in the
data at the top of the column. Below that are all pos-
The first step when trying to understand any set of sible whole-number scores in decreasing order, down
scores is to ask the most obvious question, “What are to the lowest score that occurred. Here, our highest
the scores that were obtained?” In fact, buried in any score is 17, the lowest score is 10, and although no one
data are two important things to know: Which scores obtained a score of 16, we still include it. In the f col-
occurred, and how often did each occur? These ques- umn opposite each score is the score’s frequency: In the
tions are answered simultaneously by looking at the sample there is one 17, zero 16s, four 15s, and so on.
frequency of each score. Thus, frequency distributions Not only can we see the frequency of each score,
are important because they provide a simple and clear we can also determine the combined frequency of sev-
way to show the scores in a set of data. Because of this, eral scores by adding together their individual fs. For
they are always the first step when beginning to under- example, the score of 13 has an f of 4 and the score of
stand the scores from a study. Further, they are also 14 has an f of 6, so their
© iStockphoto.com/Vladimir
a building block for upcoming statistical procedures. combined frequency is 10.
One way to see a frequency distribution is in a table. Notice that, although
8 scores are in the score
column, N is not 8. We had
2-2a Presenting Frequency 18 scores in the original
in a Table sample, so N is 18. You
can see this by adding
Let’s begin with the following raw scores. (They might together all of the individual
measure one of the variables from a correlational study, frequencies in the f column:
or they might be dependent scores from an experiment.) The 1 person scoring 17 plus
the 4 people scoring 15, and so on, adds up
14 14 13 15 11 15 13 10 12 to the 18 people in the sample. In a frequency distri-
13 14 13 14 15 17 14 14 15 bution, the sum of the frequencies always equals N.
In this disorganized arrangement, it is difficult

to make sense of these scores. Watch what happens,
though, when we arrange them into the frequency
> Quick Practice
table in Table 2.1.
Table 2.1
> A frequency distribution shows the
number of times participants obtained
each score.
Simple Frequency Distribution Table
The left-hand column identifies each score, and the right-hand More Examples Scores f
column contains the frequency with which the score occurred. The scores 15, 16, 13, 16, 15, 17, 16,
17 2
15, 17, and 15 contain one 13, no
Score f 16 3
14s, four 15s, and so on, producing
17 1 the frequency table to the right: 15 4
16 0 14 0
15 4 13 1
14 6
13 4 For Practice
12 1
1. What is the difference between f and N?
11 1
10 1 2. Create a frequency table for these scores:
Total: 18 ⫽ N 7, 9, 6, 6, 9, 7, 7, 6, and 6.
(continued)
this is a nominal variable, they can bar graph A
3. What is the N here?
be arranged in any order. In the fre- graph showing a
4. What is the frequency of 6 and 7 together? quency table, we see that 6 people vertical bar over each
X score, but adjacent
were Republicans, so we draw a bar
bars do not touch;
> Answers at a height of 6 above “Rep.,” and used with nominal or
4. f ⫽ 3 ⫹ 4 ⫽ 7 so on. ordinal scores
3. N ⫽ 9 The lower table and graph are

from a survey in which we counted the number of
4 6 participants having a particular military rank (an
3 7 ordinal variable). The ranks are arranged on the X
0 8 axis from lowest to highest. Again, the height of each
2 9 q y
bar is the “score’s” frequency.
f Scores
2.
© iStockphoto.com/Bridgette Braley
N is the total number of scores in the data.
1. f is the number of times a score occurs;
2-2b Graphing a Figure 2.1

Frequency Distribution Frequency Bar Graphs for Nominal and
Ordinal Data
ta
When researchers talk of a frequency dis-
The height of each
ach bar indicates the frequency of the
tribution, they often imply a graph that corresponding score on the X axis.
shows the frequencies of each score. (A
review of basic graphing is in Appendix
Nominal Variable 8
A.1.) To graph a frequency distribution,
of Political 7
place the scores on the X axis. Place Affiliation
frequency on the Y axis. Then we have 6
several ways to draw the graph of a fre- Party f 5
f 4
quency distribution, depending on the
Libertarian 1 3
scale of measurement that the raw scores
Socialist 3 2
reflect. We may create a bar graph, a his-
Democrat 8 1
togram, or a polygon.
Republican 6 0
Rep. Dem. Soc. Lib.
CREATING BAR GRAPHS We graph a
Political affiliation
frequency distribution of nominal or
ordinal scores by creating a bar graph.
A bar graph has a vertical bar centered Ordinal Variable 8
over each X score and the height of the of Military Rank 7
bar corresponds to the score’s frequency.
6
Notably, adjacent bars do not touch. Rank f
5
Figure 2.1 shows the frequency General 3 f 4
tables and bar graphs of two samples.
Colonel 8 3
The upper table and graph are from a
Lieutenant 4 2
survey in which we counted the num-
Sergeant 5 1
ber of participants in each category of
0
the nominal variable of political party Sgt. Lt. Col. Gen.
affiliation. The X axis is labeled using the Military rank
“scores” of political party, and because
Chapter 2: Creating and Using Frequency Distributions 23
Figure 2.2
Histogram Showing the Frequency of Parking Tickets
in a Sample
A graph of a frequency
9
distribution always shows the Score f
8
scores on the X axis and their 7 1
7
frequency on the Y axis. 6 4
6
5 5
5
4 4 f
3 6 4
2 7 3
The reason we create bar 2
histogram 1 9
A frequency graph
graphs with nominal and ordi- 1
similar to a bar graph nal scales is that both are discrete
but with adjacent bars scales: You can be in one group or 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
touching; used with a
the next, but not in between. The Number of parking tickets
small range of interval
or ratio scores space between the bars communi-
cates this. On the other hand, recall
frequency
polygon that interval and ratio scales are
A frequency graph usually assumed to be at least theo-
showing a data point that the X variable is continuous, with no gaps in our
retically continuous: They allow frac-
above each score, with measurements.
the adjacent points
tional amounts that continue between
connected by straight the whole numbers. To communicate CREATING FREQUENCY POLYGONS Usually, we don’t
lines; used with many this, these scales are graphed using create a histogram when we have many different inter-
different interval or
ratio scores
continuous (connected) figures. We val or ratio scores, such as if our participants had from
may create two types of graphs here, 1 to 50 parking tickets. The 50 bars would need to be
data point A dot
plotted on a graph to
either a histogram or a polygon. very skinny, so the graph would be difficult to read. We
represent a pair of X have no rule for what number of scores is too large,
CREATING HISTOGRAMS We create
and Y scores but when a histogram is unworkable, we create a fre-
a histogram when we have a small
quency polygon. Construct a frequency polygon by
number of different interval or ratio
placing a “dot” over each score on the X axis at the
scores. A histogram is similar to a bar graph except
height that corresponds to the appropriate frequency
that in a histogram, the adjacent bars touch. For
on the Y axis. Then connect adjacent dots with straight
example, say that we measured the ratio variable of
lines. To illustrate this, Figure 2.3 shows the previous
number of parking tickets that participants received,
parking ticket data plotted as a frequency polygon. For
obtaining the data in Figure 2.2. Again, the height of
an X of 1, the frequency is 9; for an X of 2, f ⫽ 7; and
each bar indicates the corresponding score’s frequency.
so on. Because each line continues between two adja-
Because the adjacent bars touch, there is no gap
cent dots, we again communicate that our measure-
between the scores on the X axis. This communicates
ments continue between the two scores on the X axis,
meaning that this is a continuous variable.
Notice that the polygon also includes on the X
axis the next score above the highest score in the data
and the next score below the lowest score (in Figure
2.3, scores of 0 and 8 are included). These added
In a histogram the scores have a frequency of 0, so the curve touches the
X axis. In this way we create a complete geometric
adjacent bars touch;
figure—a polygon—with the X axis as its base.
in a bar graph they do not. Also, here is an important new term: A “dot”
plotted on any graph is called a data point.
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DANCE ON STILTS AT THE GIRLS’ UNYAGO, NIUCHI
Newala, too, suffers from the distance of its water-supply—at least

the Newala of to-day does; there was once another Newala in a lovely
valley at the foot of the plateau. I visited it and found scarcely a trace
of houses, only a Christian cemetery, with the graves of several
missionaries and their converts, remaining as a monument of its
former glories. But the surroundings are wonderfully beautiful. A
thick grove of splendid mango-trees closes in the weather-worn
crosses and headstones; behind them, combining the useful and the
agreeable, is a whole plantation of lemon-trees covered with ripe
fruit; not the small African kind, but a much larger and also juicier
imported variety, which drops into the hands of the passing traveller,
without calling for any exertion on his part. Old Newala is now under
the jurisdiction of the native pastor, Daudi, at Chingulungulu, who,
as I am on very friendly terms with him, allows me, as a matter of
course, the use of this lemon-grove during my stay at Newala.
FEET MUTILATED BY THE RAVAGES OF THE “JIGGER”
(Sarcopsylla penetrans)
The water-supply of New Newala is in the bottom of the valley,

some 1,600 feet lower down. The way is not only long and fatiguing,
but the water, when we get it, is thoroughly bad. We are suffering not
only from this, but from the fact that the arrangements at Newala are
nothing short of luxurious. We have a separate kitchen—a hut built
against the boma palisade on the right of the baraza, the interior of
which is not visible from our usual position. Our two cooks were not
long in finding this out, and they consequently do—or rather neglect
to do—what they please. In any case they do not seem to be very
particular about the boiling of our drinking-water—at least I can
attribute to no other cause certain attacks of a dysenteric nature,
from which both Knudsen and I have suffered for some time. If a
man like Omari has to be left unwatched for a moment, he is capable
of anything. Besides this complaint, we are inconvenienced by the
state of our nails, which have become as hard as glass, and crack on
the slightest provocation, and I have the additional infliction of
pimples all over me. As if all this were not enough, we have also, for
the last week been waging war against the jigger, who has found his
Eldorado in the hot sand of the Makonde plateau. Our men are seen
all day long—whenever their chronic colds and the dysentery likewise
raging among them permit—occupied in removing this scourge of
Africa from their feet and trying to prevent the disastrous
consequences of its presence. It is quite common to see natives of
this place with one or two toes missing; many have lost all their toes,
or even the whole front part of the foot, so that a well-formed leg
ends in a shapeless stump. These ravages are caused by the female of
Sarcopsylla penetrans, which bores its way under the skin and there
develops an egg-sac the size of a pea. In all books on the subject, it is
stated that one’s attention is called to the presence of this parasite by
an intolerable itching. This agrees very well with my experience, so
far as the softer parts of the sole, the spaces between and under the
toes, and the side of the foot are concerned, but if the creature
penetrates through the harder parts of the heel or ball of the foot, it
may escape even the most careful search till it has reached maturity.
Then there is no time to be lost, if the horrible ulceration, of which
we see cases by the dozen every day, is to be prevented. It is much
easier, by the way, to discover the insect on the white skin of a
European than on that of a native, on which the dark speck scarcely
shows. The four or five jiggers which, in spite of the fact that I
constantly wore high laced boots, chose my feet to settle in, were
taken out for me by the all-accomplished Knudsen, after which I
thought it advisable to wash out the cavities with corrosive
sublimate. The natives have a different sort of disinfectant—they fill
the hole with scraped roots. In a tiny Makua village on the slope of
the plateau south of Newala, we saw an old woman who had filled all
the spaces under her toe-nails with powdered roots by way of
prophylactic treatment. What will be the result, if any, who can say?
The rest of the many trifling ills which trouble our existence are
really more comic than serious. In the absence of anything else to
smoke, Knudsen and I at last opened a box of cigars procured from
the Indian store-keeper at Lindi, and tried them, with the most
distressing results. Whether they contain opium or some other
narcotic, neither of us can say, but after the tenth puff we were both
“off,” three-quarters stupefied and unspeakably wretched. Slowly we
recovered—and what happened next? Half-an-hour later we were
once more smoking these poisonous concoctions—so insatiable is the
craving for tobacco in the tropics.
Even my present attacks of fever scarcely deserve to be taken
seriously. I have had no less than three here at Newala, all of which
have run their course in an incredibly short time. In the early
afternoon, I am busy with my old natives, asking questions and
making notes. The strong midday coffee has stimulated my spirits to
an extraordinary degree, the brain is active and vigorous, and work
progresses rapidly, while a pleasant warmth pervades the whole
body. Suddenly this gives place to a violent chill, forcing me to put on
my overcoat, though it is only half-past three and the afternoon sun
is at its hottest. Now the brain no longer works with such acuteness
and logical precision; more especially does it fail me in trying to
establish the syntax of the difficult Makua language on which I have
ventured, as if I had not enough to do without it. Under the
circumstances it seems advisable to take my temperature, and I do
so, to save trouble, without leaving my seat, and while going on with
my work. On examination, I find it to be 101·48°. My tutors are
abruptly dismissed and my bed set up in the baraza; a few minutes
later I am in it and treating myself internally with hot water and
lemon-juice.
Three hours later, the thermometer marks nearly 104°, and I make
them carry me back into the tent, bed and all, as I am now perspiring
heavily, and exposure to the cold wind just beginning to blow might
mean a fatal chill. I lie still for a little while, and then find, to my
great relief, that the temperature is not rising, but rather falling. This
is about 7.30 p.m. At 8 p.m. I find, to my unbounded astonishment,
that it has fallen below 98·6°, and I feel perfectly well. I read for an
hour or two, and could very well enjoy a smoke, if I had the
wherewithal—Indian cigars being out of the question.
Having no medical training, I am at a loss to account for this state
of things. It is impossible that these transitory attacks of high fever
should be malarial; it seems more probable that they are due to a
kind of sunstroke. On consulting my note-book, I become more and
more inclined to think this is the case, for these attacks regularly
follow extreme fatigue and long exposure to strong sunshine. They at
least have the advantage of being only short interruptions to my
work, as on the following morning I am always quite fresh and fit.
My treasure of a cook is suffering from an enormous hydrocele which
makes it difficult for him to get up, and Moritz is obliged to keep in
the dark on account of his inflamed eyes. Knudsen’s cook, a raw boy
from somewhere in the bush, knows still less of cooking than Omari;
consequently Nils Knudsen himself has been promoted to the vacant
post. Finding that we had come to the end of our supplies, he began
by sending to Chingulungulu for the four sucking-pigs which we had
bought from Matola and temporarily left in his charge; and when
they came up, neatly packed in a large crate, he callously slaughtered
the biggest of them. The first joint we were thoughtless enough to
entrust for roasting to Knudsen’s mshenzi cook, and it was
consequently uneatable; but we made the rest of the animal into a
jelly which we ate with great relish after weeks of underfeeding,
consuming incredible helpings of it at both midday and evening
meals. The only drawback is a certain want of variety in the tinned
vegetables. Dr. Jäger, to whom the Geographical Commission
entrusted the provisioning of the expeditions—mine as well as his
own—because he had more time on his hands than the rest of us,
seems to have laid in a huge stock of Teltow turnips,[46] an article of
food which is all very well for occasional use, but which quickly palls
when set before one every day; and we seem to have no other tins
left. There is no help for it—we must put up with the turnips; but I
am certain that, once I am home again, I shall not touch them for ten
years to come.
Amid all these minor evils, which, after all, go to make up the
genuine flavour of Africa, there is at least one cheering touch:
Knudsen has, with the dexterity of a skilled mechanic, repaired my 9
× 12 cm. camera, at least so far that I can use it with a little care.
How, in the absence of finger-nails, he was able to accomplish such a
ticklish piece of work, having no tool but a clumsy screw-driver for
taking to pieces and putting together again the complicated
mechanism of the instantaneous shutter, is still a mystery to me; but
he did it successfully. The loss of his finger-nails shows him in a light
contrasting curiously enough with the intelligence evinced by the
above operation; though, after all, it is scarcely surprising after his
ten years’ residence in the bush. One day, at Lindi, he had occasion
to wash a dog, which must have been in need of very thorough
cleansing, for the bottle handed to our friend for the purpose had an
extremely strong smell. Having performed his task in the most
conscientious manner, he perceived with some surprise that the dog
did not appear much the better for it, and was further surprised by
finding his own nails ulcerating away in the course of the next few
days. “How was I to know that carbolic acid has to be diluted?” he
mutters indignantly, from time to time, with a troubled gaze at his
mutilated finger-tips.
Since we came to Newala we have been making excursions in all
directions through the surrounding country, in accordance with old
habit, and also because the akida Sefu did not get together the tribal
elders from whom I wanted information so speedily as he had
promised. There is, however, no harm done, as, even if seen only
from the outside, the country and people are interesting enough.
The Makonde plateau is like a large rectangular table rounded off
at the corners. Measured from the Indian Ocean to Newala, it is
about seventy-five miles long, and between the Rovuma and the
Lukuledi it averages fifty miles in breadth, so that its superficial area
is about two-thirds of that of the kingdom of Saxony. The surface,
however, is not level, but uniformly inclined from its south-western
edge to the ocean. From the upper edge, on which Newala lies, the
eye ranges for many miles east and north-east, without encountering
any obstacle, over the Makonde bush. It is a green sea, from which
here and there thick clouds of smoke rise, to show that it, too, is
inhabited by men who carry on their tillage like so many other
primitive peoples, by cutting down and burning the bush, and
manuring with the ashes. Even in the radiant light of a tropical day
such a fire is a grand sight.
Much less effective is the impression produced just now by the
great western plain as seen from the edge of the plateau. As often as
time permits, I stroll along this edge, sometimes in one direction,
sometimes in another, in the hope of finding the air clear enough to
let me enjoy the view; but I have always been disappointed.
Wherever one looks, clouds of smoke rise from the burning bush,
and the air is full of smoke and vapour. It is a pity, for under more
favourable circumstances the panorama of the whole country up to
the distant Majeje hills must be truly magnificent. It is of little use
taking photographs now, and an outline sketch gives a very poor idea
of the scenery. In one of these excursions I went out of my way to
make a personal attempt on the Makonde bush. The present edge of
the plateau is the result of a far-reaching process of destruction
through erosion and denudation. The Makonde strata are
everywhere cut into by ravines, which, though short, are hundreds of
yards in depth. In consequence of the loose stratification of these
beds, not only are the walls of these ravines nearly vertical, but their
upper end is closed by an equally steep escarpment, so that the
western edge of the Makonde plateau is hemmed in by a series of
deep, basin-like valleys. In order to get from one side of such a ravine
to the other, I cut my way through the bush with a dozen of my men.
It was a very open part, with more grass than scrub, but even so the
short stretch of less than two hundred yards was very hard work; at
the end of it the men’s calicoes were in rags and they themselves
bleeding from hundreds of scratches, while even our strong khaki
suits had not escaped scatheless.
NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR

MAHUTA
I see increasing reason to believe that the view formed some time
back as to the origin of the Makonde bush is the correct one. I have
no doubt that it is not a natural product, but the result of human
occupation. Those parts of the high country where man—as a very
slight amount of practice enables the eye to perceive at once—has not
yet penetrated with axe and hoe, are still occupied by a splendid
timber forest quite able to sustain a comparison with our mixed
forests in Germany. But wherever man has once built his hut or tilled
his field, this horrible bush springs up. Every phase of this process
may be seen in the course of a couple of hours’ walk along the main
road. From the bush to right or left, one hears the sound of the axe—
not from one spot only, but from several directions at once. A few
steps further on, we can see what is taking place. The brush has been
cut down and piled up in heaps to the height of a yard or more,
between which the trunks of the large trees stand up like the last
pillars of a magnificent ruined building. These, too, present a
melancholy spectacle: the destructive Makonde have ringed them—
cut a broad strip of bark all round to ensure their dying off—and also
piled up pyramids of brush round them. Father and son, mother and
son-in-law, are chopping away perseveringly in the background—too
busy, almost, to look round at the white stranger, who usually excites
so much interest. If you pass by the same place a week later, the piles
of brushwood have disappeared and a thick layer of ashes has taken
the place of the green forest. The large trees stretch their
smouldering trunks and branches in dumb accusation to heaven—if
they have not already fallen and been more or less reduced to ashes,
perhaps only showing as a white stripe on the dark ground.
This work of destruction is carried out by the Makonde alike on the
virgin forest and on the bush which has sprung up on sites already
cultivated and deserted. In the second case they are saved the trouble
of burning the large trees, these being entirely absent in the
secondary bush.
After burning this piece of forest ground and loosening it with the
hoe, the native sows his corn and plants his vegetables. All over the
country, he goes in for bed-culture, which requires, and, in fact,
receives, the most careful attention. Weeds are nowhere tolerated in
the south of German East Africa. The crops may fail on the plains,
where droughts are frequent, but never on the plateau with its
abundant rains and heavy dews. Its fortunate inhabitants even have
the satisfaction of seeing the proud Wayao and Wamakua working
for them as labourers, driven by hunger to serve where they were
accustomed to rule.
But the light, sandy soil is soon exhausted, and would yield no
harvest the second year if cultivated twice running. This fact has
been familiar to the native for ages; consequently he provides in
time, and, while his crop is growing, prepares the next plot with axe
and firebrand. Next year he plants this with his various crops and
lets the first piece lie fallow. For a short time it remains waste and
desolate; then nature steps in to repair the destruction wrought by
man; a thousand new growths spring out of the exhausted soil, and
even the old stumps put forth fresh shoots. Next year the new growth
is up to one’s knees, and in a few years more it is that terrible,
impenetrable bush, which maintains its position till the black
occupier of the land has made the round of all the available sites and
come back to his starting point.
The Makonde are, body and soul, so to speak, one with this bush.
According to my Yao informants, indeed, their name means nothing
else but “bush people.” Their own tradition says that they have been
settled up here for a very long time, but to my surprise they laid great
stress on an original immigration. Their old homes were in the
south-east, near Mikindani and the mouth of the Rovuma, whence
their peaceful forefathers were driven by the continual raids of the
Sakalavas from Madagascar and the warlike Shirazis[47] of the coast,
to take refuge on the almost inaccessible plateau. I have studied
African ethnology for twenty years, but the fact that changes of
population in this apparently quiet and peaceable corner of the earth
could have been occasioned by outside enterprises taking place on
the high seas, was completely new to me. It is, no doubt, however,
correct.
The charming tribal legend of the Makonde—besides informing us
of other interesting matters—explains why they have to live in the
thickest of the bush and a long way from the edge of the plateau,
instead of making their permanent homes beside the purling brooks
and springs of the low country.
“The place where the tribe originated is Mahuta, on the southern
side of the plateau towards the Rovuma, where of old time there was
nothing but thick bush. Out of this bush came a man who never
washed himself or shaved his head, and who ate and drank but little.
He went out and made a human figure from the wood of a tree
growing in the open country, which he took home to his abode in the
bush and there set it upright. In the night this image came to life and
was a woman. The man and woman went down together to the
Rovuma to wash themselves. Here the woman gave birth to a still-
born child. They left that place and passed over the high land into the
valley of the Mbemkuru, where the woman had another child, which
was also born dead. Then they returned to the high bush country of
Mahuta, where the third child was born, which lived and grew up. In
course of time, the couple had many more children, and called
themselves Wamatanda. These were the ancestral stock of the
Makonde, also called Wamakonde,[48] i.e., aborigines. Their
forefather, the man from the bush, gave his children the command to
bury their dead upright, in memory of the mother of their race who
was cut out of wood and awoke to life when standing upright. He also
warned them against settling in the valleys and near large streams,
for sickness and death dwelt there. They were to make it a rule to
have their huts at least an hour’s walk from the nearest watering-
place; then their children would thrive and escape illness.”
The explanation of the name Makonde given by my informants is
somewhat different from that contained in the above legend, which I
extract from a little book (small, but packed with information), by
Pater Adams, entitled Lindi und sein Hinterland. Otherwise, my
results agree exactly with the statements of the legend. Washing?
Hapana—there is no such thing. Why should they do so? As it is, the
supply of water scarcely suffices for cooking and drinking; other
people do not wash, so why should the Makonde distinguish himself
by such needless eccentricity? As for shaving the head, the short,
woolly crop scarcely needs it,[49] so the second ancestral precept is
likewise easy enough to follow. Beyond this, however, there is
nothing ridiculous in the ancestor’s advice. I have obtained from
various local artists a fairly large number of figures carved in wood,
ranging from fifteen to twenty-three inches in height, and
representing women belonging to the great group of the Mavia,
Makonde, and Matambwe tribes. The carving is remarkably well
done and renders the female type with great accuracy, especially the
keloid ornamentation, to be described later on. As to the object and
meaning of their works the sculptors either could or (more probably)
would tell me nothing, and I was forced to content myself with the
scanty information vouchsafed by one man, who said that the figures
were merely intended to represent the nembo—the artificial
deformations of pelele, ear-discs, and keloids. The legend recorded
by Pater Adams places these figures in a new light. They must surely
be more than mere dolls; and we may even venture to assume that
they are—though the majority of present-day Makonde are probably
unaware of the fact—representations of the tribal ancestress.
The references in the legend to the descent from Mahuta to the
Rovuma, and to a journey across the highlands into the Mbekuru
valley, undoubtedly indicate the previous history of the tribe, the
travels of the ancestral pair typifying the migrations of their
descendants. The descent to the neighbouring Rovuma valley, with
its extraordinary fertility and great abundance of game, is intelligible
at a glance—but the crossing of the Lukuledi depression, the ascent
to the Rondo Plateau and the descent to the Mbemkuru, also lie
within the bounds of probability, for all these districts have exactly
the same character as the extreme south. Now, however, comes a
point of especial interest for our bacteriological age. The primitive
Makonde did not enjoy their lives in the marshy river-valleys.
Disease raged among them, and many died. It was only after they
had returned to their original home near Mahuta, that the health
conditions of these people improved. We are very apt to think of the
African as a stupid person whose ignorance of nature is only equalled
by his fear of it, and who looks on all mishaps as caused by evil
spirits and malignant natural powers. It is much more correct to
assume in this case that the people very early learnt to distinguish
districts infested with malaria from those where it is absent.
This knowledge is crystallized in the
ancestral warning against settling in the
valleys and near the great waters, the
dwelling-places of disease and death. At the
same time, for security against the hostile
Mavia south of the Rovuma, it was enacted
that every settlement must be not less than a
certain distance from the southern edge of the
plateau. Such in fact is their mode of life at the
present day. It is not such a bad one, and
certainly they are both safer and more
comfortable than the Makua, the recent
intruders from the south, who have made USUAL METHOD OF
good their footing on the western edge of the CLOSING HUT-DOOR
plateau, extending over a fairly wide belt of
country. Neither Makua nor Makonde show in their dwellings
anything of the size and comeliness of the Yao houses in the plain,
especially at Masasi, Chingulungulu and Zuza’s. Jumbe Chauro, a
Makonde hamlet not far from Newala, on the road to Mahuta, is the
most important settlement of the tribe I have yet seen, and has fairly
spacious huts. But how slovenly is their construction compared with
the palatial residences of the elephant-hunters living in the plain.
The roofs are still more untidy than in the general run of huts during
the dry season, the walls show here and there the scanty beginnings
or the lamentable remains of the mud plastering, and the interior is a
veritable dog-kennel; dirt, dust and disorder everywhere. A few huts
only show any attempt at division into rooms, and this consists
merely of very roughly-made bamboo partitions. In one point alone
have I noticed any indication of progress—in the method of fastening
the door. Houses all over the south are secured in a simple but
ingenious manner. The door consists of a set of stout pieces of wood
or bamboo, tied with bark-string to two cross-pieces, and moving in
two grooves round one of the door-posts, so as to open inwards. If
the owner wishes to leave home, he takes two logs as thick as a man’s
upper arm and about a yard long. One of these is placed obliquely
against the middle of the door from the inside, so as to form an angle
of from 60° to 75° with the ground. He then places the second piece
horizontally across the first, pressing it downward with all his might.
It is kept in place by two strong posts planted in the ground a few
inches inside the door. This fastening is absolutely safe, but of course
cannot be applied to both doors at once, otherwise how could the
owner leave or enter his house? I have not yet succeeded in finding
out how the back door is fastened.
MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO

This is the general way of closing a house. The Makonde at Jumbe
Chauro, however, have a much more complicated, solid and original
one. Here, too, the door is as already described, except that there is
only one post on the inside, standing by itself about six inches from
one side of the doorway. Opposite this post is a hole in the wall just
large enough to admit a man’s arm. The door is closed inside by a
large wooden bolt passing through a hole in this post and pressing
with its free end against the door. The other end has three holes into
which fit three pegs running in vertical grooves inside the post. The
door is opened with a wooden key about a foot long, somewhat
curved and sloped off at the butt; the other end has three pegs
corresponding to the holes, in the bolt, so that, when it is thrust
through the hole in the wall and inserted into the rectangular
opening in the post, the pegs can be lifted and the bolt drawn out.[50]
MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY
With no small pride first one householder and then a second

showed me on the spot the action of this greatest invention of the
Makonde Highlands. To both with an admiring exclamation of
“Vizuri sana!” (“Very fine!”). I expressed the wish to take back these
marvels with me to Ulaya, to show the Wazungu what clever fellows
the Makonde are. Scarcely five minutes after my return to camp at
Newala, the two men came up sweating under the weight of two
heavy logs which they laid down at my feet, handing over at the same
time the keys of the fallen fortress. Arguing, logically enough, that if
the key was wanted, the lock would be wanted with it, they had taken
their axes and chopped down the posts—as it never occurred to them
to dig them out of the ground and so bring them intact. Thus I have
two badly damaged specimens, and the owners, instead of praise,
come in for a blowing-up.
The Makua huts in the environs of Newala are especially
miserable; their more than slovenly construction reminds one of the
temporary erections of the Makua at Hatia’s, though the people here
have not been concerned in a war. It must therefore be due to
congenital idleness, or else to the absence of a powerful chief. Even
the baraza at Mlipa’s, a short hour’s walk south-east of Newala,
shares in this general neglect. While public buildings in this country
are usually looked after more or less carefully, this is in evident
danger of being blown over by the first strong easterly gale. The only
attractive object in this whole district is the grave of the late chief
Mlipa. I visited it in the morning, while the sun was still trying with
partial success to break through the rolling mists, and the circular
grove of tall euphorbias, which, with a broken pot, is all that marks
the old king’s resting-place, impressed one with a touch of pathos.
Even my very materially-minded carriers seemed to feel something
of the sort, for instead of their usual ribald songs, they chanted
solemnly, as we marched on through the dense green of the Makonde
bush:—
“We shall arrive with the great master; we stand in a row and have
no fear about getting our food and our money from the Serkali (the
Government). We are not afraid; we are going along with the great
master, the lion; we are going down to the coast and back.”
With regard to the characteristic features of the various tribes here
on the western edge of the plateau, I can arrive at no other
conclusion than the one already come to in the plain, viz., that it is
impossible for anyone but a trained anthropologist to assign any
given individual at once to his proper tribe. In fact, I think that even
an anthropological specialist, after the most careful examination,
might find it a difficult task to decide. The whole congeries of peoples
collected in the region bounded on the west by the great Central
African rift, Tanganyika and Nyasa, and on the east by the Indian
Ocean, are closely related to each other—some of their languages are
only distinguished from one another as dialects of the same speech,
and no doubt all the tribes present the same shape of skull and
structure of skeleton. Thus, surely, there can be no very striking
differences in outward appearance.
Even did such exist, I should have no time
to concern myself with them, for day after day,
I have to see or hear, as the case may be—in
any case to grasp and record—an
extraordinary number of ethnographic
phenomena. I am almost disposed to think it
fortunate that some departments of inquiry, at
least, are barred by external circumstances.
Chief among these is the subject of iron-
working. We are apt to think of Africa as a
country where iron ore is everywhere, so to
speak, to be picked up by the roadside, and
where it would be quite surprising if the
inhabitants had not learnt to smelt the
material ready to their hand. In fact, the
knowledge of this art ranges all over the
continent, from the Kabyles in the north to the
Kafirs in the south. Here between the Rovuma
and the Lukuledi the conditions are not so
favourable. According to the statements of the
Makonde, neither ironstone nor any other
form of iron ore is known to them. They have
not therefore advanced to the art of smelting
the metal, but have hitherto bought all their
THE ANCESTRESS OF
THE MAKONDE
iron implements from neighbouring tribes.
Even in the plain the inhabitants are not much
better off. Only one man now living is said to
understand the art of smelting iron. This old fundi lives close to
Huwe, that isolated, steep-sided block of granite which rises out of
the green solitude between Masasi and Chingulungulu, and whose
jagged and splintered top meets the traveller’s eye everywhere. While
still at Masasi I wished to see this man at work, but was told that,
frightened by the rising, he had retired across the Rovuma, though
he would soon return. All subsequent inquiries as to whether the
fundi had come back met with the genuine African answer, “Bado”
(“Not yet”).
BRAZIER
Some consolation was afforded me by a brassfounder, whom I

came across in the bush near Akundonde’s. This man is the favourite
of women, and therefore no doubt of the gods; he welds the glittering
brass rods purchased at the coast into those massive, heavy rings
which, on the wrists and ankles of the local fair ones, continually give
me fresh food for admiration. Like every decent master-craftsman he
had all his tools with him, consisting of a pair of bellows, three
crucibles and a hammer—nothing more, apparently. He was quite
willing to show his skill, and in a twinkling had fixed his bellows on
the ground. They are simply two goat-skins, taken off whole, the four
legs being closed by knots, while the upper opening, intended to
admit the air, is kept stretched by two pieces of wood. At the lower
end of the skin a smaller opening is left into which a wooden tube is
stuck. The fundi has quickly borrowed a heap of wood-embers from
the nearest hut; he then fixes the free ends of the two tubes into an
earthen pipe, and clamps them to the ground by means of a bent
piece of wood. Now he fills one of his small clay crucibles, the dross
on which shows that they have been long in use, with the yellow
material, places it in the midst of the embers, which, at present are
only faintly glimmering, and begins his work. In quick alternation
the smith’s two hands move up and down with the open ends of the
bellows; as he raises his hand he holds the slit wide open, so as to let
the air enter the skin bag unhindered. In pressing it down he closes
the bag, and the air puffs through the bamboo tube and clay pipe into
the fire, which quickly burns up. The smith, however, does not keep
on with this work, but beckons to another man, who relieves him at
the bellows, while he takes some more tools out of a large skin pouch
carried on his back. I look on in wonder as, with a smooth round
stick about the thickness of a finger, he bores a few vertical holes into
the clean sand of the soil. This should not be difficult, yet the man
seems to be taking great pains over it. Then he fastens down to the
ground, with a couple of wooden clamps, a neat little trough made by
splitting a joint of bamboo in half, so that the ends are closed by the
two knots. At last the yellow metal has attained the right consistency,
and the fundi lifts the crucible from the fire by means of two sticks
split at the end to serve as tongs. A short swift turn to the left—a
tilting of the crucible—and the molten brass, hissing and giving forth
clouds of smoke, flows first into the bamboo mould and then into the
holes in the ground.
The technique of this backwoods craftsman may not be very far
advanced, but it cannot be denied that he knows how to obtain an
adequate result by the simplest means. The ladies of highest rank in
this country—that is to say, those who can afford it, wear two kinds
of these massive brass rings, one cylindrical, the other semicircular
in section. The latter are cast in the most ingenious way in the
bamboo mould, the former in the circular hole in the sand. It is quite
a simple matter for the fundi to fit these bars to the limbs of his fair
customers; with a few light strokes of his hammer he bends the
pliable brass round arm or ankle without further inconvenience to
the wearer.
SHAPING THE POT
SMOOTHING WITH MAIZE-COB
CUTTING THE EDGE

FINISHING THE BOTTOM
LAST SMOOTHING BEFORE

BURNING
FIRING THE BRUSH-PILE

LIGHTING THE FARTHER SIDE OF
THE PILE
TURNING THE RED-HOT VESSEL
NYASA WOMAN MAKING POTS AT MASASI

Pottery is an art which must always and everywhere excite the
interest of the student, just because it is so intimately connected with
the development of human culture, and because its relics are one of
the principal factors in the reconstruction of our own condition in
prehistoric times. I shall always remember with pleasure the two or
three afternoons at Masasi when Salim Matola’s mother, a slightly-
built, graceful, pleasant-looking woman, explained to me with
touching patience, by means of concrete illustrations, the ceramic art
of her people. The only implements for this primitive process were a
lump of clay in her left hand, and in the right a calabash containing
the following valuables: the fragment of a maize-cob stripped of all
its grains, a smooth, oval pebble, about the size of a pigeon’s egg, a
few chips of gourd-shell, a bamboo splinter about the length of one’s
hand, a small shell, and a bunch of some herb resembling spinach.
Nothing more. The woman scraped with the
shell a round, shallow hole in the soft, fine
sand of the soil, and, when an active young
girl had filled the calabash with water for her,
she began to knead the clay. As if by magic it
gradually assumed the shape of a rough but
already well-shaped vessel, which only wanted
a little touching up with the instruments
before mentioned. I looked out with the
MAKUA WOMAN closest attention for any indication of the use
MAKING A POT. of the potter’s wheel, in however rudimentary
SHOWS THE a form, but no—hapana (there is none). The
BEGINNINGS OF THE embryo pot stood firmly in its little
POTTER’S WHEEL
depression, and the woman walked round it in
a stooping posture, whether she was removing
small stones or similar foreign bodies with the maize-cob, smoothing
the inner or outer surface with the splinter of bamboo, or later, after
letting it dry for a day, pricking in the ornamentation with a pointed
bit of gourd-shell, or working out the bottom, or cutting the edge
with a sharp bamboo knife, or giving the last touches to the finished
vessel. This occupation of the women is infinitely toilsome, but it is
without doubt an accurate reproduction of the process in use among
our ancestors of the Neolithic and Bronze ages.
There is no doubt that the invention of pottery, an item in human
progress whose importance cannot be over-estimated, is due to
women. Rough, coarse and unfeeling, the men of the horde range
over the countryside. When the united cunning of the hunters has
succeeded in killing the game; not one of them thinks of carrying
home the spoil. A bright fire, kindled by a vigorous wielding of the
drill, is crackling beside them; the animal has been cleaned and cut
up secundum artem, and, after a slight singeing, will soon disappear
under their sharp teeth; no one all this time giving a single thought
to wife or child.
To what shifts, on the other hand, the primitive wife, and still more
the primitive mother, was put! Not even prehistoric stomachs could
endure an unvarying diet of raw food. Something or other suggested
the beneficial effect of hot water on the majority of approved but
indigestible dishes. Perhaps a neighbour had tried holding the hard
roots or tubers over the fire in a calabash filled with water—or maybe
an ostrich-egg-shell, or a hastily improvised vessel of bark. They
became much softer and more palatable than they had previously
been; but, unfortunately, the vessel could not stand the fire and got
charred on the outside. That can be remedied, thought our
ancestress, and plastered a layer of wet clay round a similar vessel.
This is an improvement; the cooking utensil remains uninjured, but
the heat of the fire has shrunk it, so that it is loose in its shell. The
next step is to detach it, so, with a firm grip and a jerk, shell and
kernel are separated, and pottery is invented. Perhaps, however, the
discovery which led to an intelligent use of the burnt-clay shell, was
made in a slightly different way. Ostrich-eggs and calabashes are not
to be found in every part of the world, but everywhere mankind has
arrived at the art of making baskets out of pliant materials, such as
bark, bast, strips of palm-leaf, supple twigs, etc. Our inventor has no
water-tight vessel provided by nature. “Never mind, let us line the
basket with clay.” This answers the purpose, but alas! the basket gets
burnt over the blazing fire, the woman watches the process of
cooking with increasing uneasiness, fearing a leak, but no leak
appears. The food, done to a turn, is eaten with peculiar relish; and
the cooking-vessel is examined, half in curiosity, half in satisfaction
at the result. The plastic clay is now hard as stone, and at the same
time looks exceedingly well, for the neat plaiting of the burnt basket
is traced all over it in a pretty pattern. Thus, simultaneously with
pottery, its ornamentation was invented.
Primitive woman has another claim to respect. It was the man,
roving abroad, who invented the art of producing fire at will, but the
woman, unable to imitate him in this, has been a Vestal from the
earliest times. Nothing gives so much trouble as the keeping alight of
the smouldering brand, and, above all, when all the men are absent
from the camp. Heavy rain-clouds gather, already the first large
drops are falling, the first gusts of the storm rage over the plain. The
little flame, a greater anxiety to the woman than her own children,
flickers unsteadily in the blast. What is to be done? A sudden thought
occurs to her, and in an instant she has constructed a primitive hut
out of strips of bark, to protect the flame against rain and wind.
This, or something very like it, was the way in which the principle
of the house was discovered; and even the most hardened misogynist
cannot fairly refuse a woman the credit of it. The protection of the
hearth-fire from the weather is the germ from which the human
dwelling was evolved. Men had little, if any share, in this forward
step, and that only at a late stage. Even at the present day, the
plastering of the housewall with clay and the manufacture of pottery
are exclusively the women’s business. These are two very significant
survivals. Our European kitchen-garden, too, is originally a woman’s
invention, and the hoe, the primitive instrument of agriculture, is,
characteristically enough, still used in this department. But the
noblest achievement which we owe to the other sex is unquestionably
the art of cookery. Roasting alone—the oldest process—is one for
which men took the hint (a very obvious one) from nature. It must
have been suggested by the scorched carcase of some animal
overtaken by the destructive forest-fires. But boiling—the process of
improving organic substances by the help of water heated to boiling-
point—is a much later discovery. It is so recent that it has not even
yet penetrated to all parts of the world. The Polynesians understand
how to steam food, that is, to cook it, neatly wrapped in leaves, in a
hole in the earth between hot stones, the air being excluded, and
(sometimes) a few drops of water sprinkled on the stones; but they
do not understand boiling.
To come back from this digression, we find that the slender Nyasa
woman has, after once more carefully examining the finished pot,
put it aside in the shade to dry. On the following day she sends me
word by her son, Salim Matola, who is always on hand, that she is
going to do the burning, and, on coming out of my house, I find her
already hard at work. She has spread on the ground a layer of very
dry sticks, about as thick as one’s thumb, has laid the pot (now of a
yellowish-grey colour) on them, and is piling brushwood round it.
My faithful Pesa mbili, the mnyampara, who has been standing by,
most obligingly, with a lighted stick, now hands it to her. Both of
them, blowing steadily, light the pile on the lee side, and, when the
flame begins to catch, on the weather side also. Soon the whole is in a
blaze, but the dry fuel is quickly consumed and the fire dies down, so
that we see the red-hot vessel rising from the ashes. The woman
turns it continually with a long stick, sometimes one way and
sometimes another, so that it may be evenly heated all over. In
twenty minutes she rolls it out of the ash-heap, takes up the bundle
of spinach, which has been lying for two days in a jar of water, and
sprinkles the red-hot clay with it. The places where the drops fall are
marked by black spots on the uniform reddish-brown surface. With a
sigh of relief, and with visible satisfaction, the woman rises to an
erect position; she is standing just in a line between me and the fire,
from which a cloud of smoke is just rising: I press the ball of my
camera, the shutter clicks—the apotheosis is achieved! Like a
priestess, representative of her inventive sex, the graceful woman
stands: at her feet the hearth-fire she has given us beside her the
invention she has devised for us, in the background the home she has
built for us.
At Newala, also, I have had the manufacture of pottery carried on
in my presence. Technically the process is better than that already
described, for here we find the beginnings of the potter’s wheel,
which does not seem to exist in the plains; at least I have seen
nothing of the sort. The artist, a frightfully stupid Makua woman, did
not make a depression in the ground to receive the pot she was about
to shape, but used instead a large potsherd. Otherwise, she went to
work in much the same way as Salim’s mother, except that she saved
herself the trouble of walking round and round her work by squatting
at her ease and letting the pot and potsherd rotate round her; this is
surely the first step towards a machine. But it does not follow that
the pot was improved by the process. It is true that it was beautifully
rounded and presented a very creditable appearance when finished,
but the numerous large and small vessels which I have seen, and, in
part, collected, in the “less advanced” districts, are no less so. We
moderns imagine that instruments of precision are necessary to
produce excellent results. Go to the prehistoric collections of our
museums and look at the pots, urns and bowls of our ancestors in the
dim ages of the past, and you will at once perceive your error.
MAKING LONGITUDINAL CUT IN
BARK
DRAWING THE BARK OFF THE LOG
REMOVING THE OUTER BARK

BEATING THE BARK
WORKING THE BARK-CLOTH AFTER BEATING, TO MAKE IT

SOFT
MANUFACTURE OF BARK-CLOTH AT NEWALA

To-day, nearly the whole population of German East Africa is
clothed in imported calico. This was not always the case; even now in
some parts of the north dressed skins are still the prevailing wear,
and in the north-western districts—east and north of Lake
Tanganyika—lies a zone where bark-cloth has not yet been
superseded. Probably not many generations have passed since such
bark fabrics and kilts of skins were the only clothing even in the
south. Even to-day, large quantities of this bright-red or drab
material are still to be found; but if we wish to see it, we must look in
the granaries and on the drying stages inside the native huts, where
it serves less ambitious uses as wrappings for those seeds and fruits
which require to be packed with special care. The salt produced at
Masasi, too, is packed for transport to a distance in large sheets of
bark-cloth. Wherever I found it in any degree possible, I studied the
process of making this cloth. The native requisitioned for the
purpose arrived, carrying a log between two and three yards long and
as thick as his thigh, and nothing else except a curiously-shaped
mallet and the usual long, sharp and pointed knife which all men and
boys wear in a belt at their backs without a sheath—horribile dictu!
[51]
Silently he squats down before me, and with two rapid cuts has
drawn a couple of circles round the log some two yards apart, and
slits the bark lengthwise between them with the point of his knife.
With evident care, he then scrapes off the outer rind all round the
log, so that in a quarter of an hour the inner red layer of the bark
shows up brightly-coloured between the two untouched ends. With
some trouble and much caution, he now loosens the bark at one end,
and opens the cylinder. He then stands up, takes hold of the free
edge with both hands, and turning it inside out, slowly but steadily
pulls it off in one piece. Now comes the troublesome work of
scraping all superfluous particles of outer bark from the outside of
the long, narrow piece of material, while the inner side is carefully
scrutinised for defective spots. At last it is ready for beating. Having
signalled to a friend, who immediately places a bowl of water beside
him, the artificer damps his sheet of bark all over, seizes his mallet,
lays one end of the stuff on the smoothest spot of the log, and
hammers away slowly but continuously. “Very simple!” I think to
myself. “Why, I could do that, too!”—but I am forced to change my
opinions a little later on; for the beating is quite an art, if the fabric is
not to be beaten to pieces. To prevent the breaking of the fibres, the
stuff is several times folded across, so as to interpose several
thicknesses between the mallet and the block. At last the required
state is reached, and the fundi seizes the sheet, still folded, by both
ends, and wrings it out, or calls an assistant to take one end while he
holds the other. The cloth produced in this way is not nearly so fine
and uniform in texture as the famous Uganda bark-cloth, but it is
quite soft, and, above all, cheap.
Now, too, I examine the mallet. My craftsman has been using the
simpler but better form of this implement, a conical block of some
hard wood, its base—the striking surface—being scored across and
across with more or less deeply-cut grooves, and the handle stuck
into a hole in the middle. The other and earlier form of mallet is
shaped in the same way, but the head is fastened by an ingenious
network of bark strips into the split bamboo serving as a handle. The
observation so often made, that ancient customs persist longest in
connection with religious ceremonies and in the life of children, here
finds confirmation. As we shall soon see, bark-cloth is still worn
during the unyago,[52] having been prepared with special solemn
ceremonies; and many a mother, if she has no other garment handy,
will still put her little one into a kilt of bark-cloth, which, after all,
looks better, besides being more in keeping with its African
surroundings, than the ridiculous bit of print from Ulaya.
MAKUA WOMEN

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Behavioral Sciences STAT (New,

Engaging Titles from 4LTR Press) 2nd

2 Creating and Using

2-2 Understanding Frequency Distributions 22

3 Summarizing Scores with

3-1 Some New Symbols and Procedures 37

5 Describing Data with

6 Using Probability to Make

8 Hypothesis Testing Using

8-3 Interpreting the t-Test 133

9 Hypothesis Testing Using

9-5 Performing the Related-Samples t-Test 152

12-4 Completing the Two-Way ANOVA 209

Nicholas Pavloff/Iconica/Getty Images

Appendix A: Math Review

Appendix B: Statistical Tables 252

Your goals in this chapter are to learn:

2 Behavioral Sciences STAT2

Chapter 1: Introduction to Statistics and Research 3

4 Behavioral Sciences STAT2

TO BRUSH UP ON our findings, we generalize back

MATH IN APPENDIX A.1

late this into the more specific participants

viduals measured in a sample are

Chapter 1: Introduction to Statistics and Research 5

situation that, when in the population will also be accu-

6 Behavioral Sciences STAT2

Chapter 1: Introduction to Statistics and Research 7

8 Behavioral Sciences STAT2

1-3b When No Relationship Is

Chapter 1: Introduction to Statistics and Research 9

10 Behavioral Sciences STAT2

Chapter 1: Introduction to Statistics and Research 11

for an advanced discussion.

12 Behavioral Sciences STAT2

Chapter 1: Introduction to Statistics and Research 13

14 Behavioral Sciences STAT2

> In a correlational design the researcher

Chapter 1: Introduction to Statistics and Research 15

16 Behavioral Sciences STAT2

Chapter 1: Introduction to Statistics and Research 17

18 Behavioral Sciences STAT2

Chapter 1: Introduction to Statistics and Research 19

LOOKING BACK GOING F O R WA R D

Sections that a goal is to make sense of the scores by organizing

20 Behavioral Sciences STAT2

Chapter 2: Creating and Using Frequency Distributions 21

In this disorganized arrangement, it is difficult

22 Behavioral Sciences STAT2

3. N ⫽ 9 The lower table and graph are

2-2b Graphing a Figure 2.1

Chapter 2: Creating and Using Frequency Distributions 23

24 Behavioral Sciences STAT2

Newala, too, suffers from the distance of its water-supply—at least

The water-supply of New Newala is in the bottom of the valley,

NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR

MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO

MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY

With no small pride first one householder and then a second

Some consolation was afforded me by a brassfounder, whom I

SMOOTHING WITH MAIZE-COB

CUTTING THE EDGE

LAST SMOOTHING BEFORE