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Female voices on Jakarta's da'wa stage

Article in RIMA: Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs · January 2012

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Eva F Nisa
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 Female voices on Jakarta’s da’wa stage

Eva F Nisa

Keywords: female preachers, da’wa, Indonesian Islam, Yemen, Jakarta

Abstract: Young female preachers have become important agents for the proliferation
of majelis ta’lim (meeting places for learning Islam) in Jakarta. This article
focuses on two talented female preachers belonging to the family of the Prophet,
Sharifah Halimah Alaydrus and Sharifah Khadijah Al-Junayd. They are not only
active in arranging majelis ta’lim but also in strengthening the position of other
female preachers belonging to the family of the Prophet. I analyse their role in the
development of da’wa and their position amidst the increasing number of mostly
male ‘pop’ preachers in Indonesia. Their talent and their achievement in becoming
students of Habib Umar bin Hafiz have made them authoritative voices both
locally and transnationally. The case of Sharifah Halimah and Sharifah Khadijah
demonstrates not only the new visibility of such women in Indonesian public Islam,
but also illuminates the significant role played by female Indonesian preachers in the
global Muslim world.

The diaspora of Ḥ aḍ ramī, whose ancestry can be traced to the south-
eastern part of Yemen, has been studied by many scholars. Its presence
in Southeast Asia is thought to have been an important part of the
process of Islamisation, particularly after the introduction of the
steamship in the second half of the nineteenth century (see Freitag
2003:2; Jacobsen 2007a:402). Ḥ aḍ ramī societies have been very active in
missionary works, as well as commercial enterprises (Jacobsen 2007a:402;
Shahab n.d.:8; Slama 2012).1 Bā‘Alawī migrants had settled in various
parts of Southeast Asia by the eighteenth century (Alatas 2011:48). The
role of Bā‘Alawī (a group of Ḥ aḍ ramī diaspora), especially ḥ abā’ib (male
descendants of the Prophet), has been significant in the Jakartan majelis
ta’lim (a council or a meeting place for learning Islam).2

Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs, vol. 46, no. 1 (2012), pp. 55–81.
56 Eva F Nisa
In terms of da’wa (proselytisation), within Jakartan majelis
ta’lim, Bā‘Alawī have always had a special place in the hearts of Jakartan
congregations. Ḥ aḍ̣ramī have enjoyed prestige as the descendants of
the Prophet (ḥ abā’ib) and because they have better religious knowledge
than mainstream Jakartan Muslims. Jakartans have long respected the
genealogical and religious eminence of Bā‘Alawī. Throughout Jakarta’s
history, Indonesian ‘ulamā’ (Muslim scholars) have collaborated with
ḥ abā’ib to spread Islam in Jakarta. Nowadays, the strong collaboration
between the two can be seen from the establishment of Forum Ulama
dan Habaib Betawi (The Forum of Batavian Religious Scholars and
Ḥ abā’ib) which was formed in August 2008 (al-Kisah 2008:92–3). Habib
Umar bin Abdurrahman Assegaf, one of the most well-known ḥ abā’ib,
also acknowledged that his religious knowledge has come from kyai
kampung (lit. village Islamic scholar referring to Batavian ‘ulamā’ ).3
Unfortunately, little is known about the role of sharā’if (female
descendants of the Prophet) on Jakartan da’wa stages. In fact, studies
of female preachers have been very limited to date (see Marcoes 1992;
Burhanuddin 2002; Abaza 2004; Bakti 2011; Bakti 2012). This is ironic
because women have always been the main participants in majelis ta’lim
in Jakarta and elsewhere in Indonesia as Millie (2011) describes in West
Java. Indonesia has recently witnessed the proliferation of da’wa, which
has become a part of the business world through the presence of
majelis ta’lim for upper class elites, (Hoesterey 2008; Hasan 2009;
Rudnyckyj 2009a, 2009b)) and the emergence of many young
preachers who have come to the fore of Islamic da’wa and become
minor celebrities (Hasan 2009:239).4 These developments have not
been isolated to male Muslims, but they are happening among female
congregations also.
This paper examines the emergence of a new generation of
female preachers coming from the Bā‘Alawī background within the
context of transnational religious networks. The role of the majority of
the older generation of sharā’if, such as the late Sharifah Lulu Alaydrus,
the late Sharifah Seha Alatas, Sharifah Sukaenah binti Yahya and
Sharifah Lulu al-Habsyi, has been significant in the development of
Jakartan da’wa. The new generation of sharā’if, however, as examined
here and of which Sharifah Halimah Alaydrus and Sharifah Khadijah
Female voices on Jakarta’s da’wa stage 57
Al-Junayd are members, is different from the older generation and the
majority of ustādhāt (female religious teachers) in Jakarta. These new
sharā’if can be regarded as cosmopolitan ustādhāt in terms of a general
spatial definition of the cosmopolitan which is ‘someone who moves
across global space’ (Stade 2007:232).
Sharifah Halimah Alaydrus and Sharifah Khadijah Al-Junayd
are graduates from Yemeni educational institutions that train Muslim
women in Shafi’ite forms of Islam and support the same Sufi path
(ṭ arīqa), ṭ arīqa ‘alawiyya (the Bā‘Alawī path).5 Many studies of female
preachers in Indonesia have ignored the transnational aspects of their
quest for religious knowledge and the transformation of it. Through the
activities of Sharifah Halimah Alaydrus and Sharifah Khadijah Al-
Junayd, we can see not only the importance of Yemen, but also the
importance of Indonesian Muslims in transmitting religious knowledge,
not only to fellow Indonesians but also to Muslim communities in some
parts of Ḥ aḍ ramawt, especially in villages around Tarim.
Both preachers are the products of globalisation. They are
both active in the distribution of religious knowledge. Their role
demonstrates the networks of religious learning of female descendants
of the Prophet Muḥammad. Martin Slama has pointed out the
importance of Ḥ aḍ ramawt for Indonesians today in terms of the flow
of religious knowledge.
Reviving a tradition of the (pre-)colonial era, they began to send their
sons to Islamic boarding schools there. Due to these journeys and
longer stays for education, the Hadhramaut is now much more present
in Indonesia’s Hadhrami Ba‘Alawi communities, especially in the ones
on Java, than in the preceding decades. Thus for Ba‘Alawi Hadhramis,
the Hadhramaut, regarded as an exemplary centre for Islamic learning,
becomes more and more their spiritual homeland (again) (Slama
2011:241).
More than this, this paper analyses how people in Tarim (Ḥ aḍ ramawt)
have also acknowledged the capacity of female Indonesians to spread
religious knowledge within the region. It is important to mention here
the figure of Habib ‘Umar b. Muḥammad b. Hafiz, popularly known as
Guru Mulia6 (Noble Teacher) by some of his students and followers in
Indonesia. Although, the connection between each of the two sharā’if
58 Eva F Nisa
and Guru Mulia is different, they both can be regarded as part of Guru
Mulia’s large family. Sharifah Halimah Alaydrus was the first student of
an educational institution established by Guru Mulia, Daruz Zahro,7
and Sharifah Khadijah Al-Junayd was one of Guru Mulia’s students
even before the establishment of Daruz Zahro. In addition, a relative
of Guru Mulia married a relative of Sharifah Khadijah Al-Junayd.
Guru Mulia is a teacher who always encourages his students to deliver
what they have (religious knowledge) to people who need it. Sharifah
Halimah Alaydrus and Sharifah Khadijah Al-Junayd are two of his
students who were sent to villages in Ḥ aḍ ramawt to deliver religious
messages. Guru Mulia himself is known as a preacher who is very
active in delivering religious messages in every place he visits. Knysh
describes Guru Mulia’s da’wa activities as follows:
Umar has achieved and sustained his wide popularity by constantly
travelling across the country in a new Toyota Landcruiser and giving
fiery public sermons and lectures at every stop. The geography of his
proselytizing tours is quite impressive (Knysh 2001:406–7)
This article is based on my fieldwork in Jakarta and a visit to
Singapore (following Sharifah Halimah Alaydrus) in 2012. Although
majelis ta’lim exists in places other than Jakarta, many believe that Jakartan
majelis ta’lim is the most popular type of gathering among Muslims living
in Indonesia. Mona Abaza supports this view and suggests that ‘some
would insist that the Majlis Ta’lims are a typical urban phenomenon which
only exists in Jakarta’ (Abaza 2004:179). In addition, in recent years
Jakarta has witnessed a proliferation of majelis ta’lim. This has influenced
some asātidh (male Muslim teachers) including ḥ abā’ib8 to move to Jakarta
not only to attract Jakartan congregations, but also to increase their fame
and financial rewards (Abaza 2004:180; see also Slama 2011). Jakarta is
chosen because up until now the most well-known sharā’if who have
been active on the da’wa stage are Jakartans. Jakartans have not seen
sharā’if from other regions who are able to appeal to their hearts and
souls as Sharifah Halimah Alaydrus and Sharifah Khadijah Al-Junayd do.
The role of sharā’if has been mentioned in scholarly studies
mostly in the context of their business, achievements in education, and
organisational (al-Khairaat) domains (Slama 2011:252; Slama 2012).
The discussion on da’wa and sharā’if mostly focuses on their active role
Female voices on Jakarta’s da’wa stage 59
in organising majelis ta’lim in their houses (Abaza 2004:179), not on their
capacities as actual actors on the urban da’wa stage. Therefore, this
paper will contribute towards filling this gap by focusing on the role of
sharā’if in the development of da’wa in Jakarta and elsewhere.
Sharifah Halimah Alaydrus
Sharifah Halimah is an example of the cosmopolitan Ḥ aḍ rami
diaspora; her parents are muwallad (descendants of mixed marriages).
Sharifah Halimah was born in Indramayu, West Java in 1979 and her
husband is also from a Bā‘Alawī family. She acquired her religious
knowledge from some well-known traditionalist NU pesantren (Islamic
boarding schools). Her parents sent her to a pesantren, Darullughagh
Wadda’wah in Bangil-Pasuruan, East Java when she was 12 years old.
This pesantren is owned by a Bā‘Alawī family and was founded by the
late Habib Hasan Baharun. Its current head is his son, Habib Zain b.
Hasan Baharun. She continued her study in Pondok Pesantren at-
Tauhidiyah in Tegal, Central Java, and Pondok Pesantren al-Anwar in
Rembang, also in Central Java. The most important educational
institution that shaped not only her Islamic knowledge but also her
personality was Daruz Zahro in Yemen where she studied from late
1998 to 2002.9 She was the first student of Daruz Zahro. After four
months of her enrolment, there were two other students enrolling at
Daruz Zahro. Six months later the number of students was increasing.
Four years after its establishment, Daruz Zahro had 140 students, and
thirty of them were Indonesians. Since she was the first student of
Daruz Zahro, her position is very special within its larger network.
After graduating from Daruz Zahro she went back to
Indonesia in 2002 and married in the same year. After her marriage, her
husband brought her to some pesantren in East Java to start her da’wa.
In 2003 she had to go to Tarim to teach, but returned to Indonesia in
the same year. Since then, she has become very active in da’wa not only
in Jakarta, but also in other parts of Indonesia and abroad. Outside
Jakarta, she also often gives talks in Bekasi, Depok, Bandung, Ternate,
Ambon, Pontianak. She follows a fortnightly schedule for appearing in
East Java and four times in a year she undertakes a week-long da’wa
tour visiting seventeen cities from Gresik to Banyuwangi. She also goes
60 Eva F Nisa
to Cirebon twice a year and she visits Malaysia and Singapore three to
four times in a year. She has also successfully built al-Wafa, a network
of female religious scholars who are graduates of Daruz Zahro and
some from Al-Azhar University in Egypt. In Indonesia Sharifah
Halimah is the only preacher associated with al-Wafa. Her da’wa tours
in Malaysia and Singapore are also organised by al-Wafa or at least
congregations from Singapore and Malaysia usually understand that
when they want to invite Sharifah Halimah they need to contact al-
Wafa. Sharifah Nadia Hanim from al-Wafa, says:
Every time the congregations from Singapore and Malaysia want to
invite Sharifah Halimah, they contact us. If they do not contact us,
then Sharifah Halimah will inform us. So we will arrange more events
for her while she is invited to preach in Singapore and Malaysia.
Sharifah Halimah adds:
I just follow Nadia’s instructions while I am here (in Singapore). She
arranges my schedule. She knows what I need and, basically, knows me
very well. Congregations from Malaysia also often contact Nadia when
they want to invite me.
The presence of Sharifah Halimah signifies the emergence of a new
wave of female preachers in Indonesia who are graduates of Yemeni
institutions. Following Sharifah Halimah, there are other young
preachers who graduated from Daruz Zahro, such as Ustādha Sharifah
Samirah al-Habsyi, Ustādha Sharifah Zainunah Syafi’i,10 Ustādha
Sharifah Hanuna Alaydrus, Ustādha Sharifah Aisyah b. Syekh Abu
Bakar and there are many more.
Her talent in da’wa is acknowledged by her Yemeni institution
and Guru Mulia. Not only did she study in Yemen, but she has also
been allowed to teach there. Sharifah Halimah also taught in Oman
during Ramadhan. According to Engseng Ho’s concept of local
cosmopolitans, Sharifah Halimah falls into the category of ‘persons
who, while embedded in local relations, also maintain connections with
distant places. They thus articulate a relation between different
geographical scales’ (Ho 2006:31).
Martin van Bruinessen has pointed out that despite the fact
that Indonesia is home to the largest Muslim community in the world,
Female voices on Jakarta’s da’wa stage 61
Indonesian Muslims ‘do not play a role in global Muslim thought and
action that is commensurate with their numbers’ (2011:2). He also
pointed out that ‘only very rarely were learned Indonesians invited to
teach in the Middle East’ (2011:6). Sharifah Halimah’s da’wa on the
Arabian Peninsula can be regarded as a rare opportunity for an
Indonesian to actively engage the broader Muslim community. In
addition, what makes Sharifah Halimah unique for her congregations is
that she is also active in writing an internet blog (http://halimahalaydrus.
blogspot.com), al-Kisah (the most popular magazine which focuses on
Bā‘Alawī in Indonesia),11 and her own book (Alaydrus 2010).12 Her
book is also sold in Malaysia and Singapore.
Sharing the expertise with the younger generation
When I attended one of Sharifah Halimah’s talks, I met some teenagers
who gave a hadrah (Islamic percussion) performance at her ta’līm
(Islamic study gathering). Almost all of them were of Ḥ aḍ ramī
background. They were all students attending a tutoring course known
as Ahbabuzzahro13 (literally, the lover of the Prophet’s daughter
Fāṭ imah al-Zahrā) for which Sharifah Halimah and her juniors in Daruz
Zahro are mentors. Ahbabuzzahro was built with a donation from a
wealthy businesswoman, Sharifah Sidah Muhammad Alaydrus who
owns a batik factory called Arjuna Weda.14 Ahbabuzzahro was opened
in 2004 for young Muslim women from the age of nine. More than 50
per cent of its students are of Ḥ aḍ ramī background.15 Students
attending this institution consider their teachers to be role models.
Sharifah Halimah sees her activities in Ahbabuzzahro as part of her
responsibility to equip young Muslims with religious knowledge and to
bring them closer to their religion. In Indonesia, such tutoring is usually
aimed at mastering secular subjects, such as mathematics, physics, and
English. Ahbabuzzahro, however, focuses on mastering Islamic
knowledge. The subjects being taught are: ḥ adīth (tradition or sayings of
the Prophet Muḥ ammad), fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence), bahasa Arab
(Arabic languge), tawhīd (study of doctrine of the oneness of God), and
sīrah (the history of the Prophet and His pious companions). Since the
majority of teachers are graduates of Daruz Zahro, they also directly
and indirectly introduce the culture of Daruz Zahro and the Islamic
62 Eva F Nisa

lifestyle of Ḥ aḍ ramawt. When I came to Ahbabuzzahro, I noticed that

some teachers and students wore the face-veil. I asked them about this,
one of the teachers, Ustādha Sharifah Samirah al-Habsyi, says
We do not ask them to wear the face-veil. However, teachers graduated
from Daruz Zahro in this tutoring course wear the face-veil.
Therefore, I think we have indirectly introduced Daruz Zahro culture.
The texts used in these courses are also adopted from Daruz Zahro
and some books written by scholars in Ḥ aḍ ramawt, including the
works of Guru Mulia.
As mentioned above, Sharifah Halimah is very important to
many of these teenagers. Her success as a lovable and talented preacher
has made her a role model for many of these young Ḥ aḍ ramī teenagers
and many of her young congregation, in general. Amirah,16 a 16-year-
old student, says:
Ustādha Sharifah Halimah Alaydrus is my idol. She is very smart. I love
the way she gives a talk. I always pray to God that someday I can follow
her step. I really want to be like her.
Every time I asked young people in her congregation about Sharifah
Halimah, they gave very similar comments. The presence of Sharifah
Halimah on the Jakarta da’wa stage has made many young Jakartan
Muslims to feel that they have found a new idol. Khadijah a 17-year-
old university student, says:
The presence of Ustādha Sharifah Halimah is like a gift from God. She
is different from other ustādhāt that we have in Indonesia. She is young,
beautiful, and talented. Most of all she is coming from the family of
the Prophet Muḥ ammad. I think she is the only sharifah who has such
a huge talent in delivering Islamic messages.
Khadijah’s comments on Sharifah Halimah’s talent are echoed by other
older women. Ibu Hj. Maryam, 47 years old, for example, says:
Her talk is amazing. Before, I never found a young and old ustādhāt who
could preach as good as her. I will definitely recommend my friends who
have a majelis ta’lim to invite her to give a talk in their events.17
Sharing the same impression of Sharifah Halimah’s talent, Ustādha Hj.
Marzukoh, a 54-year-old organiser of a majelis ta’lim in South Jakarta, says:
Female voices on Jakarta’s da’wa stage 63
I am glad that your mother18 invited her to come to this maulid (the
celebration of the birth of the Prophet Muḥ ammad). I just heard
about her, never really had any chances to listen to her ceramah (speech).
Her ceramah is amazing. I will invite her to give a maulid ceramah (speech
on maulid celebration) at my majelis ta’lim. I hope her agenda is still free
for my invitation.
Ustādha Marzukoh and many other ustādhāt who listened to her speech
had a similar impression. They were competing with each other to
invite Sharifah Halimah. However, Sharifah Halimah is extremely busy.
She says:
My schedule is very tight Eva. Those who want to invite me must be
ready to contact me at least three months ahead of the event. During the
maulid and isra’ mi’raj (the celebration of the Ascension of the Prophet
Muḥ ammad), the request to invite me must be made even earlier.
Understanding the needs of Muslim women
As a talented gendered public speaker for female congregations,
Sharifah Halimah knows how to deliver her message effectively. She
knows how to speak to a variety of audiences. In one event, her
audience’s backgrounds can be very diverse, from ustādhāt who have
ta’līm, a mainstream congregation,19 teenagers (senior and junior high
school students) to primary school-age children.
She has her own trademark style of preaching, namely by
using the story of the life of the Prophet Muḥ ammad and His pious
companions. She uses this story as her presentation aid. The term
presentation aid refers to what Anthony G King points out as ‘any aid
which the speaker uses to help the audience understand or remember
the presentation’ (1992:72). Sharifah Halimah says:
Stories for most of my female congregants are easier to understand.
Stories can also prevent boredom. In addition, I think when we use
stories in our talk then we do not only convey the knowledge but also
deliver the seeds of love to the hearts of our congregations; the love
to God, the Prophet Muḥ ammad, and pious Muslims.
Sharifah Halimah believes that the art of delivering a speech is not only
a matter of transferring knowledge, but also transferring feeling. She
explains:
64 Eva F Nisa
There are many ustādhāt Eva who are successful in passing on
knowledge about praying, such as its how to do it and the elements that
make the prayer acceptable and unacceptable. Unfortunately, there are
only a few of these preachers who can transfer the feeling of how to
understand the prayer and the hopes of the person after the prayer is
done. I think one important point in delivering a speech is not only to
pass the knowledge but also to touch the hearts of the audiences.
And she added:
You know, the age range of my congregations is diverse. For me, the
story is proven to be easier to accommodate the needs of these
congregations. I know that women from diverse age groups love to
hear the story.
Ibu Dayna, 41 years old, shares her feeling on the effectiveness of
listening to it:
I like attending Ustādha Sharifah Halimah’s talk, especially listening to
her story. I can understand better the context of her ceramah through
her story.
Those in the congregations that I interviewed found that what
she preaches is soothing to their ears, which is different from other
styles of native preachers in Indonesia, such as the most famous Tutty
Alawiyah, Suryani Thahir or Mamah Dedeh who use quite a strong
voice and a high tone. A journalist from al-Kisah magazine recounts her
experiences of attending Sharifah Halimah’s talk.
The intonation of her voice is very interesting. She has a great passion
to tell the story. Her speech can make her congregations shed their
tears.
Sharifah Khadijah Al-Junayd
Sharifah Khadijah Al-Junayd — popularly known as Ummi by her
followers — is the wife of the famous habib, Habib Munzir Al
Musawwa (known as Habibana by his followers). Habib Munzir is the
leader of one of the biggest majelis ta’līm in Indonesia, Majelis
Rasulullah (Prophet’s Assembly).20 Sharifah Khadijah was born in 1976
in Tarim, Ḥ aḍ ramawt. Tarim is known as the center of Islamic
educational institutions in Ḥ aḍ ramawt. Sharifah Khadijah spent her
Female voices on Jakarta’s da’wa stage 65
childhood and adulthood in Tarim, therefore, she is a wulayati, a pure-
blooded Ḥ aḍ ramī (on wulayati see Mobini Keshesh 1999:128) not a
muwallad, that is an Arab of mixed parentage. Nowadays in Indonesia,
the majority of Ḥ aḍ ramīs are muwallad or muwallidun (peranakan) (see
Feener 2004:365; Jacobsen 2007b:477). Their forefathers mostly
married local women (Feener 2004:365; Jonge 2004:375; Jacobsen
2007b:474). Therefore, Sharifah Khadijah can be regarded as one of
the very few wulayati who live in Indonesia nowadays. She married
Habib Munzir in 1996 and moved to Indonesia with her husband in
1998.
When I told one of her congregants, Amina, that I was about
to see Sharifah Khadijah to interview her after the ta’līm (lesson), she
reminded me:
Ummi cannot speak bahasa Indonesia (Indonesian) fluently Ka’ (Sister).
She is orang Yaman (Yemeni). She is so cute when she speaks bahasa
Indonesia.
Before the interview, Sharifah Khadijah also informed me about her
linguistic ability. Sometimes, she speaks Indonesian with a Yemeni
dialect. From my experience though, I think she can speak Indonesian
very well. She speaks Arabic with her three children and during the
interview she also mixed her Indonesian with Arabic. For many of her
congregations, however, the fact that she is Yemeni and Arabic is her
mother tongue, has made them feel fortunate to have a real female
Arab scholar to teach them. Her status as wulayati also makes her
position special for many of her congregations. Hamidah, a 23-year-
old, says:
Ummi is orang Arab (an Arab). This is the first time in my life learning
Islam from an Arab directly. I feel very blessed.
Sharifah Khadijah gained her religious knowledge from an
Islamic institution called Darul Faqih in Ḥ aḍ ramawt. In addition to
attending Darul Faqih, she also attended lectures delivered by Guru
Mulia. She did not attend Daruz Zahro because it had not yet been
established, but her teachers were mostly the same as those who teach
at Daruz Zahro nowadays. For example, she was taught by Guru Mulia
and his wife, Hubabah Nur.21 Although she did not attend Daruz
66 Eva F Nisa
Zahro, her relationship with Guru Mulia is very strong. Guru Mulia
also teaches her husband, who graduated from Darul Mustafa.
Both Sharifah Khadijah and her husband Habib Munzir are
active in da’wa. Habib Munzir has Majelis Rasulullah22 and Sharifah
Khadijah has Majelis Nisa (Women’s Assembly), its women’s wing.
Majelis Nisa was officially founded in 2002. The root of its
establishment, however, can be traced to Sharifah Khadijah starting to
actively deliver religious sermons for women in 2002. Majelis Nisa did
not initially have a permanent place. It was held fortnightly, moving
from house to house, from mosque to mosque. Sharifah Khadijah says:
The establishment of Majelis Nisa provided for the needs of female
congregants of Majelis Rasulullah who felt it was important to have a
place to learn about Islam in a comprehensive manner, with a female
teacher who knows the situation of women better. They told me that
it was a lot better to have a female teacher so they would not feel shy
about sharing their womanly problems with me.
It should be noted that most of Majelis Nisa’s congregation
also belong to Majelis Rasulullah. Majelis Rasulullah’s ta’līm is held
weekly on Monday and Thursday from 8.30 p.m. to 10.30 p.m., which
is inconvenient for many, especially those who do not have a maḥ ram
(non-marriageable kin) who can accompany them attending this late
ta’līm. Bahijah, a 24-year-old student, says:
Before the establishment of Majelis Nisa, I usually attended Majelis
Rasulullah. After a while, I found, it was hard to attend Majelis
Rasulullah, because the ta’līm usually ends very late and I have to go
home all by myself. I am very happy now there is Majelis Nisa. The
schedule for me is very female friendly.
Majelis Nisa’s ta’līm is held twice a week, Saturday and Sunday (2 p.m.
to 5 p.m.). The format of Sharifah Khadijah’s ta’līm is different from
that of Sharifah Halimah. Sharifah Halimah usually delivers a sermon
thematically based on certain topics; Sharifah Khadijah uses texts that
she and her congregants read during the ta’līm. She uses al-Dhakhīra al-
Musharrafa by Habib Umar b. Muḥ ammad b. Salim b. Hafidz for fiqh
(Islamic law), Tafsīr ibn ‘Abbas for tafsīr (Qur’anic exegesis), and Shifā’ al-
Saqīm by Habib Muḥ ammad b. ‘Abdullah al-Haddar for ḥ adīth
Female voices on Jakarta’s da’wa stage 67
(Prophetic tradition). The texts that she uses are the ones that she used
in Tarim, Ḥ aḍ ramawt. Sharifah Khadijah has also been regularly invited
by Guru Mulia to perform da’wa to villages outside Tarim in
Ḥ aḍ ramawt. Usually she goes to Tarim for one to three months. On
Sundays if her husband is not busy, he will also deliver a lesson. For the
congregations, the presence of Habib Munzir is always eagerly awaited.
Zakiyah, 27 years old, says:
We know Habibana is very busy. His schedule is very tight. That is why
his presence is always waited by us. We always hope and pray that
Habibana can come every Sunday.
The age range of her audiences is more uniform, around 16 to 35 years
old. Some are students at universities in Jakarta. Sharifah Khadijah is
very close to her congregants. She says:
I remember the names of those who come routinely to this ta’līm.
Her personality is very warm, which makes her congregants feel very
comfortable being around her.

Getting to know the real life of Ḥ aḍ ram ī family

Recognised by their Arab clothing, such as white turbans (headwear
worn usually in the Middle East, South Asia, and some parts of Africa)
and a long jubba,23 or cadar (face-veil) for women,24 to outsiders (non-
ḥ abā’ib), the ḥ abā’ib and his family can be seen as an ‘untouchable’
figure. In Indonesia, ḥ abā’ib and sharā’if are always accorded a higher
position in the local religious hierarchy by virtue of being the
descendants of the Prophet Muḥ ammad. For the older generations,
being close to a ḥ abā’ib is not extraordinary, because the relationship
between the ḥ abā’ib and the local population has existed throughout the
historical presence of ḥ abā’ib in Jakarta. For young Jakartans, however,
and those outside Jakarta, the feeling might be different. This is felt by
the majority of Sharifah Khadijah’s congregants who are mostly young
Muslims from outside Jakarta. Farida, a 24-year-old university student,
shares her feelings:
I never thought in my life I will be this close to the life of ḥ abā’ib and
sharā’if. I am sure for old generation of Batavian family, being close to
68 Eva F Nisa
ḥ abā’ib is something very common. For me, however, it is totally
different. I am not Batavian and I do not only know Habibana now but
also very close to Ummi.
Sharifah Khadijah’s warm personality has made her
congregations feel that they are welcomed by the most ‘untouchable’
religious family. When I met Sharifah Khadijah, for example, Lila, one
of her young congregants, told Sharifah Khadijah that her mother
really wanted to see her. Sharifah Khadijah responded with a smile,
Inshā’ Allah (if God wills) I will come to see your mother when I have
spare time Lila. How is she? I hope she is very well. In the meantime
please convey my regards to her.
This kind of close relationship between the teacher and student is quite
rare, especially between sharifah and young students. A sharifah whose
husband leads female congregants very seldom mingles with female
congregants of her husband.
A mother who knows her role
Sharifah Khadijah seems to be very careful about her mobility. She
believes that women have to be active in da’wa. She emphasises,
however:
Muslim women should be able to balance their da’wa activities and
maintain the healthy life of their households. For me, maintaining a
healthy household means that I should not abandon the needs of my
three children (two boys and one girl); the need to give them a proper
education, attention, and above all else, love.
Therefore, she limits her da’wa by focusing on Majelis Nisa, despite
many demands to teach outside Majelis Nisa’s ta’līm.
She believes that her role in the family is very important,
especially because her husband is often away. When I asked her
whether she was also active in preaching in other parts of Indonesia,
besides Jakarta, she said:
Habib (Munzir al-Musawwa) is very busy. I have my kids and they are
still very young. The oldest one, my daughter, has just finished primary
school which means that I still have many things to do and enjoy with
my children. I have to understand this situation. I think the ta’līm that
I have at the moment is more than enough.
Female voices on Jakarta’s da’wa stage 69
Her statement indicates that she still maintains gendered hierarchy
within the domestic sphere (see also Slama 2012).
It is noteworthy that there had been a strict division in the
Ḥ aḍ ramī community according to sex. Huub de Jonge has pointed out,
‘For the women, life was certainly not a bed of roses. Life in the Arab
quarters differed tremendously from life in other parts of society. Just
as in the Arabian Peninsula, women were excluded from public life. For
Indonesian women, in particular, this must often have been very
difficult to accept’ (2004:378). This has gradually changed, however, as
noted by Slama, ‘today Hadhrami women self-consciously join other
Indonesian Muslim women in publicly pursuing their agendas’
(2012:328). For Sharifah Khadijah, the main point of limiting her
activities is not so much the restrictions, but her dedication to her
children. For example, Sharifah Khadijah does not send her children to
a public or private Indonesian school, but enrols them in home-
schooling. For her, this is done to prepare her children for a better life
by making sure that their education and daily life reflects a good
Islamic upbringing. On her children’s home-schooling, she said:
I intentionally send them to home-schooling because as you know the
conventional schools sometimes cannot provide a good Islamic
environment for children. By sending them to home-schooling I can
manage their additional religious lessons. For example, in the morning
I can send them to the course of memorisation of the Qur’an. This
cannot be done if I send them to conventional school.
Sharifah Khadijah’s motive for sending her children to home-
schooling does not refer to her rejection of gender segregation and the
system of co-education in general, which does not cause problem for
her. Her motive is to prepare her children to follow in the steps of their
parents. Her daughter, who has just finished primary school, will attend
Daruz Zahro of Guru Mulia. When I asked her about her opinion on
the designation of unmarried girl in Ḥ aḍ ramawt as bint al-bayt (see
Fajrie n.d.; Boxberger 2002), she smiles and says:
Eva, bint al-bayt means the girl of the house. I do not think the girl
should be always in the house. This is not Ḥ aḍ ramawt. My daughter
should not always be in the house. She should have proper education.
Therefore, she will continue her study at Daruz Zahro in Yemen. I
believe she will be independent there.
70 Eva F Nisa
Sharifah Khadijah’s opinion on gender concept reflects her
understanding of gendered norms in Indonesia (Slama 2012:321). Her
position with regards to the way she understands women’s roles is the
same as that of PKS women in Rachel Rinaldo’s studies (2008:1787).
Rinaldo points out that ‘PKS women believe Islam emphasizes
women’s domestic roles, but it does not preclude other roles’
(2008:1789). There is, however, a difference between the two in that the
religious ideology upheld by Sharifah Khadijah is closer to Fatayat
ideology (Nahdlatul Ulama) than to that of PKS.24
The way she brings religion into her children’s lives can be
regarded as an effort of Ḥ aḍ ramī family to save the future, or instil a
religious identity in the young Ḥ aḍ ramī generation which has been
seen recently to be looser in their practice of Islam (see Chalifah
2008).
Representing good Muslim women
The story of the life of Ḥ aḍ ramī often demonstrates how women had
been secluded at home. This kind of gender order was then challenged,
especially since the late colonial times (Slama 2012:319). Huub de
Jonge, while describing the life of a journalist and politician Abdul
Rahman Baswedan, for example, explained how ‘women seldom
ventured outside the house, and the daily necessities were usually
bought by husbands or sons’ (2004:380). Besides being secluded, strict
gender segregation is also often mentioned in discussions of women of
Bā‘Alawī families. Urike Freitag pointed out that ‘women formed part
of the varying strata but in many contexts constituted a separate group
because of the relatively strict gender segregation, notably in urban
context’ (Freitag 2003:41). Sharifah Halimah and Sharifah Khadijah
also understand issues relating to women and their mobility. It is
important to note that both of them did not think that being part of a
Bā‘Alawī family made them secluded from public spaces. This
phenomenon can also be a result of social change, as older generations
of women of Bā‘Alawī families were more secluded. Slama in his work
on Ḥ aḍ ramī women and gender relations has pointed out some
progressive transformations in relation to gender relations and the
agency of these women (2012).
Female voices on Jakarta’s da’wa stage 71
As mentioned earlier gendered hierarchy in domestic sphere
can be seen from the family life of Sharifah Khadijah, this gendered
hierarchy however less obvious in the life of Sharifah Halimah.
Sharifah Halimah and her husband are actively working in the public
sphere. The difference is that Sharifah Halimah is active in gendered
public sphere. When I called Sharifah Halimah and told her how
difficult it was to contact her. She says:
My schedule is very tight, Eva, inside and outside Jakarta. Usually I go
out from my house early in the morning. I always try my best to be at
home from 8 p.m. onwards. We can meet up at night if you want.
What can be seen here is that she gets full support from her husband
to be active in gendered public sphere. For a family that upholds
religious values strictly, like that of Sharifah Halimah who is also a
religious preacher, this kind of support can be regarded as quite
special. For Ḥ aḍ ramī women who do not uphold strictly to their
religious values, however, this kind of support might be much easier to
obtain.
Ismail Fajrie Alatas (n.d.) has pointed out that Bā‘Alawī are
very strict in preserving the values and norms relating to idealised and
hierarchical understandings of gender. The idealised image of sharifah
is reflected in the term bint al-bayt (girl of the house) or rabbatu al-bayt
(housewife) referring to those who refrain from mobility, such as not
going to the market. Sharifah Halimah and Sharifah Khadijah are also
aware of these assumptions. However, for them what might be
adopted in Ḥ aḍ ramawt cannot be adopted in Jakarta. Sharifah
Khadijah says:
As I mentioned before, Eva, in Ḥ aḍ ramawt you may say that women
should be inside their houses. They have to limit their mobility.
However, here is different. In Indonesia, it is very common to see
women who are working. If they do not work sometimes they cannot
support the life of their family. Therefore we have to be wise in
distinguishing what is part of Islamic teaching and what is part of the
tradition.
Her explanation demonstrates that although she is from Yemen, she has
embodied some aspects of gender concepts in Indonesia. Her
72 Eva F Nisa
explanation fits Martin Slama’s argument that ‘Hadhrami concepts of the
public and domestic encountered local and governmental gender regimes,
and experienced considerable transformations in conjunction with social
changes that affected Indonesia after its independence’ (2012:314).
The way Sharifah Khadijah explained that Indonesian cultures
should be respected demonstrates her cosmopolitan orientation. She
also recognises that women not leaving the house is a part of Arab
tradition rather than strictly relating to Islam. Pnina Werbner elaborates
that cosmopolitans as those who ‘familiarise themselves with other
cultures and know how to move easily between cultures’ (1999:19–20).
Since Sharifah Khadijah is a wulayati, the way she respects the host
culture demonstrates that she is a cosmopolitan Muslim, who consider
herself as belonging not only to the Ḥ aḍ ramawt community, but also
to other communities. Werbner also has emphasised this view, stating
that cosmopolitanism ‘does not necessarily imply an absence of
belonging but the possibility of belonging to more than one ethnic and
cultural localism simultaneously’ (1999:34).
Although Sharifah Khadijah and Sharifah Halimah do not
limit their mobility, they strive to be careful in managing their mobility
in order not to violate the teachings of Islam as they understand them.
They have to make sure that their mobility does not create fitna
(disgrace)26 and that when they are away they can still guard their
modesty. This is done by wearing proper Muslim dress, which for
Sharifah Halimah and Sharifah Khadijah means wearing a black ‘abāya
(black head-to-toe wrap covering all of a woman’s body) and the cadar.
Sharifah Khadijah emphasises:
Women should maintain their ḥ ayā’ (shyness) and ‘iffa (purity, chastity,
and virtue), and when they have these two characteristics then they will
strive to adjust their lives according to Islam.
For her, these two traits provide women with the means to save them
from the temptation of following the wrong path. Both of these
preachers also preach only to same-sex ta’līm. This is different from most
female Jakartan preachers who preach to both male and female
congregants.
One important aspect that has made them able to be active in
da’wa is the support from their husbands. It cannot be denied that some
Female voices on Jakarta’s da’wa stage 73

ḥ abā’ib might be reluctant to allow their wives to be active in the public

sphere. Sharifah Khadijah’s husband is also a da’i, and gives his
permission for her to be active in da’wa. Habib Munzir al-Musawwa
usually asks the female congregations in his Sunday ta’līm to consult
with her about female issues. For Sharifah Halimah, although her
husband, Habib Ahmad b. Al-Haddar, is not a preacher, he still
supports her activities. He is the one who organises her schedules and
who connects her to important male ‘ulamā (religious scholars) in
Indonesia.
Sharifah Halimah who has a tight schedule of public activities
has her own checklists to make sure that she does not violate Islamic
teachings as she understands them. First, when she has to preach
without her husband accompanying her she will have female assistants.
Second, if she has to preach in an open public space like a mushalla (a
small mosque) or a mosque, then she always makes sure that the place
is covered with curtains so men cannot see her face, because she takes
her cadar off during her talk. The last item on the checklist relates to
taking her picture. She does not want her picture to be taken, especially
when she does not wear the cadar.
One thing that is evident from the behaviour of Sharifah
Halimah and Sharifah Khadijah is that although both of them strive to
present themselves in a way that the majority of Indonesians might
consider too strict, such as wearing ‘abāya and cadar, they never push
their congregations to follow them in adopting this form of dress.
They understand that they live in a cosmopolitan environment where
they have to engage, respect, and mingle with Indonesian Muslim
communities on their own terms.
Conclusion
This article examined the role of two sharā’if in the development of
da’wa and networks of female religious learning. What can be seen
here is that the Ḥ aḍ ramī actors behind the transnational dissemination
of religious learning do not come only from male ḥ abā’ib, but also
from female sharā’if. This network has bound together not only
Ḥ aḍ ramī communities, but also Muslim communities across borders,
such as in the case of Sharifah Halimah and al-Wafa, the network that
she has established with graduates from Daruz Zahro in Yemen and
74 Eva F Nisa
Al-Azhar in Egypt. The network has provided a web of links between
female preachers across borders which can be regarded as one of a
kind.
This article has not focused on the figure of Guru Mulia,
however, he is important for both sharā’if and their followers. They
both have been connected with Guru Mulia and his centre of religious
learning in Tarim, Ḥ aḍ ramawt. Although both sharā’if graduated from
different educational institutions, they have the same background.
They are teachers and scholars of Ḥ aḍ ramī origin and have brought
with them texts and teachings originating in Ḥ aḍ ramawt in which the
works of Guru Mulia are the main source of reference (on the same
case in Zanzibar, see Bang 2007).
The preachers in this study represent a new generation of
talented sharā’if whose irresistible charisma can attract young
congregations. One challenge for most Jakartan muballigha (female
preachers) is making sure their message is listened to by the younger
generation. Many young Indonesian Muslims from secular academic
backgrounds are drawn to more conservative Muslim organisations
and movements, such as Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia and Salafi and
Tarbiyah movements. These two sharā’if have successfully attracted
young followers who have strong religious backgrounds (pesantren or
madrasa and Islamic state university students) as well as those who have
secular backgrounds (state university students). This diversity is rarely
found within the ta’līm of well-known Jakartan muballigha. What can be
seen here is that these two sharā’if understand the needs of their
audiences. In addition, the fact that they are relatively young helps them
relate to the lives of the younger generation. Their thorough
understanding of Islam, and the chain of religious knowledge of which
they are part, has also strengthened their position as profound
preachers. The presence of Sharifah Khadijah, Sharifah Halimah and
other graduates of Daruz Zahro who are active in da’wa is a response
to the demand of Jakartan congregations who long to have female
preachers who have the same qualifications as many ḥ abā’ib in
Indonesia. These include having the same experiences of learning
Islam in Ḥ aḍ ramawt and having the same thorough Islamic
understanding as ḥ abā’ib.
Female voices on Jakarta’s da’wa stage 75
As successful cosmopolitan preachers, both have a significant
role in strengthening the part that Ḥ aḍ ramī play in the process of
transformation of religious knowledge. Having been inspired by their
success, many young Ḥ aḍ ramī and non-Ḥ aḍ ramī aspire to study in
Tarim in Ḥ aḍ ramawt. Some young sharā’if I met prefer to go to Tarim
rather than Cairo to pursue higher religious education after completing
their schooling in Indonesia. This paper also demonstrates the strong
position of Ḥ aḍ ramawt for Ḥ aḍ ramī in Indonesia today, while at the
same time the recognition of people in some parts of Ḥ aḍ ramawt of
the capacity women in Indonesia have in da’wa activities. The success
of these two sharā’if has brought us to see the increasing role of Daruz
Zahro in the development of da’wa not only in Jakarta but also
elsewhere in Indonesia.
This article fits Slama’s (2012) argument about the
transformation of the agency of sharā’if from colonial times to present-
day Indonesia. What can be seen is the expansion of the agency of
sharā’if who are active in da’wa. The Ḥ aḍ ramī women studied by Slama
who are active as businesswomen might have embedded the notion of
being in public in a more progressive way. Sharā’if who are active in
preaching are more restricted. They still maintain some aspects of strict
religious teachings, such as wearing the ‘abāya and cadar and preaching
only to the same-sex ta’līm. This attitude, however, should not be seen
as a counter towards progressive ideas of the expansion of Ḥ aḍ ramī
women’s agency. It should be seen as their efforts to negotiate their
position as pious Muslim women who uphold Islamic teachings
carefully and have a progressive understanding of the position of
women. Sharifah Khadijah and Sharifah Halimah still strive to comply
with the gender ideology that they believe as part of Islamic teachings,
while at the same time to be open-minded to the gendered norms of
the community where they live. Therefore, their agency can be seen in
this part of the public sphere.

Eva F Nisa is PhD candidate in Anthropology in the School of Culture, History

and Language, College of Asia and the Pacific, Australian National University
and also DFG (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft) researcher at Asien-Afrika-
Institut, Universität Hamburg. Her email address is: eva_amrullah@yahoo.com.
76 Eva F Nisa
She would like to acknowledge the helpful comments and editoral advice of Minako
Sakai, Campbell Macknight, Kathryn Robinson, James Fox, Phillip Winn,
Martin Slama and Faried F Saenong and the the support and assistance extended
by Ustādha Sharifah Halimah Alaydrus, Ustādha Sharifah Khadijah al-Junayd
and Ustādha Sharifah Samirah al-Habsyi. Without them, this paper could not
have been written.

Notes
1. For more on the aspects that have contributed to the migration of Ḥ aḍ ramī,
see Ho (2006); Mobini-Kesheh (1999).
2. Majelis ta’lim is also spelled majlis taklim, majlis ta’lim, majelis taklim.
3. Interview with Habib Umar bin Abdurrahman Assegaf, 20 April 2012.
4. For example: Aa Gym, Arifin Ilham, Jefry al-Buchari (nicknamed Uje),
Yusuf Mansyur, Soleh Mahmud (nicknamed Solmed), Zaki Mirza, Guntur
Bumi, Muhammad Subki al-Bughuri, Muhammad Nur Maulana, Ahmad
Hadi Wibawa, Bobby Herwibowo, and many more.
5. Ṭ arīqa ‘alawiyya created by Bā‘Alawī scholar Muḥ ammad b. ‘Alī Bā‘Alawī (d.
1255) in the thirteenth century (Alatas 2011:47; see also Knysh 1999). This
ṭ arīqa is mainly followed by Sayyid in Southeast Asia (Abaza 2004:193) and
is not exclusively for Ḥ aḍ ramī communities.
6. The use of term Guru often can be found in the designation of important
scholar of Ḥ aḍ ramī communities. Habib Sayyid Idrus b. Salim al-Jufri, the
founder of al-Khairaat in Palu, for example, was called as Guru Tua (the
Old Teacher) (see Slama 2011:246).
7. Daruz Zahro was founded in 1997 and managed by Darul Mustafa, its male
wing. The building was completed and opened for public in 2001. Before its
establishment there was one Indonesian sharifah who had been prepared to
be part of the institution, Sharifah Amirah Jindan who is also a well-known
female preacher from Bā‘Alawī family.
8. Some ḥ abā’ib who migrated to Jakarta are: Habib Hasan bin Ja’far Assegaf
the head of Nurul Mustafa, Habib Alwi b. Abdurrahman al-Habsyi of
Raudhatul Habib and the late famous Habib Salim bin Jindan (Alatas
2011:66). Many well-known Jakartan kyai were the disciples of Habib Salim
bin Jindan, such as Kyai Abdullah Syafi’i, the founder of as-Syafi’iyah (the
most well-known Jakartan Islamic institution) (see Murodi 2002; Bakti 2012)
and Kyai Thohir Rohili, the founder of At-Tahiriyah (another very well-
known Jakartan Islamic institution) (on At-Tahiriyah see Rasyidah 2002;
Bakti 2011).
Female voices on Jakarta’s da’wa stage 77
9. The length of study in Daruz Zahro is four years.
10. Ustādha Sharifah Samirah al-Habsyi and Ustādha Sharifah Zainunah Syafi’i
are also graduates from the same pesantren as Sharifah Halimah,
Darullughagh Wadda’wah in Bangil.
11. However, due to her tight schedule, she did not continue writing in al-
Kisah.
12. Sharifah Halimah’s book Bidadari Bumi: 9 Kisah Wanita Salehah (2010) is
about her spiritual journey meeting nine pious women who have inspired
her personal and da’wa life.
13. Ahbabuzzahro is only for female students.
14. Sharifah Sidah Muhammad Alaydrus can be regarded as one of the very
successful female entrepreneurs in Indonesia. The products of her batik
business, Arjuna Weda, can be founded in well-known shopping centers,
such as Metro, Centro, Sun, and Yogya (see also Slama 2012:322).
15. Interview with Ustādha Sharifah Samirah al-Habsy, 24 June 2012.
16. All the names of the informants have been changed (except those of
sharā’if and ḥ abā’ib) to preserve confidentiality.
17. I interviewed Ibu Hj. Maryam at one of the maulid (the celebration of the
birth of the Prophet Muḥammad) held in Jakarta in 2012.
18. I met Sharifah Halimah for the first time at a maulid held by majelis ta’lim
organised by my mother in 2008.
19. The head of Islamic Education for Society and Mosque Empowerment,
the Ministry of Religious Affairs, explained to me that a mainstream majelis
ta’lim congregation consists of women between 40 and 60 years old.
20. Majelis Rasulullah which has a weekly schedule in two places (Pancoran
and Kebayoran Lama) in Jakarta and has more than 50,000 loyal followers
can be regarded as the largest majelis ta’lim in Jakarta (Widhiarto and
Muhammadi 2012).
21. Sharifah Halimah also attended some courses in Darul Faqih (see Alaydrus
2010:32). She was, therefore, also taught by Hubabah Maryam, the daughter
of Habib Ali Mashhur, the mufti (fatwā giver) of Tarim (Alaydrus 2010:32).
22. Majelis Rasulullah was founded in 1998 upon the return of Habib Munzir
Al Musawwa from his study in Darul Mustafa. Nowadays Majelis Rasullullah
has a weekly schedule in Jakarta, a monthly schedule around Java, and a
yearly schedule in Indonesia.
23. Ar. thob/thaub, an ankle-length garment. This term is used in Indonesia to
denote outfits for both men and women. Women’s jubba or jubah, however,
usually refers to a head-to-toe wrap.
23. On the use of the cadar in Indonesia, see Amrullah 2011; Nisa 2011; 2012a;
and 2012b.
78 Eva F Nisa
25. On the association between Nahdlatul Ulama and women’s organisation
within Ḥ aḍ ramī community, see, for example Slama (2012).
26. Fitna refers to infatuation, riot, trial, scandal, and disgrace. In the context
of the link between the outward appearance of women and fitna, it means
that improper female dressing can provoke sexual temptation which
threatens order and stability.

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