Jones 2009 Psychology of Multiculturalism in Schools

the PSYCHOLOGY of
MULTICULTURALISM IN
THE SCHOOLS A Primer for Practice,
Training, and Research
JANINE M. JONES, PHD, NCSP

UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON
The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools Multi_Introduction_1.3d 14/1/09 14:24:08

The Charlesworth Group, Wakefield +44(0)1924 369598 - Rev 7.51n/W (Jan 20 2003)
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Dedication
To Brent and Nia
For all of the love, support, and encouragement.
There would be no sunshine without the two of you.
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Jones | vii

Table of Contents
Case Scenarios . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi
About the Editor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiii
Chapter Authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xv
Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xix
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxi
Part I: Conceptual Foundations
Chapter 1: Toward Multiculturalism Competence: A Practical Model for Implementation in

the Schools ..................................................1
Doris Wright Carroll, PhD
Chapter 2: Increasing Cultural Literacy: Historical Perspectives and Cultural Characteristics

of Minority Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Elizabeth D. Palacios, PhD, LSSP, LPC; and Pamala Trivedi, MA, MEd, NCSP
Chapter 3: Social Justice and School Mental Health: Evolution and Implications for
Practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
David Shriberg, PhD
Chapter 4: Understanding Privilege in America . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67

Antoinette Halsell Miranda, PhD, NCSP; Amy Boland, MA; and Megan Hemmeler, MA
Chapter 5: Pathways on a Journey of Getting It: Multicultural Competence Training and

Continuing Professional Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
Tonika Duren Green, PhD; Valerie J. Cook-Morales, PhD; Carol Robinson-Zañartu, PhD;
and Colette L. Ingraham, PhD, NCSP
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The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools: A Primer for Practice, Training, and Research
Part II: Practical Applications
Chapter 6: Multicultural Practices and Response to Intervention . . . . . . . . . . . . 117

Deborah Peek Crockett, PhD, NCSP; and Julie Esparza Brown, EdD
Chapter 7: A Comprehensive, Multidimensional Approach to Assessment of Culturally and

Linguistically Diverse Students . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139
Matthew Y. Lau, PhD, NCSP; and Lionel A. Blatchley, PhD, LP
Chapter 8: Multicultural Considerations in School Consultation . . . . . . . . . . . . 173

Kimberly Booker, PhD, LSSP
Chapter 9: Counseling With Multicultural Intentionality: The Process of Counseling and

Integrating Client Cultural Variables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
Janine M. Jones, PhD, NCSP
Chapter 10: Multicultural Issues in Research: Practical Implications for School

Psychologists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215
Trista M. Huckleberry, PhD
Resources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227
Deborah Peek Crockett, PhD, NCSP
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235
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Case Scenarios
Toward Competence
Case Scenario: Dr. Jackson .......... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .8

Case Scenario: Sally ............... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .9
Case Scenario: Asha’s Advocacy ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Case Scenario: A Teacher Takes Action .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Cultural Literacy
Case Scenario: Koirala Family .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23

Case Scenario: Zainab ..... ..... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Case Scenario: Olga ...... ..... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
Case Scenario: Jack Yellow Bird ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
Case Scenario: Hao ....... ..... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
Social Justice
Case Scenario: Steven . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55

Case Scenario: Aiesha . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
Privilege
Case Scenario: Jane and Eric ........ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72

Case Scenario: The Luxury of Ignorance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
Case Scenario: Derrick ............ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
Case Scenario: Jada and Mr. Rogers ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
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Case Scenario: Fighting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80

Case Scenario: Ellis Island . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
‘‘Getting It’’
Case Scenario: Lynda and Trung . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87

Case Scenario: Lupe .......... ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
Case Scenario: Dennis and Orlando .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95
Case Scenario: Jason .......... ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
Case Scenario: Grace .......... ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
Case Scenario: Asad .......... ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
Case Scenario: Silenced ........ ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
Case Scenario: Paul .......... ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
Case Scenario: Nita .......... ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
Case Scenario: Model Minority .. ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
Case Scenario: Isabella ......... ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108
Case Scenario: They Just Don’t Get It! . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108
Consultation
Case Scenario: Shouting or Raising Your Hand? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179

Case Scenario: Reluctant Mother . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
Case Scenario: ‘‘Unmotivated’’ Student . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185
Counseling
Case Scenario: Naira .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199

Case Scenario: Min ..... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204
Case Scenario: Sheila ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207
Case Scenario: Deondre .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209
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About the Editor
Janine M. Jones, PhD, NCSP, is an Assistant Professor of School Psychology at the University of
Washington. She is also a Licensed Child Psychologist with a private practice called For A Child,
LLC. Dr. Jones has been involved in research, teaching, and clinical work since 1992. Her
professional settings include community mental health centers, private practice, schools, and
universities. Her professional experiences include providing child and adolescent therapy,
psychological assessment, and teaching and supervision of graduate students. Dr. Jones specializes
in clinical work with children suffering from depression, anxiety, exposure to violence, and
trauma. Her research focuses on resilience in children from a cultural perspective. Her educational
background includes a master’s degree in Marriage, Family, and Child Counseling from the
University of Southern California and a doctoral degree in School Psychology from the University
of Texas at Austin.
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Chapter Authors
Lionel A. Blatchley, PhD, LP, worked as a School Psychologist for the Saint Paul Public Schools in
Minnesota for 33 years, until retirement in 2006. He specialized in multidisciplinary teaming,
assessment of culturally and linguistically different students, and alternative service delivery. Dr. Blatchley
currently serves as a consultant to school districts and Minnesota Department of Education projects
relating to disproportionate representation and culturally and linguistically diverse (CLD) students.
Amy Boland, MA, is a third-year doctoral student in the School Psychology Program at Ohio
State University. She has master’s degrees in Developmental Psychology and School Psychology.
She currently works as a behavior consultant and psychometrician in private practice and is an
adjunct psychology faculty member at Columbus State Community College.
Kimberly Booker, PhD, LSSP, is a Licensed Psychologist, a Licensed Specialist in School

Psychology, and an Assistant Professor in the School Psychology Program at Texas Woman’s
University. Her research, teaching, and practice focus on intervention and consultation with
students at risk for academic failure and those in special education.
Julie Esparza Brown, EdD, is an Assistant Professor of Special Education at Portland State
University. Her teaching and research interests are in bilingual special education, culturally and
linguistically responsive RTI, and least biased cognitive assessment for English language learners
(ELLs). Seeking social justice and equitable educational systems for ELLs is her passion.
Doris Wright Carroll, PhD, is an Associate Professor in the Department of Special Education,
Counseling, and Student Affairs at Kansas State University. She brings more than 30 years of
experience as a multicultural counselor, teacher, and educator. Dr. Carroll earned a PhD in
Counseling Psychology from the University of Nebraska–Lincoln.
Valerie J. Cook-Morales, PhD, is a Professor of School Psychology at San Diego State

University, where she has directed 19 personnel preparation grants offering culture-specific or
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multicultural training for school psychology students and practitioners. Her research, teaching,
grants, and consultation focus on effecting educational equity from individual through system-
wide levels.
Deborah Peek Crockett, PhD, NCSP, is a School Psychologist at the Fayette County Board of
Education and an Adjunct Professor at Georgia State University. Her school practice, teaching,
and research focus on providing culturally competent school psychological services and
recruitment and retention of minority school psychologists.
Tonika Duren Green, PhD, is an Associate Professor of School Psychology at San Diego State
University. Her publications and grants illuminate her passion for preparing school psychologists
for multicultural schools. Most notable is a $1.5 million grant with Drs. Valerie Cook-Morales
and Tam O’Shaughnessy to improve education for ethnolinguistically diverse students.
Megan Hemmeler, MA, is a third-year doctoral student in the School Psychology Program at
Ohio State University. She has a master’s degree in School Psychology and currently works as a
mental health consultant for a Head Start agency.
Trista M. Huckleberry, PhD, is an Assistant Professor of Interdisciplinary Psychology at the

University of Washington Tacoma. Her research focuses on the social context of education,
identity development, and the relation between popular culture and African American culture. Dr.
Huckleberry currently teaches courses in adolescent and educational psychology and in African
American culture.
Colette L. Ingraham, PhD, NCSP, is a Professor in, and Director of, the School Psychology
Program at San Diego State University and the Founding Coordinator of the NASP Consultee-
Centered Consultation Interest Group. Her research interests focus on multicultural and systemic
issues in school psychology, with specialties in cross-cultural consultation and conceptual change.
Janine M. Jones, PhD, NCSP, is an Assistant Professor of School Psychology at the University of
Washington and a Licensed Child Psychologist in private practice. Her research, teaching, and
clinical work focus on culturally competent service delivery and resilience in children and
adolescents from a cultural perspective.
Matthew Y. Lau, PhD, NCSP, is a Bilingual School Psychologist in the Minneapolis Public
Schools. He provides training and consultation with other psychologists and school staff regarding
assessment issues with ELLs and offers training and support to general and special education staff
on the district’s problem-solving model.
Antoinette Halsell Miranda, PhD, NCSP, is an Associate Professor of School Psychology at

Ohio State University. Her research interests include developing effective interventions with
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at-risk children in urban settings, early intervention, and the development of racial identity and its
relationship to academic achievement.
Elizabeth D. Palacios, PhD, LSSP, LPC, is the Dean for Student Development and an Adjunct
Professor in the Departments of Educational Psychology and Educational Administration at
Baylor University. Her research, teaching, and university roles focus on multicultural issues,
student development, and the retention of students of color in higher education.
Carol Robinson-Zañartu, PhD, is a Professor in, and Chair of, San Diego State University’s
Department of Counseling and School Psychology. Her research, publications, and consultations
focus on issues of equity and social justice and on dynamic intervention-based assessment. She
holds special interest (and numerous federal grants) in Native American education and
psychology.
David Shriberg, PhD, is an Assistant Professor in the School Psychology Program at Loyola
University Chicago. His primary research interests are in the areas of social justice, leadership, and
facilitating effective family–school–community collaboration. He is also the founder and cochair
of NASP’s Social Justice Interest Group.
Pamala Trivedi, MA, MEd, NCSP, is a fifth-year doctoral student in the School Psychology
Program at the University of Washington, and her research is centered on identity development in
multiracial children. Her practice in different clinical settings is premised on the importance of
taking into account culturally relevant and ecologically valid information in the evaluation and
treatment of children.
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Acknowledgments
This book could not have been completed without the incredible support and expertise of the
chapter reviewers. These reviewers generously volunteered their time to read the chapters for
appropriate content and to make suggestions on improving their quality. These professionals are
committed to serving our children through teaching, research, and practice in the schools. Their
breadth of knowledge was expansive and represented the best that our profession has to offer. The
following individuals were chapter reviewers:
Kim Adamle Brian Leung

Sally Baas Chieh Li
Ron Benner Daniella Maglione
Peter Borghese Rebecca Martinez
Skip Cleavinger Danielle Nahas
Paul Dauphinais Michael Parker
Roberta DeBoard Kim Perez
Alberto Gamarra Sandra Riano
Carlos Guerrero Margaret Rogers
Jon Lasser Janay Sander
Catherine Lee
Special thanks go to Frank ‘‘Buz’’ Smith for crafting a catchier title for this book. Thanks also go
to Alnita Dunn, our liaison on the NASP Publications Board, for her patience and
encouragement. We would also like to thank the NASP Publications Department for their
patience and guidance through this process: Denise Ferrenz, the Director of Publications; Linda
Morgan, the Director of Production; Brieann Kinsey, the Coordinator of Editorial; and Jim Batts,
the Chair of the NASP Publications Board. We appreciate their hard work and commitment to
the highest standards in our profession.
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xx | National Association of School Psychologists

Introduction
MULTICULTURALISM IN SCHOOL MENTAL HEALTH PRACTICE
Culture helps define you. It gives meaning to where you have come from and how you are choosing to
live now. Reveling in one’s own culture is affirming, but experiencing a new culture can be exciting.
Cultural exploration, learning something different from what you have become accustomed, provides
opportunities for understanding the world in which you are living. Folks are most at ease in
environments that reflect their styles and traditions, but stretching beyond your cultural comfort zone
can add new color to your life!
Excerpted from the Color of Culture III by Mona Lake Jones
Acceptance, respect, and embracing individual differences—these are all characteristics of living
optimally in a multicultural world. To thrive as the world becomes increasingly multicultural, we
must understand one another, move beyond tolerance of differences, and embrace the richness of
the unique dimensions within every cultural group and the individuals within it. Professionals in
schools have the luxurious opportunity to explore differences and embrace individuality in diverse
children and adolescents. Simultaneously, by understanding the cultural foundation of behaviors,
school professionals can use cultural values and behaviors to create environments where all
children thrive. We believe that culturally responsive approaches to teaching and clinical service
are the foundation for enhancing student progress and closing the achievement gap. The purpose
of this book is to provide the foundation for school professionals to create and maintain culturally
supportive environments in everyday practice. We hope to empower people to recognize the gifts
that are already within by recognizing that everyone has culture. Culture is not limited to race and
ethnicity; rather, it is also inclusive of gender, socioeconomic status, and sexual orientation.
This book is intended to be a practice-oriented reference volume for professionals who serve
children and adolescents in schools. We believe that our audience is broad because the majority of
the concepts have application in the disciplines of school psychology, school counseling, and
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school social work. In addition, we believe that Part I of this book can be useful to teachers, school
administrators, cultural liaisons, family support workers, and similar professionals in schools.
Because this book is designed for direct-service practitioners, it is also especially useful for graduate
students who are in training to be school psychologists, school counselors, or school social
workers. As a result, in each chapter we have included chapter objectives and discussion questions
to facilitate skill building. To further enhance the reader’s experience, case scenarios are integrated
throughout the book to elucidate practice implications. Every chapter of this book was written by
one or more professionals who have expertise in their respective areas by research and/or clinical
practice. The authors were encouraged to use language that is inclusive of a variety of disciplines to
capture the essence of the universality of the construct of multiculturalism.
Our book is divided into two parts:
N Part I: Conceptual Foundations. These chapters reflect the theoretical basis for understanding
multiculturalism in the schools, including content on cultural competence, privilege, social
justice, cultural knowledge, and training.
N Part II: Practical Applications. These chapters include specific clinical, research, and policy
applications of multicultural service delivery. These chapters address issues associated with
everyday practice in schools. The chapters provide a structure for clinical service that is likely to
reduce disproportionality in special education and ultimately close the achievement gap. To
encourage further exploration, the Resources include supplemental materials such as references
and websites.
PART I: CONCEPTUAL FOUNDATIONS
Chapter 1 provides an introduction to multiculturalism in the schools and presents a model for
developing multicultural competence. Strategies for developing competence are outlined within
the context of the model and rubric that can be used for continued professional development.
Chapter 2 is an extensive chapter that exposes the reader to the historical background and cultural
norms of a variety of ethnic and minority groups: Asian Americans, South Asian Americans and
Pacific Islanders, African Americans and African immigrants, Latino and Chicano Americans,
Native Americans, Arab Americans, multiracial individuals, and gay/lesbian/bisexual/transgen-
dered individuals. This chapter also reviews in detail interactions and idioms that reflect the
diversity of such groups. Although they define common cultural characteristics, the authors clearly
recognize within-group cultural variation. Chapter 3 addresses the concept of social justice in the
context of school mental health services. Social justice is defined within a multicultural
framework, and suggestions for social justice priority-topic areas are presented. The chapter ends
with ways to develop and promote an active social justice agenda. Chapter 4 explores the concept
of privilege from a class, race, and gender perspective. The authors present why it is important to
understand privilege and how it is a key aspect of transformation as one works toward becoming
cross-culturally competent. Suggestions for best practices are provided to empower the reader,
along with reflection exercises. Chapter 5, written by premier trainers in multiculturalism,
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describes the complexity of developing multicultural competence through training and

professional development. This chapter uses strategies from a multicultural university training
model to guide practitioners who seek to enhance or extend their multicultural thinking, learning,
and service delivery. Experiential learning approaches, cross-cultural research collaboration,
consultation, and cultural resources are examples of strategies discussed in this chapter. The
authors also provide practical examples of the pathways to multiculturalism that can be easily
transferred to schools.
PART II: PRACTICAL APPLICATIONS
Chapter 6 presents both a rationale for integrating cultural factors in the response-to-intervention
(RTI) process and a model for making culturally responsive decisions in the context of the RTI
framework. The chapter also includes perspectives on culturally/linguistically based effective
interventions. Chapter 7 focuses on multicultural competence in the assessment of culturally and
linguistically diverse students. The authors present a model of multidimensional assessment, with
several levels of screening and analysis of culturally related factors that must be considered
throughout the assessment process. Chapter 8 addresses the rationale for incorporating
multicultural perspectives in the consultation process. The chapter also gives the reader the
opportunity to understand how culture impacts traditional models of consultation, along with
suggestions for incorporating culture in intervention programs and policy decisions. Chapter 9
focuses on multicultural counseling with children and adolescents, using a multicultural lens.
Suggestions are offered for practice, including increasing cultural self-awareness, developing
cultural literacy, and providing intentional multicultural counseling from a strengths perspective.
The concept of intentional multicultural counseling is described in the context of the phases of
counseling, case scenarios, and key phrases for the practitioner to prepare to address in counseling.
The concept of acculturation is also described within the context of multicultural counseling.
Chapter 10 focuses on the multicultural challenges associated with current research methods. The
chapter ends with practical steps that can be used in developing a multicultural approach to
research methodology.
We hope that our passion for multiculturalism is infectious, and that you will spread the
knowledge that you receive from this book and the related experiences that will follow. Thank you
for your willingness and courage to step outside of your ‘‘cultural comfort zone’’ and explore life at
its fullest.
Janine M. Jones
University of Washington
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Part I
CONCEPTUAL FOUNDATIONS
The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools part1.3d 14/1/09 11:11:32

Chapter 1
Toward Multiculturalism Competence:
A Practical Model for Implementation in the Schools
Doris Wright Carroll, PhD
Kansas State University
OBJECTIVES
1. To define multiculturalism within schools
2. To describe multiculturalism practice in a school setting
3. To present a continuum of multiculturalism competence
4. To identify strategies for extending multiculturalism professional development
INTRODUCTION
For more than two decades, school psychology has known about the necessity for, and importance
of, developing multicultural competence (Fouad & Arrendondo, 2007). From research, ethics,
and practice standards, school psychologists and other school personnel have been aware that an
effective school professional is multiculturally competent and able to make sense of students’
sociocultural, socioracial, and sociopolitical backgrounds that present themselves within a
classroom setting. Multiculturally competent professionals are informed as to which
environmental, academic, and community factors combine to support all students’ learning and
development across ages and abilities.
A growing body of knowledge, grounded in research and embellished by best practice, has
argued the importance of school multiculturalism to support children and their optimal learning
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(Oakland, 2005). School psychologists, other school personnel, and mental health professionals
have witnessed the growth and proliferation of clinical and assessment services that have advanced
and redefined how multiculturalism is practiced on behalf of school children.
Twenty-first century American schools are changing in dramatic ways partly because of
shifting demographics in rural and urban communities and in public and private educational
institutions, as well as among students who are homeschooled. These changes have produced a
new generation of multilingual, multiracial children with racial, ethnic, cultural, and linguistic
differences; multiple learning styles; native language learning; and changing family constellations.
Some of today’s learners also come from families with multiple and/or generational family
traumas and dysfunctions. These challenges and the shifts in student enrollment demographics are
creating new demands on schools’ teaching and learning services.
Moreover, economic, human, and technologic resource shortfalls have strained school districts
well beyond the point of efficiency. Today’s schools struggle constantly to keep their doors open as
they compete for shrinking local tax dollars that are needed for other local needs, such as highway
and prison construction. Such factors, when combined with underfunded mandates from
crumbling governmental infrastructures for performance assessments, leave schools with limited
time, energy, and resources to adequately address multicultural demands.
These demographic, structural, and learning changes impact how school psychologists and
other school personnel provide instruction and deliver psychological services. The diverse needs of
multinational, multilingual, and multiracial students, coupled with multiple intelligences and the
intersection of cultural identities, present new and challenging demands for learning and service
delivery for today’s schools.
This chapter introduces and showcases multiculturalism competence in the schools. It
highlights the necessity for schools to recognize, reward, and retain a multiculturally competent
school workforce. A continuum of multicultural competence is presented, and suggestions are
offered for how to integrate multiculturalism into all areas of school instruction and service
delivery. Using case examples, suggested activities will illustrate best practices in moving toward
multiculturalism competence. We begin this discussion by providing a framework and working
definition for multiculturalism in a school setting.
WHAT IS MULTICULTURALISM?
Multiculturalism, as practiced in the schools, is a process, an ideology, and a set of interventions in

which school psychologists and other culturally competent professionals engage. It is a world view
that recognizes and values the uniqueness of diverse learners, cultural backgrounds, and identities.
The outcome of this set of clinical and learning processes creates exemplary services for students,
families, schools, districts, and communities today, tomorrow, and into the future.
The practice of multiculturalism must be fluid and flexible enough to give voice to diverse
student learners who have multifaceted learning, social, psychological, and spiritual needs—
learners who thrive in urban, suburban, rural, and homeschooled communities, each with ever-
changing demographics. Multiculturalism is systemic, occurring across a school’s educational and
learning environment. It permeates our school structures in deliberate and intentional ways, from
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Chapter 1 Toward Competence
building design and usage to school policies, procedures, and practices. How schools achieve this
synergistic outcome is an untold story.
Historically, multiculturalism began as a practice movement in counseling, psychology,
education, and the behavioral sciences (Pedersen, 1991a, 1991b). Its applications have extended to
other disciplines, such as management, economics, organizational behavioral sciences, and even
traditional sciences.
For this discussion, we borrow a concept definition of multiculturalism from the American
Psychological Association’s (APA’s) multicultural practice guidelines and standards (2002). The
APA practice guidelines define multiculturalism as recognizing broad dimensions of individual
identity, including ‘‘race, ethnicity, language, sexual orientation [sexual expression/identity],
gender, age, disability, class status, education, religious/spiritual orientation, and other cultural
dimensions’’ (p. 9). In this regard, multiculturalism is a framework for understanding groups of
individuals.
Noted school psychologist Thomas Oakland (2005) defines multiculturalism as a process in
which individuals ‘‘construct reality through networks of social agreements that involve historical,
cultural, and social experiences’’ (p. 6). Oakland notes that the reality of multiculturalism is
expressed through language, metaphors, and cultural symbols. Similarly, Frisby (2005) argues that
multiculturalism is a sociopolitical ideology and represents an organized set of assumptions,
beliefs, attitudes, and practices associated with intergroup relations with a given society (p. 45).
When viewed within this context, it is seen as a movement of change and directs the way in which
children are engaged as learners.
Multiculturalism is realized as behaviors presented within the social context in which they
occur (Sue, et al., 1998). Ten elements combine to create critical components of multiculturalism.
Ten Components of Multiculturalism

1. Values cultural pluralism and realizes that the United States (U.S.) is a cultural mosaic—not a
melting pot. Multiculturalism is viewed as a national treasure.
2. Promotes social justice, cultural democracy, and equity and strives to make certain these goals
are realized.
3. Promotes the development of attitudes, knowledge, and skills needed to function effectively in
a pluralistic society.
4. Extends well beyond race, ethnicity, social class, and gender and extends to differences in
religion, sexual orientation, disability, age, and geographic region. Each dimension contributes
to individual and collective diversity.
5. Emphasizes the importance of using multiple perspectives to study multiple cultures.
6. Is an essential component of analytical thinking.
7. Celebrates the rich contributions and achievements of the U.S. and other cultures, but also
leaves us with the obligation to examine the positive and negative elements of various groups.
8. Promotes change within and across individuals, organizations, and society.
9. Means becoming honest about and confronting painful realities about self, one’s own group,
and our society. It can involve tension and conflicts regarding what constitutes reality. Conflict
is inevitable.
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10. Is concerned with achieving positive individual, community, and societal outcomes. It values
inclusion, cooperation, and movement toward mutually shared goals. (Sue et al., 1998)
Multiculturalism in Clinical Practice
Counseling practitioners have considered that multiculturalism is the fourth force in counseling
(Pedersen, 1991a, 1991b). It is one of the four dominant theoretical and practice forces that have
shaped counseling practices for more than a half century. Mental health professionals have argued
that multiculturalism complements psychoanalytic, humanistic, and behavioral frameworks that
were dominant in psychology and human development (Sue et al., 1998).
A hallmark of multiculturalism is the belief in multiple realities or perspectives, built within a
social constructivist framework. This practical belief system encourages individuals to construct
their own social realities based upon their own personal experiences. Multiculturalism helps to
explain how individuals construct their personal realities within a cultural context (Gonzalez,
1997; Highlen, 1996; Sue, Ivey, & Pedersen, 1996).
School psychologists and other school personnel are encouraged to understand how students
construct and make meaning of their own multicultural experiences. School personnel should
make certain that the school learning environment is open and flexible, accommodates and
values students’ own personal multicultural experiences, and gives equal importance to every
student in the classroom. This notion of multiculturalism as constructed experiences and
personal meaning builds upon and respects students’ unique life experiences and charges school
officials to create learning environments that will promote free and open self-expression within a
safe context.
Sue and Torino (2005) define the clinical practice that stems from multiculturalism as
multicultural counseling and therapy (MCT), and they clarify roles and processes for the mental
health professional. They define multicultural counseling as
. . . both a helping role and process that uses modalities and defined goals consistent with
the life expectancies and cultural values of clients, recognizes client identities to include
individual, group, and universal dimensions, advocates the use of universal and culture-
specific strategies and roles in the healing process, and balances the importance of
individualism and collectivism in the assessment, diagnosis, and treatment of client and
client systems. (p. 42)
This active definition sets an operational framework for establishing competence. It highlights
six elements that are critical to successful culture-specific school interventions while articulating a
paradigm for multiculturalism competence for the school professional.
1. Multiculturalism recognizes that school personnel have cultural messages that are embedded in
designated or statutory roles and duties.
2. Multiculturalism requires that individuals perform actions that are consistent with life
experiences and cultural values.
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3. Multiculturalism recognizes and values dimensions of existence, including individual, group,

and universal elements.
4. Multiculturalism informs and teaches universal and culture-specific strategies and interven-
tions.
5. Multiculturalism makes clear the distinctions between individualism and collectivism. It values
both world views.
6. Multiculturalism teaches professionals to take responsibility for clients and client systems at all
levels of school service.
Multiculturalism is an active change process for school professionals. It prescribes the manner
with which children should be treated as human beings and as learners. It provides a context for
managing the school structure, including the climate, curriculum, and assessment of learning.
Multiculturalism guides and directs school psychologists toward multicultural competence and
performance excellence by creating a template for professional standards of practice.
Multiculturalism contextualizes the school learning environment according to individual and
group culture-specific requisites and identifies a paradigm for understanding future students’
needs. Lastly, it obligates school professionals to see learners, their families, and communities
within the context of culture, race, ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, and all those other
cultural lenses that give meaning to students’ daily learning experiences.
BENCHMARKS FOR ASSESSING AND MAINTAINING MULTICULTURAL SCHOOLS
The noted multicultural educator, James Banks, has written prolifically about ways to transform
schools into effective and successful multicultural schools (2006a, 2006b, 2008). He argues that
schools today must prepare our children for the competitiveness of a global society. For more than
two decades, Banks has helped to transform school curriculum, set directions for children in global
citizenship, and build the framework for developing an effective multicultural school.
Eight Characteristics for an Effective Multicultural School
Schools that are successful and forward in the competitive global marketplace are the ones that are
transformed by multiculturalism. Banks (2008) outlines eight characteristics for an effective
multicultural school, including systemic and organizational attributes that illustrate the
application of multicultural principles and practices:
1. The teachers and school administrators have high expectations for all students and
show positive, caring attitudes toward them. They also respond to them in positive
and caring ways.
2. The formalized curriculum reflects the experiences, cultures, and perspectives of the
range of cultural and ethnic groups, and represents both genders.
3. The teaching styles used by the teachers match the learning, cultural, and motivational
characteristics of the students.
4. The teachers and administrators show respect for the students’ first languages and
dialects.
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5. The instructional materials used in the schools show events, situations, and concepts
from the perspectives of a range of cultural, ethnic, and racial groups.
6. The assessment and testing procedures used in the schools are culturally sensitive and
result in students of color being represented proportionately in classes for the gifted
and talented.
7. The school culture and the hidden curriculum reflect cultural and ethnic diversity.
[The hidden curriculum is defined as ‘‘that curriculum that no teacher teaches
explicitly, but that all children learn’’ (Jackson, 1992, cited in Banks, 2008, p. 38).]
8. The school counselors have high expectations for students from racial, ethnic, and
language groups and help these students to set and realize positive career goals. (p. 36)
The context for achieving and building a multicultural school, according to Banks, requires
that the school transform itself to a global learning environment, one that teaches students to
construct meaning from their daily learning experiences from within a transformative learning
setting. So how can school personnel build and sustain this transformed multicultural setting?
What are the roles and responsibilities in a transformed multicultural school?
The National Association of School Psychologists (NASP) and APA’s ethical and practice
standards provide the baseline for multicultural action (Fouad & Arrendondo, 2007). However,
effective, multiculturally competent school personnel are challenged to go well beyond these
standards. What does that mean? How can professionals be transformed beyond minimal practice
standards toward new competence and multiculturalism in the schools? Banks has set the
structural and organizational framework for multicultural competence, but making this
transformation happen requires the active and proactive participation of human factors—
teachers, school psychologists, counselors, paraprofessionals, administrators, and school board
personnel. How then can we guide these professionals toward multiculturalism competence in
practice, policy, and performance? Four practice elements, or flashpoints, must combine to form a
working framework or foundation for multiculturalism competence in the schools.
MULTICULTURAL FLASHPOINTS FOR CHANGE
Transforming a school environment requires a battery of committed, competent, transformed

professionals at all levels, from maintenance staff to teachers to school psychologists to the
superintendent. If schools are successful in their multiculturalism efforts, then students, teachers,
school administrators, staff, parents, and community members will each be able to see direct,
enforceable multiculturalism measures. First, school professionals must become energized about
transformational change. Next, they must become tooled in creative and invigorating ways to be able
to carry out much-needed transformational changes. Four critical skill sets are important as we prepare
professionals for transformational change. These skills are referred to as multicultural flashpoints.
What are flashpoints? They are definable, measurable evidence of multicultural practices/
activities or actions/policies. They represent a cluster of awareness, lenses, and practices that
promote and sustain transformational change within an organization. These interpersonal and
communication skills are strengthened by new cognitive maps that change the cultural lenses
through which transformation is envisioned and planned.
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Flashpoints fall into one of four general skill areas: (a) awareness, (b) acknowledgment and
knowledge, (c) advocacy, and (d) action. (Figure 1 presents a graphic representation of these
flashpoints.) The flashpoints are interdependent, and each builds upon the others to strengthen
the breadth and depth of their application within a school setting. As agents of transformational
change, they begin with simple awareness.
Awareness
Classic multicultural research literature has informed us that awareness is a precursor to any long-
lasting multicultural change (Pedersen, 1991a). So, it is no surprise that awareness presents itself as
the first stage of transformation toward competence. Awareness begins with the school
professional realizing one’s own awareness as a cultural being. Multicultural counseling and
therapy research has informed us that awareness of one’s own personal self as a cultural being is
crucial in forming successful counseling or therapeutic interventions. Recent research (Sue &
Torino, 2005) suggests that as members of a culturally heterogeneous cultural community, we
each have multiple identities that are either overlapping one another or, at best, intersecting with
each other.
FIGURE 1. Multicultural flashpoints for change for the individual school psychologist and
school personnel.
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Awareness has four components:
N Awareness of self and own personal values and beliefs

N Awareness of others and their multiple identities
N Awareness of systemic issues such as privilege or ableism
N Awareness of relational cultural identities into the future
At the awareness stage of the continuum, a school professional learns to take responsibility for
recognizing overlapping or intersecting identities to be healthy, informed, and productive
members of the school community. The multiculturally competent professional is one who also
possesses an active awareness of others in the world and recognition of the multiple cultural
identities of others.
Awareness involves a responsibility to recognize systemic cultural bias issues in all their forms
and understand their impact upon learners, especially those children at risk in the school or
community. School psychologists and other school personnel must challenge themselves to see
organizational and management issues within the school setting. By gaining awareness,
professionals gain an important tool for change.
The last component of awareness asks the professional to be aware of the implications of
decisions today, tomorrow, and into the future. In this regard, multiculturalism considers
relational ethics as an important ingredient for transformational change. Consider the following
example.
CASE SCENARIO: DR. JACKSON
School psychologist Dr. Mikkla Jackson is preparing to meet with Johnnie and his parents, Sam and
Brenda Jones, whose family has recently moved into the school district from Detroit. Their son Johnnie
was previously identified as having a learning disability. Mr. and Mrs. Jones have come to the school to
discuss his Individualized Education Program (or IEP) and educational recommendations. Dr. Jackson has
presented them with some background material to review that describes the purpose of this meeting and
offers suggestions to parents for their involvement. Dr. Jackson explains Johnnie’s progress and says that
he will need special help next year in algebra because that is the place where his learning disability is
most problematic. She tells Mr. and Mrs. Jones that they should sign a form that indicates that they have
received information regarding their son’s educational progress.
Dr. Jackson turns away to gather up some papers and a file, and Mrs. Jones takes the paper and
turns to Mr. Jones, pointing to exactly where he is to sign. He stares blankly at the paper. Mr. Jones says
that he cannot read the document because he forgot his glasses and asks Dr. Jackson to tell him what is
contained in it. Mrs. Jones comes to her husband’s aid and offers to read it to him. During the paper
shuffling, Mr. Jones stands up and a pair of glasses falls out of his jacket pocket. He glances up
sheepishly, and hands the paper to his wife to read, and says, ‘‘I’m still blind as a bat and can’t see, even
with these 10-year-old specs.’’ Dr. Jackson silently asks herself, Can Mr. Jones read? What is her
responsibility here? How does this awareness shape her work with Johnnie and Mr. and Mrs. Jones? Can
she ignore it? If Mr. Jones has reading difficulties, what does that have to do with Johnnie’s learning
disability?
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REFLECTION
Recognizing cultural issues in context builds a firm foundation of awareness. This family scenario represents
a multicultural relational awareness issue. Mr. and Mrs. Jones are caring, concerned parents whose primary
concern is Johnnie’s best interest. However, Mr. Jones’s suspected reading difficulties contextualize how the
family understands and provides support to Johnnie regarding school matters. Having awareness of the
cultural elements that impact Johnnie’s family support is a critical ingredient. It contextualizes how Mr. and
Mrs. Jones can support Johnnie. Such awareness provides Dr. Jackson with a first impression about family
cultural and relational issues. Although adult reading difficulties are not considered a cultural deficit, they
are a cultural family issue that can shape how Mr. and Mrs. Jones support Johnnie. This case illustrates the
importance of helping school personnel become aware of the ways in which cultural family issues such as
adult reading difficulties can shape the home learning environment for children. Having awareness means
understanding the student and the family now, tomorrow, and into the future.
Acknowledgment and Knowledge
Stage two, acknowledgment and knowledge, is a two-stage cognitive process that is contextualized by
the individual’s world view and own personal cultural self-awareness. In this growth stage, the
school personnel realize important cognitions regarding multiculturalism within the school
organizational climate and take ownership for those cognitive maps or frames. Acknowledgment
involves a cognitive process that recognizes and accepts multiculturalism within the organizational
climate. The second part of this process involves a new reconsideration of knowledge.
CASE SCENARIO: SALLY
Sally Smith is a school psychologist who is well attuned to the cultural differences of school children in
the district. She understands the cognitive implications of native language learning and takes account of
such cultural differences when conducting assessments, in IEP team meetings, and in conversations with
native language parents. She is the first to require a translator and takes professional responsibility for
the accuracy of the translations. She makes certain that all written correspondence to the parents is in
their native language and that assessment information is translated appropriately for parents.
Ms. Smith is aware of the school board policy regarding English-only communication in the district.
However, she is naı̈ve regarding the system-wide impact that this decision has on her students today,
tomorrow, and in the future. While she is not in favor of this board policy privately, she admits her
helplessness to influence the school board’s decision. Ms. Smith considers how best to work with her native
language students within the context of this decision.
Days later, Ms. Smith travels to the annual NASP conference and attends a preconvention workshop
that addresses issues of power and privilege in the public schools. In the middle of the workshop, a
realization hits her. She remarks to herself, ‘‘Oh, now I get it!’’
REFLECTION
Ms. Smith believes that the English-only initiative is not in the best interests of her native language
learners; however, she is unable to make sense of the systemic and pervasive issues of power and
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privilege that accompany such a policy declaration. She acknowledges that this policy, as an
organizational policy, sets her native language learners apart from other children and devalues their
native language life experiences. Ms. Smith’s acknowledgment has returned her to the textbooks and to
the research literature to learn about the systemic nature of power and privilege in school settings. It has
also led Ms. Smith to do more reading about the impact of English-only communication initiatives on
children’s growth and development.
With new cognitive tools in the struggle for equity, Ms. Smith has acquired a new cognitive mind-set
for viewing her work on behalf of her native language students. While it is significant and powerful to
have awareness of cultural and linguistic differences, Ms. Smith’s authentic roles are strengthened by her
change in her cognitions regarding power and privilege and their impact on school policy development.
This acknowledgment and knowledge changed her world view and cognitive frame for designing
appropriate school interventions for her native language children. The addition of acknowledgment and
new knowledge is powerful and presents a new professional world view for Ms. Smith.
Advocacy
In a school that is undergoing transformational change, advocacy is the kindling that lights the fire
of action toward transformational change. Advocacy is a process that takes one’s awareness, beliefs,
knowledge, and acknowledgment and transforms them into a plan for effecting change. In a
multicultural context, it becomes a set of systemic interventions that promote transformational
change toward multiculturalism. This attribute is mentioned in NASP and APA’s practice
standards and ethics, but appears in a cursory way. The school psychologist or other school
personnel who possess advocacy show a commitment to improving the lives of children by
supporting positions and policies that promote the best interests of children and their family
systems today, tomorrow, and into the future. The following example helps to illustrate the
importance of advocacy.
CASE SCENARIO: ASHA’S ADVOCACY
Parents across the entire Smithville School District have petitioned to create a diversity education and
equity coordinator position. This position could be funded in part by federal monies that support No Child
Left Behind initiatives in the school and could be used to support teachers in classrooms and schools whose
performance is lacking. The district’s Diversity Commission, created by parents and community leaders, has
endorsed this new position during each of the last three years, but with little success. The superintendent
did not endorse the idea, and as a result, it failed to receive adequate support. However, with the hiring of a
new superintendent, Dr. Jonas Smetkin, there is renewed interest in the diversity education and equity
coordinator position.
Ms. Asha Kalib is an elementary school counselor working in an at-risk school near a military base. She
has been an ardent supporter for this position. As a member of the Diversity Commission, Ms. Kalib helped
the commission to survey students and teachers in the district regarding diversity issues. The findings
revealed that 90% of the students and teachers surveyed were satisfied with the diversity climate in the
schools. Former Superintendent Sara Dickson-Lee used those survey findings to say that there was
satisfaction on diversity issues across the district.
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Ms. Kalib saw the data from a different viewpoint. She pointed out that of those 10% who did not
agree that the district climate was good for diversity, more than 65% of those respondents were
students of color and also from families that were receiving free and reduced lunch support. Ms. Kalib
presented these survey findings to Superintendent Smetkin, who understood them and shared her
concerns regarding students of color. From her advocacy efforts, the district reexamined the diversity
coordinator position. When thanked for her perseverance and hard work, Ms. Kalib stated humbly that
she spoke out on behalf of the children, especially students of color who are voiceless all too often in
administrative meetings.
REFLECTION
These actions by Ms. Kalib, coupled with the caring work of the parents and the Diversity Commission,
illustrate a classic example of a committed person who is moved to speak out on behalf of a population
that cannot represent itself fully because of institutional barriers, as was certainly the case with the
children of color in the Smithville District. The children benefit from this new position, and the district
does as well.
Action
The final stage is action. This stage is the place where the advocacy takes form and is realized in
practice. Action is the act and art of doing something in a proactive way to promote multiculturalism.
It can be a seen as a willingness to speak out on behalf of a cohort of voiceless children. Action involves
a conscious, intentional, and deliberate act or activity whose outcome benefits children, teachers,
parents, or the community today, tomorrow, and into the future. Action is a broader set of events or
activities than advocacy efforts. Its outcome benefits more than a single child or family. Rather, action
produces systemic change within a school or district. Its outcome is far-reaching and widespread,
impacting the lives of many children. Consider the following example.
CASE SCENARIO: A TEACHER TAKES ACTION
Smithville High School teacher Jack Brown was determined to help 17-year-old senior Malik Ali find a quiet
place for prayers during Ramadan. Malik and his family moved to Smithville at the beginning of the school
year from New York City. Mr. Brown spoke first with the Smithville High School Principal, Mika Jones, who
consulted with the district’s attorney. Together, Principal Jones and Mr. Brown visited with Malik’s parents,
Juwann and Jackie Ali, who confirmed the prayer request. Two days later, Principal Jones informed Mr. Brown
that it was acceptable for the school to designate a prayer room for Malik’s use during his daily Ramadan
prayers. Mr. Brown encouraged Malik to visit with his counselor Sam Smith regarding how best to adjust his
class and lunch schedule to accommodate daytime prayers. Counselor Smith helped Malik change his lunch
break so that it coincided with the early afternoon prayer time. Mr. and Mrs. Ali were extremely grateful for
Mr. Brown’s help and sent a letter of thanks to the principal. Shortly thereafter, Principal Jones sent a letter to
teachers informing them of this arrangement. She asked teachers to help students to celebrate and value
religious differences and encouraged teachers to find ways to use this multicultural experience in their
classrooms. Principal Jones directed the assistant principal to create in-service workshops that focus on
respecting religious differences.
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REFLECTION
Mr. Brown moved through advocacy when he decided to help Malik. His quiet action was the simple act
of calling the principal to make the prayer room request. By making this request, Mr. Brown affirmed
Malik’s civil rights as they are applied in school settings and created a positive learning environment for
Malik and other Muslim students. He modeled actions that respect and value individual differences,
especially religious differences. Principal Jones was also moved to action by introducing change at the
system—not just the individual—level.
RUBRIC FOR PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Multicultural flashpoints blend together awareness, knowledge and acknowledgment, advocacy,

and action within the context of a social justice agenda to renew skills for transformational change
within an organization such as a school. These flashpoints create a working template as
professionals promote transformational change. A simple process of skill development, the
flashpoint model creates a mechanism to support students while endorsing systemic change for a
school or community group.
These multicultural flashpoints are presented as a rubric in Table 1, which gives examples
for how to assess one’s multiculturalism professional growth. The rubric is a working assessment
document, and it can be utilized to determine where the school professional falls on the
multicultural skill assessment continuum. The four flashpoint components, awareness,
acknowledgment and knowledge, advocacy, and action, are located on the horizontal axis. Along
the vertical axis is a listing of seven key multicultural components: (a) values cultural pluralism;
(b) promotes social justice, cultural democracy, and equity; (c) promotes skills to function in
pluralistic society; (d) promotes individual diversity; (e) promotes collective diversity; (f)
emphasizes multiple perspectives; and (g) achieves positive individual, community, and societal
outcomes.
CONCLUSION
Throughout this chapter, the importance of defining multiculturalism in a school environment is

emphasized. Multiculturalism is an essential part of the school learning environment. It is a
process, an awareness, a clinical practice, and an outcome of a transformational change. School
psychologists and other school personnel are challenged to build upon their existing learning
environments to develop multiculturalism throughout the entire school.
Multiculturalism issues are located all across schools and school districts. Addressing the issues
within four settings is essential for transforming a monocultural to a multicultural learning
environment: (a) policies and policy formation; (b) curriculum; (c) assessment: classroom, formal,
and psychological evaluation; and (d) the psychological climate, including interpersonal and staff
relations, and the physical climate, involving school buildings and physical plant needs. School
administrators and school boards are charged to examine these multicultural elements to
determine how they have applied and utilized multiculturalism in satisfying their community’s
learning needs best.
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TABLE 1. Rubric for Professional Development in Multiculturalism
RATING CATEGORIES
CONTENT Acknowledgment and

AREAS Awareness Knowledge Advocacy Action
1 2 3 4
Values Shows awareness Takes ownership of own Shows leadership to Performs daily activities
cultural of core elements cultural values publicly. change policies that using appropriate cultural
pluralism of cultural Shows knowledge about devalue multiculturalism value frameworks that
pluralism in cultural dynamics in in practice. promote multiculturalism.
daily work. practice.
Promotes Is aware of social Acknowledges the Advocates for changes Performs school
social justice, democracy, existence of social in practices/policies interventions that
justice, and equity issues justice issues in formal locally & nationally promote social justice,
cultural as present daily in school settings. Knows that change the power democracy, and equity.
democracy, the schools daily. about their impact on balances surrounding
and equity children daily. social justice, democracy,
and equity issues.
Promotes Is aware of Takes responsibility for Advocates for Creates interventions and
skills to professional own culture-specific establishment of activities for
function in culture-specific skill development. permanent multicultural multicultural skill
pluralistic work skills necessary Knows requisite in-service training development for school
society in a multicultural multicultural skills for for school personnel. personnel. Promotes
school setting. future self-growth. Support policy changes similar learning for
Understands in annual evaluation, to children.
requisite skills for include multicultural
school personnel. skill evaluation.
Promotes Is aware of cultural Acknowledges cultural Advocates locally and Can modify learning
individual group differences group differences in nationally for school environment to
diversity among students formal school events. learning environment accommodate individual
and staff. Shows knowledge of changes that recognize differences, including
group differences in and value cultural assessments.
work activities. group differences.
Promotes Is aware of cultural Acknowledges right Advocates locally/ Designs learning
collective group populations for these groups to nationally for systemic environments to support
diversity in the school and exist. Shows knowledge changes that raise the collective group
community. in formal school power differential of a development.
interactions. collective group.
Emphasizes Can identify Acknowledges multiple Advocates for the Creates age-appropriate
multiple multiple and and intersecting re-identification of learning activities that
perspectives intersecting identities in formal cultural groups based promote multiple and
identities in the school interactions. upon multiple and intersecting identities.
school Knows learning intersecting identities.
environment. characteristics of groups.
Achieves Can identify Takes responsibility Advocates for changes Designs learning
positive appropriate for identifying appro- in the school/community environments that
individual, positive outcomes priate community and environment that promote positive learning
community, for cultural groups. societal learning achieve positive growth and outcomes for
and societal outcomes. Knows the learning outcomes for children, teachers, and
outcomes developmental children, families, and administrative staff.
outcomes of positive communities. Supports positive learning
growth for children. by personal actions.
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In the flashpoints-for-change model, four multicultural flashpoints were noted: (a) awareness,
(b) acknowledgment and knowledge, (c) advocacy, and (d) action. These individual flashpoints
help professionals to extend and expand their multiculturalism competency skills. These
flashpoints are anchors to help school professionals as they progress toward multiculturalism
competence.
Recommendations
The following recommendations are presented to schools and their professionals as guidelines to
support transformational change. School personnel are wise to examine these recommendations
daily, or as often as needed, to ensure their successful implementation.
1. All policies, whether presented in oral, written, or electronic form, should be written using
culturally and linguistically appropriate language. NASP and APA’s ethics and professional
practice guidelines affirm the importance and accuracy of second language translations, even to
satisfy nonclinical needs such as clarifying school or district policies. Although these
suggestions are standard practice, multiculturalism requires a second level of attention. It is not
sufficient to translate into a second language a school policy statement that is class biased. The
policy itself must be reexamined for its relevancy within a new multiculturalism climate.
Accommodating an insensitive policy does little to advance multiculturalism. The policy, as a
systemic issue, must be challenged also, requiring the school professional to become a child
advocate. The child cannot learn in an environment in which policy statements are class biased
or perpetuate a culturally insensitive practice. Moving toward multiculturalism requires that
school psychologists and other professionals become advocates to change or remove policies
and practices that restrict or inhibit multiculturalism.
2. Curricula and related teaching resources that support a teacher’s work in the classroom must
be reexamined. This category extends to examining how and in what ways multicultural
elements are infused into curricula and assessment activities.
3. The assessment literature is rich with guidelines and recommendations regarding culturally
appropriate assessment issues such as the language of assessment, culture-specific assessment
interventions, the structural and organizational mechanisms in which assessment outcomes are
applied (i.e., to support the student’s best learning environmental contexts), and so forth.
4. Climate factors are environmental and psychosocial factors such as (a) physical climate
elements (the location of classrooms, libraries, and buildings) and (b) interpersonal climate
elements (teacher-student interactions, relationships among key school personnel relationships
between school personnel and community members).
Four multicultural flashpoints are highlighted in a linear model that illustrates steps toward
multicultural competence. Awareness, acknowledgment and knowledge, advocacy, and action are
placed alongside seven multicultural skills in a professional development rubric that provides
benchmark behaviors that help school psychologists and other school professionals support
transformational change. Such change requires the collective spirit and collaboration of all school
personnel. Achieving multiculturalism competence requires institutional and organizational
commitment along with district and statewide financial support.
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DISCUSSION QUESTIONS
1. What are some of the multicultural practices that are emphasized in your school?
2. In your professional role, how might you move from advocacy to action in a challenging
political climate?
3. What are some ways that you can explore the eight characteristics of an effective multicultural
school with other school personnel?
REFERENCES
American Psychological Association (2002). Guidelines on multicultural education, training,

research, practice, and organizational change for psychologists. Retrieved January 9, 2008, from
http://www.apa.org/pi/multiculturalguidelines.pdf
Banks, J. (2006a). Cultural diversity and citizenship education: Foundations, curriculum, and
teaching (5th ed.). Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
Banks, J. (2006b). Race, culture, and education: The selected works of James A. Banks. London &
New York: Routledge.
Banks, J. (2008). An introduction to multicultural education (4th ed.). Boston: Pearson Education.
Fouad, N., & Arrendondo, P. (2007). Becoming culturally oriented: Practical advice for psychologists
and educators. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.
Frisby, C. (2005). The politics of multiculturalism in the schools. Part 1. In C. Frisby & C.
Reynolds (Eds.), Comprehensive handbook of multicultural school psychology (pp. 45–80). New
York: Wiley.
Gonzalez, R. (1997). Postmodern supervision: A multicultural perspective. In D. Pope & H.
Coleman (Eds.), Multicultural counseling competencies: Assessment, education and training, and
supervision (pp. 350–386). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.
Highlen, P. (1996). MCT theory and implications for organizations/systems. In D. W. Sue,
A. Ivey, & Pedersen P. (Eds.), A theory of multicultural counseling and therapy (pp. 65–85).
Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole.
Oakland, T. (2005). Commentary #1: What is school psychology? In C. Frisby & C. Reynolds
(Eds.), Comprehensive handbook of multicultural school psychology (pp. 3–14). New York: Wiley.
Pedersen, P. (Ed.). (1991a). Multiculturalism as a fourth force in counseling [Special issue].
Journal of Counseling and Development, 70(1), 1–250.
Pedersen, P. (1991b). Multiculturalism as a generic approach to counseling. Journal of Counseling
and Development, 70(1), 6–12.
Sue, D. W., Carter, R., Casas, M., Fouad, N., Ivey, A., Jensen, M, et al. (1998). Multicultural
counseling competencies: Individual and organizational development. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.
Sue, D. W., Ivey, A., & Pedersen, P. (1996). A theory of multicultural counseling and therapy.
Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole.
Sue, D. W., & Torino, G. (2005). Racial-cultural competence: Awareness, knowledge, and skills.
In R. T. Carter (Ed.), Handbook of racial-cultural psychology and counseling: Vol. 2. Training
and practice (pp. 3–18). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.
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Chapter 2
Increasing Cultural Literacy:
Historical Perspectives and Cultural Characteristics of
Minority Groups
Elizabeth D. Palacios, PhD, LSSP, LPC
Baylor University
Pamala Trivedi, MA, MEd, NCSP
OBJECTIVES
1. To examine the norms and history within a variety of ethnic and minority groups, including
Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders, South Asian Americans, Arab Americans, African
Americans and African immigrants, Latinos/Chicanos, Native Americans/American Indians,
individuals of multiracial descent, and lesbian/gay/bisexual/transgendered individuals
2. To review cultural idioms, formal and informal interactions, phrases, and words that reflect
the diverse ethnic and minority groups
3. To gain knowledge, understanding, and appreciation of the similarities and differences in the
customs, values, and beliefs of the various ethnic and minority groups
INTRODUCTION
Cultural literacy is the knowledge, understanding, and appreciation of cultures and languages
reflected in diverse ethnic and minority groups. This chapter presents the history of various
groups, as well as the similarities and differences in beliefs, languages, and lifestyles. The authors
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attempt to bring to the forefront the importance of understanding how the world view of
individuals influence their language, behavior, and interpretation of their experiences.
Individuals who are culturally literate (a) value diversity, (b) demonstrate an appreciation and
sensitivity for other cultures, and (c) actively engage in learning and understanding the cultural
norms and traditions of diverse groups. To be effective school professionals, gaining cultural
literacy is not only desirable but also essential.
Schools are the crossroads between home life and mainstream America, but many times schools
can instead become barriers. With mainstream perspectives and expectations, students from
traditional ethnic backgrounds may become vulnerable and confused when interacting with
mainstream school professionals. According to John U. Ogbu (Noel, 2008), minority groups
encounter barriers in school because of community forces. In this model, school adjustment and
academic performance depend upon (a) the cultural model subscribed to by minority groups (their
understanding of the world and how they respond), (b) cultural/language frames of reference, (c) the
degree of trust, and (d) educational strategies that result from the characteristics listed above. All of
these factors result from a group’s historical experiences, present situation, and future outlook.
To address differences, it is imperative that students are viewed holistically (i.e., their
languages, values, beliefs, traditions, and behaviors are considered in the context of their cultural
and ethnic backgrounds). No one world view is shared among the vast collection of ethnic and
minority groups. As the different ethnic groups are discussed, it will be quite evident that diversity
is as great within ethnic groups as it is between them. Thus, traditional norms and shared world
views are addressed in this chapter with the understanding that within-group variation exists.
ASIAN AMERICANS AND PACIFIC ISLANDERS
Asian Americans are a diverse collection of ethnic groups with very different languages, cultures, and
immigration experiences. Within the Asian population, there are 43 ethnic groups—28 groups are
identified as Asian and 15 groups classified as Pacific Islander (Diller, 2007; Gibbs & Huang, 2003;
Sue & Sue, 2007b). For example, Asians comprise Asian Indians, Chinese, Filipinos, Koreans,
Japanese, and Vietnamese, whereas Pacific Islanders include individuals from Hawaii, Guam, and
Samoa. Chinese represent the largest Asian subgroup (2.7 million), with Filipinos the second largest
(2.4 million), followed by Asian Indians (1.9 million), Vietnamese (1.5 million), Koreans (1.2
million), and Japanese (1.1 million; Diller, 2007; Gibbs & Huang, 2003; Smith, 2004).
Historically, the Chinese first arrived in the United States in the 1840s, when they were
recruited as unskilled laborers to work in the gold mining and railroad industries. Because they
filled an economic need, they were tolerated as a group in the American mainstream. However, as
jobs became more competitive because of decreasing economic resources, Chinese workers became
targets for discrimination and social injustice. Japanese immigrants began arriving in large
numbers in the 1890s to work in the railroad industry, canneries, and mining. But many Japanese
also gravitated toward agriculture, where they were highly successful. Negative sentiments that had
previously been directed toward the Chinese were then channeled toward the Japanese. This was
most evident during World War II, when 110,000 Japanese Americans were incarcerated in
internment camps in the United States following Executive Order 9066, signed on February 19,
1942, by President Franklin D. Roosevelt.
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Chapter 2 Cultural Literacy
The next wave of Chinese immigration resulted after the fall of imperial China in 1911. With
the new structure in China, a new middle class emerged. Children of affluent families were sent to
America to obtain an education and return to China. Although they were immigrants to the
United States, they shared little else with the first wave of Chinese immigrants. They came from
wealthy families, spoke another dialect, were from large cities, and intended to return to China to
secure high-level positions. However, the Communist takeover in 1949 stranded many
immigrants (Gibbs & Huang, 2003). In the 1920s and 1930s, Filipinos were recruited to
develop California agriculture. In the early years, Asians were important to the development of a
young country. In 1965, the Immigration and Nationality Act discontinued legislated
discrimination and made way for yet another wave of Chinese immigrants arriving in the
United States, bringing both skilled and unskilled workers to the country. Although many of the
immigrants were well educated (some even spoke fluent English), they suffered from
underemployment (Gibbs & Huang, 2003). The immigrant professionals often took jobs well
below their training or degrees. Amid the diverse reception by Americans, Asian groups continued
to persevere. Eventually, a growing number of professionals became successful, although suffering
hardships along the way.
Asians as a whole have been successful economically and educationally. As a result, they have
often been referred to as the ‘‘model minority.’’ However, this overgeneralization often puts
children at risk of being overlooked, underserved, and misrepresented in American schools. This
myth also puts other minority groups at odds because of the erroneous belief that if one only
works hard enough, he or she will succeed, thus ‘‘blaming the victim’’ when other Asian subgroups
or other ethnic groups live in poverty.
Traditional Asian families are collectivistic in nature, stressing interdependence, while
American culture emphasizes individuality and competition. For example, the self is viewed in
relation to others; there is no concept of self as an individual separate from others. What might be
considered enmeshment and codependence by Western mental health practitioners are highly
valued attributes in Asian culture. Asians view the mind–body dualism of Western thought to be
segmented and simplistic. In contrast, a holistic view of body, mind, and spirit is emphasized.
Their language often blends psychological and physiological characteristics so that a child may
complain of a stomach ache when, in fact, he or she may be in emotional distress. It is imperative
to explore possible mental health issues when presented with somatic symptoms by a child or
family member (Smith, 2004).
Many traditional Asian families value and emphasize paternal hierarchy, authoritative
parenting, conformity, obedience, interdependence, clear gender roles, and avoidance of conflict
and shame. The father is the undisputed head of the family and responsible for the social and
economic well-being of the family; the mother is the nurturer and primary caregiver, often
discouraged from working outside the home; gender and birth position also come with certain
duties and responsibilities. When speaking with a traditional Asian family, it is respectful to speak
to the father first, then the mother, and then the children.
Male children are highly valued, while older daughters are expected to assist in caring for their
younger siblings. In teaching the familial values and expectations to their children, parents may
use shame or guilt or appeal to their sense of duty. The message is that children must not cause
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their family embarrassment, shame, or dishonor (Smith, 2004). Chinese Americans tend to
supervise their children closely and hold high expectations for achievement. Filipino Americans
may soothe, caress, and play affectionately with their infants, while Korean Americans may view
playing in this fashion as too informal and disrespectful between child and adult. Southeast Asian
American parents increase restrictions as their children grow older, emphasizing the expectation of
obedience, loyalty, and responsibility to the family. Although Asian American families may differ
in parenting styles within ethnic subgroups, they may differ as a group from mainstream American
parents, who view children as equal participants in the decision-making process, learning
experiences, and individuation process (Gibbs & Huang, 2003; Smith, 2004).
Interpersonal relationships and indirect communication are important to Asian families. For
instance, affect is restrictive and controlled, while the expression of emotions is considered a
weakness. If there is a concern, it is likely that it will be communicated in an indirect, nonverbal,
intuitive, implicit manner, rather than using the direct communication style that is emphasized in
Western culture. Filipino women demonstrate a nonconfrontational style of communication
toward others. Koreans use noonchi (measuring with eyes) when relying on their intuition about
others (Diller, 2007; Smith, 2004).
South Asian Americans
The South Asian community in the United States comprises people from Bangladesh, Bhutan,
India, the Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. People from India constitute the largest
South Asian group in the United States (U.S. Census, 2004). The South Asian American
community also reflects the history of often forced migration during British rule (until 1947), in
which colonial subjects from contemporary South Asia were sent as indentured laborers to
different parts of the British Empire, including the Caribbean, Africa, and the Pacific Islands.
South Asian languages include Hindi, Urdu, Punjabi, Gujarati, Bengali, Telugu Malayalam, and
Tamil, along with many other regional variants. The scattering of South Asians from their
traditional homeland is known as the diaspora. Another result of British colonialism in this region
is that immigrants from South Asia may speak English or may have been educated in their
countries of origin in English-medium schools, training that is mediated by socioeconomic status.
Proficiency in English places South Asian Americans as a whole—in comparison with other Asian
immigrants—in a clear position of privilege in the United States. In general, the higher level of
education of many South Asian immigrants provides access to industrial, service, and
technological sectors of the economy, and South Asian Americans tend to live in the major
urban areas where these jobs are located (Leonard, 1997). South Asian Americans predominantly
live in cities in California, Florida, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, and Texas (U.S. Census,
2004).
Individuals originally from the Indian subcontinent are officially designated Asian Indians in
the United States, yet the term South Asian constitutes a coalition identity that first came into
common use by scholars and activists in the 1980s (Purkayastha, 2005). Many individuals from
South Asia designate themselves by ethnonational terms, such as Indian, Pakistani, or Sri Lankan.
Within their own communities, South Asian Americans also refer to themselves as desis or deshis
(from the Hindi/Urdu word for someone or something ‘‘of the homeland’’). A related derogatory
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term used to describe at least second-generation South Asian Americans is ABCD—or American-
born, confused desi—emphasizing the cultural differences between people who may have recently
arrived from South Asia and those who have spent most of their lives in the United States or may
be second- or third-generation Americans.
South Asian migration first occurred during British colonial rule in the late 19th century, and
by 1905, it was documented that more than 5,000 South Asian men had entered the United
States. Many of these men originated from the rural Punjab region of what is now India and
worked in the lumber and farming industries of the west coast of the United States and Canada
(Takaki, 1989). Because of marital restrictions and statutes preventing the families of early male
settlers from migrating, Punjabi men experienced family life mainly through alliances with
Mexican women who also worked in the region, forming a multiracial community in California’s
Imperial Valley that anthropologist Karen Leonard (1992, 1997) has extensively researched. In
1965, legislation was passed that enabled the United States to fill the need for technical
manpower; consequently, a large influx of technical and professional workers (i.e., engineers,
doctors, and other professionals with advanced degrees) from Asia, South Asia, and the Middle
East were able to enter this country. The last wave of South Asian immigrants occurred after the
1990 Family Reunification Act was passed and included many working-class families and students
sponsored by relatives in the United States. Census data indicate that South Asian American
communities experienced tremendous growth between 1990 and 2000 (U.S. Census, 2004).
However, newer South Asian arrivals are not as well educated as previous immigrants and face
more challenges in attaining economic stability, shattering myths of the model minority.
Reflecting the changing demographics, the New York-based advocacy group South Asian
Americans Leading Together (SAALT, 2005) reports that an increasing number of new
immigrants speak English ‘‘less than very well,’’ and a growing number of South Asian American
families live below the poverty level.
As will be discussed in greater detail in the section in this chapter on Arab Americans, the
World Trade Center attacks on September 11, 2001—widely known as ‘‘9/11’’—have disrupted
immigration patterns and generally limited the mobility of (especially) Pakistani Americans. Since
9/11, more Pakistani foreign nationals have been deported from the United States than foreign
nationals from any other Muslim nation, resulting in palpable fear among people of Pakistani
descent, as well as in the South Asian American community at large (Nath, 2005), which school
staff should be sensitive about. Although the highest incidence of hate crimes occurred in the
months immediately following the attacks on the World Trade Centers, it is still essential for
psychologists, teachers, and other support staff in schools to recognize the uncertainty, fear, and
trepidation that continues to loom over many South Asian American families post-9/11.
Two major religions of South Asia are Hinduism and Islam. Other religions practiced in the
mosaic of South Asian American cultures are Buddhism, Jainism, Sikhism, Christianity, Judaism,
and the Zoroastrian religion practiced by Parsi communities. Prashad (2000) makes the important
point that Hinduism and Islam are construed very differently by the dominant American culture,
with Hinduism having been glorified in music, clothing, and food in a way that the Muslim faith
has not. Nevertheless, a diversity of religions informs South Asian American cultural beliefs, which
Almeida (2005) summarizes as follows: family as the basic unit of society, roles for family
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members during different parts of the life cycle, hierarchical organization, and a major role of
destiny or karma in daily life. Das and Kemp (1997) describe the traditional South Asian
American family as ‘‘large, flexible, and fluid’’ (p. 24), which extends far beyond the Western
construal of a bounded single household to include extended families across different households
and locations. Indian languages have many more words than Western languages to express precise
locations in extended family networks (e.g., a father’s sister in Bengali is referred to as pishi, while
a mother’s sister is referred to as maashi, instead of the blanket term aunt). In South Asian kinship,
cousins are akin to siblings, and people actually refer to their cousins as ‘‘cousin-brother’’ or
‘‘cousin-sister’’ into adulthood. Although this kinship network is inevitably disrupted when South
Asians migrate to the United States, parents may follow especially their adult sons, and South
Asian American families do sometimes have multiple generations living in the same house. Even in
the absence of close-knit family members living in proximity after migration, the second-
generation South Asian American young people that Purkayastha (2005) describes often refer to
their parents’ friends in South Asian American communities as ‘‘aunties and uncles’’—fictive kin
who can serve not only as a basis of support but also as strong enforcers of cultural norms,
reminding young people of the potential of their actions to bring shame upon the family. As is the
case in East and Southeast Asian American families, Mathews (2000) describes families in terms of
hierarchies with respect for age and acknowledgment of elders as a source of wisdom, advice, and
support. Mathews believes that this translates directly into school settings in which the expectation
is for school staff to serve as experts to guide families through interventions.
Though Pillari (2005) describes how intimate problems are discussed without qualms in the
networks of family and close friends in the South Asian American community, outside help is
reluctantly sought. Fortunately, to address sensitive issues of domestic violence or abuse that often
cannot be appropriately handled within families (that could also include abusers), culturally
congruent social service networks have sprung up in recent years, particularly in support of
victimized women. Organizations such as Sakhi (which means female friend) in New York,
Manavi (the name of a goddess) in New Jersey, and Chaya (shadow) in Seattle have been
invaluable in addressing the social-emotional and legal needs of women by providing support in
native languages by other South Asian American women—direct services that South Asian
American women were often not able to obtain from mainstream organizations. It is important for
school staff to be aware of, and able to refer families to, these groups.
South Asian American children are the object of much adoration, and mainstream American
practitioners may be taken aback by how far into childhood pampering and dependence are
encouraged in traditional South Asian American families. In spite of gender roles being strictly
defined in traditional South Asian American families, Das and Kemp (1997) report that girls as
well as boys are equally loved and indulged, though boys and girls may not have the same
responsibilities at home. Many South Asian American families believe that no sacrifice is too great
for their children’s education (Mathews, 2000), and children who don’t meet high expectations
for academic success have the potential of feeling guilty or worried about letting their parents
down. School psychologists evaluating Asian American and South Asian American children for
learning issues should be prepared to reduce the stigma associated with developmental or learning
delays for both children and parents. In a study examining adaptive strategies among South Asian
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American parents of children with developmental disabilities, Raghavan, Weisner, and Patel
(1999) found that open discussions about a child’s disabilities were often very difficult for families
and that South Asian families in the United States felt lonely and unsupported by members of
their communities. Pillari (2005) notes that love and caring are often the basis for parent–child
relationships and for working through intergenerational conflict and struggles with acculturation.
Some of these issues are demonstrated by the following case scenario.
CASE SCENARIO: KOIRALA FAMILY
The Koirala family emigrated from Nepal to the Pacific Northwest two years ago. Their ninth-grade
daughter, Lipika, has recently been referred to the school psychologist because of poor performance in her
math class. When Lipika and her father arrive for the appointment, the school psychologist, also of South
Asian descent, is wary of the possibility that Mr. Koirala may not feel comfortable talking personally with
a woman. Her fears are allayed as Mr. Koirala greets her warmly, using her formal surname and extending
his hand, apologizing that his wife Usha could not attend the meeting because of work. The family is
thanked for coming, and Mr. Koirala is again apologetic, noting this time that the meeting was difficult to
arrange because of his full-time work and part-time English classes. ‘‘You know, all for the benefit of my
children,’’ Mr. Koirala sighs, glancing sternly at Lipika, who rolls her eyes in silent protest. ‘‘Here we go
again,’’ she shrugs. ‘‘At home, I have a good job, but here, no English, no job. . . . I never had English-
medium [schooling] like these people,’’ Mr. Koirala laments, again gesturing toward his now stone-faced
daughter. ‘‘Baba, this is supposed to be about me,’’ Lipika declares resolutely. ‘‘Yes,’’ Mr. Koirala continues,
‘‘we come all the way to this country, and she doesn’t study. I told her and—I don’t know how you can
convince her—there are very good teachers and also computers. I like this very much; if I was a child, I
would go there, very good—’’ Lipika angrily interrupts, ‘‘Baba, I do go there, but I need my time. All you do
is force me to do things like chores and going to temple on the weekend, and I don’t get to see any of my
friends from school!’’ His voice lowers as he uses a Nepali term for affection: ‘‘Maiyan [Princess], we all got
to help here. Me and Ma, we have to work—’’ Mr. Koirala’s voice trails off sadly, as Lipika softens and
matches his more hushed tone. ‘‘I know, Baba, but I have to do a lot of things, like cooking and cleaning,
that Rajendra [her 11-year old brother] doesn’t.’’ Mr. Koirala looks at the school psychologist and replies,
with an air of resignation: ‘‘She is in her room, writing notes to her friends, reading novels, but I want her
to come down and guide her brother if I am working, if I don’t have time.’’ Lipika takes a deep breath.
‘‘Baba, I told you, I will come down, but I need my space, and I need my privacy.’’
REFLECTION
Collaborative work with Lipika and her father was predicated on an understanding of South Asian
American frameworks of autonomy, interconnectedness, and gender roles. Sue and Sue (2007b) describe
an ‘‘acculturation gap’’ (p. 368) between Asian American immigrant parents and their children, which
could result in parents feeling that they are at a complete loss as to how to interact with their children. In
proceeding with this case, it was helpful to acknowledge Mr. Koirala’s different background, particularly
the fact that the ‘‘privacy’’ and ‘‘space’’ his daughter sought were completely inconsistent with his own
experiences as a child. In addition, Lipika was given opportunities to discuss her desire to spend more
time with her friends and to see a more equitable distribution of chores and responsibilities between
herself and her brother, all against the backdrop of South Asian and American expectations. Throughout
their interactions, the school psychologist was struck by the general ethic of love and caring, which was
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more important to this father than the cultural norms surrounding the role of his daughter (compared
with that of his son) in the household. Mr. Koirala eventually displayed flexibility in reaching
compromises with his daughter over the amount of time she wanted to spend away from the family and
the responsibilities that each of his children had to take on in the household.
This case scenario highlights some of the important considerations for school professionals working
with South Asian American families. School personnel should continue to keep in mind that almost any
problem is unique to a particular family and take into account factors such as their migration history and
experience with Western colonialism, region of origin in South Asia, level of education in their native
country, degree of social or familial support in the United States, religious beliefs, and levels of
acculturation.
ARAB AMERICANS
Arab Americans come from countries in the Middle East where the Arabic language has been
traditionally spoken. However, Arabic is not the primary language of all of the countries in the
Middle East. For example, people from Iran speak Farsi and are referred to historically in the West
as Persian—so not all peoples from the Middle East are referred to as Arabs. Arabs constitute a
diverse mixture of people from a variety of language dialects, climates, landscapes, and
socioeconomic levels—from oil-rich to developing countries of the region. The 22 Arabic-
speaking countries are Algeria, Bahrain, Comoros, Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait,
Lebanon, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan,
Syria, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates, and Yemen. People from Arab countries are sometimes
designated by national origin, such as Egyptian American. According to a human services
organization in southeastern Michigan, the Arab American and Chaldean Council (ACC), there
are close to 3.5 million Arab Americans in the United States, and of those, as many as 500,000 are
concentrated in Detroit (Michigan) and its suburbs, the largest population of Arabs outside the
Middle East (ACC, 2008). According to the 2000 Census, other major Arab American
communities in the United States have been established in California, Florida, New Jersey, and
New York. Although many Westerners believe that all Arabs are Muslims, only 20% of Muslims
are Arabs (Suleiman, 2000), and the majority of Arabs in America actually practice Christianity
(Zogby, 2001). One of the largest groups of immigrants considered under the broad category of
Arab Americans are Chaldeans, Iraqi Christians who speak Arabic in addition to a version of
Aramaic. The Chaldean community has much in common with the Arab American Muslim
community (Hakim-Larson, Kamoo, Nassar-McMillan, & Porcerelli, 2007).
Arab Americans have had a historical presence in the United States since the late 19th century,
and three major waves of Arab immigration to the United States have been identified: 1880 to
1914, post-World War II to the 1960s, and 1967 to September 11, 2001 (Abu-Baker, 2006; Al-
Hazza & Lucking, 2005). Christians from what was then considered the Ottoman Empire (and is
now Syria and Lebanon) predominantly constituted the first wave of Arabs who migrated to the
United States for a combination of political, economic, and religious reasons. The second wave of
immigration was characterized by Palestinian immigrants displaced by the establishment of the
country of Israel. Political upheaval was also a common factor for Egyptian and Iraqi immigrants
who settled in the United States during the post-World War II era. The onset of the third influx of
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Arab immigrants was marked by the Egyptian defeat by Israel in the Six-Day War in 1967, and it
largely ended with the heightened suspicion of the Arab world in the wake of 9/11 (a
phenomenon that we also discussed in this chapter with respect to South Asian Americans). In
addition to being victims of war and unrest, many of the later Arab immigrants of the 1960s and
1970s were educated elites seeking higher education and professional opportunities in the United
States. The last national immigrant group to arrive in the United States from the Arab world was
Iraqis, who established themselves in the United States after both the Iran–Iraq War (1980–1988)
and the First Gulf War—a primarily United States–led incursion in the early 1990s—with only a
scant number of Iraqis granted entry to the United States to date since the 2003 Iraq War. Nassar-
McMillan and Hakim-Larson (2003) document the heart-wrenching plight of wartime refugees in
the United States—particularly Iraqis and Lebanese immigrants who survived a 20-year civil war. The
experience of wartime refugees (Hakim-Larson et al., 2007; Jamil et al., 2007; Nassar-McMillan &
Hakim-Larson, 2003) often involves trauma, broken family ties, and severe economic instability that
is linked to anxiety, depression, and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD).
Stereotyping in the media and popular culture and repeated attempts to deport Arab
American activists who are naturalized U.S. citizens are among the injustices that resonated for
Arab Americans, who felt disenfranchised even before 9/11 (Cainkar, 2002). Given this
inhospitable climate, to support Arab American families and children, school staff should be aware
of the psychological effects of discrimination, inform themselves of antidiscrimination policies,
and address stereotypical views that exist in the school setting. The American-Arab Anti-
Discrimination Committee (2008) also suggests that another way to counteract pervasive negative
images of Arab Americans is for school staff to be conscientious about including accurate
information in multicultural curricula about the many historical contributions to the arts and
sciences by Arab civilizations and about the Arab American presence in the United States.
Nydell (2006) highlights some of the values of traditional Arab American communities that
are influenced by Islamic traditions. These traditional values include (a) the importance of dignity,
honor, and reputation; (b) a loyalty to family that takes precedence over personal needs; (c) belief
in God and acknowledgment of His power; (d) the lack of human control over events,
accompanied by the belief that events are predetermined or a matter of faith; and (e) piety as an
ideal. Dwairy (2006) elaborates on traditional beliefs by emphasizing the importance of collectivist
thinking and interdependence, in which the more individualistic pursuits of competition and self-
fulfillment are overridden. Collectivist ethics influence parenting, which tends to be more
authoritarian and emphasizes self-sacrifice in pursuit of familial cohesion—as is also the case with
Latino American and Asian American families. Given the preeminence of family in Arab
American life, it has been suggested that school and mental health professionals make inroads
through empathetic communication with parents before working with children or suggesting any
changes in parenting style (Hakim-Larson et al., 2007). Arab American families are patriarchal,
and in traditional families, it is likely that beginning in adolescence, more restrictions will be
imposed on girls as opposed to those on their male counterparts—which may create conflicts in
families adjusting to life in the United States. Emotional support and security are largely provided
by the extended Arab American family, and in most cases, familial supports will be exhausted
before individuals seek outside help (Nassar-McMillan & Hakim-Larson, 2003).
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CASE SCENARIO: ZAINAB
Zainab, a fourth-grade girl, and her 8-year-old brother, Sameer, attend a predominantly White, upper-
middle-class school in western Washington. They are the only people of Middle Eastern descent in their
elementary school. Zainab’s father, Saleem Edwan, an engineer, immigrated to the United States when
he was completing his graduate education. Zainab’s mother, Nasreen, immigrated to the United States
as a teenager after her father was offered a job in Seattle. The Edwans consider themselves Palestinian
Americans, in spite of the lack of existence of a Palestinian state or homeland. From his wife’s account,
Mr. Edwan is ‘‘obsessed with news from home’’ and often discusses the political situation of the Middle
East quite openly at home. Mrs. Edwan admits that it ‘‘could sometimes be upsetting for them; my
husband is very passionate!’’ Having attended high school and college in the United States, Mrs. Edwan
(who insisted on being called ‘‘Nasreen’’) considers herself more ‘‘Westernized’’ than her husband. She
has abandoned the traditional hijab (head scarf) that her mother still wears and believes that it is
important for her children to be exposed to both American and Palestinian values, as she did during her
young adulthood. Zainab and her brother go to Arabic lessons at a local mosque, although the family
does not attend services regularly or consider themselves to be particularly religious. Zainab was referred
to the school psychologist by her teacher and mother because of a sudden refusal to go to recess and
affiliate with many other children in unstructured time throughout the school day. Instead of spending
time with other children at school, Zainab’s teacher reports her asking to help in classrooms with
younger children or the library at lunch and recess and when she has free time. Zainab has recently
declined talking about school with her parents, though she has continued to assert that she wants to be a
kindergarten teacher when she grows up. After several meetings, Zainab finally shared that several
children had begun to harass her on the playground, calling her ‘‘terrorist’’ and admonishing her to ‘‘go
back to Iraq where you belong.’’ Clearly very upset about these incidents, a tearful Zainab indicated that
she did not want to share this information with adults at school because she was concerned that it would
‘‘really upset my Dad; he knows this always happens to people from Palestine.’’
The school psychologist had Zainab role-play different scenarios during which she could address
accusations and questions from classmates, thus taking on a teaching role with which Zainab was quite
happy. She was able to discuss her parents’ family histories of migration in a safe space, and the school
psychologist took many opportunities to validate Zainab’s progress in learning Arabic. The school
psychologist was able to follow up with a family meeting that encouraged Zainab to communicate with
her parents about things that were bothering her, even if the information was upsetting. This individual
work with Zainab was augmented by a fourth-grade-wide curricular intervention about the Middle East,
delivered by very willing teachers in consultation with the school psychologist.
REFLECTION
It is clear that to effectively engage with Arab American youth, educational professionals should increase
their cultural literacy about the well-established and diverse population that constitutes Arab Americans.
As was the case with Zainab and her family, sometimes the approach for connecting with Arab
Americans requires individual and class- or school-wide interventions that require coordination among
staff members who have to be willing to identify their own attitudes about Islam and Arabs (Sue & Sue,
2007a), a prospect that may be more daunting at a time when events in the Middle East have such a
significant impact on the lives of Americans. As always, practitioners must be willing to collaborate with
families in obtaining accurate information about each child’s or family’s belief system and history.
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AFRICAN AMERICANS
African Americans in the United States make up the second largest minority group in the United
States today. The term African American includes persons of African descent who were born in the
United States. But this term also includes persons from the West Indies, Central and South
America, and the Caribbean who do not identify as Caucasian, Asian, Hispanic, or Native
American (Smith, 2004). The terms Black and African American have traditionally been used
interchangeably. The younger generation often chooses the term African American, whereas the
older generation prefers Black. Black is also a preferred term used among the college-educated and
affluent, as well as in rural areas in the south (Smith, 2004). In this chapter, the authors use these
terms interchangeably. As with any other ethnic group, within-group differences are just as varied
as the differences between ethnic groups in respect to skin color, education, language,
socioeconomic status, religion, traditions, food, and celebrations.
Historically, the first Africans arrived in 1619 as indentured servants and were not
differentiated much from other indentured servants at that time. But between 1650 and 1700,
laws and tobacco cultivation changed—resulting in centuries of slavery. Even with the
emancipation of slaves in 1862, many more years of exploitation, misery, and discrimination
followed. Much of the dismantling of Black families during slavery resulted in a loss of native
customs, languages, values, and beliefs. Today, the overrepresentation of Black families
experiencing economic, educational, and social inequities remains a challenge.
African American children face a daily dichotomy of cultures: the African American culture
found at home and in their neighborhoods and the White mainstream America. For some, their
worlds do not differ much because they may attend inner-city schools where minority students are
the majority (Noel, 2008). But for others, children must learn to navigate between the
expectations of home life and those of school (Baruth & Manning, 2007). Societal inequities and
injustices have negatively impacted children’s self-concept and how they view others from their
own ethnic group. It is not surprising that children may arrive at school with feelings or beliefs of
cultural inferiority. Henry Trueba, theologian and anthropologist, describes the dynamics of
cultural transmission through families, schools, and communities as constantly being
reinterpreted, re-created, and reshaped (Noel, 2008). With this in mind, school psychologists
can intervene and empower their students through cultural understanding and self-awareness of
the psychologists’ own biases.
In spite of years of oppression, discrimination, segregation, and deprivation, however, the
African American legacy continues to be rich in culture, traditions, and achievement. African
Americans continue to achieve significant gains while contributing to literature, science, music,
education, entertainment, and many more facets of society. Traditionally, Black families value
extended family networks of relatives and nonrelated individuals. It is not unusual for parents to
send their child to live with other relatives to diffuse conflicts or simply to change the
environment. Family networks may include uncles, aunts, ‘‘Big Mamas,’’ older brothers and
sisters, deacons, preachers, and other nonrelated trusted individuals. This practice originated
during the time when African ancestors were brought from Africa to the United States as slaves.
Families were broken up and thus dependent on both blood- and non-blood-related individuals to
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form new family units (Smith, 2004). Older siblings are expected to help with parental
responsibilities while parents are working or needing assistance with younger siblings. African
American couples are more egalitarian in responsibilities and roles in the areas of working outside
the home and rearing children, but within the context of a patriarchal society. Most Caribbean-
and African-born Blacks tend to adhere to the more traditional roles, in which the males are
viewed as the head of the household and responsible for providing and protecting the family. The
females assume the roles of caring for the children and are responsible for their family’s emotional
well-being.
Spirituality is a fundamental support for African Americans, whereby the church provides
spiritual, psychological, emotional, political, and familial guidance and support. The ‘‘Black
Church’’ (referring to many denominations whose membership is predominantly African
American) historically has been a place where many individuals sought refuge from the harshness
of racism and discrimination; were educated and learned to read; and received resources,
assistance, and services. It is understandable that many African American families embrace the
concept of community as a collectivist identity wherein resources, knowledge, services, and
support are shared. Similarly, cultural celebrations (such as Kwanzaa) and traditions are taught to
their children to instill the aforementioned values and foster pride.
AFRICAN IMMIGRANTS
There are approximately 600,000 African immigrants in the United States today, mostly from
Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Ghana, Nigeria, Somalia, and South Africa. Most often Africans live in
urban areas such as Atlanta, Houston, Minneapolis, New York, Washington (DC), and other
large cities. African immigrants have a higher level of educational attainment than any other
immigrant group in the United States. Most African immigrants come from Nigeria, followed by
Ethiopia, Ghana, and South Africa. Because of the diversity of nations, language, and culture,
there is no single identity (‘‘African Immigrants in the United States Are the Nation’s Most
Highly Educated Group,’’ 2006) ascribed to African immigrants.
LATINO AND CHICANO AMERICANS
The Latino American population is the largest minority group in the United States today. In this
section of the chapter, the focus is on three of the major Latino ethnic groups: Mexican
Americans, Puerto Rican Americans, and Cuban Americans. Although these groups share a
common language, they each have different histories, sociopolitical influences, and economic
resources (Gibbs & Huang, 2003; Santiago-Rivera, Arredondo, & Gallardo-Cooper, 2002).
Within the Latino American population, there is much diversity in culture, traditions, food,
music, and even vocabulary, although the shared language is Spanish. To attempt one description
or overview would be a simplification and perpetuation of stereotypes.
The terms Hispanic, Latino, and Chicano will be used interchangeably, but take note that these
terms are not accepted by all groups. In some parts of the country, individuals prefer to self-
identify with their specific ethnic group, such as Mexican Americans. The term Hispanic was
created in 1978 by the U.S. government to include any ‘‘person of Mexican, Puerto Rican,
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Cuban, Central or South American, or other Spanish culture of origin’’ (Gibbs & Huang, 2003;
Santiago-Rivera, Arredondo, & Gallardo-Cooper, 2002). The term comes from Spain, excluding
people from Latin America with indigenous roots. The common characteristic of these groups is
the Spanish language. Some Latino American groups in various parts of the country may view the
term Hispanic as controversial, demeaning, and a gross overgeneralization of diverse races,
ethnicity, history, religion, foods, and traditional cultures found among Latino American groups.
This overgeneralization has perpetuated the belief that Hispanic refers to an ethnicity rather than a
linguistic grouping (Spanish).
The Latino American population in places such as southwestern Colorado and the northern
part of New Mexico uses the word Hispano, reflecting its origins from Spain. The term Latino, in
contrast to Hispanic, is more inclusive of Latin American countries, especially those whose native
language is not Spanish (e.g., people of Brazilian descent who speak Portuguese). The term Latino
(Latina for females) is growing in popularity and acceptance among U.S.-born Latinos (Santiago-
Rivera et al., 2002).
Latino American groups have been part of U.S. history since the U.S. war with Mexico of
1846–1848. However, people of Spanish-Mexican-Indian ancestry settled in the United States
long before the arrival of Euro Americans. Along with Native Americans, Mexican Americans
emerged into the American society through direct conquest of their homelands. Most of the
Mexican American citizens were either Indians or Spanish Indians (mestizos). Mestizo is a Spanish
term that refers to people with a mixture of European (usually Spanish) and indigenous ancestry
living in the region of Latin America. Most people in the Americas would be identified as mestizo,
based on the history of the European conquest of Mexico and the Caribbean, which resulted in
intermarriage with the indigenous peoples (McLemore & Romo, 2004). The conflict here is the
identity development paradigm: Many bicultural or multiracial people face the idea that they must
assimilate into the dominant/mainstream American culture. Individuals with mestizo heritage also
face discrimination within their groups. Mestizo individuals with more European or Caucasian
features enjoy more benefits and privileges than the darker-skinned counterparts. This is evident
in Latino American television anchors; sitcom and soap opera actors; and successful Latino
American performers, business leaders, government officials, and others (McLemore & Romo,
2004).
Since the 1980s, U.S. politicians, demographers, educators, economists, labor leaders, and
others have proclaimed that Latino Americans would soon be the majority minority group. Some
forecasted that this would happen by 2050 in states such as California, Florida, Illinois, New
York, and Texas. However, it seems that 2025 would be more accurate if the Latino American
population continues to grow faster than predicted. Although Mexican Americans have
historically lived in the Southwest and Midwest, they now also live in southeastern states like
Georgia and South Carolina. Similarly, Puerto Rican Americans and Cuban Americans are no
longer primarily in the Northeast and Southeast, respectively, but are now moving west. Central
and South Americans can now be found in great numbers in eastern metropolitan areas such as
Boston, Chicago, New York, Philadelphia, and Washington (DC), in addition to Albuquerque,
Denver, Kansas City, Los Angeles, and San Antonio, where there are typically large Latino
American populations (Valverde, 2008).
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Mexican Americans
Mexican Americans, also known as Chicanos and Tejanos, are historically the oldest and largest of
all Latino American groups in the United States, with an estimated 20 million persons residing in
the United States (Gibbs & Huang, 2003; Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002). Chicano/Chicana refers to
a native-born American of Mexican descent, as opposed to Mexican natives living in the United
States. This term was widely used during the Civil Rights Movement and was also reflective of
political and social issues and fighting for social justice. In Texas, the term Tejanos has been used
since the days of the Texas Revolution, when Tejanos living in Texas joined forces with the White
settlers to fight against the Mexican government (Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002).
A disproportionate number of Mexican Americans live in poverty. Mexican Americans make
up a large portion of the labor force, often holding as many as two or three jobs, yet their poverty
rate is four times as high as their White counterparts. Barrios are communities largely made up of
Mexican Americans and Mexican immigrants. Cholos and pachucos are terms often associated with
gang-related youth or youth rebelling against both Mexican and American cultures (Gibbs &
Huang, 2003; McLemore & Romo, 2004).
Puerto Rican Americans
Puerto Rican Americans are the second largest Latino American group in the United States, with
approximately 3 million people. This group may refer to itself as Boricua, which is derived from the
word Borinquen, the name given to the island by the aboriginal Taino Indians (Santiago-Rivera et
al., 2002). Many Puerto Ricans migrated to the United States in pursuit of economic survival
during the Great Migration (1946–1964). During 1972–1977, a second wave of migration
occurred, referred to as the Revolving Door Migration because of the circular pattern of migrating.
During the Reagan administration, however, the migration characteristics changed from those
seeking economic relief to those seeking economic gain. This migrant population comprised highly
skilled professionals, graduate students, and professionals with skills to offer (Gibbs & Huang,
2003). Today, about 30% of the population lives in New York, where many may refer to
themselves as Nuyorican, which reflects their love and pride for both New York and Puerto Rican
cultures. Another 35% of Puerto Rican Americans reside in Connecticut, New Jersey, and
Massachusetts, and about 20% in Florida. The remaining 15% of the population is found in the
Midwest and the West, such as Chicago and Los Angeles (Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002).
Cuban Americans
Cuban Americans are the third largest Latino American group, with an estimated 1.3 million
people. Cuba and Puerto Rico share similar experiences that began with the arrival of the Spanish
conquerors. The two islands endured oppression, slavery, and colonialism (Gibbs & Huang, 2003;
Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002). The first wave of migration from Cuba comprised mostly well-
educated, upper-class, and fair-skinned Cubans. They were quick to transition into mainstream
society because of their professional skills, education, and light skin. The second wave of emigration
from Cuba was during the Cuban missile crisis in 1962, and these Cubans were also well received and
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granted substantial U.S. aid. Americans were eager to assist those fleeing from Communist
dictatorship. However, in 1994, the United States experienced a huge wave of emigration (a mass
departure) from Cuba because of economic instability caused by the economic collapse of the Soviet
Union. These Cubans were not well received by Americans, and fewer resources were afforded the
Cubans on arrival. Approximately 65% of all Cuban Americans live in Florida, mostly in Miami,
with a substantial number of others living in California, New Jersey, and New York. Unlike the
Mexican Americans and Puerto Rican Americans, Cuban Americans are steadily declining. In the
1970s, Cuban Americans made up 6% of the total Latino American population, but today, Cuban
Americans make up only 4.3% (U.S. Census, 2000; Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002).
Central Americans
Approximately 2 million Central Americans are U.S. residents. Central America is made up of
Belize, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Panama. Many arrive in
the United States seeking asylum from war-torn countries. The style of war was characterized as
small-scale guerilla-style warfare. Others are fleeing from poverty, violence, political terror,
earthquakes, hurricanes, and civil unrest. Many immigrants come with the hope of returning to
their home country as soon as la situacion (the situation) improves. Central Americans are about
5% of the Latino American population and are mostly found in the southern (35%), northeastern
(32%), and western (28%) parts of the United States.
Understanding the shared history of conquest and colonization helps one understand the
traditionally held values, beliefs, and attitudes of Latino Americans. Although the different Latino
American groups originate from diverse geographical areas; have diverse reasons for leaving their
homelands; and demonstrate a variety of dialects, foods, and cultures, there are commonalities among
the groups. A majority of the population is Catholic, although other religions and denominations are
growing within this group, especially Protestant evangelical denominations. Another shared
characteristic is the importance of family (Gibbs & Huang, 2003), which stems from the social,
emotional, psychological, and financial support that the family provides. It is a collectivist world view
in which the welfare of all is more important than the welfare of the individual.
Language is important to the identity of the family. Spanish is often spoken in first-generation
homes by parents, grandparents, and young children. By the time that children reach school age,
their Spanish begins to dwindle while English takes its place. It is important when assessing
bilingual children to establish whether the child has substantive language development in either
English or Spanish. It is difficult to assess a child in Spanish when he or she has not developed
basic language skills. Bilingual school psychologists are most helpful in this area. However, it is
imperative that the school psychologist be trained in a bilingual school psychologist program and
demonstrate proficiency in a second language (Palacios, Martinez, & Ridley, in press).
Familismo refers to the value of family; the shared responsibility for child rearing, decision
making, and financial and emotional support; and the interdependence between family
members within and across generations (Gibbs & Huang, 2003; Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002).
The mother plays an important role within the home by providing nurturance, guidance,
gender/cultural identity development, and cultural expectations. Godparents (compadres) are
expected to assist in childrearing, along with the extended family, including grandparents
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(abuelos). Although the three major Latino American groups differ in traditional values, they
share many concepts and gender expectations. For instance, the expectation that the male will
protect, provide for, and take responsibility for his family is called machismo. In the American
use of this term, machismo refers to a sexist, male-chauvinistic behavior. However, because of
the connotation of an abusive and controlling relationship with a woman, this meaning is in
direct contrast to the Latino definition of the concept as a role of protector and provider.
Marianismo is used to describe the woman as ‘‘virtuous and humble, yet spiritually stronger
than men’’ (Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002, p. 49).
The value of respect (respeto) is evident in the interaction between younger and older
generations, females and males, or social positions, with deference to those with more hierarchical
status as defined by tradition. Simpatia refers to the value of cooperation and harmony, pleasantly
working interdependently while trying to avoid unnecessary conflict. Personalismo is described as
an attitude, communication style, and interpersonal skill that is warm, friendly, personal,
respectful, and sincere. These concepts are important to understand when greeting family
members and interacting with students (Diller, 2007; Gibbs & Huang, 2003; Santiago-Rivera et
al., 2002; Smith, 2004). It would not be surprising if a practitioner were greeted with a hug or kiss
on the cheek by a family member. Another form of affection and acceptance may be the offering
of a gift. To refuse the gift may be considered a personal rejection. This practice may be contrary
to ethics in the field of psychology, but culturally, it could cause severe damage to the relationship.
Confianza (confidence/trust) refers to the establishment of trust and familiarity in a relationship
(Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002). All of these attributes contribute to the belief in, and valuing of, an
interdependent relationship with the family and community, especially the schools. For this
reason, it would not be uncommon for the whole family to participate in a parent–teacher
conference, consultation, or meeting. The parents may bring a trusted elder to a meeting with a
school administrator and/or school psychologist.
When working with a student from a lower socioeconomic background, there are some beliefs
that may influence the school professional’s level of understanding and effectiveness with the
student. For instance, illness may be attributed to supernatural forces such as mal de ojo (the evil eye).
This may manifest itself through high fever, inability to sleep, crying, and headaches (Gibbs &
Huang, 2003; Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002). Some families may prefer to seek help from folk healers
such as curanderos (Mexican), santeros (Cuban), or espiritistas (Puerto Rican). These folk healers may
utilize special ointments, rituals, prayers, herbal teas, or other methods to treat ailments brought
before them. Oftentimes, families will give more credence and faith to the folk healers than to
physicians and other mental health professionals. When working with poor or traditional families, it
is helpful to ask whether they are utilizing other sources of support and see how they can be used in
conjunction with the services provided by the schools. More often than not, they do not conflict. But
it is best to have school professionals aware of what resources the families are using and
acknowledging that such support mechanisms are valid contributors to the functioning of the family.
Immigrants are most at risk for underutilizing mental health resources because of the language
barrier and (sometimes) their lack of documentation. The fear of being deported is another deterrent
that many undocumented families face. If services are provided to immigrant families without any
questions, the distrust and resistance to working with outsiders may lessen, although still remain.
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CASE SCENARIO: OLGA
Olga, a 15-year-old Mexican American female, was referred for frequent panic attacks to the school
psychologist, who is also a Latina American. Olga would hyperventilate in class two or three times a
week. The parents explained that she was going through some tough times with the loss of her best
friend, who died unexpectedly earlier that year. The school’s students were predominantly Mexican
American. In talking with Olga’s teachers, there was no pattern to her panic attacks. She would leave the
class and stand by the door until her attack subsided. She had learned some relaxation techniques and
was able to weather the attacks without causing too much disruption in class. In a meeting with the
school psychologist, Olga reported sometimes seeing her deceased friend and felt that her friend was
watching over her. She believed that her friend was trying to say goodbye, but that she could not
because she was worried about her. The school psychologist and Olga discussed her relationship with her
parents, her teachers, and her deceased friend. She described her family as a ‘‘typical’’ Mexican American
family who spoke Spanish at home, were very close, and did not like to talk about their problems outside
the family. She liked most of her teachers and felt embarrassed when the panic attacks occurred. When
she spoke of her friend, her demeanor changed. She spoke in a quiet voice and noticeably shrank into her
chair. She described her friend as the ‘‘brave one’’ of the two. Her friend had been fun, outgoing, and not
afraid of anything. Olga reported that one day her friend did not feel well and went home from school.
Several days later, she was taken to the hospital and died later that week of pneumonia. Olga felt guilty
that she did not go to the hospital to see her. Olga believed that is why she started having panic attacks.
REFLECTION
As soon as the case was assigned, the school psychologist immediately called the parents to introduce
herself. She met with both the father and mother the following week. It was important to establish trust
(confianza) so that the parents would support the school psychologist’s work with Olga. The father
believed that his daughter was indeed sad about her friend, but that the anxiety attacks were not
authentic. The mother believed that her daughter was being haunted by her friend’s ghost. Therapy
centered on Olga’s feelings of anxiety, guilt, and belief that her friend was still with her because she had
not said goodbye. It was important at this point to acknowledge her belief in seeing her deceased friend
while at the same time assessing that she did not present with any psychopathology. In Latino culture, it
is commonly believed that you may see a loved one soon after his or her death. Olga was able to work
through her grief and anxiety. Family support was established, while at the same time holding Olga
accountable for practicing techniques for addressing her anxiety. Her mother admitted to having the
same anxiety problems. Olga quickly started sharing her knowledge with her mother, which set up Olga
as the ‘‘expert.’’ Soon after, Olga did not see her friend any longer and believed that she had been able to
say goodbye. Her anxiety attacks diminished, and her relationship improved with her parents.
AMERICAN INDIANS
As with other ethnic populations, there is much diversity among American Indians. The terms
Native American and American Indian have been used interchangeably, but no one label has
been fully accepted. The term Native American was first introduced in the 1960s and 1970s by
the government in hopes that this term would be more accurate and free from negative
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connotations; however, it has not been accepted as successfully as anticipated because of the
exclusion of other Indian groups (e.g., Eskimos or Aleuts). According to some activists for the
American Indian Movement, American Indian is more accurate and widely accepted among
American Indians. American Indian refers to all Native American people, as well as Alaska
Natives, Aleuts, Eskimos, and metis (persons of mixed blood; Gibbs & Huang, 2003; Paniagua,
2005).
For the past three centuries, American Indians have battled wars, diseases, genocide, poverty,
relocation, isolation, oppression, racism, and discrimination. Many of today’s American Indian
tribes have vanished as a result of the destruction of families, culture, language, and traditions. In
spite of these assaults, the American Indian population has survived and has begun its way back to
reclaiming its language, culture, customs, traditions, and way of life (Diller, 2007; Gibbs &
Huang, 2003; McLemore & Romo, 2004; Smith, 2004). Between 1960 and 1990, American
Indians increased by 255%. From 1990 to 2000, the American Indian population grew another
32% (Smith, 2004).
In the United States and Canada, there are 561 federally recognized tribes with 210 distinct
tribal languages (Smith, 2004). Some reasons that have been offered to account for the rise in the
number of American Indians include (a) the census counting has improved; (b) birthrates have
increased and mortality rates decreased; and (c) American Indian tribes have moved toward
claiming their heritages, languages, and identities in an effort to strengthen and build up their
culture. According to the 2000 U.S. Census, 2.5 million individuals identified themselves as
‘‘American Indian and Alaska Native only,’’ while another 1.6 million persons identified with
‘‘American Indian and at least one other race.’’ Most American Indians and Alaska Natives live in
six U.S. states: Alaska, Arizona, California, New Mexico, Oklahoma, and Washington.
Approximately 37% of the total American Indian population lives on reservations, 300 of which
have fewer than 1,000 Indian residents (Paniagua, 2005).
Family life may differ across tribes and for those living on reservations versus those who do not.
Individuals who have assimilated into mainstream America generally share the attributes of the
dominant culture. However, in traditional families, often those found on reservations, family is
important and highly valued. Children are regarded as beloved gifts and are taught to respect nature.
Childrearing is informal. Time does not dictate one’s schedule, and it is oriented toward the present
rather than toward future events and deadlines. Autonomy is highly valued, and children are expected
to make their own decisions at an early age. Extended-family members are expected to be involved in
sharing responsibilities of childrearing, so it is not uncommon for a child to be disciplined by an aunt,
uncle, or grandparent if there is trouble at school (Smith, 2004). In some tribes, such as the Hopi, it is
the wife’s brother—rather than the father—who is expected to carry the primary responsibility for
educating the sons (Diller, 2007). The communal world view is also evident: Young people are
expected to consult the tribal group when making vocational decisions.
As with Latino Americans and African Americans, spirituality is fundamental to American
Indian cultures. The shared beliefs that all things are interdependent and that balance and
harmony are fundamental to the universe are held sacred by American Indians. Traditional
healers (shamans) are responsible for teaching and guiding tribal members. Great importance is
placed on sharing and giving away personal possessions, rather than collecting and keeping them
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for oneself. Material objects are merely a means, rather than an end. Cooperation and
interpersonal harmony are always preferred over conflict, competition, and discord (Diller,
2007). When communicating, listening is highly valued, as opposed to idle chatting. Therefore,
silence may be indicative that the person is collecting his or her thoughts before speaking.
Although it may be often quite uncomfortable for mainstream American individuals, it is not
uncommon just to have a few minutes of silence when speaking to an American Indian family
member. American Indians are more likely to have experienced more significant losses, feelings
of hopelessness, substance abuse (including alcoholism), poverty, and discrimination than most
others. When addressing well-being, the American Indian population views individuals
holistically and in harmony. Life is divided into four harmonies: spirituality, work,
relationships, and nature (Benally, 1992).
CASE SCENARIO: JACK YELLOW BIRD
Jack Yellow Bird, a 12-year-old, has been referred to the school psychologist, Bill. Jack’s teacher, Ms.
Mays, is very concerned about his failing grades and believes that he does not care about the situation.
He appears withdrawn, passive, and aloof. She has already visited with his parents, but they did not seem
to support her and even made the comment that ‘‘he knows the right thing to do.’’ Hoping for some
help, Ms. Mays asked the school psychologist to visit with him. She does not know whether he is capable
of doing the work in her class. He is slow to respond when asked questions, resistant to participating in
class debates and discussions, and frequently late to class. Ms. Mays grades heavily on class participation;
therefore, if she doesn’t see a change, he is most likely to fail her class. She conveys to the school
psychologist that any help would be most appreciated. Bill visits with Jack, and at the beginning of their
session, he expresses his limited knowledge and understanding of the cultural values and traditions of
American Indians. He asks Jack to please help him learn more about Jack and his interests. He avoids
asking questions that do not directly relate to the issue at hand.
REFLECTION
Bill remembers to use silence as a tool, although it may feel uncomfortable at times. It is clear that Jack is
quite reflective, rather than impulsive or assertive. He would rather ponder the questions than compete
or debate against his classmates. Jack’s perceptual strengths are visual and auditory. He loves storytelling
and hearing stories, especially about his elders. With this in mind, Bill is able to consult with Ms. Mays
about alternate teaching methods that he could model for her. He describes Jack’s traditional values and
strengths and how she might utilize them to enhance her entire class. Finally, the teacher feels that she
better understands Jack and recognizes that there are indeed other ways to teach her content.
INDIVIDUALS OF MULTIRACIAL DESCENT
In the 2000 U.S. Census, Americans for the first time could self-identify as ‘‘multiracial,’’ and
more than 7 million people did so. Of the people who selected more than one racial category on
the U.S. Census, 40% were children under the age of 18 (U.S. Census, 2004)—a clear indication
that the population of multiracial people in the United States is increasing. By the time of the
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2000 Census, this phenomenon had already been dubbed ‘‘the biracial baby boom’’ by Maria
Root (1996), a clinician who produced foundational scholarship on multiracial identity
development. Although the official recognition of multiracial individuals may be a new
development in the United States, families have historically been created across racial and ethnic
lines, and a vision of intermarriage could also be considered a uniquely American manifestation of
the melting-pot myth. Spickard (1989), citing writings from the time of the American Revolution,
describes this master narrative as follows: ‘‘People of all sorts would come to America, contribute
their part, intermarry, create a new mixed people, and enjoy the unprecedented liberty of life in
this place’’ (p. 4).
A more problematic history associated with multiraciality in the United States involves the
twin indignities of slavery and the rape of generations of African American women by White slave
owners, producing mixed-race children that were ‘‘a mocking symbol of [the] White man’s lapse
in morality’’ (Azoulay [1997, p. 123], quoting Williamson [1971]). The legacy of slavery and
multiracial offspring who counted as slaves are related to the premise of hypodescent, in which
mixed-race people with even ‘‘one drop’’ of African American blood were considered African
American. Multiracial individuals of various parental combinations may continue to identify with
one of the heritages in their background in a way that is consistent with the ‘‘one-drop rule,’’ yet
in the more empowering manner that Rockquemore and Laszloffy (2005) describe as grounded in
the acceptance of their mixed-race parentage and in consideration of personal circumstances and
the broader social environment. A timely example of this is the way that Barack Obama—a U.S.
senator elected president in November 2008—is of Kenyan and Caucasian descent and identifies
as African American.
Individuals of both African American and White parentage are the most visible demographic
of multiracial children because of persistent social distance between these groups in the United
States. However, African American/White multiracial people do not constitute the largest
multiracial subpopulation, and Root (2004) contends that the preoccupation with this particular
combination of parentages has resulted in obscuring the experiences and needs of the many other
multiracial individuals. Transracially adopted children—or children of one socially designated
racial or ethnic group placed with parent(s) of another socially designated racial or ethnic group
(e.g., a White family adopting a child from China)—are also considered multiracial by many
researchers and practitioners. According to 2000 Census data, the largest groups of multiracial
people (which does not include transracially adopted people) are White/some other race, Native
American or Alaskan Native/White, Asian American/White, African American/White, African
American/some other race, African American/Native American, Asian American/Hawaiian or
Pacific Islander. Multiracial people are most highly concentrated in the states of Alaska,
California, Hawaii, and Oklahoma.
There are a multitude of terms to describe mixed-race individuals. The term biracial seems to
include only those individuals whose parents come from two different racial groups. Chiong
(1998) points out that terminology could also differ by region because she found the term
interracial to be more prevalent in eastern regions of the United States. Other terms include mixed
heritage or mixed parentage. In a historical sense, other words have been used to describe
multiracial people, some of which are now considered derogatory, such as mulatto (from the
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Spanish word for mule), a term rooted in 19th century scientific racism that posited that different
races actually constituted different species, and when crossed, the multiracial person—like its
namesake, the mule—would be infertile.
Recent scholarship suggests that the inconsistency in terminology is indicative of the personal
and subjective nature of racial and ethnic identifications. Kelley and Root (2003) note that the
diversity of terms used by mixed-race people to describe themselves reflects individual
identifications and words that best capture specific backgrounds or mixes of parentage and that
they are sometimes described in terms of countries of origin in a multiracial individual’s family
background (e.g., Vietnamese/Irish). In this chapter, the term multiracial will be used because it
appears to be inclusive of interracial relationships over successive generations (i.e., one or both
parents of a multiracial child can themselves be multiracial).
Though the lack of a distinct and consistent nomenclature to describe this population could
be one indication that the status of multiracial people has still not been resolved by mainstream
America, the most inclusive approach for school professionals to adopt may involve being mindful
of how multiracial families and children are identifying themselves and to follow their cues. These
professionals should determine whether the family and/or student is identifying with one aspect of
his or her heritage, whether they are using one of the more common terms we have presented, or
whether the term is invented or specific, such as Happa (someone of mixed Asian ancestry) or the
golfer Tiger Woods’s famous coining of the term Cablinasian (referring to his Caucasian, African
American, Native American, and Asian backgrounds). School personnel should also be sensitive to
derogatory terms that describe multiracial people, such as half-breed, half-caste, or mutt.
Self Identification
In our discussion of other ethnic and minority groups, we have cautioned that single terms
actually describe very diverse populations, and this is particularly true of people broadly referred to
as multiracial. How White privilege enters into the dynamics of fairer complexions was alluded to
in our discussion of mixed-race Latino Americans earlier in this chapter. Delving further into the
issue of Whiteness and multiraciality, Williams (1997) points out that being perceived as White
and the social phenomenon of ‘‘passing as White’’ has been a position of privilege for multiracial
people and has historically been one of the only strategies available for multiracial people
confronting racism and derogatory treatment.
Despite the subjective realities of different combinations of parentages for multiracial
individuals, multiracial people still share common experiences. Several researchers and clinicians
have discussed the mismatches among physical appearance, how multiracial people identify
themselves, and how they are perceived by others (Bowles, 1993; Gaskins, 1999; Root, 1990).
Across interviews with multiracial youth by Gaskins, a common theme of being marked by
incongruous skin color, hair, and facial features emerged that leads to the oft-repeated question for
multiracial people: What are you? Similarly, Wallace’s (2001) interviews with multiracial college
students indicated that many participants struggled with how physical dissimilarity among family
members impacts relationships within and beyond family units. Because of the frequency,
intensity, and early incidence of questions posed about their background, it is likely that
multiracial children are thinking about their racial and ethnic identities even before some of their
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peers and that they are making choices that could have profound long-term social and emotional
implications (Dutro, Kazemi, & Balf, 2005; Park, in press; Trivedi, in press).
For this reason, it is important for school staff to be able to support multiracial children and
families in developmentally appropriate ways. According to Wardle and Cruz-Janzen (2004), a
crucial step that school professionals can undertake is finding out from the family the identity or
identities that they have chosen for the child and how the school can support this. Families often
make this choice at the time of school enrollment, and it is a decision that is reiterated by countless
school forms and official documents. Chiong (1998) points out that schools often structure for
children to think of themselves singularly—in terms of just one race in a student’s heritage—by such
practices as having singular categories (‘‘check one box’’) on school enrollment or standardized test
forms. Wardle and Cruz-Janzen suggest that schools should implement the 2000 Census approach
and offer families multiple categories on forms that represent all possible aspects of a child’s racial and
ethnic heritage. The choice by parents about how to officially identify a multiracial child is almost
always deliberate. As a multiracial child grows up, the initial and sometimes forced (depending on
whether multiple racial categories are presented to parents) categorization by parents is not always
consistent with how the multiracial child views himself or herself.
Practitioners could easily imagine well-adjusted multiracial individuals identifying with either
all aspects of their heritage or one aspect that best fits their appearance and/or cultural experience.
However, a more complex—and not uncommon—scenario involves the selection of an exclusively
White identity by multiracial people of White parentage. Though Root (1998) suggests that
claiming a White identity is not necessarily a sign of maladjustment, Rockquemore and Laszloffy
(2005) alert practitioners to monoracial claims that are rooted in denial, such as the public refusal
to acknowledge a parent of a different race or making hostile attributions about the race of the
denied parent.
Authenticity
School officials should also be attuned to interactions between multiracial students and their peers,
being particularly mindful of what Root (2004) refers to as ‘‘injurious policing or gatekeeping’’ (p.
112) in which multiracial people are questioned as less authentic than monoracial people of color.
Root further describes authenticity tests that force multiracial young people to exhibit a
stereotypical or racially identified behavior to prove that they are members of a group. Gaskins
(1999) includes a Native American/White teenage girl’s experience of this form of racial hazing in
a New England school by a community of Native American students on campus:
But I felt like I had to pass this test before I was accepted. ‘‘Do you know your language?’’
‘‘Do you know your traditions?’’ ‘‘Do you know your culture?’’ ‘‘Do you dress traditionally?’’ ‘‘Do
you go to powwows?’’ I heard these questions every time I met another Native student. I heard
comments like, ‘‘Your skin is really light.’’ ‘‘You don’t sound like you’re Indian. You don’t have
an accent, you don’t have a twang.’’ And I was thinking, ‘‘I grew up on a reservation. I grew up in
a traditional lifestyle. What more do you want me to tell you to prove who I am?’’ It seemed like
there was this checklist of what you needed in order to be Indian here. That was so strange to me
because I was expecting to be embraced by this Native community and then I was kind of pushed
away, as if I was not Indian enough for them. (pp. 68–69)
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To further support their work with multiracial children, school staff could also benefit from
learning about the activities of national and state-level advocacy groups such as the Association of
MultiEthnic Americans (AMEA) that have coalesced for multiracial families around issues of
parenting, education, and the political recognition that culminated in the changes in the 2000
Census. In addition to increasing self-awareness about the history, challenges, coping strategies,
and positive and negative stereotypes that pertain to multiracial people in the United States, Sue
and Sue (2007c) suggest that practitioners take an active, psychoeducational approach to facilitate
healthful and holistic trajectories for multiracial individuals. The following case scenario, with
which the second author of this chapter, Pamala Trivedi, was involved, demonstrates several
aspects of this approach, grounded in the historical, sociopolitical, and psychological
understanding of multiraciality that Sue and Sue have called for.
CASE SCENARIO: HAO
Hao, a fifth-grade, African American/Vietnamese/White child, was working with the school psychologist all
year on organizational, reading, and writing skills. He was slight and appeared much younger than other
fifth-grade boys; his eyes were blue and clear; and he had tightly curled, dark hair, a broad nose, and a deep
tan complexion. Hao’s mother, Sheri Ngyuen, was also multiracial—Vietnamese and White—and had
gotten pregnant with Hao while still a teenager. In her mid-20s by the time that Hao was in fifth grade,
Sheri still actively bemoaned the loss of her adolescent years. She played on her exotic looks: She was very
fair, with almond-shaped blue eyes and light brown hair. Hao’s African American father, Craig, lived across
the country with his African American wife and preschool-age daughter. Sheri, who along with Hao lived
with her mother and father, was not on good terms with Hao’s father. Hao’s grandparents, Mr. and Mrs.
Nguyen, appeared to have taken on most parenting responsibilities at home, and the school psychologist
often communicated with them about Hao’s progress or struggles with academic work. Hao visited his
father annually during spring break and eagerly anticipated these visits.
Pasted sloppily on top of the three-ring binder was an oversized printed photograph of Hao’s father
smiling brightly and giving the thumbs-up sign to the camera. Underneath the picture in his barely legible
hand, Hao had printed in capital letters: ‘‘No pain, no gain.’’ He would say, ‘‘It’s something my Dad
always says to me.’’ Hao was crestfallen that spring when he couldn’t make the trip to see his father:
‘‘My Mom says my Dad didn’t send her the money for the ticket, and we can’t afford it.’’ His face
brightens slightly when he spots his grandfather’s battered station wagon approaching the school
driveway, stamped with the insignia of the Vietnamese restaurant his grandparents own. At recess, Hao
approached three Korean American boys on the tetherball court and was ignored as he tried to enter
their play. Was Hao not authentically ‘‘Asian enough’’ for these boys?
Hao’s fifth-grade teacher approached the school psychologist with a look of intense worry as the
children filed out of the classroom for lunch. ‘‘I was going to come and talk to you about Hao. Thank God,
you’re here!’’ she whispered with alarm as the last child marched out. ‘‘Yesterday, Peter was talking out of
turn with Mark during silent reading time, and Hao just stood up and yelled at them: ‘If you guys don’t stop
with your Black talk and just be quiet, I won’t be able to think!’ I just didn’t know what to do—it is so unlike
him to say anything in class. I was going to send him to the office, but I knew you would be here today—I
just don’t know what this means, and you know kids are not supposed to talk like that at this school . . . you
know, . . . about race.’’ The school psychologist assured Hao’s teacher that there were complex and powerful
dynamics underlying his disturbing remark and that it would be addressed with him individually.
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Hao refused to discuss his ‘‘Black talk’’ comment or his feelings about his family. After counseling
one day, Hao and the school psychologist went to the front of the school to wait for Hao’s ride. This
time, Hao was happy that his paternal aunt was supposed to pick him up. Because Hao’s aunt was late,
the school psychologist telephoned his mother. Upon arriving, Hao’s mother shouted at him, heavily
made-up eyes flaring: ‘‘What’s wrong with you and your people? They never show up!’’ In that moment,
the school psychologist watched Hao become uncharacteristically agitated as he replied: ‘‘Mom, I’m not
Black, I’m White just like you!’’ In that one moment, Hao clearly denied half of his parentage and half of
his heritage, a rejection that was merely suggested by his previous ‘‘Black talk’’ remark and desire to
affiliate exclusively with Asian American boys.
In the remaining weeks of the school year, the counseling focused on ways to affirm his multiple
ancestry and ways that would help him move toward positive thinking about all of the racial and ethnic
groups in his heritage. Hao’s grandfather already had him enrolled in school to learn Vietnamese, an activity
that this child was very proud of. The school psychologist undertook a bibliotherapeutic approach suggested
by Wardle and Cruz-Janzen (2004), in which the clinician shows the client pictures of other multiracial kids
and families in books such as Of Many Colors: Portraits of Multiracial Families (Kaeser & Gillespie, 1997) and
Multiracial Child Resource Book (Root & Kelley, 2003). Because family dynamics were so crucial to Hao’s
racialized thinking, the counseling also attempted to address his feelings for his father through role play.
REFLECTION
This case scenario illustrates not only the importance of having detailed information about a multiracial
child’s family dynamics but also consideration of the fact that although it is not necessarily the case with
other families of color, in multiracial families, the subjective experience of different family members can
be very different, depending on their unique phenotypes and individual racial identities (Wallace, 2001;
Wehrly, Kenney, & Kenney, 1999). Among other issues unique to this family, it is possible that even
though she was also multiracial, Hao’s mother could not identify with her African American–appearing
son’s experience of multiraciality. The possible disconnect between the experiences of family members is
cited as the reason that Sue and Sue (2004c) recommend referring multiracial families to family
therapists, in addition to working with multiracial children individually.
More affirmative conceptions of multiracial identities acknowledge the complex challenges

that multiracial people face, as well as the range of options for self-identifications and how these
choices unfold in a context-sensitive way. As multiracial people continue to become a more
prominent and cohesive social group, they will undoubtedly continue to challenge our
assumptions about race, ethnicity, and mental health.
LESBIAN, GAY, BISEXUAL, AND TRANSGENDERED AMERICANS
The acronym LGBT (also GLBT) has become a popular and recognizable umbrella term
encompassing sexual-minority groups that can be differentiated in significant ways. A lesbian is a
woman who is physically and emotionally attracted to other women, but gay could refer to any
person who is physically and emotionally attracted to someone of the same sex (although it more
commonly refers to men). Bisexual people are emotionally and physically attracted to both same-
and other-sex individuals. Transgendered or transidentified people are those who cannot or choose
not to adhere to the societal norms associated with their anatomy or physical sex; the term
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transgendered can also be applied to people who transcend the conventional definitions of male
and female and engage in a range of nonconforming behaviors or identities (Gender Education &
Advocacy, 2001). Although these group definitions are widely used, Fassinger and Arseneau
(2006) are critical of constraining sexual identities to limited categories, in part because of what
they refer to as ‘‘the complexity of self-labeling’’ (p. 21), which can change over time and can be
context-dependent.
Just as advocates of multiracial identities highlight the need for conceptualizing race and
ethnicity in a more fluid and dynamic way, LGBT activists and researchers suggest considering
sexual identities and gender as a continuum that can change on societal and individual levels. In
defiance of the strictly bound gender identities associated with the labels lesbian, gay, bisexual, or
transgendered, some nonheterosexual people self-identify as queer, a term with historically negative
connotations that has been reappropriated and is now considered empowering. No matter if they
take on a sexual identity or not, members of sexual minorities face a complex negotiation of self
against the pervasive backdrop of heterosexist bias that presumes the normalcy and superiority of
other-sex attraction and behavior, as well as the rigid encoding of gender that defines male and
female in binary opposition to each other. Consequences of this privileging of heterosexual culture
include the ways that members of LGBT communities in the United States have experienced
homophobia—or an irrational fear of sexual minorities that could result in the explicit
discrimination against, and victimization of, LGBT people.
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered people come from all socioeconomic levels, all racial
and ethnic backgrounds, and every U.S. region and by extension are part of every school setting.
Same-sex attraction and behavior have also been documented in almost all the world’s cultures and
civilizations. In 1973, the American Psychological Association (APA) declassified homosexuality as
a mental illness; before this transformation, a common course of treatment for a member of a
sexual-minority community was conversion therapy, in which LGBT individuals underwent
counseling or psychotherapy to ‘‘change’’ their sexual orientations to heterosexual. Although
conversion or ‘‘reparative’’ therapy is no longer endorsed by most professional organizations of
psychologists and the APA has issued several cautionary statements about the ethics of conversion
therapy (Haldeman, 2000), methods directed at changing LGBT orientations are still practiced,
particularly in the context of religious organizations.
Just as mental health professionals have reconsidered LGBT identities in terms of more
positive trajectories, the legal and social policy contexts for sexual minorities have changed
dramatically in the past three decades. However, it is important to note that issues of legal
recognition for members of LGBT communities vary drastically by state, and as Patterson
(2006) points out, the experiences of same-sex couples and families is no longer a ‘‘unitary
experience of discrimination and oppression,’’ but has been ‘‘transformed into many different
experiences’’ (p. 362). For example, by 2003, same-sex couples could legally marry in the state of
Massachusetts, and civil unions have been permitted between same-sex couples in Vermont
since 2000. It is also important to note that legal gains and advancements in the LGBT Rights
Movement have been accompanied by a backlash, particularly by religious and right-wing
organizations that believe that sexual minorities constitute a threat to American family life
(Adams, Jacques, & May, 2004).
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The laws constraining the choices that sexual-minority parents can make for their children
also vary widely. Lamme and Lamme (2002) note that children become part of gay families
through birth, adoption, foster parenting, surrogates, or artificial insemination, and the extent to
which families are ‘‘out’’ (explicit about sexual orientations) or ‘‘closeted’’ depends in part on local
legal and policy realities. As this book goes to press, LGBT adults in Florida cannot legally adopt
children. Considering the range of situations that gay families may encounter, it is important for
school officials to make themselves aware of local legal realities that could have a tremendous
impact on the children and families they serve. Further suggestions by Lamme and Lamme
include acknowledging the status and importance of both parents, even if only one parent is
genetically or legally tied to the child. The Society for Safe and Caring Schools and Communities
is one of many North American organizations that offer handbooks for creating inclusive and safe
school environments in support of LGBT families and students. In one such volume, Wells and
Tsutsumi (2005) offer several immediate actions that schools can take, including putting up
posters, stickers, and signs that have a message of inclusion or depict LGBT families in prominent
areas around the school; monitoring adult language for heterosexual bias and the use of gender-
specific pronouns (and modeling inclusive language for students); ensuring that schools have
enough library books, media, and other curricular materials that feature positive information
about sexual minorities; and being particularly sensitive to issues of confidentiality, particularly as
it relates to the costs of disclosing sexual identities for LGBT adults and children.
Evolving Experiences
Considering the rapidly changing sociopolitical contexts that LGBT communities find themselves
in, it should come as no surprise that there are cohort or age differences in experiencing sexual
identities in the United States. ‘‘Coming out’’ is considered a lifelong process, yet recent studies
suggest that the age of initially self-identifying as LGBT has been decreasing, focusing attention
more prominently on adolescence as the time when sexual identities begin to emerge (D’Augelli &
Patterson, 2001; Ryan & Futterman, 2001).
The increased attention devoted to LGBT teens in the past 20 years has resulted in a careful
consideration of the potentially enduring impact of physical and psychological victimization that
occurs in school settings (Rivers & D’Augelli, 2001), constituting the negative social and personal
reactions to sexual identities that create a context for increased suicide risk among sexual-minority
youth (Russell & Marks, 2006). Although LGBT teens are disproportionally likely to be
victimized, bullied, and harassed by their peers, Savin-Williams (2005) highlights the healthy,
resilient, and proud stances of increasing numbers of gay teens who are decentering sexuality as the
main criterion for personal identities. Similarly, in a survey study conducted with college-age
participants, Murphy (2007) found that when victimization was controlled for, LGBT college
students did not appear to be at a greater risk for considering suicide than their heterosexual peers.
Transgendered Individuals
While there is currently more mainstream acceptance for lesbian, gay, and bisexual people,
transgendered individuals are the most stigmatized and least understood of sexual minorities
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(GEA, 2001). Lev (2006) describes transgendered people as individuals whose gender expression is
inconsistent with norms socially assigned to their biological or natal sex. Many transgendered
people engage in cross-dressing or ‘‘drag,’’ and people who wear opposite-gender clothing were
historically known as transvestites. It is important to note that the majority of cross-dressers are
actually heterosexual. A minority within the transgendered community are transsexuals,
transgendered people who believe that their physiological bodies do not represent their true sex
(Lev, 2007) and seek gender reassignment through medical means, including taking hormones to
develop secondary sex characteristics that correspond with their gender identity or seeking surgical
procedures that will alter their physical anatomy.
Professionals working with individuals undergoing gender reassignment should be aware of
the long and arduous process involved in ‘‘passing’’ into their target gender—throughout which
the transsexual individual is particularly vulnerable to harassment and discrimination—and
because these medical procedures are often not covered by insurance, the tremendous expense
involved. School staff working with children struggling with gender identity issues should be
aware of a controversial treatment for 10–13-year-old children who are thought to be
transgendered that actually delays puberty through the use of hormone blockers (Spiegel, 2008,
May 8). However, because of the assumption that identities of children are still in flux, not all
specialists believe that it is possible to know that a child is transgendered with a level of certainty
that warrants a medical intervention with long-term consequences. Regardless of whether a
medical intervention is actually undertaken in preadolescent children, school psychologists,
counselors, and teachers working with transgendered students should support the choices of
families who have opted to allow their children to live out their lives in their desired gender, with
the understanding that puberty has the potential of being a very traumatic time.
Transgendered people generally prefer being called ‘‘men’’ or ‘‘women,’’ consistent with their
true gender identity, regardless of their natal sex; and this is true also of children who are
transgendered. Whether they belong to the minority of transgendered people seeking sex
reassignment or are transgressing gender in other ways, it is important to understand that
transgendered people are subject to disproportionate amounts of antigay violence and discrimination.
CONCLUSION
For culturally literate educators and clinicians in school settings, the challenge of taking into
account and honoring the overlapping aspects of American families’ diversity is indeed daunting.
Yet, transforming school cultures into more inclusive and safe settings for all members of ethnic,
racial, and sexual minorities is a mandate that involves continuous engagement with the
communities served by schools and is part of a lifelong journey for school professionals committed
to culturally congruent practice. To facilitate effective services to students from all backgrounds, it
is imperative that knowledge, understanding, empathy, and competency are in the toolbox of
every teacher and school professional. Self-reflection and the recognition of one’s biases and
prejudices are just the beginning of this journey. To truly seek to understand the cultural
differences in language, history, celebrations, customs, food, values, beliefs, and world views of our
students is to be both enriched and empowering. Students from all backgrounds can be successful
with the help of one school professional at a time.
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1. How might the stereotype that Asian Americans are a model minority interfere with providing
educational or psychological services?
2. What are the impacts of the more holistic thinking about the body and mind present in
traditional Asian and Arab thought on treating members of these populations?
3. How would the history of most African Americans affect present-day attitudes and beliefs?
4. What are some differences between Latino and Western cultures on gender roles? How might
they affect working with the family?
5. What stereotypes or myths might you have about Latino Americans, and how would they
interfere with your effectiveness as a school professional?
6. How does the traditional concept and structure of family and tribal affiliations in the
American Indian culture differ from the Western concept of family?
7. How does the value of silence differ between the American Indian culture and Western
culture?
8. How can legal and social policy contexts mitigate the experiences of LGBT people?
9. How does understanding the culture and history of a racial-, ethnic-, or sexual-minority group
differ from understanding the experiences of a cultural group? Provide some specific examples
of culturally literate practice.
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Counseling and psychotherapy with Arabs and Muslims: A culturally sensitive approach (pp.
29–43). New York: Teachers College Press.
Adams, J. L., Jacques, J. D., & May, K. M. (2004). Counseling gay and lesbian families:
Theoretical considerations. The Family Journal, 12, 40–42.
African immigrants in the United States are the nation’s most highly educated group. (2000).
Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, 26(Winter), pp. 60–61.
Al-Hazza, T., & Lucking, R. (2005). The minority of suspicion: Arab Americans. Multicultural
Review, 14(3), 32–38.
Almeida, R. (2005). Asian Indian families: An overview. In M. McGoldrick, J. Giordano,& N.
Garcia-Preto (Eds.), Ethnicity and family therapy. (3rd ed., pp. 377–394). New York/London:
Guilford Press.
American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC). (2008). Anti-Arab discrimination: What
teachers can do. Retrieved February 4, 2008 from http://www.adc.org/index.php?id5504
Arab American and Chaldean Council (ACC). (2008). The Michigan connection. Retrieved
February 3, 2008, from http://www.myacc.org/resources_ca_michigan.html
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Chapter 3
Social Justice and School Mental Health:
Evolution and Implications for Practice
David Shriberg, PhD
Loyola University Chicago
OBJECTIVES
1. To introduce the concept of social justice as applied to school mental health practice
2. To place social justice within a multicultural framework
3. To describe real-world social justice challenges and opportunities in school mental health
4. To suggest ways in which school mental health professionals and those in connected fields can
serve as agents of social justice
INTRODUCTION
Trained to be keen observers, those in school mental health often obtain a comprehensive view of a
school that few others can match. Unlike teachers, school mental health professionals typically do not
spend most of their time in one classroom and thus have the potential to obtain a sense of the school
as a whole. Unlike most school administrators, school mental health professionals typically can walk
into classrooms, teachers’ lounges, cafeterias, playgrounds, and community events, and others will not
adjust their behavior because of the school mental health professionals’ presence; thus, they often have
the opportunity to view events in their natural state. When working with the most disenfranchised
students and families within a school district, school mental health professionals frequently have
direct knowledge of the underbelly of schools and communities, including areas of injustice.
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Given the unique combination of psychological training, access to the broader ecology of a
school that school mental health professionals often have, and the myriad of social justice issues
prevalent in schools that directly impact practice, there seems to be a natural connection between
school mental health practice and social justice. Examples of these issues would include, but are
not limited to, resource allocation; biased and/or outdated assessment procedures; over-
representation of minority group members in special education; decisions related to student
retention; school discipline procedures; evaluations of learning and mental health needs that are
inconsistent with research and best practice; and institutionalized racism, sexism, classism, and
homophobia. As these topics have obtained greater prominence, the last 5–10 years have shown a
significant increase in social justice scholarship and advocacy in both education (Shoho, Merchant,
& Lugg, 2005) and psychology (Fouad, Gerstein, & Toporek, 2006).
In this chapter, all fields related to school mental health are called to embrace an active social
justice agenda. Social justice is a term that is not easily defined, but in education it is associated
with the idea that all individuals and groups must be treated with fairness and respect and that all
are entitled to the resources and benefits that the school has to offer (North, 2006). The goals of
this chapter are threefold. First, because the term social justice is not widely used in the daily
language of school practitioners (Shoho et al., 2005), this chapter will provide a brief overview of
some of the common definitions of social justice found in education and psychology. Second, to
put the recent surge in interest in social justice in context, a commitment to social justice will be
presented as the logical extension of numerous efforts within education and psychology centered
on promoting cultural diversity and human rights and on fostering the development of culturally
competent practitioners. Third, in the belief that social justice is a verb, several action steps toward
moving a social justice agenda forward, at both daily practice and field-wide levels, are provided.
In two instances, these action steps are supplemented with case examples to highlight the
connection between these suggested action steps and daily practice.
INTRODUCING SOCIAL JUSTICE
Although scholarship and advocacy centered on social justice are relatively recent phenomena in
school mental health, social justice is hardly a novel concept: Leaders in numerous fields,
particularly religion, have grappled with this aspiration for centuries (Shoho et al., 2005). There is
continued debate over how social justice is best defined.
One of the current most commonly cited notions of social justice comes from the philosopher
John Rawls (1971). Linking justice with fairness and the idea of rational choice, Rawls (1971,
2001) asserts that the principles of justice are principles that free and rational persons who are
concerned to advance their own interests would accept from the ‘‘original position’’ (i.e., they are
asked to choose principles for a society, not knowing where in the society they would be placed).
His belief was that individuals in the original position would agree to principles that affirm that
each person within the society has an equal right to the most extensive total system of equal basic
liberties and that social and economic inequalities would be just only if they result in
compensating benefits for the least advantaged members of the society. Thus, all social goods, such
as liberty and opportunity, income and wealth, and the bases of self-respect would be distributed
equally unless an unequal distribution of any or all of these goods is to the advantage of the least
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Chapter 3 Social Justice
favored (Rawls, 1971). From this perspective, the optimal role of government (and by extension,
governmental structures such as public schools) is to prevent gross social inequities while
promoting liberty and freedom of choice.
While Rawls’s model focuses primarily on outcomes, many of the emerging definitions of
social justice from psychology (e.g., Goodman et al., 2004) and education (e.g., North, 2006) often
emphasize processes and the role of the individual in shaping these processes. This shift moves the
practitioner from a passive role to an active role in working toward social justice and from an
individual to a systemic focus in intervention (Vera & Speight, 2003). That is, instead of viewing the
client exclusively at the individual level, practitioners are encouraged to challenge systemic structures
that may be promoting the conditions that led to or perpetuate the individual concern (American
Counseling Association [ACA], 2005). This proposed change in emphasis from reactive, individual
diagnosis and treatment to preventive approaches that seek to change the conditions that led to the
referral has many similarities to trends in school mental health that have endorsed a more preventive
model of practice (e.g., Ysseldyke et al., 2006). From this lens, a number of goals and definitions of
social justice have been provided. For example, Goodman et al. (2004) state, ‘‘We conceptualize the
social justice work of counseling psychologists as scholarship and professional action designed to
change social values, structures, policies, and practices, such that disadvantaged or marginalized
groups gain increased access to these tools of self-determination’’ (p. 795).
In a comprehensive review of the conceptual underpinnings of the term social justice as
applied to education, North (2006) created a visual model depicting ‘‘three spheres of social
justice.’’ The first sphere is ‘‘redistribution/recognition.’’ Redistribution reflects approaches to
social justice that focus on fairness in the distribution of resources. Recognition reflects ways in
which dominant group values permeate cultural and institutional norms such as schools and how
this often serves the function of excluding, marginalizing, and/or silencing those who cannot or
will not play by the rules of those in power. The second sphere is ‘‘sameness/difference.’’ Sameness
reflects approaches that focus on unity, liberty, and equality for all. Difference reflects approaches
that highlight the unique experiences, challenges, and resources that different groups bring to bear.
The third sphere is ‘‘macro/micro.’’ In this sphere, the distinction is between social justice
approaches that focus more on macrolevel problems (such as school policies and procedures that
support systemic inequality) and approaches that focus more on microlevel challenges (such as
individual student/teacher interactions).
North (2006) conceptualizes these three spheres in her model as circular and relational, with
overlap and tension between them, rather than as separate continuums. She notes that often when
writers or advocates use the term social justice, they are referring to different components of the
model, causing interpretative confusion for others. Indeed, it is often helpful to ask follow-up
questions to determine how a person understands social justice because different people ascribe
different meanings to this complex term. For example, two colleagues may say that they support
social justice, but one may be operating from a sameness perspective and the other from a
difference perspective. Although these perspectives may be equally valid, these individuals may
have a hard time working together until they come to an understanding of what their respective
views of social justice imply. Similarly, it is important to understand one’s own definition of social
justice and the implications of this perspective on one’s work in school mental health.
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THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SOCIAL JUSTICE AND THE MULTICULTURAL

MOVEMENT
Individuals in school mental health may choose to define social justice from a number of
vantage points. The current surge in the usage of the phrase social justice can be viewed as the
latest development in a multicultural movement that has spanned decades (Arredondo & Perez,
2003; Fouad, Gerstein, & Toporek, 2006; Helms, 2003). While multicultural advocates
have always had goals that connect with the current usage of the phrase social justice, the
published literature and organizational statements of leading organizations associated with
school mental health have lagged behind. In this evolution, the following progression has been
observed: (a) support for the importance of cultural diversity and the rights of all individuals,
(b) support for models of cultural competence, and (c) support for the concept of social
justice. The following sections briefly describe each of these stages to place the current interest
in social justice in context and to provide a framework for the arguments provided in a later
section of this chapter on how best to move a social justice agenda forward in school mental
health.
Putting Cultural Diversity and Support for Human Rights on the Professional Map
The history of the field of multicultural school psychology provides a useful roadmap to consider
the current interest in social justice. In school psychology, a number of individuals have done
significant work toward making cultural diversity and the rights of all individuals an accepted
topic for study, discourse, training, and practice guidelines. For example, Rogers (2005) has
identified several key events that have impacted multicultural training in school psychology. Two
samples from this listing include (a) the specifications for curriculum content in culture first
introduced in the American Psychological Association (APA) Accreditation Procedures and Criteria
for Doctoral Training Programs in 1973 and (b) the statements reflecting the civil rights of clients
and the role of client background characteristics in the 1979 APA Ethical Standards of
Psychologists. Subsequent editions of both of these documents have expanded upon these themes,
and these documents continue to directly impact training and practice in school psychology.
Another significant milestone in the history of APA that has had an indirect impact on
multicultural training in school psychology was the establishment of an Office of Ethnic Minority
Affairs in 1979 (followed one year later by the establishment of a Board of Ethnic Minority
Affairs).
Within the National Association of School Psychologists (NASP), Rogers (2005) notes that
specifications for curriculum content in cultural diversity first appeared in NASP’s Standards for
Training Programs in 1978. The highlights of subsequent developments in NASP include, but are
not limited to, the publication of position statements on minority recruitment (1987, 1998, and
2003); the establishment of a Multicultural Affairs Committee in 1989; the publication of a
resolution supporting sexual minority youths in 1992 (most recently revised in 2006 and now
labeled Position Statement on Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Transgender, and Questioning [GLBTQ]
Youth); and the publication of a position statement on racism, prejudice, and discrimination in
1993 (most recently revised in 2004).
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Thus, over the past few decades, there have been indicators that concepts related to cultural
diversity and the rights of all individuals have had an increasingly important place within the field
of school psychology. Content reflecting the importance of cultural diversity and human rights has
become embedded within the training standards, position statements, and aspirations of leading
organizations identified with school psychology; articles reflecting diversity-related content appear
to be steadily increasing in leading school psychology journals over the past 30 years (Brown,
Shriberg, & Wang, 2007; Miranda & Gutter, 2002); and three comprehensive textbooks focused
on multicultural school psychology have been published (Esquivel, Lopez, & Nahari, 2007; Frisby
& Reynolds, 2005; Nastasi, 2007). This trend is not confined to school psychology. Summarizing
trends in counseling psychology, Vera & Speight (2003) note,
It is a sure sign of progress that we are no longer reading articles that argue whether
diversity is important, but instead have a developing body of literature that allows for
scholarly debate regarding how to integrate multiculturalism into our research, practice,
and training. (p. 253)
Next Step: Models of Multicultural Competence
Training standards, position statements, organizational affirmations, and the appearance of

diversity-related content in leading journals and textbooks reflect significant advancements, but
these indicators do not in and of themselves provide specific guidance to practitioners, researchers,
and faculty members about culturally responsive practice. As such, in school psychology and
several related fields, there has been a push over the past quarter century to create and implement
models of culturally competent practice. These models typically emphasize how mental health
professionals can develop appropriate levels of self-awareness, knowledge, and skills as they relate
to working with individuals from diverse backgrounds (Constantine, Hage, Kindaichi, & Bryant,
2007).
Counseling psychology was among the first fields to develop a comprehensive model of
multicultural competencies. Specifically, Sue et al. (1982) offered a set of competencies for
providing services to culturally diverse clients. Lopez and Rogers (2001) describe these
competencies as a turning point for counseling psychology because they proved to be the
springboard for several cross-cultural counseling competency measures (e.g., Rogers & Ponterotto,
1997) and for subsequent expansion and revision of these competencies (e.g., APA, 2003;
Arredondo et al., 1996; Sue, Arredondo, & McDavis, 1992; Sue et al., 1998).
Similarly, in recent years, the goal of promoting cultural competence has become increasingly
visible within school psychology. There have been numerous efforts toward providing models of
culturally competent practice (Lopez & Rogers, 2001; Rogers et al., 1999; Rogers & Lopez, 2002;
Rogers, Ponterotto, Conoley, & Weise, 1992). In addition, cross-cultural competence was
identified as one of the four primary domains of expertise in School Psychology: Blueprint for
Training and Practice II (Ysseldyke et al., 1997), and most recently, ‘‘diversity awareness and
sensitive service delivery’’ was identified as one of the ‘‘foundational competencies’’ in School
Psychology: Blueprint for Training and Practice III (Ysseldyke et al., 2006).
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The Limits of Cultural Competency Models
Although defining and working toward obtaining multicultural competence are important goals,
critics (e.g., Goodman et al., 2004; Parra-Cardona, Holtrop, & Córdova, 2005; Prilleltensky &
Nelson, 2002; Vera & Speight, 2003) argue that separating multicultural competencies from a
commitment to social justice results in psychologists maintaining the status quo rather than
working toward social change.
This is an important distinction. For example, a school mental health professional who is
culturally competent may be able to ascertain that evaluating a non-English speaker using English-
based methods is unethical, and as such, this individual may make culturally appropriate
adaptations (e.g., utilization of a competent translator to communicate with the student and his or
her family, or use of assessment methods that have been empirically supported in the student’s
native language) to his or her typical assessment procedures in light of the linguistic issue.
Compared with a professional who does not make either of these adaptations, this individual may
be judged to have a higher level of multicultural competence. However, suppose that in this school
district, nearly 90% of its English language learners are referred for evaluation for cognitive
functioning. A culturally competent professional may evaluate each of these individual students in
a culturally competent way, but without a commitment to social justice, this individual may never
effectively advocate on behalf of these students and/or question the high referral rate. Without this
advocacy, there is no reason to expect the 90% rate to change.
It is within this context that the current surge in writing on social justice has occurred. For
example, within school counseling, numerous authors (e.g., Bemak & Chung, 2005) have called
on the field to move beyond advocacy and embrace a social justice agenda. Ratts, DeKruyf, and
Chen-Hayes (2007) argue that the ACA’s advocacy competencies (ACA Governing Council,
2003) can be used as a framework for developing social justice advocacy strategies in school
counseling. Although the words justice and advocacy are not found in the most recent set of
competencies developed for the field of school psychology (Ysseldyke et al., 2006), there has been
a long-standing history of advocacy efforts within NASP and Division 16 (School Psychology) of
APA. In addition, in summer 2007, a NASP interest group centered on school psychologists as
agents of social justice was started with more than 80 charter members.
Social justice can be thus viewed as the next wave in multicultural psychology. As such, many
authors in psychology have called on practitioners in their field to embrace a social justice agenda.
However, it is one thing to advocate for a commitment to social justice and quite another to
describe what this might look like in practice. The third and final section of this chapter provides
some suggestions in this regard.
SUGGESTIONS FOR MOVING A SOCIAL JUSTICE AGENDA FORWARD
We are at a point in the multicultural movement where calls for social justice are achieving
increased prominence, both in the scholarly literature and in organizational aspirational
statements and guidelines. As yet, with some notable exceptions, the specific challenges faced by
school mental health professionals, such as school psychologists and school counselors, have not
been particularly present in this emerging dialogue. As a result, there is limited guidance available
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to school mental health practitioners who seek to be effective agents of social justice in their work.
What follows are some recommendations designed to address this urgent need. Lessons from other
fields indicate that effective social justice work requires both individual and collective acts (Vera &
Speight, 2003). These recommendations are designed to speak both to individual practice and to
the further development of fields (e.g., school psychology, school counseling) most prominently
associated with school mental health.
Establish a Language
International peace activist and Catholic nun Sister Joan Chittister asserted in 2005 in comments
made on the Wisconsin Public Radio program Here on Earth, hosted by Jean Ferraca, ‘‘If it’s not
in the language, it’s not in the mind; and if it is not in the mind, it cannot be in the social
structure’’ (North, 2006). In both individual and collective practice, there is much to be gained by
critically examining, and in many cases reframing, the language in which school mental health
practice is often conducted. The following case scenario illustrates the potential impact of
language on socially just practice.
CASE SCENARIO: STEVEN
Steven (not his real name) was an 11-year-old Caucasian sixth grader attending school in a large urban
school system in the Midwest. He was constantly being sent to the school principal after run-ins
(sometimes resulting in physical aggression) with his classmates and his teacher. Steven spent the
majority of the day in a classroom designed for students with significant learning disabilities. This was
not an ideal placement for a number of reasons. One obvious problem with it was that although Steven
was clearly below grade level in a number of academic areas, by history he did meet criteria for a
diagnosis of specific learning disability. Rather, he was placed in this classroom because of a lack of other
suitable educational options in his school.
Medically, a neurological condition causes him to faint periodically. One particularly critical health
incident appeared to have taken place when Steven was age 7. It was reported that at this time Steven
fainted into a pool of water and nearly drowned before being discovered by his mother. According to
Steven’s mother, he was ‘‘never quite right’’ after this incident, and indeed, Steven appeared to have
significant cognitive impairments.
It is believed that these cognitive impairments contributed significantly to the challenges that he
faced in class because his classmates, who typically did not have any intellectual impairments, were
much more sophisticated than Steven verbally and intellectually, and they used these advantages to
goad and tease him and to encourage him to aggravate his teacher. Steven’s teacher appeared quite
overmatched by the students in her class and appeared to take much of her frustration out on Steven. In
conversations, this teacher described Steven in the most pejorative of terms and often made similar
comments toward him in class. When the school principal was made aware of this situation, he spoke to
the teacher; however, he then stated that he could not do much more than this because if he lost this
teacher, it would likely be months before he had a replacement.
Steven lived with his mother and younger brother. Steven’s mother, when reached via phone, stated
that ‘‘Steven needs serious counseling,’’ but that she was overwhelmed by work demands and by the
health concerns of his younger brother (who had major surgery later in the school year). She consented
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to counseling, but refused to give consent to obtain any medical records or to talk with Steven’s
physician directly, stating that several other mental health workers had obtained these records before
and that she did not want to keep bothering the doctor. She promised to provide these records, as well as
make herself available for future conversations, but ultimately she did not do either.
Steven reported that he often avoided going home after school because he did not like his mother’s
boyfriend. He never elaborated beyond this, except to deny any physical or emotional abuse. Ultimately,
Steven’s counseling focused on building his safety and social skills (with an eye toward his developing
friendships with kids who would not try to manipulate him), identifying anger points and avoiding
blowups, and building his academic skills. As a result, his discipline referrals and suspensions declined
significantly, and he was ultimately placed into a more hospitable classroom environment. Also, on a
more basic level, he had neither dropped out of school nor been expelled by the end of the year.
REFLECTION
Before the mental health work began with Steven, certain pejorative labels had already been applied.
Specifically, he had been labeled as a ‘‘retard’’ by his peers, as a ‘‘bad seed’’ by his teacher, and as
‘‘unsolvable’’ by his mother and the principal. When, not surprisingly, Steven got into fights after being
teased by his classmates and ridiculed by his teacher, all adult fingers had been pointed toward him as
the ‘‘problem.’’ If one accepts this explanation and considers Steven the problem, this conceptualization
ignores the ways in which the social, financial, and educational structure contributed to Steven being
misplaced in a classroom with students of much higher cognitive sophistication and with a teacher who
was not qualified to serve these students.
Thus, one critical and concrete initial step that a school mental health provider seeking to act as an
agent of social justice can undertake involves reframing. For example, instead of being seen as a ‘‘bad
seed,’’ Steven can been seen by others as an individual who has been neglected by the educational
system that was charged to educate him effectively. If others start to view Steven in this context, a host
of new possibilities opens up in terms of viewing Steven as a human being with potential, rather than as
a problem to be solved.
In various forms, school mental health professionals often first become aware of a student after
the student has exhibited ‘‘problematic’’ behavior, at least in the eyes of the adults surrounding
that student. While students do, in fact, need to be held accountable for their behavior, they are
also vulnerable citizens who often have been placed in unjust circumstances. As such, school
mental health workers can provide a real service by using language to recast these often extremely
negative initial portrayals of students into narratives that place the situations that students are
experiencing in a critical context inclusive of the major social and educational structures that may
be serving to support or oppress that student.
Moving away from this individual case scenario to a more macro focus, the power of language
is also apparent at the professional level. In recent years, the leading research organizations in
education and psychology in the United States—APA and the American Educational Research
Association (AERA)—have formally stated their commitment to social justice and have put
structures in place to support this commitment.
Representing the culmination of several decades of effort by many advocates—particularly by
individuals within counseling psychology—and based heavily on the standards developed by Sue
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et al. (1982) and Arredondo et al. (1996), APA published in 2003 its Guidelines on Multicultural
Education, Training, Research, Practice, and Organizational Change for Psychologists. The
philosophical framework of these guidelines encourages psychologists to view themselves as
leaders in social justice and as advocates for multiculturalism. Specifically, Principle 5 of the
guidelines begins by stating, ‘‘Psychologists are uniquely able to promote racial equity and social
justice’’ (p. 382), and Principle 6 concludes by stating, ‘‘Psychologists recognize that organizations
can be gatekeepers or agents of the status quo, rather than leaders in a changing society with
respect to multiculturalism’’ (p. 382).
Within AERA, there also is a visible commitment to social justice, as evidenced by (among
other things) a Social Justice link from the organization’s home page on the Internet, the existence
of an organizational ‘‘Social Justice Mission Statement,’’ the presence of a standing Social Justice
Action Committee and of many related committees, and the position of a Director of Social
Justice and Development.
These organizational affirmations begin to provide endorsement of the need for those in
psychology and education to critically engage in social justice issues. As noted, social justice is an
idea that may have many different meanings to different people and, as such, is somewhat
challenging to define. However, a field cannot move toward a commitment to social justice if it is
not clear what this commitment is about or what it entails. Shoho et al. (2005) state that given the
current competing definitions of social justice that presently exist, rather than offer new
definitions, it may be more productive to put forth ideas around a common language related to
social justice, based on existing research. In this spirit, the following possible aspirational
framework for social justice work in school mental health is provided. This framework was created
by the author based on the combination of ideas from his own research (Shriberg et al., 2008) and
from ideas presented by North (2006) and the ACA Governing Council (2003).
Those in school mental health should strive to be agents of social justice. Social justice is
conceptualized as an overarching framework centered around (a) ensuring that all individuals are
treated with respect and dignity and (b) protecting the rights and opportunities for all. Translated
to practice, a social justice framework combines empirically based practices and active
consideration of the social, environmental, political, and cultural context in which these practices
are implemented at both the macro and micro levels. School mental health professionals will strive
both to find areas of common ground among people and to identify and support that which
makes us different. School mental health professionals do this toward the end of finding just
solutions to challenging problems and opportunities facing individuals and schools. School mental
health professionals will strive to bring their training, experiences, and talents to bear toward
actively resisting the status quo or actively resisting a particular action or set of actions when there
is evidence to suggest that the status quo or a particular action or set of actions is resulting in the
perpetuation of injustice. School mental health professionals strive to support justice and to resist
injustice, and they seek to do this in collaborative partnership with students, families, school
personnel, and community members.
Once an aspirational statement or vision is established, the next step would be to work
toward organizational affirmation of this aspiration in leading organizations that represent those
in school mental health. An aspirational statement can provide a framework for considering
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social justice, while organizational affirmations give aspirational statements importance and
relevance.
Finally, there needs to be a conscious effort to place research, graduate education, and
practice language and activities within a social justice framework. Take, for example, the topic
of high-stakes testing, a topic very relevant to the lives of most, if not all, school-based
professionals. What overt and covert messages do school mental health professionals
communicate when working on high-stakes testing initiatives, or what messages do faculty
members communicate when teaching about high-stakes exams? Is it the role of those in school
mental health simply to implement existing law, without any commentary or concern for the
impact of this law on students, families, and school personnel, or is it the obligation of school
mental health professionals both to implement the law and to advocate for ways in which the
law—or any law that affects children, families, schools, and communities—can be more just? If
a profession provides language that signals a commitment to social justice, the answer to this
question is clear, and this would be reflected in this profession’s writing, graduate education
standards, and practice. Similarly, regardless of the topic of interest, researchers mindful of a
social justice perspective would consciously consider not only the specific research questions
before them but also the potential impact of their findings in terms of the promotion of a more
just society.
Develop and Embed Priorities
In a refrain that may be very familiar to school mental health professionals seeking to bring about
positive change, Jane Close Conoley (1994) writes,
When I imagine that to solve a particular problem I must change an entire system, I
usually go home with a very bad headache and no action plan. In contrast, when I identify
potential leverage points and potential targets, change seems possible. In addition, when I
accept that most of what I wish will happen will not occur anytime soon, I maintain
energy and acceptance. (p. 144)
At the individual level, one can analyze the cases of Steven and of other students and come up
with a number of possible social justice issues worthy of being addressed. In the end, however,
practitioners must choose their battles and pick specific areas to focus upon. For optimal
outcomes, school mental health professionals should choose their battles based on both student
needs and personal passions. For example, a practitioner may feel a strong personal desire to
combat homophobia and, as a result, may choose to focus much of his or her social justice energies
there. This is not to suggest that one should ignore other areas of injustice, but rather that one
individual cannot realistically combat every possible social justice issue at once.
The limits of attempting too many battles at once are also apparent at the national and
international levels within a profession. Although creating and endorsing a language for social
justice as applied to school mental health practice is a needed start, aspirational statements of
a broad nature are also necessary. As such, to become effective agents of social justice, it is
critical that fields related to school mental health identify priorities related to social justice
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and embed these priorities in graduate programs and professional development opportunities.
As one example, in a recent study conducted by this writer (Shriberg et al., 2008), cultural
diversity experts in school psychology were asked, ‘‘If you had to choose only three topics as
being salient to a discussion of social justice in school psychology, what topics would you
choose and why?’’ The experts’ responses were coded into the following topic areas: (a)
Institutional Power, (b) Addressing Prejudice/Discrimination, (c) Diversity Dimensions (e.g.,
supporting students from lower socioeconomic levels), (d) Advocacy, (e) Equity, (f)
Inclusiveness/Respect, (g) Role of the School Psychologist (in promoting social justice), and
(h) Culturally Responsive Practice.
Potential social justice priority topics for school mental health, such as those listed above, need
not be viewed as topics that are separate from existing priorities in the field. Rather, priority social
justice topics can be viewed as a practical method for sharpening a field’s focus. For example, the
current widespread movement within school psychology toward prevention and system-wide
approaches to practice, in which the school psychologist views his or her role as striving to meet
the needs of all students in a culturally responsive way—as reflected in School Psychology: A
Blueprint for Training and Practice III (Ysseldyke et al., 2006)—offers a promising start toward
identifying social justice priorities.
This preventive and comprehensive focus invites school psychologists to actively consider the
effectiveness of their historical role and the ways in which the talents of school psychologists can be
put toward maximum benefit for students, families, school personnel, and communities. This
mind-set also invites school psychologists to question existing structures and the ways in which
these structures may or may not be serving students fairly and effectively, and it encourages school
psychologists to act if these structures are unjust. The addition of clearly defined and widely shared
social justice priorities to this framework could provide a powerful mechanism for creating and
sustaining school psychology practices that lead not only to meaningful change in the lives of
children, families, schools, and communities but also, by extension, to the creation of a fairer and
more just society. In this spirit, within school counseling, Ratts et al. (2007) describe several social
justice applications for each of the core ACA Governing Council (2003) advocacy areas.
Connect Social Justice and Research-Based Practice
Within the fields of education and psychology, there has been continued movement toward
bringing research to practice. While virtually all support this movement, it will be argued that a
commitment to research-based practice is a necessary but not sufficient component of embracing a
social justice perspective. Consider the following case scenario.
CASE SCENARIO: AIESHA
Aiesha (not her real name) was a 12-year-old African American fourth-grade student who was referred
to a community clinic in the Midwest for a cognitive and academic assessment. She was referred by a
mental health counselor who was working with her mother. Aiesha had been held back in school twice
before because of poor reading performance, but there was no indication that any attempts had been
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made to gather any data on her reading performance nor any interventions to address areas of weakness
and build off areas of strength. Instead, her mother reported that Aiesha’s teachers had described her as
‘‘lazy.’’ Clinically, Aiesha appeared to be depressed rather than lazy. She met many of the common
criteria (e.g., hypersomnia, diminished interest in activities, frequent crying) associated with depression.
Aiesha described herself as ‘‘very depressed’’ and stated that it started shortly after her father, whom she
had not previously met, was recently released from prison. She stated that she was not told of his
release, but instead was roused out of her room one day, told to go downstairs, and then introduced to
her father. She said that he and the rest of her family insisted that she call him ‘‘dad,’’ even though she
did not want to do this. She stated that she had seen her father three times and was just starting to get a
little comfortable with him when he suddenly disappeared. Her mother told her to ‘‘forget about your
father’’ and said that it was likely that Aiesha would ‘‘never see him again.’’
Academically, a review of her educational records and the results of her assessment strongly
suggested severe reading challenges. As a result, the intervention plan included the school psychologist
launching appropriate actions to actively work with Aiesha on her reading skills and to prevent any
planning for future retention. Counseling was also arranged for Aiesha to address her apparent
depression.
REFLECTION
In this case, it is evident that research-based practice was not followed in the decision to use retention as
the intervention (an extremely dubious practice, based on the poor outcomes associated with grade
retention), rather than investigating the possible sources of her academic struggles and then providing
research-based interventions appropriate to her personal strengths and areas of need. In the ideal
scenario, there would be a research-supported intervention that applies specifically to Aiesha’s case.
While there are numerous research-supported reading interventions that might help Aiesha to begin to
catch up to her peers, research-supported reading interventions alone are unlikely to completely undo
the negative effects of the socially unjust practice of multiple grade retentions without any attempt to
gather targeted data and to implement empirically supported interventions. The presence of possible
severe depression related to her recent and fleeting contact with her father only compounds this
challenge.
In the ideal scenario, there would be an evidence-based intervention normed on pertinent

demographic groups that addresses all possible situations and contingencies that a school mental
health practitioner might face when recommending and/or implementing a particular action.
Unfortunately, the reality is that many research-supported interventions have not yet been
developed to the point where they have been convincingly shown to be effective across
demographic and socioeconomic groups (Chang & Sue, 2005). Also, ever-present justice barriers
make implementation of research-based procedures challenging at best and nearly impossible at
worst. Therefore, it becomes incumbent upon school mental health professionals not to abandon
research, but rather to understand the context in which they are seeking to implement research-
supported interventions and make adaptations as needed, based on the justice issues present.
For example, a research-supported intervention for a particular student may call for significant
collaboration with this student’s teacher, but it may be that this teacher views this student in a very
negative, even prejudicial way, as was the case with both Aiesha and Steven. To implement the
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intervention without accounting for this reality is likely to not be in the best interests of justice or
of effectiveness toward achieving a positive outcome. Rather, it may be the case that the school
mental health provider needs to address the justice issue first (the teacher’s prejudices/biases
against the student) and continue to account for this when working to help create effective
interventions consistent with research. Thus, a commitment to justice and a commitment to
bringing research to practice go hand in hand. To advocate for social justice without a
concomitant commitment to bringing research to practice is counterproductive in that it
potentially deprives students, families, schools, and communities in need of access to the current
best thinking and intervention ideas. Similarly, to implement research-supported practices in a
robotic, culture-blind fashion—as if issues of justice do not exist—is also counterproductive in
that the practitioner’s effectiveness and credibility are likely to be significantly compromised.
Establish Networks
With all the burgeoning literature on systems change that has accompanied the recent increase in
scholarship on social justice, it is clear that working together increases the likelihood of future
success, particularly because, as Conoley (1994) warns us, tackling issues as large as the topics
commonly associated with social justice (e.g., systemic racism and classism, homophobia, biased
assessment procedures) to achieve one’s vision of a socially just school structure is likely to be a
long and slow process. In Aiesha’s case, effective collaboration with her family and other mental
health professionals was critical toward combating the social justice challenges she faced.
While the social justice and systems change literature is burgeoning, comparatively less
attention has been given to the social and emotional toll that can occur when one tries to be a
positive change agent. One way to combat this toll and to maximize the likelihood that local
and professional initiatives related to social justice will succeed is to develop networks of
professionals committed to social justice. Formally, as other leading organizations (e.g., APA,
AERA) have done, it is recommended that the major state, regional, national, and international
organizations that represent school mental health professionals begin dialogue with their
members and develop internal structures that support a commitment to social justice.
Informally, many school mental health practitioners, faculty, and students may already have a
personal commitment to social justice, but may feel a lack of personal and professional support
for taking on social justice issues. As such, it is recommended that individuals who share the
commitment to justice work to support one another, both personally and professionally. One
way to accomplish this is through the formation of social justice networks, both via online
structures and through the organization of in-person meetings and events, where persons with a
commitment to social justice can come together to share ideas, offer support, and work together
on social justice–related initiatives.
There have been many recent instances of such networks being established in education and
psychology. For example, one of the primary foci of the Fourth National Counseling Psychology
Conference, held in 2001 with more than 1,000 attendees, was setting the profession’s agenda for
social justice–oriented research, practice, and training (Fouad et al., 2004). At the end of this
conference, 88% of the attendees at a town hall meeting voted to support the idea that counseling
psychologists should reclaim a social advocacy agenda (Fouad et al., 2004).
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Within education, in 1999, 140 scholars in the field of educational administration organized
as Leadership for Social Justice, with the goal of targeting their research and practice toward
creating an understanding and capacity to do social justice work (Cambron-McCabe &
McCarthy, 2005), and this network has produced much subsequent scholarship. There is also a
Leading for Social Justice interest group within AERA. More recently, more than 80 school
psychology students, practitioners, and professors organized to form a Social Justice Interest
Group within NASP in summer 2007 (Sarr, Nelson, and Von der Embse, 2007).
Courage
However one defines social justice and whether one seeks to act as an agent of social justice
through individual or collective action, in the end this type of act undoubtedly requires courage.
Sometimes courage involves speaking with, and on behalf of, those whose voices are not
commonly heard or given credence. Courage may also involve moving from advocacy to
activism in terms of questioning and seeking to change structures that promote injustice. One
potential barrier is that school mental health professionals may not always feel that they have the
positional authority necessary to bring about change in the school setting. Yet, there is a cost,
both in the lives of students and families served by school mental health workers and in terms of
one’s personal and professional commitment, when one does not act courageously against
injustice.
CONCLUSION
Recent years have seen a significant rise in research and advocacy within education and
psychology that speaks to the construct of social justice. Various conceptions of social justice
were provided, with an emphasis on definitions that address ways in which school mental health
professionals can be active agents of social justice. The current emphasis on social justice was
also presented as the logical extension of the multicultural psychology movement. While leading
multicultural advocates have had a commitment to social justice as part of their language and
goals for decades, it is only in recent years that the published literature and guidelines within
psychology have reflected this continued focus. Finally, several suggestions, with accompanying
case examples and reflections, for moving a social justice agenda forward in school mental health
were provided.
1. What is your personal definition of social justice as applied to school mental health practice,
and how does this definition shape your work?
2. Of all the potential social justice priority areas one might select, which topic or set of topics
speaks to you the most personally and/or gives you the most energy to address in your
professional work? Who might your allies be in tackling this topic or set of topics at the local,
state, regional, national, and/or international level?
3. What was your most recent social justice challenge professionally? How did you handle this
situation? What can you learn from this situation moving forward?
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Chapter 4
Understanding Privilege in America
Antoinette Halsell Miranda, PhD, NCSP
Amy Boland, MA
Megan Hemmeler, MA
Ohio State University
OBJECTIVES
1. To understand the concept of privilege as it relates to both class and race
2. To understand the relationships between privilege and education
3. To empower individuals to recognize their own privilege and strive toward social justice for all
people
4. To learn best practices in providing effective services for all children
INTRODUCTION
Jameson and Jeffery recently graduated from an established four-year university with bachelor’s
degrees in Business. They had met in the dormitory during their freshman year and realized all
that they had in common. They had grown up in neighboring suburbs of a big city, participated
on traveling soccer teams, and graduated from high school with honors. The two students then
spent the next three years as roommates and competed against one another in class for top honors.
Upon graduation, they were each offered an opportunity to complete an internship as an owner/
operator for the most popular ice cream restaurant chain in the country. The internship involved
attending a week-long training seminar, developing operating and advertising budgets, and
managing a brand new store in a similar market to that of the other store. Locations for their
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stores were chosen randomly by the company executives. Jameson and Jeffery quickly decided to
combine their efforts and create a master plan for success for each of their stores. They speculated
about the accolades that they would share when they were granted the titles of ‘‘Top Salespersons’’
at the end of the year. Communication happened daily between the men as they kept up with the
master plan and implemented each step meticulously to be sure that they were each devoting equal
effort, time, and strategy to their respective stores. They were sure that their hard work would pay
off and they would be able to enjoy the benefits of sharing an award for outstanding performance
at the end of the year. Six months later, the men compared financial reports: Jameson’s store had
triple the sales of Jeffery’s store. The men were perplexed. They could not understand why one of
them had been more successful than the other. They knew that they both had the same training,
background, and master plan and had put the same amount of work and effort into their
businesses. What could have gone wrong?
The truth is that both men had worked hard and implemented the master plan successfully, but
Jameson was randomly placed (store location) in a climate that facilitated his success. Jameson’s ice
cream store was in a suburb of Orlando, Florida, where his family was well known and well
established. Jameson’s last name was Rockefeller. Based on his surname alone, customers would come
to the ice cream store because of the legacy of his wealthy great-grandfather, grandfather, and father.
The family legacy for wealth and good taste had been established for generations. Jeffery’s ice cream
store was in a suburb of Minneapolis, Minnesota—where he became a newly established resident.
Jameson’s efforts were equal to Jeffery’s, but he was put into a situation that set him up for success,
and one cannot deny that his location and legacy contributed to the store’s triple sales. The situation
illustrated in this vignette mirrors the privileges some enjoy in American culture.
As with Jameson and Jeffery, some individuals in American culture today benefit from the
environment in which they live and how they were raised; however, for many of them, it can be
difficult to accept the concept of unearned privilege because the effort one puts forth then seems to be
put into question. As humans, we prefer to believe that our ability to reason and think logically before
we make decisions is the most important component in our successes (Malle, Knobe, & Nelson,
2007). It is common to feel that the idea of unearned privilege discredits one’s efforts and intentional
behaviors. However, despite the effort that one puts forth toward being successful, specific groups in
American culture do operate within climates that are more conducive for their success, while others—
through no fault of their own—find themselves in climates that make success more difficult.
Privilege, particularly white or male privilege, is hard to see for those of us who were born
with access to power and resources. It is very visible for those to whom privilege was not
granted. Furthermore, the subject is extremely difficult to talk about because many white
people don’t feel powerful or as if they have privileges that others do not. (Kendall, 2001)
To begin to explore the topic of privilege in this chapter, one might ask, what does privilege have
to do with diversity? The reality is that it is difficult to have an honest discussion about diversity
without considering privilege. The first author of this chapter has taught a diversity class for the past
20 years, and issues of privilege have been a constant topic of discussion and exploration. Some of the
author’s firsthand experiences with respect to privilege through class discussions and students’
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Chapter 4 Privilege
reflection journals will be shared in this chapter. This author has also found that for her
middle-class students, the exploration of the concept of privilege has generally been met with
resistance. The concept of privilege is discussed and mediated through an article by Peggy
McIntosh (1989), ‘‘White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack.’’ While students of
color generally ‘‘get it’’ because it is their lived experience, many—but not all—white
students struggle emotionally with the concept. The following passage illustrates the struggles
that one of the other authors of this chapter, a student in a class on diversity at the time,
experienced:
As a middle class, white female interested in working in urban settings, the concept of white
privilege was difficult to digest. My personal struggle was and is related most to my own
acknowledgment of white privilege. I now realize that, similar to Peggy McIntosh’s experience,
I have been taught that ‘‘racism [is] something that puts others at a disadvantage . . . ,
[but I also have been] carefully taught not to recognize white privilege’’ (McIntosh, 1989).
She goes on to point out that ‘‘whites are taught to think of their lives as morally neutral,
normative, and average, and also ideal’’ (McIntosh, 1989). This is exactly how I was
brought up and what I believed. I was left feeling as if the wind was knocked out of me. As if
something that is so obviously part of our American culture and my personal world could
have eluded me for so long. (Boland, 2006)
Part of the difficulty in recognizing and acknowledging privilege is that people would all like
to believe that everyone is on an even playing field, that they have worked for everything they have
received, and that they have not been afforded unearned advantages. However, in the United
States, there has been a system in place for hundreds of years that advantaged certain groups over
others. The Civil Rights Movement was significant in attempting to level the playing field. Even
with the gains that women and people of color have made, there still remain often subtle privileges
afforded certain groups in the United States. The authors of this chapter understand that many
readers may bristle at the thought that someone has privilege simply because of his or her gender,
race, or social class. Several other writers have examined this topic, providing compelling
arguments to understand the origins and development of privilege in the United States (Howard,
1999; Jensen, 2005; Kendall, 2001; McIntosh, 1989), and we refer the reader to these readings for
a more thorough understanding.
The authors’ goal in this chapter is to introduce the reader to the idea of privilege and its
importance in the diversity dialogue. Generally in diversity books, there is a tendency to focus on
groups that are culturally, racially, and/or ethnically diverse (which includes sexual orientation and
religion). They are the ‘‘others’’ in our American society. And frankly, most readers come to expect
to read about the disparities of those groups, which are generally compared with whites, who are
directly or indirectly referred to as the standard by which others are measured. The first author has
found in her years of teaching about diversity in America that while some readers may be shocked at
the abysmal statistics regarding minority groups’ lack of education, poor test scores, high rate of
unwed mothers, high rate of imprisonment, poor English skills, and high unemployment rate, there
is general acceptance that this is the status quo and, on some level, that those groups created their
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own situation. That is not to say that people do not control their own destiny. They absolutely do.
However, the racism, sexism, and classism that exist in the United States still contribute to the
complex picture of understanding the economic and educational disparities that many groups in our
country face every day. For a deeper discussion on examples of the purposeful construction of a
systemic structure within American history that grants privileges to some and withholds them from
others, the reader is referred to Kendall (2001).
Someone with privilege often views the world through a filtered lens (i.e., a person’s own
background, experiences, and values color how he or she may view the experiences of others). The
hope is that this chapter will assist the reader in recognizing the impact that personal views have on
work in schools while also encouraging looking at the world through a broader lens. The authors
want to make it clear that they do not believe that one must give up his or her privilege to be
effective in schools. As a matter of fact, one cannot ‘‘give up’’ his or her privilege because it is
something cast upon a person because of societal norms established by those in power (Jensen,
2005). Although a privileged person often does not have anything to do with receiving or keeping
his or her privilege, that person does have the power to take action by acknowledging privilege,
countering oppression, and working toward social justice for all students. Most important, the
authors will provide suggestions regarding best practices when working with all students to
provide quality educational opportunities. At the end of the chapter will be a series of discussion
questions, case scenarios, and reflections on them. These will engage readers in thinking about and
acknowledging what privilege they may or may not have and how it may impact their daily work
as educational professionals.
UNDERSTANDING PRIVILEGE
Discussing privilege while addressing diversity is essential because of the mismatch that often
exists between the backgrounds of school personnel and the students they serve. For more than
20 years, the demographics of the school-age population have been becoming much more
diverse, while at the same time education personnel, including school psychologists, are
overwhelmingly white females who most often come from middle-class backgrounds
(Hodgkinson, 2000). The natural tendency is to look at life through one’s own lens, which
filters information to fit one’s personal norms, values, and beliefs. Developmental psychologists
call this cognitive egocentrism: projecting one’s way of seeing the world onto others (Kurfiss,
1988). Similarly, when someone is in a privileged position, it can be difficult to filter
information from the other’s perspective. This is especially true when coming from a perspective
of dominance.
The concept of social dominance has been the focus of extensive research and is related to
research on prejudice, stereotyping, racism, sexism, elitism theory, and social identity theories
(Howard, 1999). Specifically, social dominance theory explains differential status among groups.
Sidanius and Pratto (1993) identify three basic assumptions of social dominance theory:
1. Human social systems tend to form social hierarchies, with dominant groups at the top and
lower-status groups at the bottom.
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Chapter 4 Privilege
2. Most forms of group conflict and oppression, such as racism, sexism, and classism, can be
viewed as different manifestations of group-based social hierarchy.
3. Social hierarchy is a survival strategy.
From the perspective of social dominance theory, ‘‘individuals develop belief structures that
support and rationalize their social position and their collective reality’’ (Howard, 1999, p. 32). In
other words, our view of the world and those around us is filtered through the lens of our own
social position. This applies not only to individuals but also to social systems. Tatum (2007)
points out that in America, our social system’s overall understanding of race and class have long
determined whether and how one may access education. Without a doubt, there has been much
success in American education, but unfortunately it has not been shared equally by all. For a long
time, an elitist mentality existed that did not provide equality of educational opportunities in the
United States (Kopetz, Lease, & Warren-Kring, 2006). Legal cases such as Brown v. Board of
Education of Topeka, Kansas (1954) profoundly changed the landscape of American education.
Dominance has also been viewed as a system of privilege and penalty (McIntosh, 1989):
From this perspective, social arrangements or dominance cause privileges to flow to

certain groups whether or not those privileges are earned. Likewise, penalties,
punishments, and inequities flow to other groups through no fault of their own other
than their group’s membership. (p. 33)
Thus, a white, middle-class student may find the transition to an education system that closely
mirrors his or her own family’s values and norms routine and easy to navigate, whereas a minority
student who is equally interested in school success may still struggle not only to learn the academic
content but also to become familiar with the norms and values embodied within the culture of the
school. While the goal may be to make schools and the services provided within the schools
effective for all students, there must also be an awareness of some of the barriers that one’s own
experiences, filters, and privileges may create.
As educators seek to be a part of the solution—to work effectively with students who have
traditionally been marginalized within the system—there must be a recognition that both social
dominance and inequities are perpetuated within our education system every day. Howard (1999)
identifies ‘‘three major processes that function together as the dynamics of dominance: the
assumption of rightness, the luxury of ignorance, and the legacy of privilege’’ (p. 50). Each will be
briefly explored.
Assumption of Rightness
Howard (1999) states that the assumption of rightness as it relates to schooling occurs when
educators assume that the issue of school failure is a result of deficits residing in the children and
their families, not in the structure of schooling. The assumptions are that the educational system
works well for all students and that if students have difficulty, it is the result of deficiencies on the
part of the students and/or their families. Here is an illustration of the assumption of rightness:
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CASE SCENARIO: JANE AND ERIC
After noon on Thursday, Jane, a school psychologist, headed to her middle school to complete a long list
of reevaluations for IEP renewals. She sat down at her desk and powered on her computer as an e-mail
arrived in her inbox. She opened the e-mail to find a note from the middle school principal asking Jane to
be sure to pull Eric (an eighth grader) from class today to complete his assessments. Eric had a history of
missing school, making it difficult for Jane to complete his reevaluation. The principal also asked Jane to
talk to Eric about the importance of attending school regularly.
Jane walked to Mrs. Carol’s class to retrieve Eric from Social Studies. Upon entering the room, she
found him with his head on his desk asleep. She approached him, and they walked to her office together.
Jane asked Eric, ‘‘Why haven’t you been to school lately?’’ Eric replied, ‘‘I got things to do.’’ Jane later
recounts the story to her practicum students and says, ‘‘What is more important than school? Where are
his parents? And why aren’t they making sure he knows the value of education?’’
REFLECTION
This scenario occurred in an urban school and was shared by one of the authors of this chapter.
Jane’s assumption is that because the child is not in school, the parents do not value education and
believe that it is unimportant. She is viewing education and related experiences through her middle-
class lens. It may be the case that this student has responsibilities within his home—such as caring
for younger siblings, making breakfast, or working a late-shift job—that this school psychologist
would never contemplate as part of a teenager’s life, because it is not part of her own reality. With
any student, we cannot make assumptions. Instead, we need to work to understand students by
learning about the environments in which they exist. Part of learning about students’ communities
and cultures is to become comfortable with engaging students in ways that make them feel safe
enough to share their own personal experiences. Only then are we, as education professionals,
prepared to make decisions about students’ educational services based on actualities, not
assumptions.
The Luxury of Ignorance
The assumption of rightness is reinforced by the luxury of ignorance (Howard, 1999). Most
individuals from the dominant group know little about ‘‘others’’ and are often unaware of their
own power and how it influences their daily actions. Conversely, ‘‘others’’ often have an
understanding of the dominant group’s norms and values because this knowledge is often required
for success within American schools and culture in general. This is the result of the education
system’s being designed to educate the dominant group (Tatum, 2007). Here is an illustration to
make this point:
CASE SCENARIO: THE LUXURY OF IGNORANCE
An Intervention Team Assistance meeting is taking place with a mother whose child has poor
attendance. As they explore the reasons for the attendance problem, the mother shares that she has
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Chapter 4 Privilege
been sick. When she is sick, she cannot bring her child to school, and the district has denied the
student bus transportation. As the child’s classroom teacher is leaving the meeting, she laments about
how her parents never would have used that excuse. She states that she cannot believe that this
parent thought it was okay to say that she would not bring her child to school on days that she was
sick.
REFLECTION
This scenario also occurred in an urban school. The luxury of ignorance (as Howard [1999] states) allows a
‘‘view of reality that ‘makes sense’ to us.’’ The classroom teacher in this instance processed the information
through her own filter—one that includes multiple modes of transportation, a flexible work schedule, and a
home in a neighborhood that is safe to walk to school in. This filter leads the teacher to assume that the
parent has other means for getting the child to school, not recognizing the lack of resources the parent may
have at her disposal (such as other adults to walk her child to school). She does not consider that the parent
may not be comfortable sending her child to school alone in the neighborhood in which they reside. More
important, she assumes that the parent is simply providing an ‘‘excuse’’ for her child’s absences. Sadly, the
teacher’s filter also results in making a judgment about the parent: that no decent parent would ever make
such excuses, probably because her own parents would never say such a thing. Instead of lamenting about
what she perceives to be occurring, a better approach would be to engage the parent in a meaningful
conversation about the family’s situation so that she may begin to understand the parent’s dilemma and
to find a solution that would work for the parent as well as the school.
The Legacy of Privilege
Finally, the legacy of privilege refers to advantages afforded to some based solely on belonging to
the dominant group (Howard, 2002; McIntosh, 1989). McIntosh’s (1989) manuscript beautifully
illustrates the concept of white privilege—and in an earlier manuscript (McIntosh, 1988), male
privilege—and how this dominance pervades almost every aspect of our society. To understand
this concept, scenarios are often used to make the point. A story told to the first author during her
diversity class is a moving illustration of how a white male student came to understand privilege.
He described going to a gas station in the evening, when customers are required to pay before
pumping their gas. As he started to walk toward the window, the attendant waved him back and
told him to go ahead and pump his gas. The student then observed an African American male pull
up to a gas pump, get out of his car, and proceed to the pump to put gas in his car. The attendant
started banging on the window and said, ‘‘You must pay first.’’ The student stated that at that
moment, he understood white privilege because the only difference between him and the other
man was the color of their skin. This incident was a minor one, but when it comes to privilege in
our society, often a molehill over time becomes a mountain as minor experiences, such as these,
compound for marginalized individuals.
These issues do not remain outside of our schools. An African American shares the story that
after her first day in an advanced placement (AP) English class, in which she was the only African
American, the teacher pulled her aside after the first class and suggested that if she had difficulty
keeping up in the class, she might want to consider dropping it. The student stayed in the class
and was third in her class at the end of the year. Her point in sharing this story was that none of
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her white classmates was given a message of anticipated failure. Instead, it was assumed that all the
other students belonged in the course and were able to complete the work as required.
As Howard (2002) points out, having the discussion about social dominance is not to place
blame on the privileged, but instead to increase ‘‘clarity and consciousness’’ about how schools
have been shaped by dominance in our society. Understanding social dominance within schools
will assist education professionals who strive to be advocates for children by transforming the
system of education.
Understanding the Haves and Have-Nots
At the forefront of the discussion of equality in education is the concept of privilege in America as
it relates to race and class. Both play a role in an individual’s experience in our nation’s education
system as a student, parent, teacher, or other school professional. The influence that these factors
play in an individual’s experience is real and can result in very different educational outcomes for
students. The impact can also be cumulative, based on an individual’s specific life experience. This
is not to say that a student from a low-income, minority family is destined for school failure;
however, the key for educators is recognizing that privileges come along with particular racial and
class backgrounds and how lack of access to those privileges can influence a student’s school
experience and, in turn, his or her achievement.
Race and Class in Education

An individual’s race and class each play a large role in his or her personal life experience,
including that in schools. Often, children’s experiences are vastly different, based on their race
and class affiliations. Although not always the case, race and class are often closely related
when discussing children’s school readiness and success. Although the achievement gap has
received much attention recently, it should be noted that the gap is not a new phenomenon in
American schools (Singham, 1998). For years, certain groups have consistently performed
below whites on standardized tests. Most notably, African Americans, Native Americans,
Latinos, and children in poverty have displayed a gap in the areas of reading and math for
decades. During the 1970s and 1980s, the achievement gap between African Americans and
Latinos and their more affluent white counterparts narrowed significantly (Lee, 2006). White
scores during that time remained virtually unchanged. This closing of the gap has been
attributed to a variety of things, including civil rights and antipoverty efforts of early reforms
(Lee, 2006). Unfortunately, since 1988, the relaxing or removal of desegregation mandates
and the resegregation of schools have contributed to the achievement gap, once again widening
and continuing to grow today (Tatum, 2007).
Children’s economic and family situations can have a negative impact upon students’ learning
(Kopetz et al., 2006). Many theories have attempted to explain the poor academic achievement of
culturally different groups. The majority of these theories come from a deficit perspective. Those
theories will not be detailed here; however, no one theory adequately explains the persistent
achievement gap in America, and there are always exceptions to the rule. More recently, attention has
been focused on how schools themselves contribute to the achievement gap. For example, research
clearly demonstrates that students from low-income backgrounds, who are also disproportionately
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Chapter 4 Privilege
children of color, are assigned to lower-level tracks, receive special education placements more often,
and are less likely to be placed in AP classes compared with their affluent white counterparts (Kopetz
et al.). ‘‘A society built around racial, ethnic, and social class lines spills over into the schools and is
most evident in our country’s tracking systems’’ (Kopetz et al., p. 82).
Tracking in American education has historical roots dating back to the early 20th century and
is still prevalent today. Then, low-level academics and vocational training were viewed as more
appropriate for immigrant, low-income, and minority youth, while rigorous academic
preparation was viewed as better for meeting the needs of affluent whites (Wheelock, 1992).
Educators now know that when students are exposed to a less rigorous curriculum, achievement
is negatively affected. Even now, when minority students are overidentified for special education
(where a slower, less challenging curriculum and assignments are often provided), these
students’ performance is negatively impacted when compared with that of their nonminority
counterparts.
Transforming Education
Strong evidence demonstrates that schools and what occurs inside them can make a difference in
the academic achievement of students (Ferguson & Mehta, 2004; Howard, 2002; Kopetz et al.,
2006; Ladson-Billings, 1997, 2001). Although there is an acknowledgment that challenges exist in
all schools, urban schools provide a unique opportunity to gauge the impact that educators can
have on an individual student’s success. In urban schools, which are overwhelmingly populated
with poor students who are often children of color, there is an increasing awareness that educators
have an opportunity to provide experiences within the four walls of the school building that can be
life changing for the majority of those students. The question is, do educators have the will to
transform the lives of the most marginalized students in our country? Fortunately, there are many
outstanding examples of schools and/or programs that are able to successfully move some of the
most challenged students toward academic success. Programs such as the Knowledge Is Power
Program (KIPP); the Amistad Academy in New Haven, Connecticut; and the work of Dr.
Anthony Mohammad in Lansing, Michigan, all illustrate how success can be achieved with
students who are disadvantaged. The conundrum for education is, how do we replicate this
success?
It has been shown that replication is possible. The Knowledge Is Power Program (KIPP) is a
national network of free, open-enrollment, college-preparatory public schools that focus on
underserved populations. It has a sustained track record of academic success. This program has
been replicated around the country and currently boasts 66 schools in 19 states, enrolling 16,000
students (KIPP, 2008). Key elements of KIPP are outstanding educators, a culture of achievement,
structured discipline, and more time on task. A consistent theme in successful schools or programs
is the educators themselves. As was illustrated in Erin Gruwell’s 1999 book and movie Freedom
Writers, her relationship with her students was the foundation that allowed her to help her
students transform their lives both academically and personally. It is also a beautiful illustration of
how a woman with privilege came to understand her privilege, as well as the lack of privilege that
her students possessed. More important, she came to understand the students’ world view and
used it as a connection in her academic lessons, bringing their experiences into the classroom.
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Ladson-Billings (1997) has written about exemplary teachers of African American students and
teachers of urban students. Almost all research on successful schools has a common element: a
positive relationship between adults and students. Relationships consist of adults demonstrating
genuine interest and concern for students, as well as respect and compassion (Kopetz et al., 2006).
Thus, a key component to successful education is having a relationship with students. This
relationship is most often made possible and positive by an educator who is sensitive to the
students’ backgrounds and life experiences.
When working with racially, culturally, and ethnically diverse students, it is important that
educators be willing to acknowledge the diversity that exists. With this acknowledgment comes
an understanding that it may require looking through a different lens than the one they are
accustomed to looking through to truly understand diversity within schools. The research
literature details the academic disparity for students of color and students in poverty. In
addition, the No Child Left Behind (NCLB) legislation’s primary goal is to eradicate the
achievement gap for those groups. It is now time to move forward and engage in practices that
will benefit the most marginalized students, who often enter the world without the invisible
knapsack of privilege.
BEST PRACTICES
It often can be a struggle for educators to turn theory into practice. Understanding the need for
positive relationships with students that are forged outside our middle-class lens is often a different
endeavor from actually doing it. To help bridge this gap, the following best practices are provided to
help school psychologists and other school personnel start thinking about how to best serve students.
Acknowledge One’s Privilege
To be most effective in schools, one who has privilege must acknowledge it, which can be difficult.
There needs to be an awareness that where and how one is raised provides one with experiences
that most likely prepare them for success in schools, thus coloring one’s view of how students
should be raised, behave, and respond to the school environment. Being able to say, ‘‘wow, I was
lucky to have such advantages’’ can allow for the acknowledgment that not everyone has the same
experience and opens the door for conversations about what a student’s experience has been and
what services need to be provided to bridge the gap that may exist between his or her experience
and the demands of school. As Howard (1999) states, ‘‘If we do not understand dominance, we
cannot hope to transcend it’’ (p. 47).
As a school psychologist in District 23 in Brooklyn, which is one of the more impoverished areas
in the city, the psychologist recognized that she needed to put her middle-class values in the closet to
understand the environment in which the children existed. The challenge was to view the world
through the lens of the children and their parents and to find ways to provide effective services that
meet the needs of that particular population. By doing so, socioeconomic privilege was less likely to
affect relationships and interventions. A simple example illustrates socioeconomic privilege. In a
behavioral intervention class, the students were required to examine how issues of race, ethnicity, and
class may influence or impact the intervention being implemented. One student shared the story of
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Chapter 4 Privilege
how she brought pizza as a class prize for getting the bonus at the end of a week of intervention. One
student ate seven pieces of pizza (the suggested rationing was two pieces per student). She asked the
student why he ate seven pieces, to which he replied, ‘‘Well, if I eat more now, I won’t eat so much at
home, and my mom can have more food for the baby.’’ She commented, ‘‘At that point, I wanted to
say, ‘Eat up!’’’ More important, she commented that she would never have thought of that as an
explanation. She realized that the students have many more challenges facing them than those she had
growing up as a middle-class child. Her lens was broadened through this experience.
Have High, Equivalent Expectations for All, But Provide Differential Support
As an education professional, there is the opportunity to make a difference in a child’s life. Not all
curricula, teaching styles, or school scenarios offer the best environment for all students’ learning.
Research has demonstrated that ‘‘differences in achievement between students of mainstream and
diverse backgrounds were not the result of differences in their ability to learn, but rather of
differences in the quality of instruction they had received in school’’ (Kopetz et al., 2006, p. 228).
Zeichner (1996) identifies five areas that contribute to teaching effectiveness when working with
poor students of color: (a) high expectations, (b) scaffolding, (c) sociocultural knowledge, (d)
teaching strategies, and (e) authentic assessment and parent involvement. Setting high
expectations—but then accurately evaluating what supports or interventions each student may
require to achieve those expectations—can often protect students from the negative factors that
schools often harbor for students of color or students in poverty. Improving student achievement
through scaffolding is a strategy that can be implemented by a number of different school
professionals, such as school psychologists, counselors, social workers, and teachers. ‘‘Scaffolding
for urban and/or poor and multicultural children includes many different kinds of support
systems that bridge the gaps between the students’ current knowledge and new knowledge to be
gained’’ (Kopetz et al., p. 230).
Identify Ways That Schools Can Be Protective Factors
Schools can serve as protective factors, especially for culturally diverse youth. A national
longitudinal study confirmed that school connectedness is a variable that continues to make a
positive difference in adolescents’ lives (Benard & Marshall, 2001). The human connection
with students can have far-reaching effects. It may seem contradictory that schools, which
can be a cultural mismatch for culturally diverse students, can also be protective factors. The
key to success is that the schools take students where they are, build a community, and reach
students in culturally appropriate ways. In many respects, the KIPP schools have been
effective in accomplishing this. Being successful requires teachers and other educational
personnel to be caring and supportive and to have an understanding of the students in the
school building, to have not only high expectations for all students but also a plan to get
them there, and to have clear standards and rules. Having a variety of clubs, social groups,
extracurricular activities, and sports for students to participate in will foster both quality and
quantity relationships with peers and with competent, caring, and prosocial adults (Benard &
Marshall).
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Practice or Engage in Service Delivery That Is Culturally Competent
Cultural competence requires individuals to have (a) an awareness of their own cultural
world views and how they were socialized into those world views; (b) knowledge of other
cultures and their practices, including issues of power and oppression in the United States;
and (c) cross-cultural skills (Lynch & Hanson, 1998). A significant piece of awareness is
understanding privilege in America and acknowledging that we live in an unjust society in
which some groups have an unfair advantage while other groups live a marginalized
experience. By acknowledging these truths, educators can work to eradicate the injustices
that many people experience, especially in schools. Our practices should meet the needs of
the individual students that we come face-to-face with. For example, when school
psychologists engage in assessment, they may want to consider that an assessment battery
given to a middle-class white male student may be different from the assessment battery
given to a working-class African American male. It means that school psychologists need to
consider acculturation issues that may impact the scores of the African American male
(Rhodes, Ochoa, & Ortiz, 2005). In addition, they may want to view the child from an
ecological perspective to gain a better sense of broad environmental variables that may
have a significant impact on the student’s education (Miranda, 2008). And finally, they
should develop an intervention plan that comes from a strength-based model that explores
ways to most effectively meet the educational needs of the student as an African American
male.
CONCLUSION
As school professionals, our goal should always be to create an environment where students feel
safe and understood. Although the norm in some of America’s schools is the existence of a cultural
mismatch between the professional staff and the students they serve, the result does not have to be
students who walk away without high-quality educational experiences. As the authors have
pointed out, privilege is at work within our schools. But the power of privilege can be diminished
to some extent by forging positive and supportive relationships with students. For such
relationships to truly make a difference in a student’s life, the professional staff must come with
some desire and effort to acknowledge their own privilege (or lack of privilege) and a genuine
invitation to all students to share their own understanding and experiences, both within and
outside of school. These relationships take time to forge and are not always welcomed by the
students; however, the key for educators is to be aware of the impact that such relationships can
have on students’ success and make it clear that they are available to all students in this way when
students are ready.
Your work within schools should acknowledge the lens of the school practitioner, but also the lens
through which students and their experiences are viewed so that the needs of the individual
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Chapter 4 Privilege
students can be met. To illustrate the effects of privilege, we offer four questions for consideration
as a method of fostering self-awareness:
1. What types of privilege do you have in your society?

2. How does your privilege (or lack of privilege) affect how you view academic success, work
ethic in students, student responsibility, parental involvement, and teacher responsibilities
within the school(s) in which you work?
3. Do you think that your lens is congruent or incongruent with the lens that your students bring
into the classroom or school?
4. When children enter your office or classroom unaware of middle-class values, do you know
how to go about teaching them the appropriate ‘‘school behaviors’’ without criticizing
behavior that does not fit with those values?
We offer the following case scenarios to allow practical analysis in context and to help
illustrate just how your lens can color your work within schools.
CASE SCENARIO: DERRICK
Imagine that you are a school psychologist, counselor, or principal. During the first few weeks of school,
a young kindergarten student named Derrick stands up and leaves your office in the middle of meeting
with you without explanation. You follow him out of the office and discover that he is running down
the hallway into the restroom. When he reemerges, he looks surprised to see you standing there
waiting for him. When you ask why he left, he replies, ‘‘I had to go . . . bad!’’ After returning to your
office, you learn that kindergarten is Derrick’s first school experience. He is being raised by his
grandmother, who works the third shift. He spends a lot of time home alone and has many everyday
household responsibilities.
REFLECTION
For many minority students and students from lower economic statuses, the culture supported and
reflected in school is inconsistent with what they experience in the home. When getting to know a
student like Derrick, who seemingly has little knowledge of school norms and expectations, school staff
are often surprised to discover how skilled children can be within the home. Many times, young children
in urban schools take care of other siblings, cook, clean, or pay bills at much younger ages than their
middle-class counterparts. However, when placed in a school setting, children like Derrick often do not
intrinsically understand the rules and expectations. He spends much of his time at home alone or with
siblings, where he does not ask for permission to use the restroom. No one is around to assist him with
the process, so he does it independently; thus, his experience is when you need to use the restroom, you
go. His failure to ask permission was not out of disrespect or lack of intelligence; it was simply that he
had not been taught the expectation yet. What are your immediate feelings or assumptions about his
behavior? Are they colored by your lens? What is your view in this situation, and how do you understand
Derrick’s experiences impacted by your own culture? An educational professional who is aware of his or
her privilege understands that often schools function according to white, middle-class standards, which
are not necessarily taught within all students’ home environments. How can professionals see beyond a
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middle-class lens and acknowledge that direct instruction in appropriate school behavior may be required
and is not a reflection of a student’s inferior family, education, or intellect?
CASE SCENARIO: JADA AND MR. ROGERS
Imagine that you are a high school teacher and your teaching partner, Mr. Rogers, has come to you about
a female student, Jada, who recently transferred to your suburban school from a nearby urban high
school. He is concerned because he feels that Jada is too loud and questions authority during his
instructional time. Mr. Rogers feels that he has tried to get through to Jada without success. He says that
he has attempted to address her behavior directly within class by ignoring her calling out and giving her
detentions. He feels that things have gotten only worse. He asks you to ‘‘tell her to start acting right or
she will be kicked out of [his] class.’’ In your class, Jada is very animated and calls out without raising her
hand, but the content of her comments are always related to the topic being discussed in some way.
REFLECTION
Often, African American teenage girls, specifically those attending urban schools with a low-
socioeconomic population, are labeled as loud, confrontational, and aggressive by the media and by their
middle-class peers, both White (Lei, 2003) and Black (Jenkins, 2007). For many African American teenage
girls in urban schools, boisterously expressing themselves is not viewed as aggressive or disruptive;
instead, it is an appropriate means by which to make themselves heard in their school and home
environments. It is only when these girls enter environments that value middle-class standards of quiet
tones of voice, modest self-expression, and standard English speech patterns that these students are seen
as disrespectful and disruptive. Steps must be taken to ensure that students are taught appropriate
school behavior without undermining their own cultural backgrounds or experiences. Given your own
lens, would you be comfortable enough to have a dialogue with both Jada and Mr. Rogers present? How
might you address important questions such as these: Why has her behavior been identified as a
problem? What are the expectations for students who want to share their opinions or ideas? How have
those expectations been communicated to the students? How does Mr. Rogers’s view of her behavior
differ from her own view? What is she trying to accomplish by calling out?
CASE SCENARIO: FIGHTING
Imagine that you work in a middle school in an urban area. You overhear two middle-school students
discussing a fight that occurred on the playground the day before. One student is commenting that she
did not think that both students involved in the fight should have been suspended. She comments that
her mother told her to hit back if someone hit her first. Fighting of any kind is not permitted in your
school. You feel that you have a good relationship with the student, so you ask her to come see you after
lunch to discuss this issue further.
REFLECTION
How does your lens color your own view of fighting? How might the student’s view differ from your
own? How does your own culture and the cultural background of your students impact how you view
the situation? An educational professional who is aware of privilege and the differences that occur between
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Chapter 4 Privilege
her own middle-class background and values and this child’s might understand that the rules of
engagement with peers who are aggressive may be very different outside of school. Surviving in the
surrounding neighborhood may require the willingness to physically defend oneself. Or perhaps physically
responding to conflict is the only solution the child has ever observed. Is it possible to teach the child the
appropriate school behavior without undermining the child’s experiences or the parent’s authority?
CASE SCENARIO: ELLIS ISLAND
Imagine that you are a middle-school principal. Two students come into your office upset about a history
assignment that requires them to trace their family lineage back to at least Ellis Island. They indicate that as a
Black student whose ancestors were slaves and as a Mexican immigrant, they feel that the assignment is unfair.
REFLECTION
How might your lens impact how you choose to handle the situation? How might you support the
students’ lived experiences and family histories while also helping the teacher to broaden his own view?
Is it important to talk to the teacher about the assignment? How involved in the situation do you feel
that you need to be to best meet the students’ needs?
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Benard, B., & Marshall, K. (2001). Protective factors in individuals, families, and schools: National
longitudinal study on adolescent health findings. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, College
of Continuing Education, National Resilience Resource Center & Centers for the Application
of Prevention Technologies. Retrieved May 25, 2008, from http://www.cce.umn.edu/pdfs/
NRRC/capt_pdf/protective.pdf
Boland, A. (2006). Personal journal. Unpublished manuscript.
Ferguson, R., & Mehta, J. (2004). An unfinished journey: The legacy of Brown and the
narrowing of the achievement gap. Phi Delta Kappan, 85, 656–669.
Gruwell, E. (1999). The Freedom Writers diary. New York: Broadway Books.
Hodgkinson, H. (2000). Educational demographics: What teachers should know. Educational
Leadership, 58(4), 6–11.
Howard, G. R. (1999). We can’t teach what we don’t know: White teachers, multiracial schools. New
York: Teachers College Press.
Howard, G. R. (2002). School improvement for all: Reflections on the achievement gap. Journal
of School Improvement, 3(1), 11–17. Retrieved March 15, 2008, from http://www.icsac.org/
jsi/2002v3i1/reflections
Jenkins, T. (2007). The educational experiences of African-American female adolescents in a predominantly
white suburban school district. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Ohio State University, Columbus.
Jensen, R. (2005). The heart of whiteness: Confronting race, racism, and white privilege. San
Francisco: City Lights Publishing.
Kendall, F. (2001). Understanding white privilege. Retrieved October 27, 2008, from http://
www.uwm.edu/,gjay/Whiteness/Underst_White_Priv.pdf
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KIPP (Knowledge Is Power Program). (2008). Retrieved May 27, 2008, from http://www.
kipp.org/01/
Kopetz, P. B., Lease, A. J., & Warren-Kring, B. Z. (2006). Comprehensive urban education.
Boston: Pearson Education/Allyn and Bacon.
Kurfiss, J. G. (1988). Critical thinking: Theory, research, practice, and possibilities (ASHE-ERIC
Higher Education Report No. 2). Washington, DC: ERIC Clearinghouse on Higher
Education & Association for the Study of Higher Education.
Ladson-Billings, G. (1997). The dreamkeepers: Successful teachers of African American children. San
Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Ladson-Billings, G. (2001). Crossing over to Canaan: The journey of new teachers in diverse
classrooms. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Lee, J. (2006). Tracking achievement gaps and assessing the impact of NCLB on the gaps: An in-depth
look into national and state reading and math outcome trends. Cambridge, MA: Civil
Rights Project at Harvard University. Retrieved May 17, 2008, from http://www.
civilrightsproject.ucla.edu/research/esea/nclb_naep_lee.pdf
Lei, J. L. (2003). (Un)necessary toughness? Those ‘‘loud black girls’’ and those ‘‘quiet Asian boys. ’’
Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 34(2), 158–181.
Lynch, E. W., & Hanson, M. J. (1998). Developing cross-cultural competence (2nd ed.). Baltimore:
Brookes Publishing.
Malle, B. F., Knobe, J. M., & Nelson, S. E. (2007). Actor–observer asymmetries in explanations of
behavior: New answers to an old question. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 93, 491–514.
McIntosh, P. (1988). White privilege and male privilege: A personal account of coming to see
correspondences through work in women’s studies. Wellesley, MA: Wellesley College Center for
Research on Women.
McIntosh, P. (1989). White privilege: Unpacking the invisible knapsack. Peace and Freedom,
(July/August),10–12.
Miranda, A. H. (2008). Best practices in increasing cross-cultural competence. In A. Thomas & J.
Grimes (Eds.), Best practices in school psychology V (pp. 1739–1749). Bethesda, MD: National
Rhodes, R. L., Ochoa, S. H., & Ortiz, S. O. (2005). Assessing culturally and linguistically diverse
students: A practical guide. New York: Guilford Press.
Sidanius, J., & Pratto, F. (1993). Racism and support of free-market capitalism: A cross-cultural
analysis. Political Psychology, 14, 383–403.
Singham, M. (1998). The canary in the mine: The achievement gap between black and white
students. Phi Delta Kappan, 80(1), 9–15.
Tatum, B. D. (2007). Can we talk about race? And other conversations in an era of school
resegregation. Boston: Beacon Press.
Wheelock, A. (1992). Cross the tracks: How ‘‘untracking’’ can save America’s schools. New York:
New Press.
Zeichner, K. (1996). Educating teachers for cultural diversity. In K. Zeichner, S. S. Melnick, M.
L. Gomez (Eds.), Currents of reform in preservice teacher education (pp. 140–142). New York:
Teachers College Press.
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Chapter 5
Pathways on a Journey of Getting It:
Multicultural Competence Training and Continuing
Professional Development
Tonika Duren Green, PhD
Valerie J. Cook-Morales, PhD
Carol Robinson-Zañartu, PhD
Colette L. Ingraham, PhD, NCSP
San Diego State University
OBJECTIVES
1. To describe an integrated, dynamic, three-part model for pursuing multicultural competence
2. To define and discuss getting it as it refers to multicultural competence within the model
3. To provide strategies for training and ongoing professional development through conceptual,
emotional, and behavioral pathways toward multicultural competence
4. To encourage readers to begin or continue on their pathway toward getting it while reflecting
on the interconnections of their conceptual, emotional, and behavioral routes
INTRODUCTION
The authors believe that we were asked to write this chapter on training and ongoing learning for
multicultural competence because of our program’s multiple recognitions for its work in this area
(e.g., Esquival, Warren, & Olitzky, 2007; Hasegawa, 1994; Rogers & Molina, 2006). To begin,
we shared our own stories and memories of the struggles to transform our program, our
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curriculum, our processes, and ourselves. How did our differences (e.g., race, class, age, religion,
or spiritual orientation) intersect with our common beliefs, passions, and knowledge bases? What
got us to where we are and keeps us on this dynamic path, this continuing journey? What was it
that we all felt that connected us to the heart of culturally affirming practices?
We have tried to conceptualize a unique way to share how we view this learning. In doing so,
we grappled with what defines our frustrations when child and school failure links clearly to
cultural oversights. A familiar phrase, ‘‘They just don’t get it!’’ emerged first as a catch phrase, but
then as a challenge to define and articulate getting it and not getting it—the pathways to learning to
become increasingly competent to work across cultures in school settings. Voice, its suppression
and its emergence, brings an affective as well as a cognitive presence to a discussion; thus, we
deliberately share our individual as well as collective voices throughout.
Culturally competent practice has been the subject of debate, concern, and developing policy
in school psychology for more than two decades (Lopez & Rogers, 2001, 2007; Rogers,
Ponterotto, Conoley, & Wiese, 1992; Rosenfield & Esquivel, 1985). A Division 16 (School
Psychology) Task Force of the American Psychological Association (APA) identified six areas of
‘‘culturally competent practice’’ with descriptive examples of implementation, from methods for
addressing—through practice and leadership—disproportionate representation in special
education to institutional racism and bias (Rogers et al., 1999). Subsequently, Rogers and
Lopez (2002) conducted a comprehensive Delphi study (using experts in school psychology and
related fields) and identified 14 areas of knowledge and skills with more than 100 specific
competencies deemed important to culturally competent practice. Obviously, this is complex. The
Rogers and Lopez article is posted with permission at http://edweb.sdsu.edu/csp/sp for continuing
professional development.
Although those articulated competencies help define needed behaviors and skills, they risk not
only overwhelming learners but also reducing learning processes of getting it to a list of got its.
Reductionist approaches suggest the whole as merely the sum of its parts, in contrast to systemic
approaches, which recognize interrelated dynamics and relationships influencing multiple parts of
any system. Dynamic and ecosystemic approaches have defined our work for many years. Our
approach to teaching and learning pathways on the journey of (versus to) multicultural
competence reflects that systemic orientation.
Anyone who studies learning across cultures encounters ways of learning and knowing beyond
the cognitive. Learning to get it deeply goes beyond acts of the mind. Depending on one’s
epistemology, a three- or four-part model best describes such a process. Indigenous models most
often represent four parts of knowing (at a minimum), drawing from the heart, spirit, and body,
as well as the mind (Emerson, 1999; Robinson-Zañartu & Aganza, 2000). Most of Western
thought, as well as some Eastern thought, is built on three-part models (e.g., mind, body, and
spirit). Because it will be familiar to most readers, we choose a three-part model to represent
learning pathways toward getting it. Within this world view, we represent the conceptual,
emotional, and behavioral dimensions of learning not only as interconnected but also as a
multidirectional continuum, in harmonious (or sometimes not harmonious) relationship.
Drawn from the image of the Celtic Knot, Figure 1 illustrates these interconnected
relationships or pathways and reflects a visual concept that spans Celtic, Italian, Norse, Afghan
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Chapter 5 Getting It
Buddhist, and Shinto cultures. The symbol of interlocking rings, often called Borromean rings
(after the coat of arms of the Italian family Borromeo), is found throughout cultures and
throughout the ages. The symbol itself has appeared in the form of the valknut on Norse image
stones dating back to the seventh century; in Ghandarva (Afghan) Buddhist art from around the
second century of the Common Era (Borromean Rings, n.d.); and on O-Miwa Jinja, one of the
oldest Shinto temples in Japan (Boromean Rings at Shinto Shrine, n.d.).
Put your finger on any part of the path and follow it to its conclusion. No start or end
emerges because these relationships cannot be reduced to the ‘‘rings’’ they first appear to be;
rather, they are in movement, in relation, capable of expansion in many directions, and
inseparable. Thus, we found the image to well represent ‘‘breaking out’’ our three pathways in the
journey of interconnected learning: conceptual, emotional, and behavioral. It is the coming
together of the whole, greater than the sum of its parts, fluid and flexible, that illustrates getting it.
Without conceptual depth, action can be misguided. Without passion and emotion, actions
seldom follow. The conceptual and emotional inform one another, and they in turn inform
behavior, or action. Without informed action, the others hold no meaning; in fact, nonaction can
imply collusion. In the sections that follow, we define and discuss three major pathways on the
journey, each with a voice that reflects that pathway in some way.
Each section of this chapter will affect and speak to you in different ways. Our intention is
that you experience the journey personally and take notice of which pathway(s) you connect with
deeply. As you read this chapter, you will experience uniquely different voices, tones, and styles of
FIGURE 1. Pathways on a1.journey

FIGURE of Getting
Pathways It.
on a journey of Getting It.
Note. The Celtic Knot used in this figure is the logo of the Kagemusha Taiko Group in the United
Kingdom, designed by Jonathan Kirby. Used and reprinted with permission of the artist.
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writing, consistent with the pathways they represent. Our readers on the conceptual pathway to
getting it will take note of the poignant and academic writing style and tone of our first section.
Readers on the emotional pathway to getting it will connect deeply with the personal and affective
tone in which this section is written. Lastly, our behavioral section will attract readers who are
looking for a practical, behavioral, and action-oriented guide. We share examples and experiences,
present case scenarios for reflection and application, and provide a link to resources. We welcome
fellow travelers!
THE CONCEPTUAL PATHWAY
One pathway along the journey of multicultural competence is conceptual understanding.

Conceptual understanding, essential in the quest toward multicultural competence, involves
significant depth and the interconnectedness between one’s cognition and affect. It calls on the
person to acquire and embrace meaningful concepts and the emotional capacity to connect those
concepts and constructs to one’s and others’ feelings, experiences, and behaviors.
Conceptual understanding is more than just the knowledge of specific information and the
ability to retrieve it when needed. A person can acquire knowledge about multiculturalism,
different cultures, and diversity, but until one understands how and when to use this knowledge,
conceptual understanding is limited. Thus, conceptual understanding encompasses the acquisition
of relevant knowledge; the capacity to remember and store it; the ability to select and retrieve
relevant knowledge; the appropriate interpretation and use of this knowledge; and the capacity to
ask questions, raise hypotheses, and develop new understandings based on learning. In a sense,
conceptual understanding is like a wise person who knows just how to share his or her stories in an
engaging, artful way that delights the listener with each and every tale.
Conceptual Understanding Links Appropriate Constructed Knowledge and Context
Conceptual understanding often involves constructed knowledge and the interrelationships

between the knowledge and the context in which it is applied. Henning-Stout (1994) articulated
how what we know is deeply connected to the questions we ask and the notion of connected
knowing. She explained that ‘‘connected knowers explore academic and practical questions in the
context of the human relationships involved. They ask questions and attempt to understand the
positions of interest of the other people whose lives are touched by those questions’’ (Henning-
Stout, 1994, p. 5). In other words, learning facts, theories, or concepts is insufficient for the
conceptual understanding needed in multicultural competence. Wisdom regarding the context in
which this information is applied and the appropriate selection, timing, and application of the
information are essential for the knowledge to lead to positive human outcomes. Conceptual
understanding, in this paradigm, guides the ‘‘knower’’ in sensitively and effectively bringing this
knowledge to bear on the problem situation in ways that allow one to raise and test contextually
informed hypotheses, coconstruct new meaning, and ultimately engage in multiculturally
competent professional practice. Getting it is grounded in the conceptual processes and its
appropriate application to real situations. One needs to know how and when to select and apply
the relevant knowledge—and often timing is everything!
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Getting It: Coconstructing Conceptual Change
The process of developing and coconstructing conceptual change is a central tenet of consultee-
centered consultation (Hylander, 2004; Ingraham, 2003, 2004; Sandoval, 2003.) Sandoval (2003)
describes the process of consultee-centered consultation in which both the consultant and
consultee engage in conceptual development and the coconstruction of new understandings.
Sometimes they both arrive at new understandings and conceptualizations that were not present
when they began the consultation process. Conceptual understanding often involves coconstruc-
tion of meaning. Hylander (2003) uses grounded-theory methodology in her research to develop a
theory about conceptual change processes. She refers to representation as one’s internal concepts,
hypotheses, or conceptualizations and to presentation as those notions that are communicated with
another person. The coconstruction of conceptual change results in the development of shared
realities that emerge as the individual representations are communicated through dialogue and
problem solving. Hylander (2004) proposes a range of processes that can either limit or promote
the development of conceptual change, and she gives psychologists suggestions for developing
shared understandings of problems and potential solutions.
CASE SCENARIO: LYNDA AND TRUNG
A European American teacher of English language learners asked Lynda, a Vietnamese American school
psychology student, for help with Trung, a newly immigrated Vietnamese student (not their real names).
(For a complete discussion and analysis of this case, as well as other cross-cultural cases, see Ingraham
[2003]).The teacher reported that Trung failed to engage in social studies activities and social
interactions with classmates. If Lynda did not get it, her response to the teacher’s request might have
been (a) to develop a behavior management plan with the teacher to increase class participation and
peer socialization or (b) to engage in tutoring or counseling in Vietnamese.
However, Lynda employed her knowledge of second-language acquisition and cross-cultural
consultation—as well as lessons from her own life as a member of a cultural and linguistic minority
within the context of U.S. schools—as a consultant and cultural broker. A cultural broker understands
cultural symbols across frames of reference, mediates cultural incompatibilities, knows how to bridge
across cultures (Gay, 1993), and ensures culture-based explanations and culturally responsive
interventions (Cook-Morales, Robinson-Zañartu, & Green, 2006). She observed the teacher giving
directions about a project to the predominantly Latino class in Spanish and then in English, neither a
language that Trung could fully comprehend. Lynda recognized the conflict between the teacher’s
curriculum and instructional approaches and the needs of this learner. Because Lynda got it, she knew
that her approach needed to be respectful and supportive of the teacher, but at the same time to
introduce her in a nonthreatening way to the inappropriateness of her current approaches.
REFLECTION
In this moment when Lynda got it and the teacher did not get it, Lynda began working to develop
conceptual change within the teacher so that the she could use instructional strategies that were
culturally affirming and linguistically appropriate for Trung and the other students. Lynda selected and
applied her knowledge and skills in a carefully timed and collaborative way, gradually coconstructing with
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the teacher a new understanding of the problem situation and possible interventions. Lynda had to
overcome her own lack of confidence, limited experience as a consultant, and feelings of deference to the
authority and teaching experience of the teacher. With supervision and coaching, Lynda applied her
emerging knowledge and skills in effective cross-cultural, consultee-centered consultation to coconstruct
a new conceptualization of the problem and engage in a more systemic level of intervention. Beginning
with rapport development and ‘‘one-downmanship,’’ she moved into instructional consultation and
selected self-disclosure about her own experience in U.S. schools. She used the teacher’s knowledge of
second-language acquisition as a bridge to educate and empower her, facilitating her understanding of
how the student must feel in this context. Lynda’s dual approach as a consultant and cultural broker
facilitated the teacher’s conceptual journey.
The results were multifold: the teacher used approaches that empowered Trung, enhanced the
multicultural learning for students within the class, and increased the participation and peer relationships
of this student. The teacher was excited to try some new strategies and apply her previous knowledge of
second-language learning. She used a Vietnamese–English dictionary to learn some simple phrases to
talk with Trung in Vietnamese, invited Trung to share with the class about his culture and folklore, and
increased her use of visual cues and other teaching approaches for English language learners within her
class. The intervention benefited Trung, the other Asian student in the class, and the classmates who
were now learning about Vietnamese culture and making a new friend. Lynda’s collaborative and
respectful style allowed the teacher to get it and ‘‘save face,’’ the student to succeed, and the classmates
to enrich their learning.
What Is Not Getting It Conceptually?
People who are not getting it tend to operate from one frame of reference without awareness of its
limitations or ethnocentrism. This may come from limited knowledge, but it can also arise from
single-mindedness or singularity in perspective, without awareness of alternative viewpoints.
Limited openness to different world views; aspects of diversity; and variations in human cognition,
emotion, and ways of making meaning can lead to not getting it. For some, this may mean that
they are unaware of the privilege afforded to them or the power they may hold because of who
they are or whom they represent. Others may think that they earned the positions or relative social
location that they are in, rather than recognizing the inequalities of opportunity and experience.
As described earlier, when one has simple knowledge, but not the deeper and more
comprehensive conceptual understanding, one is unable to select and apply the knowledge and
skills to a given context in ways that lead to effective multicultural practice. Thus not getting it may
refer to using knowledge in inappropriate contexts, at the wrong times, or in ways that do not
promote positive outcomes for others. Sometimes cross-cultural blunders can occur as people are
learning about cultural diversity and applying it inappropriately, thereby limiting the objectivity
and perspective of professionals to develop appropriate interventions (Ingraham, 2000). In Lynda
and Trung’s case scenario (described earlier), initially the teacher was not getting it. She possessed
knowledge about second-language acquisition, but failed to access and apply it with sensitivity to
her Vietnamese student’s experience as a new immigrant in a class of predominantly Spanish-
speaking Latinos. This case scenario illustrates how one who gets it can support one who doesn’t get
it in developing conceptual understanding and increased cultural competence.
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Developing Conceptual Understandings Toward Getting It
The development of conceptual understanding builds on principles of multicultural education

and necessitates bridging knowledge with social action. Banks (1994) delineated five
dimensions of multicultural education: content integration, knowledge construction, prejudice
reduction, equity pedagogy, and empowering school culture and social structure. Banks (2007)
also described four approaches to content integration that involve increasing levels of depth:
the contributions approach (heroes and holidays), the additive approach (e.g., adding a book
or course to the curriculum), the transformative approach, and social action.
Korn and Bursztyn (2002) describe the transformative approach as changing the curriculum
to encourage empowerment and social action. In social action, learners improve skills in decision
making, social action, data gathering, and group interaction. This approach supports students in
analyzing their values and the values of others and engaging in problem solving. Educators using
this approach help students focus on considering and taking action, thus moving from being
overwhelmed by the complexities of cultural diversity into advocacy and intervention (Green &
Ingraham, 2005). Our approach to education and training is most aligned with the
transformation and social action approaches because of our attention to student empowerment,
social action, and application to real-world problems in schools.
Multicultural theory and articulated competencies encompass a wide range of dimensions,
topics, and areas for learning and development. These competencies span theories and disciplines
and are endorsed by proponents of multicultural counseling (e.g., Arredondo et al., 1996; Leong,
1996; Sue & Sue, 2007), as well as multicultural consultation (e.g., Harris, 1996; Ingraham,
2000; Ramı́rez, Lepage, Kratochwill, & Duffy, 1998; Rogers, 2000; Soo-Hoo, 1998). As one
example of the integration of these competencies for school psychology practice, Ingraham (2000)
discussed domains for learning and development of consultants, five of which have relevance in
the journey toward getting it (also see Ingraham [2000, 2007] for expanded descriptions of these
domains applied to multicultural consultation):
1. Understanding one’s own culture. Understanding how one’s culture and world view are
expressed in one’s thoughts, behaviors, and ways of interacting is an early stage of multicultural
conceptual development. This often involves learning about one’s culture, ethnicity, and
heritage, which is sometimes more challenging for those who are in the majority because they
are immersed in their own culture.
2. Understanding the impact(s) of one’s own culture on others is critical to forming relationships,
communication, and interventions with members of other cultures. This includes
understanding issues of privilege, institutional racism, oppression, and how others might
perceive us and the culture that we represent in their eyes.
3. Respecting and valuing other cultures and world views with knowledge of the history, values, and
beliefs of other cultural groups and models of racial, ethnic, and cultural identity.
4. Understanding individual differences within cultural groups and the multiple cultural identities
prevalent in many individuals. Within each cultural group, there are vast differences in the
values, levels of acculturation, and adherence to cultural practices and values, as well as
individual variations based on personality and experiences.
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5. Understanding cultural saliency and how to build bridges across salient differences is a central tenet
in effective cross-cultural communication, counseling, and consultation. Cultural saliency refers
to those aspects of one’s identity that are selected and made available to others. School
psychologists use specific strategies to affect shared understandings across such differences.
Depth of understanding of self and of others who may hold differing world views is crucial to
working professionally in ways to increase, rather than limit, shared understandings among
people.
By learning about diverse world views, one is in the position to better understand and develop
shared realities with others. The conceptual part of getting it is grounded in the notion that
different world views exist, that we can learn about the world views of different people, and that
when we do, we can connect and develop shared understandings. Building bridges of
understanding across diverse perspectives and world views is a critical tool for effectiveness
(Ingraham, 2000, 2007). Studying different world views has been influential in helping our school
psychology trainees build these bridges of understanding, engage in cross-cultural consultation
and counseling, and enhance their own cultural competence. Shared world views and shared
realities can emerge because of similar experiences or coconstructed meaning, even when
experiences are not the same. Sometimes a mutual discovery emerges during shared activity; other
times an understanding comes from similar world views or experiences and does not necessitate
extensive shared activity (e.g., the knowing glance, the verbal agreement, the ‘‘uh huh’’ vocalized
from one who knows the thoughts and feelings of another).
Enhancing Conceptual Understanding in Training
Our curriculum includes a range of topics that develop and deepen the conceptual understanding
and lived experiences of learners. It includes content about the differences and commonalities of
groups of people; cross-cultural communication and relationships; possible struggles of people
from diverse backgrounds; ecosystemic theories and perspectives; and issues of educational equity
and overrepresentation and cross-cultural collaboration, consultation, research, practice, and
supervision, to name a few. It also includes study about peoples and groups who are underserved,
misrepresented, marginalized, and/or misunderstood and about the influences of oppression,
power, privilege, racism, social justice, social location, colonization, activism, and marginalization.
Attention to a wide range of -isms (e.g., racism, sexism, homophobism, elitism, classism, ableism,
ethnocentrism) is important as a means toward conceptualizing injustice and inequity. This leads
to study of individual-, group-, and system-level influences on development, interactions,
relationships, and educational outcomes and to the graduation of school psychologists who can
raise new hypotheses, interpret behavior and learning within context, and propose systemic
changes that are culturally affirming.
Each of the pathways on the journey of multicultural competence accentuates different aspects
of the process of getting it. Some people may develop conceptual understanding by learning
concepts and then learning how best to apply them to differing situations through case scenarios
and examples from practice. For others, an intense emotional experience or ‘‘ah ha’’ may prompt
them to expand their conceptual understanding and cognitive learning. Wherever one enters the
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Celtic Knot of getting it, that person will expand his or her capacity for cultural competence by
giving attention to each of the three interconnecting paths.
THE EMOTIONAL PATHWAY
Typically, the role of emotion is relegated to that which interferes with thinking, rationality,
and clarity of choice. However, transforming one’s behavior and ideas requires going beyond
the cognitive and rational thinking. Rather than advocating for acting on emotions, we
examine here the role of emotional responses in informing and transforming our knowledge
base and propelling our behaviors toward acting outside of our typical comfort zones. That
new behavior is based on information combined with the motivation provided by the
emotional response.
CASE SCENARIO: LUPE
‘‘Why did they not come for us?’’ A young woman was eight months pregnant and holding her
young child by the hand when she saw the neighbor down the road evacuated. ‘‘They came for her.
We were standing in the smoke-filled yard, and yet they did not come for us until it was too late.’’
As she saw the fires coming over the mountain, her family had to run for their lives, with only the
clothes on their backs. ‘‘Was it the color of my skin?’’ she asked. (Lupe, personal communication,
November 1, 2007)
REFLECTION
Alejandra, the school psychologist, listened to Lupe’s story (names have been changed to protect
anonymity), feeling the intensity of her despair, recalling the historical mistreatment behind it, now coupled
with the fear of the fire and the loss of her home. She felt the nugget of hope that it would not always be this
way. Getting it emotionally allowed her to be very present, not to defend an indefensible system, but to
allow Lupe’s sorrow as well as her fear and anger to be expressed and then to work with her to identify her
own resilience and that within her community and family. Alejandra supported Lupe, but simultaneously
was transformed, allowing the emotional wash of the experience to push her to seek a greater knowledge
and experiential base. Her passion motivated a plan for continuing the work.
Getting it builds on awareness of, and access to, strong emotions. To bathe in the pure joy
of immersed learning in a new country—speaking a new language, gleaning new perspectives,
and experiencing new ways of being together—expands realities, deepens interpretations of the
world, and enables us to get it more fully for the children with whom we work. Awareness that
some parents feel afraid to send their dark-skinned children to school because they might have
negative experiences based on their skin color allows us to get it in a way that school
professionals and parents can prepare such a child emotionally and pass on coping skills, rather
than pretending that racism does not exist. Getting it emotionally allows that tear to run down
our cheek when we witness injustice, and it elicits a cringe of outrage when we hear a racist
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remark. Scientifically, emotions have centers in the brain, but emotional knowing is
experienced in the essence of our beings and felt in our hearts, in our bellies, and in our
blood.
We represent the emotional pathway of getting it as one curve on the journey. Deeply
interconnected with the conceptual and behavioral pathways, emotions motivate, alert, and
accompany new actions. Positioned between the conceptual and the behavioral, the emotional
pathway of getting it lends depth and passion to conceptual understandings that move a person
toward behavioral change or action. Passion has transformative power, found in behavioral
outcomes, as with Lupe and Alejandra. Conversely, when a behavior elicits emotional reactions,
those emotions can motivate a conceptual breakthrough by leading the person to seek meaning
from the reaction of cognitive or even cultural dissonance. For some, reverting to stereotypes or
someone else’s interpretation is sufficient ‘‘meaning making,’’ and they put their dissonance to rest
quickly. For those getting it and driven to get it further, this emotionally packed dissonance leads
to a need to understand more, and even to add to the existing knowledge base to enhance
conceptualization. It is that gut feeling that sends the system to high alert and then alerts the
conceptual system to construct meaning.
Thus, our emotions can lead us to frame and search the known and to construct the newly
known. Our emotions serve as mediators and motivators to enhance the conceptual. For instance,
you see social injustices to others and feel irritated, uneasy, or outraged. What you know
conceptually informs those feelings and, in combination, informs actions. For example, we know
that 26% of Native American students in a certain unnamed school system cannot possibly all be
emotionally disturbed, regardless of the label someone has placed on them. The situation elicits a
feeling of outrage. With sufficient conceptual knowledge (e.g., alternative behavioral interpreta-
tions; understanding of alternative world views, cultural experiences, and systemic perspectives),
along with conceptual resources to construct new meanings, this combination will shape action on
behalf of social justice.
What Is Not Getting It Emotionally?
Emotionally, we experience the person who doesn’t get it as rigid and inflexible in perspective and
action. He or she has one point of view and one world view, deeply held and often expressed with
conviction. No sort of wondering marks this person’s interactions; rather, certainty in his or her
interpretations, harsh sarcasm in his or her expressions, and disdainful remarks about others
predominate. Subtleties escape this person, and difference holds no fascination for him or her. A
quick need to label often accompanies this person, stuck in one perspective with no curiosity
about another, in addition to his or her tendency to stereotype. In addition, a person can be naÏ ve
and show a lack of recognition of cultural differences, such as having a ‘‘color blind’’ perspective.
They, too, have the potential to not get it.
No one political affiliation or socioeconomic status, no lifestyle or cultural membership
disqualifies a person for inflexibility, lack of curiosity, or narrowness of perspective. Not getting it
can be found among those who consider themselves the intellectual elite and within the working
class, couched in the pinnacles of linear Western scientific thought, in the rhetoric of both
bleeding-heart liberals and staunch conservatives, and across cultural groups. In all cases, there is
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an emotional inflexibility and a lack of understanding beyond one’s own perspectives on the
world. That singularity of perspective creates a duality with others, in which the one belief system
is held as the right perspective, and no new growth or relationships result. No interplay among the
pathway informs transformation, expanded reality, or behavioral action; rather, previously held
beliefs, often unexamined, informs actions. It’s as though something is missing—short-circuited.
Learning to Use Emotions to Inform Concepts and Action
Acting on emotions must be differentiated from learning to access and experience emotions for the
purposes of learning. In fact, acting on emotions without reflection often characterizes the
unaware person who doesn’t get it. Acting on emotions evokes impulsive responding, as
differentiated from intuitive responding, and is even used as a defense in crimes of passion in
which the most harmful actions result from an impulsive response to high emotions. Similarly,
hate crimes often stem from unexamined feelings. We do not advocate acting on emotions as a
manifestation of getting it; neither do we advocate burying emotions.
Three Tenets
Awareness of three tenets around emotions helps guide their use in training and in ongoing
learning. First, we must be aware that raw emotions can cloud or cover clear thinking. For this
reason, in our counseling relationships, we take steps to listen to storied situations and to the
powerfully linked emotions, facilitating their expression, while not validating the feelings per se.
Allowing the expression of emotions in a safe setting, one that contradicts the experience of
isolation often associated with negative feelings, can then lead to reflection and the development of
insight (the conceptual link), and even to the rehearsal of actions (the behavioral link). That
conceptual link can then be imbued with a passion of experience and the behaviors informed by
reflective conceptual work.
Second, raw intense emotions can couple with, and draw on, old unexamined feelings linked
with similar events. This can exaggerate one’s level of emotional reaction to a given situation. For
instance, survivors of wildfires who have suffered losses often are reminded of other losses and
associated unexamined emotions—not just the loss of material possessions, but also of close
friends or relatives. Working with those associations assists the person to identify them, to process
and differentiate both, and then to move to reflection and insight.
Third, emotions sometimes stay buried, out of reach, or checked at the gates of academe.
Anger, hurt, and outrage examined can become the passion, love, and commitment that fuel the
most powerful of conceptual breakthroughs and effective actions. Further, they then give depth to
our intuitions, helping us to more efficiently create and explore hypotheses and alternative
narratives and to behave with one another across cultures in respectful ways.
Emotionally Getting It: Learning in Training and Beyond
Human systems are dynamic and modifiable; that is, they change and can be changed.
Emotionality is but one aspect of that dynamic system, and its value is recognized in cross-cultural
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relationship building well beyond education. Calarco and Gurvis (2006) of Belgium’s Center for
Creative Leadership suggest that emotional flexibility is core to learning to adapt to change, is
essential for tomorrow’s cross-border leaders, and can be developed. The emotional side of our
learning is no more static than the cognitive; it can be facilitated and fostered. In doing so,
training programs can adopt four approaches infused across the curriculum that subsequently can
be practiced and supported by professional colleagues to foster ongoing learning: (a) fostering
openness and flexibility, (b) understanding and using human bonding and connectedness, (c)
surpassing empathy through relationships, and (d) learning from mistakes (i.e., allowing our
blunders to become our lessons).
Fostering Openness and Flexibility

We often enter a process of teaching or learning emotional flexibility with young people to
support and guide it (e.g., think of mediating playground disputes). But learning emotionally
need not stop with the end of adolescence; life experiences as adults enhance our ability to ‘‘bend’’
further than before. Emotions come in repertoires that can be narrow or broad, stunted or
expanded, rigid or flexible. To get it, those emotional repertoires need to be flexible and
expanded—open to learning new parts of the repertoire in response to new relationships. We learn
from identifying those emotions and from our own experiences, but also from models,
interactions, and relationships. We learn to temper and flex those emotions (i.e., hold on or let go;
express, act on, or restrain from acting on while exploring alternatives) through relationships with
others, with experience, with mediation, and with our conceptual and behavioral repertoires. If
those models are rigid and options for exploring emotions limited, then rigidity may be learned.
However, if we have an emotional mediator who helps frame a variety of possible emotional
responses to any given situation, then this helps us to expand our own repertoires.
The development of emotional flexibility is at the core of much of our work in violence
prevention or resilience training. Teaching something expands one’s learning. Thus, having school
psychology students (or school psychologists as part of their ongoing professional development)
teach emotional flexibility in counseling groups (first supervised to support their own development
and then independently) supports that flexibility not only in the youth but also in themselves. In
work with very young children, cartoon faces are used to demonstrate a variety of emotions so the
children can actually learn and discuss a repertoire. The same is true for older youth, except that with
development, greater subtlety can be introduced, as well as discussions of shifting, understanding,
controlling, and even using our emotions to guide us to new levels of learning. Adult strategies for
learning emotional flexibility may include committing to and providing feedback, both positive and
negative, giving one practice in dealing with the emotional reactions of others (Plettinx, 2007).
Dresden (2005) draws from mental health experts to suggest that flexibility is a key ingredient in
emotional resilience, which can be strengthened by balancing expression, action, and independence.
Understanding and Using Human Bonding and Connectedness

A unique level of connectedness between people happens when one gets it: recognition that the
injustices against one are really injustices against us all. This emboldens a sense of passion, energy,
and shared space in the world. When two or more people get it, their combined efforts can make a
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significant difference. Fostering those connections in training programs and beyond supports the
continuing path to getting it across cultures and continents.
Beyond Empathy
Has someone who gets it learned to ‘‘see through the eyes’’ or the experiences of the other—to be
able and willing emotionally to ‘‘walk a mile in the moccasins’’ (Native American aphorism) of
someone different from themselves? Traditionally, empathy has been touted as the sine qua non of
helping relationships, moving from listening and responding to effective communicating (Egan,
2002). Rogers posited that in fact empathy involves entering the phenomenological world of the
other, experiencing that person’s emotions to the extent that they can be mirrored to another in a
counseling relationship (Raskin & Rogers, 2007). The idea of truly putting oneself in another’s
shoes is ‘‘increasingly seen as presumptuous’’ (Clark, 2007). In a feminist critique of empathy as a
road to social justice, Caygill and Sundar (2002) caution that traditional notions of empathy
‘‘allow the person with power and privilege to compare her experience with that of the oppressed.
Empathy does not just draw parallels; it equates two vastly different situations,’’ diminishing the
voice and being of the other.
Clark (2007) discussed limitations with the conventional model, key to effective cross-cultural
work: inattention to cultural meanings, inattention to sociopolitical context, positioning of the
practitioner as expert knower, unidirectional empathy, and reductionist assumptions. Further, she
proposed that through the lens of ethnographic practice, empathy could be reconceptualized to
become both a ‘‘mode of inquiry and a model of bonding—a way of knowing and a way of
connection.’’ She suggested the following principles: adopting the stance of the learner, listening
for meaning (cultural, linguistic), acknowledging power and sociopolitical context, negotiating
understanding dialogically, and engaging in self-reflexivity. By going beyond empathy, we allow
ourselves to go beyond the separation and become involved with ‘‘the other.’’ We allow ourselves
to care, to feel injustice, and to actually be in relationship with that person beyond an artificial
counseling session. Having these real encounters and investments helps transform us. Storytelling
is one modality of moving beyond empathy. We listen to stories told by those very different from
us and then have space to feel and to process. If the storyteller is someone with whom we have
bonded, the emotional connection and the emotional expansion are more powerful. The following
case scenario is an example in which empathy impacted a professional relationship:
CASE SCENARIO: DENNIS AND ORLANDO
A white male police officer (Dennis) and a Mexican male counselor (Orlando) had been working together
with survivors of a trauma. Orlando’s experience had put him in close proximity to similar situations in his
own history and brought back the fear. He shared his story with his colleague, telling about his run as a
young boy with his mother across the border and seeing her getting trapped in a fence by her hair and yelling
for him to go on. He relayed the fear of the Border Patrol, the inability to leave his mother, and the relatively
inconsequential loss of all material possessions with full emotional intensity. In response, Dennis felt far
beyond empathy and was changed by the experience. He had not stayed neutral, but had allowed himself to
invest in the story significantly enough not just to walk in Orlando’s shoes, but to be changed.
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REFLECTION
Dennis had befriended Orlando and deeply respected him. He had seen Orlando’s depth of insight into
the situations of others, his keen ability to connect and make a difference with clients, and his reaching
out across cultures to befriend and support those in need. This relationship informed the emotions
aroused by both friends in the telling of Orlando’s story. When Dennis heard the story of his friend’s
trauma in relation to authorities, although he himself was a police officer, it was the emotional
‘‘knowing’’ that moved him to tears and, in his own words, transformed him. He would never again see
the relationships between those attempting to migrate to the United States and the authorities in the
same way. He went on to educate his colleagues. If we have a solid foundation in information, using the
emotional pathway to gain access to our own depth of response leads to positive and often socially just
behavioral change.
Learning From Mistakes: Allowing Our Blunders to Become Our Lessons
In speaking about the path of what she called ‘‘unlearning racism,’’ Ricky Sherover-Marcuse often
said, ‘‘If you are not making mistakes, then you are not taking enough risks’’ (personal
communication, November 2, 1984). This was a mandate to step outside one’s comfort zone with
regularity and trust that mistakes were among the best lessons of life, cognitively and affectively.
This attitude toward mistakes truly helps us expand within ourselves and helps us relate
thoughtfully to another. If the attitude is reciprocal (i.e., if both ‘‘sides’’ understand vulnerability,
risk taking, and mistake making as learning), then truly it results in exponential learning. When
errors in thinking or problem solving occur, a teacher thoughtfully uses them as opportunities for
instruction, rather than belittling the learner. If that learner recognizes the error and how to think
it through differently, learning occurs. When we have been wronged, if we thoughtfully share the
lesson with the one who has offended, then we promote growth. When we have been the one to
offend, truly hearing the consequences of what we have said or done promotes a transcendent
learning, moving our getting it from the here and now to our future interactions.
THE BEHAVIORAL PATHWAY
The inextricably intertwined nature of the conceptual, emotional, and behavioral paths is apparent
throughout this chapter. Conceptual getting it is manifested in the conscious decision to select,
retrieve, and interpret knowledge for the development of hypotheses that would not otherwise be
raised. Emotional getting it is apparent when individuals transform their hurt, anger, or outrage
into energy supporting advocacy for civil rights and social justice. Behavioral getting it is the
outcome of conceptual and emotional getting it and requires us to act on our knowledge and
experience with injustice and disservice to individuals and identified groups. Knowing and feeling it
brings responsibility and requires action. Getting it is walking the walk, not just talking the talk.
Getting it is meaningless without the behavioral path.
The use of power and privilege is central to this discussion. School psychologists hold power
and privilege associated with position (i.e., highly educated professionals), persuasive and referred
power (e.g., often deferred to in multidisciplinary teams), and the majority of us benefit from
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White privilege. Thus, beyond cultural understanding and empathy, getting it requires the judicial
use and harnessing of our power and privilege to advocate for educational equity and social justice
at individual, group, and institutional levels.
Bringing Culture to the Forefront of Services for Individuals
School psychologists on the path to getting it raise culturally informed hypotheses, gather and
interpret data in cultural context, and propose and implement culturally affirmative services. This
may be as simple as stopping to talk with a student of color about the possible struggles that he or
she faces in your school. On a more formal level, it is making the effort and taking time to add an
extra ‘‘R’’ to Iowa’s RIOT model: Record Reviews, Research, Interview, Observe, and Test (if
needed). If records show that a student takes medication unfamiliar to you, you automatically stop
to research that medication, its uses, and its side effects. If getting it from a multicultural
perspective, you automatically stop to research the child’s ethnolinguistic culture and raise
hypotheses informed by that research. Culturally responsive service delivery does not come
naturally; rather, it is intentional behavior.
CASE SCENARIO: JASON
The following case scenario (conducted by a Chicana trainee under the supervision of one of the White
authors) illustrates the complex interface of language and culture with disabilities.
Referral and Record Review
Jason, a seventh grader, was on the list for a ‘‘routine’’ reevaluation, with a note that his mother never
attended a conference or Individualized Education Program (IEP) meeting. The initial evaluation report
indicated that Jason was (a) Cambodian, (b) a fluent English speaker (but Cambodian was spoken at
home), (c) the youngest of 11 children in a single-parent home, and (d) gifted. There was no other
mention of language or culture in the report or subsequent IEPs (i.e., they didn’t get it). Our record review
revealed that Jason had first been exposed to English in kindergarten and rapidly acquired the language,
but he had difficulty learning to read and was easily distracted, so he was retained in second grade. In
third grade, Jason was identified as intellectually gifted. In the fourth grade, he was also identified as
having a specific learning disability and Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder. His IEPs showed
minimal progress toward meeting annual goals in reading, writing, and math.
Research
The school psychology trainee had no knowledge of Cambodia or Cambodian culture; the supervisor’s
familiarity was limited to experience as an activist during the Vietnam War era. Because Jason was the
youngest of 11 children, we hypothesized that his family had immigrated as war refugees. We researched
Cambodian and Cambodian American history and culture, as well as the impact of war and cultural
adjustment of refugees. We met with the school’s Southeast Asian parent liaison to learn more about our
local community and discovered that (a) Jason’s mother is monolingual Khmer and (b) it was culturally
inappropriate for her to attend a meeting at school without male accompaniment. We raised a new
hypothesis: Jason’s school difficulties may be related to cultural differences and acculturation stress.
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Interviews
Teachers reported inattentiveness, low engagement, and poor homework completion. They described
him as respectful, shy, and reserved. Jason was reticent during the interview about school, but animated
when asked about Cambodia. He speaks Khmer at home and in the community. He was the only child—
of 11 siblings—born in the United States, but identified with his ancestral home and glorified the
possibility of living there one day. He explained that Cambodia is a poor country, but that it’s okay
because he doesn’t eat a lot—only noodles once a day at home, and he never felt like eating school
lunch. He learned about Cambodia from his mother and uncle.
Jason’s mention of an uncle opened the door to his mother’s participation. We arranged, through
the parent liaison, for his mother and uncle (a community elder—not a blood relative) to meet with us.
Jason’s uncle answered all questions, while his mother nodded her head and cried. Jason’s parents and
10 siblings escaped the war and came to the United States after several relocations in refugee camps.
Several of the older siblings were settled across the United States and were no longer in contact with
the family. When Jason was 5, his father died. His father’s many illnesses and death intensified the
emotional trauma and fragile financial status experienced by this refugee family. The family relied on
government support and occasional contributions from Jason’s eldest siblings, who lived about 100
miles away. No one had cars or phones. Occasionally, one of Jason’s older sisters was able to help with
homework. Jason had no friends in the community. Clearly Jason’s family situation (i.e., refugee status,
acculturation stress, poverty, malnourishment, and disconnect from family as well as larger society)
had an impact on school performance, but was it a sufficient explanation? We added depression to our
list of hypotheses.
Observation
In the classroom, Jason followed basic directives, but strayed off task. For example, Jason responded
promptly to directions to select a book and read silently. He sat quietly at his desk, book open, gazed at
the book and other students, but never turned a page in 15 minutes. In another class, he appeared to be
engaged in the video, but only scribbled during the follow-up writing assignment. When redirected, Jason
focused and completed the task.
Testing
We further tested our hypotheses regarding Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder, depression, and
learning disability by using authentic assessment and standardized testing. We found that Jason had the
necessary academic skills, but did not use them, thus ruling out a learning disability. His strong
performance on cognitive processing tests of attention ruled out Attention Deficit Hyperactivity
Disorder. His detailed behavior profile was consistent with depression and internalizing disorders.
Outcomes
Jason’s mother and uncle participated in the development of his IEP. Jason’s special education services
shifted from remedial instruction to a behavior support plan. Jason and his mother are seeing a Khmer-
fluent therapist, Jason has psychiatric services (including medication), and his family receives healthcare
and additional financial support. Jason arrives at school in time for breakfast, eats lunch, and participates
in an after-school homework club. Jason’s teachers report improved classroom task and homework
completion. Finally, communication from school (including reports and IEPs) is in both English and
Khmer.
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REFLECTION
The school psychologist who is getting it engages in behaviors readily distinguishable from those of persons
who don’t get it, the first of which is actively researching culture-based hypotheses regarding learning and
behavior. While the need for a translator may be obvious, we worked with a cultural broker to engage Jason’s
family. The parent liaison facilitated entry into agencies serving Pan Asian and refugee communities. Finally,
we shared our new conceptualizations with educated school personnel to create the potential for impact on
their services for other students, consistent with APA’s (2003) third guiding principle for multicultural practice.
Group Level: Redefining the Group
Response-to-intervention models open the doors for school psychologists as instructional

consultants in general education (Knotek, 2007) and hold promise for reducing disproportionality
in special education (Hosp & Madyun, 2007; Newell & Kratochwill, 2007). As we embrace this
opportunity, we must keep this in mind: ‘‘Even the most sophisticated system for tracking the
progress of students will be for naught if general education is ineffective or if the classroom
environment is not conducive to learning’’ (Green, McIntosh, Cook-Morales, & Robinson-
Zañartu, 2005, p. 86).
The school psychologist who gets it examines the degree to which the general education
environment is effective or ineffective for groups of students. We must discern the extent to which
teachers implement culturally responsive instruction (e.g., Bowers & Flinders, 1990; Cloud, 2002;
Gay, 2002; Sobel, Taylor, & Anderson, 2003), effective methods for English language learners
(e.g., Ortiz, 2002; Thomas & Collier, 1997; Young & Hadaway, 2006), as well as the nature and
quality of their interactions with specific ethnolinguistic groups of students in their classrooms
(Kea, Campbell-Whatley, & Bratton, 2003). When any of these elements are lacking, we must
find the courage to initiate the difficult conversations that accompany attention to race, ethnicity,
and language differences. School psychologists on the path to getting it recognize the issues, but
may experience ‘‘intervention paralysis’’ (Ingraham, 2000) and need to reach out to others for
support to engage in those conversations.
Even in a more traditional referral model, best practices call for observation of individual
students in the context of their classmates; for example, while Mary was on-task only 20% of the
time, classmates were on-task 80% of the time. We have often responded to referrals regarding
one student’s off-task behavior only to find that the student is representative of the class as a
whole; then we shift our services to enhance the teacher’s effectiveness with classroom
management. The school psychologist who gets it takes a similar approach to considering a student
in the context of his or her specific ethnolinguistic peer group. Using ethnolinguistic peer
performance at that school as the definition of normal (instead of test norms) often results in a
shift of focus for assessment and intervention.
Consider the fourth-grade teacher’s concerns about Miguel, who seems to be ‘‘stuck’’ at the
‘‘early intermediate’’ level of English proficiency. Examining school-wide test results, you learn
that 80% of English-learning fourth graders are ‘‘early intermediate.’’ Clearly, it is normal to be at
the early intermediate level of English proficiency in fourth grade at this school. If this level of
fluency is problematic, it is problematic for the entire group, not just for Miguel. The focus shifts
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to the needs of all English language learners and improving the quality of the English acquisition
program, curriculum, and instruction.
Systems Level: The Data-Based Change Agent
Behavioral getting it compels the school psychologist’s attention to, and interruption of, perpetual
inequity of outcomes and institutionalized racism in the school. We have, at our fingertips,
aggregated data on educational outcomes (e.g., achievement, high school exit exams, special
education enrollment) for students by ethnic and linguistic groups, as well as disability. In our
professional toolkits, we have the skills necessary to analyze and interpret these data. We are well
poised to interrupt the perpetual disproportionate representation of culturally and linguistically
diverse (CLD) students in special education. Analyzing the representation of the different cultural
groups enrolled in special education at your school may be illuminating. One of the authors
engaged an elementary school principal in conversations about conducting research on procedures
to reduce the overrepresentation of African American students in special education. The principal
reassured her, ‘‘That’s not a problem in my school’’—when, in fact, the school had been identified
because it was one of several schools in the district with gross overrepresentation. School
psychologists who get it let the data do the talking by organizing and presenting the data to spur
collaborative analyses, hypotheses generation, and problem-solving discussions to interrupt the
inequities embedded in our educational system.
School psychologists who get it step up to the challenge of systems change to support
culturally informed organizational practices (APA, 2003; Rogers et al., 1999). Joaquin Aganza, a
bilingual graduate of the San Diego State University program, shared the following example
(personal communication, December 22, 2007). Three years ago, a colleague introduced Joaquin
to a new Latino-focused high school language arts curriculum: Encuentros: Hombre a Hombre
(Encounters: Man to Man; Reveles, 2000). Impressed by the stunning visual and verbal portrayal
of Latino cultures in the curriculum and confident that the curriculum would help Latino boys
identify as effective learners, bolster their self-images, and create a sense of belonging at the school,
Joaquin began his quest toward adapting Encuentros at his middle school. He garnered the
support of his principal and recruited a teacher and support team.
Last year, the class enrolled 23 Latino seventh and eighth graders. The pilot program survived
the school’s midyear move to new facilities and a change of administration, but lost six
participants because of family moves and schedule conflicts. The outcomes were remarkable for
the 17 remaining participants. Comparing their previous year’s record to their Encuentros year:
(a) their mean grade point average (GPA) rose from 2.19 to 2.54; (b) absences dropped from a
mean of 6.88 to 0.47, and 70.1% had perfect attendance; and (c) disciplinary referrals dropped
from a mean of 4.29 to a mere 0.35.
This is the second year for Encuentros, and 29 sixth- to eighth-grade boys are enrolled. By
midyear, (a) the seventh and eighth graders raised their GPAs from 2.41 to 2.61; (b) the sixth
graders are off to a strong start, attaining a 2.92; and (c) of the four boys who were often late to
school last year, two have never been late or absent, another was late once, and the fourth twice.
This fall the Encuentros leadership board presented the results of the pilot program to the school
board, which unanimously approved Encuentros implementation in the district’s high schools.
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Institutional Level: Highlighting the Behaviors of Getting It
All levels of involvement need to be addressed for a vision to be realized. Students, their
parents, teachers, counselors, principals, and a community focus group need a strategy in
place to develop interest and participation. As a school psychologist, I can approach the
principal with an idea and meet with teachers. . . . I can provide materials, consult on
solving problems, or occasionally coteach. I can speak to parent groups, . . . start or join a
community focus group that is better positioned to negotiate with the school board, . . .
[and] use local media. One bead cannot make a necklace; many beads, a string, and a
clasp are all necessary, along with constant care to insure that everything doesn’t unravel
and revert to pretty ideas without a plan or purpose. When enough individuals are
convinced of an idea’s value, critical mass is reached, and the idea can take on a life of its
own. . . . Right now, I’m looking at a curriculum similar to Encuentros that can help
young Latinas stay in school and succeed: Mariposa [butterfly] is an idea with wings; all it
would need is the right updraft. (J. Aganza, personal communication, December 22,
2007)
Perseverance: The Behavior of Getting It
The behaviors of getting it range from individual student advocacy through systems change
toward educational equity. Getting it permeates and drives our behaviors, such as the language
that we choose to use (e.g., Limited English Proficient versus English language learner, minority
versus culturally linguistically distinct), the insertion of culture and language into the agendas of
school teams, the interruption of the -isms as they occur (from jokes to ‘‘those students’’
statements to institutionalized racism), and advocacy and activism for those with less powerful
voices. Perhaps above all, getting it requires perseverance, understanding that through it all, you
still stand and you cry out, you shout out, and you get up and do it all over again the next
day.
MULTICULTURAL TRAINING AND LEARNING TO GET IT
We assume that most school psychology programs today take a cultural additive approach (Banks,
2007); that is, requiring a specific course in multicultural education, counseling, or school
psychology. If this is accurate, we have made substantial progress since the 1990s, when only 40%
of programs had such a requirement (Rogers et al., 1992) and only 20% of school psychologists
providing bilingual assessment services reported even one course in bilingual assessment (Ochoa,
Rivera, & Ford, 1997).
Overall, the majority of school psychologists are underprepared to serve CLD students and
families (Ortiz & Flanagan, 2002). The shortcomings of training programs are often attributed to
the shortage of school psychology faculty who are diverse or who have developed cultural
competencies (Esquivel et al., 2007; Lopez & Rogers, 2007). Gary Howard (1999) advises, ‘‘We
can’t teach what we don’t know.’’ Although he is a White male writing for the predominantly
White teacher audience, he echoes Nieto’s (1998) caution that teachers from other than European
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American backgrounds are also ‘‘largely unprepared to teach students other than their own
[background]’’ (cited on p. 7). The fact is: Multicultural learning is new or ongoing for all of us.
So how can we begin or extend our learning to get it? In this section of the chapter, a brief
description of our program sets the context for teaching–learning strategies that can propel travel
on the pathways to getting it.
School Psychology at San Diego State University
In the mid-1980s, the faculty committed to prepare culturally competent school psychologists for
our increasingly diverse schools. In exploring how to do this, we realized that we had learned the
most from our interactions with people different from ourselves. Reinforced by the classic work of
Gordon Allport (1954), we decided to develop a context for cross-cultural, equal-status
interactions within the School Psychology program. Thus, recruitment and retention of CLD
students became essential (at that time, 85% of our students were European American). Reviewing
the literature, we identified nine programmatic elements needed to support the success of CLD
students and guide our multifaceted systemic program transformation toward social action (Cook-
Morales & Robinson-Zañartu, 1995b). Here we highlight three critical components to our
success:
Program Mission, Philosophy, and Visions

Culturally compatible and culture-focused studies and processes are crucial to the success of CLD
students. We started by articulating and communicating our mission: The SDSU School Psychology
Program prepares school psychologists to be systems change agents in culturally diverse schools. The
program embraces an ecosystemic philosophy and emphasizes multicultural content, processes,
and experiences. The program is influenced by five principles: (a) there are problem situations, not
problem children; (b) these situations are a result of dysfunctional transactions and reciprocal
determinism among (for example) children, teachers, and parents; (c) culture is brought to the
forefront of hypothesis generation regarding the situation; (d) assessment and intervention are
unified in response to person–situation characteristics; and (e) individuals and groups of
individuals are viewed as open and modifiable systems (http://edweb.sdsu.edu/csp/sp).
Several years into the journey, we engaged all program stakeholders (e.g., students, graduates,
supervisors) in a two-year process of articulating our visions and outcomes for seven areas. These
statements (available at: http://edweb.sdsu.edu/csp/sp) infuse multicultural perspectives and
competencies and provide a framework for program design, curriculum, evaluation, and outcomes
assessment.
Equitable Admissions
We use equitable admissions, whereby different (from traditional) criteria are applied equally to
all applicants (Cook-Morales & Robinson-Zañartu, 1995a). Applicants must demonstrate (a)
academic, (b) professional, and (c) cross-cultural readiness for our program (http://edweb.
sdsu.edu/csp/admissions/spadmission.htm). We use a detailed rubric to evaluate applications, and
we invite applicants with the highest ratings to a day long authentic assessment experience, using
small group tasks resembling program teaching–learning experiences. These criteria and processes
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result in a diverse student body: at least 70% CLD for the last 10 years. Student diversity is
essential to our instructional processes; consider, for example, the qualitative shift of discussion
about language development when native speakers of Spanish, Vietnamese, Japanese, Navajo,
Tagalog, and Mandarin critically analyze theory in the context of their cultures. Student
contributions support our infusion of multicultural content, perspectives, and issues into all
courses.
Personnel Preparation Grants

Our training grants (25 since 1986) support specializations in bilingual, multicultural, cross-
cultural, and/or culture-specific (e.g., Native American, African American) service delivery.
Typically, these projects provide a specialty seminar with a culture specialist, targeted field
experiences, and an array of financial support for the student participants. Each of these
grants catapulted our own learning forward along the paths to getting it, and we
institutionalized components in the program. Sometimes these paths were challenging, but
because we listened to our students, reflected, and supported one another, we learned and
continue to learn.
OUR TEACHING–LEARNING STRATEGIES AND CONTINUING PROFESSIONAL

DEVELOPMENT
You are reading this book, thus you are on the journey. You can extend your journey by reading
the references cited throughout, subscribing to and reading multicultural education and
counseling journals, going to conferences of culture-focused professional associations, and
participating in culture-focused workshops offered by your own professional associations. This
traditional academic approach to continuing professional development will enhance your
conceptualization of issues and models, perhaps deepen your knowledge base of specific
populations, and maybe even provide new skills for service delivery, but will you get it if your
continuing education is solely on the conceptual path?
We advocate for the powerful learning that comes from shared experiences and reflection.
Each of the authors contributed to the learning of the others, as have other faculty members
who have been with us over the years. All of us learned and continue to learn from our diverse
students, sharing and reflecting on our experiences. Our program is, in essence, a professional
learning community. The professional learning community (PLC) movement in schools today,
as an alternative to traditional continuing education, is attributed to the work of Richard
DuFour and his colleagues (e.g., DuFour, DuFour, Eaker, & Many, 2006). Application of the
PLC model to multicultural learning requires dedication to multicultural exploration and is
enhanced by the involvement of diverse (e.g., ethnic, gender, disciplines) participants. A
multidisciplinary PLC might focus on a specific challenge (e.g., strained relationships among
African refugee students and African American and European American students) for study and
action. Any group of individuals devoted to continuing the journey can form a multicultural
PLC. Please visit our website (http://edweb.sdsu.edu/csp/sp) for resources supporting these
strategies.
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Vicarious Learning: First Voices Book Clubs and Cultural Film Clubs
Most of us were not exposed to authors beyond mainstream school psychology during our
graduate programs. A First Voices Book Club expands our exposure to authors who are themselves
representative of the cultural group of focus. The books chosen may be of different genres; for
example, academic and professional texts (e.g., Pang & Cheng, 1998, Struggling To Be Heard),
ethnographies (e.g., Nazario, 2007, Enrique’s Journey), autobiographies (e.g., Villaseñor, 2004, Burro
Genius), and fiction (e.g., authors Isabel Allende, Amy Tan, Toni Morrison). The power of film lies in
the addition of visual and auditory sensation to the narrative of the script, thus engaging us deeply for
a short period of time. Films also come in different genres: for example, documentaries (e.g., El
Norté), biographies (e.g., Malcolm X ), and narratives (e.g., Smoke Signals). Members of these clubs
strive to understand the depicted perspectives, world views, and realities. Moving from academic texts
to narrative books and films engages the heart and soul in the emotional path. Club discussions need
to focus not on the characteristics of the book or film, but rather on their conceptual and emotional
impact on participants. Debrief includes observations of the discussion content and process, new
perceptions of each other, as well as new understanding of themselves. The goal is to bridge from the
content and discussion to implications for your interactions with members of the depicted culture(s)
and other aspects of education or service delivery.
Experiential Learning
There is a common saying: ‘‘A fish doesn’t know it lives in water until it is out of the water.’’ Out-
of-water experiences, ranging from brief encounters to living in another country, have two goals:
(a) learning about the culture you are visiting and (b) learning about your own culture through
reflection on your experience. Priester et al. (2008) report that 34% of multicultural counseling
courses require an experience as a minority in the context of a culture different from your own and
that journaling (required in 56% of courses) is important to identify your learning. ‘‘Cultural
plunges,’’ for example, are brief (two hours to a day) experiences that range from the safe to the
bold (Nieto, 2006). A safe plunge is attending a religious service that is different from your own. A
very bold plunge is spending the day picking strawberries with migrant workers. The greatest
learning about both other and your own cultures occurs when the plunge is taken individually,
perhaps accompanied by, or debriefed with, a cultural broker, and then discussed with your PLC
(of course, drawing implications for work in the schools).
Ongoing service learning experiences enhance participants’ understanding of diversity, social
justice, and themselves (Baldwin, Buchanan, & Rudisill, 2007) and provide (a) an alternative to
supervised field experiences for training programs without access to culturally diverse schools and
(b) an opportunity for individuals or PLCs. One of our cross-cultural projects, for example,
connects students with a local refugee center where they volunteer as English tutors for adults.
Cross-cultural service learning opportunities, available in almost every community, can be
accessed by an Internet search for ‘‘volunteer service [your city].’’ Service learning is based on the
principle of reciprocal benefit (Baldwin et al., 2007); thus, it requires an ongoing defined
commitment to the receiving community. PLC-organized service learning builds school–
community–home bridges that are solid assets to the school.
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Intensive language–culture immersions hold the ‘‘life altering power of the process of interpersonal
exchange’’ (DeRiccio & Sciarra, 2005, p. 4). Typically, immersions last at least one month and
include instruction at a language institute and the experience of living with a family in the host
country. Suarez (2003) described the impact of an immersion for teachers new to Spanish: all of the
participants achieved a new understanding (conceptual and emotional) of ‘‘linguistic otherness’’ (p.
182), gained empathy for English language learners, and reported that the immersion impacted how
and what they taught in their classrooms. San Diego State University’s annual summer immersions at
various locations in Mexico have four components: intensive Spanish instruction, service learning in
the schools, exploration of the interface of indigenous and colonial cultures, and living with a host
family. An Internet search for ‘‘language institutes in [country]’’ yields hundreds of possibilities. Some
institutes specialize in experiences geared for educators.
Those of us who cannot arrange a month-long experience and/or are intimidated by the idea
of learning a new language may want to explore alternative vacations. Volunteer service vacations
are becoming increasing popular because of their relatively low cost, flexibility of time, and
inclusion of families. An Internet search resulted in hundreds of links to agencies that match
volunteers’ interests with a wide array of opportunities (as short as a week) working with and for
communities worldwide. International study tours with cultural brokers take travelers on the
conceptual and emotional pathways while exploring international destinations. For example, Drs.
Wade Nobles (San Francisco State University), Na’Im Akbar, and (the late) Asa Hilliard made an
annual pilgrimage to Ghana, West Africa, to share with others the depth of culture and traditions
of the motherland and understanding of the African diaspora. Dr. Li-Rong Lilly Cheng (San
Diego State University) guides travelers through the wonders of her native China, often visiting
different areas of the vast country with each summer return. These scholars articulate the
relationships between history and the culture of origin with the cultural patterns, challenges,
behaviors, and learning of ethnic group members in the United States.
CONCLUSION
We hope that our three-part model for getting it has encouraged you to think differently about the
pathways on the journey of multicultural competence. Whether you enter the journey
conceptually, emotionally, or behaviorally, the pathways will curve and twist to eventually
engage all of these ways of knowing and being as a whole journey. We are all on this lifelong
journey together: Opportunities for learning are abundant; situations calling for action are never
ending. We hope that the following case scenarios and discussion questions engage your ongoing
contemplation of getting it, spur more questions than we have asked, and inspire your further
travels on the pathways and the journey.
CASE SCENARIO: GRACE
Grace is a European American school psychologist serving her first year in a predominantly
African American school district. Her former district served affluent European American families.
Grace is convinced that African American parents don’t care about their children’s education and
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mentions this to a fellow school psychologist in the district who is African American. Grace’s
future interactions with her African American colleague are awkward and unpleasant. Grace is
unsure why.
1. What clues do you have that Grace doesn’t get it?

2. What false assumptions were present, and how were they detrimental to Grace’s relationships and
practice?
3. In what way does a cross-cultural mismatch exist?
4. How might Grace learn about the culture before entering?
CASE SCENARIO: ASAD
Asad is a recently immigrated student from Somalia. His fifth-grade teacher complains that Asad is
aggressive, inattentive, and has trouble grasping ‘‘easy’’ concepts. Asad’s parents do not respond to
requests for a conference, so you, the school psychologist, decide to observe Asad in the classroom.
While observing, you notice the teacher’s reported behaviors. You send a note home to Asad’s parents
requesting a special education evaluation. The parents deny the request and change schools. Three weeks
later, you receive a referral for another recently immigrated Somali student. You are reminded of Asad
and are unsure of how to respond.
1. What questions are important in this case?

2. How would you apply RRIOT in this case? What data would you gather and why?
3. What are some ways that you can demonstrate that you are getting it and willing to help others to get it?
4. How can you restore a trusting relationship with Asad’s parents?
5. What culturally affirming practices might you implement to ensure that the needs of African
immigrants are addressed?
CASE SCENARIO: SILENCED
During a district-wide school psychologists meeting on reducing overrepresentation in special education

for diverse students, one of your colleagues shared that ‘‘many of these students need to be in special
education because they learn at a slower rate than White students’’ and suggested mandatory testing of
‘‘these students’’ in kindergarten to ensure that they receive the needed services early. You wanted to
vocalize your disagreement, but everyone else in the group agreed with the approach, so you remained
silent. You found comfort in thinking, ‘‘What harm could it do?’’
1. Why was the school psychologist silenced?

2. Choose one pathway to getting it, and consider how it might break the silence.
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3. In what ways can you demonstrate getting it and help others in the group get it?
4. How might the inclusion of cultural brokers help in this case?
CASE SCENARIO: PAUL
Paul, a Vietnamese student in the ninth grade at Glen Allen High School, was referred to you for
depression and suicidal thoughts. Over the course of the school year, you worked closely with Paul
and his parents. Paul’s situation improved, and his parents demonstrated their gratitude by inviting
you to their home for dinner and presenting you with an expensive gift. Because of the school’s policy,
you turned down the dinner invitation and gift. The next week, Paul and his parents did not show up
for their appointment. You called Paul’s parents, and they informed you that they no longer needed
your services.
1. What could you have done differently to demonstrate that you get it?
2. How might each pathway to getting it play a role in the scenario above?
3. What behavioral forms of getting it might foster your learning of the culture?
4. How can you use cultural brokers to restore the relationship with Paul’s parents?
CASE SCENARIO: NITA
Nita, a Native American (Choctaw) school psychologist in a predominantly White school district with a
Native enrollment of 2%, approached her principal about implementing a Native Support Group. Her
principal responded by saying that it was unnecessary, given the small percentage of Native students.
Nita has thoughts of resigning from her position and seeking a position with a district with a larger
percentage of Native students.
1. How does the principal’s response convey that he or she doesn’t get it?
2. How might Nita help the principal to get it? What courageous conversations can Nita have with the
principal?
3. How can Nita use parents or tribal leaders as cultural brokers to foster an understanding of Native
culture?
CASE SCENARIO: MODEL MINORITY
You formed a support group for Asian graduate students in your department. During your meeting with
the group, some students shared concern about receiving high grades, but low marks from professors in
participation. Another student mentioned that he spoke often in classes, but received ‘‘less-than-desired’’
grades. The student shared that one of his professors seemed surprised, commenting that ‘‘most Asian
students do well.’’ You struggled with how to help your students. As the only Asian faculty member in
the department, you fear that your colleagues will not understand your concerns.
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1. What is the ‘‘model minority’’? Why was this so upsetting for the students and the faculty member?
2. What assumptions did the other professors make about the students, and how does it convey that
they don’t get it?
3. How might you support your students in a way that is culturally affirming?
4. What courageous conversations can you initiate to foster getting it?
5. What training practices and policies might the program adopt to demonstrate greater cultural
competence and understanding?
CASE SCENARIO: ISABELLA
Every year, the school psychologist and the speech–language pathologist screen kindergartners for
speech–language and/or developmental delays. The speech–language pathologist shared her concern
about Isabella, a Mexican student, after she failed the screening. The school psychologist reviewed
Isabella’s cumulative file and discovered that her scores on the English proficiency test demonstrated
beginner’s level, but her scores on a proficiency test in Spanish demonstrated above proficiency. Isabella
speaks Spanish at home and struggles with speaking in English. After the meeting, the speech–language
pathologist asked the school psychologist, ‘‘When should we start testing Isabella for special education
services?’’
1. Who gets it in this scenario, and who doesn’t get it? What cues lead you to your response?
2. What culturally appropriate questions should you ask?
3. How should the school psychologist proceed in examining a difference versus a disorder in this case?
What data might he or she gather?
CASE SCENARIO: THEY JUST DON’T GET IT!
‘‘They just don’t get it!’’ I shouted these words in my mind at a meeting of national leaders charged
with charting the future of our profession. No one (else) seemed outraged that schools were still
failing our diverse youth and that our role in righting that wrong would be critical. Where was our
depth of concern and our plan for action? Why did I have to call across country to find a colleague
who shared my passionate concern and ‘‘check’’ my reality? Here was a conference filled with brilliant
minds, but the journey of the heart and spirit to linking those minds to meaningful actions for our
diverse children, conceptualizing the ‘‘problem’’ with multifaceted depth, seemed to be a place we
dare not go.
1. What emotions do you believe the school psychologist felt as she shouted ‘‘They just don’t get it’’?
2. How could the school psychologist foster getting it among people she believed didn’t get it?
3. What are the places ‘‘we dare not go,’’ and how do we build up the courage to ‘‘go there’’?
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Part II
PRACTICAL APPLICATIONS

Chapter 6
Multicultural Practices and Response to Intervention
Georgia State University
Julie Esparza Brown, EdD
Portland State University
OBJECTIVES
N To provide reader awareness of multicultural education and its relationship to student
performance
N To briefly introduce the IDEA/RTI connection
N To provide the reader with a rationale for cultural implications for response to intervention
N To provide a model for culture and the response-to-intervention process
INTRODUCTION
The diversity of the American school population is growing significantly with each school year.
Consequently, the practice of school psychology will need to change to serve as a model to address
the needs of the changing population of students whom we support in schools and other settings.
As a result, school psychology practitioners are increasingly seeking knowledge to ensure the
provision of culturally competent services for all students.
By 2025, the total United States population is projected to be 18.0% Hispanic, 14.6% Black,
1.1% Native American, 8.8% Asian and Pacific Islanders, and 57.5% White (U.S. Census Bureau,
2000). This diversity of groups presents interesting cultural patterns that will impact most
classrooms across the country. One definition of culture is the beliefs and behaviors of a particular
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ethnic, racial, or social group (Webster’s Universal College Dictionary, 2001). Others define culture
as the totality of ideas, beliefs, values, activities, and knowledge of a group or individuals who
share historical, geographical, religious, racial, linguistic, ethnic, or social traditions and who
transmit, reinforce, and modify those traditions (Davis, 2006). As a result, to expect that all
students will perform academically in the same manner after receiving the same instruction will
likely result in making serious errors regarding student achievement. What is needed is the
understanding of how instruction can be responsive to the needs of today’s diverse student body.
MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION
Multicultural education prepares students and encourages them to live, learn, communicate, and
work to achieve common goals in a culturally diverse world. This is done by fostering
understanding, appreciation, and respect for people of other ethnic, gender, socioeconomic,
language, and cultural backgrounds, as well as commonalities (Herron, Green, Russell, &
Southard, 1995). Gay (1994) stated that the U.S. population tends to be divided along lines of
ethnicity, race, and economics. This results in little interaction across and among these groups in
an equal way, resulting in suspicion, distrust, and fear. Multicultural education provides an
opportunity for interaction using academics, and it allows diverse teaching among these groups so
that they learn, live, and work together.
Leung (1994) investigated the role of culture in student achievement along two theoretical
paths: psychocultural incompatibility and sociocultural effect. Psychocultural skills are identified as
cognition, language and communication, social interaction patterns, problem solving, and
learning approaches. Leung reported that many researchers focused on different perceptual
modalities of individual groups. For example, they represented African Americans as having a
kinetic, tactile, and holistic problem-solving approach. This style is also believed to be influenced
by the language of African Americans (Cooper [1981], as cited in Leung [1994]). Asian Americans
are presented as field dependent, better at cognitive analysis and tasks that required restructuring.
Hispanic Americans were reported to be field independent and spatial, holistic learners. Although
these are generalities and should not be treated as absolutes, what is evident is that culture can
impact children’s learning and performance.
Banks and Banks (2003) stated that the contributions of all cultural groups in America must
be reflected in curricula and instructional methods for students to be successful. Behaviors that are
acceptable in one setting may be inappropriate and/or irrelevant in other settings. Multicultural
education presents an opportunity to examine concepts, knowledge, and information from
multiple perspectives that reflect students’ interests and background.
Ogbu (1978) and Fordham and Ogbu (1986) describe a cultural ecological model to explain
school failure for culturally diverse students. This body of research suggests that some groups’
academic performance can be linked to the different ways that minority groups entered into the
social mainstream and their impact on students’ approaches to learning. In summary, these
authors noted that voluntary immigrant groups are more likely to accept the dominant group’s
achievement belief that hard work and motivation lead to success. However, involuntary or
nonimmigrant groups, such as those brought here as slaves or Native Americans, respectively, are
not as likely to openly embrace the dominant culture’s beliefs and are therefore more likely to
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Chapter 6 Response to Intervention
resist traditional academic behaviors (Fordham and Ogbu, 1986). This does not mean that
students of both groups do not want to achieve academically; however, the process by which this
successful achievement occurs appears to be directly related to historical antecedents for some
ethnic groups. Therefore, as Banks and Banks (2003) stated, we must be aware of the cultural
background of all students in the schools if they are to be successful.
Cultural Competence and Cultural Responsiveness
To practice multicultural education, educators must be culturally competent and responsive to

diverse student populations. The National Association of School Psychologists (NASP, n.d.) states
that culturally competent practice benefits children in many ways. For example, cross-cultural
communication is improved, and culturally competent school psychologists are able to ensure that
consultation, assessment, and interventions meet the needs of students, staff, and parents.
Padilla and Perez (2003) offer this view of cultural competence:
Cultural competence refers to the learned ability to function in a culture in a manner that
is congruent with the values, beliefs, customs, mannerisms, and language of the majority
of members of the culture. When members of the culture come to view the person as an
‘‘insider,’’ then we can say the person has attained complete competence in the new
culture. However, acceptance as an insider is not a prerequisite for cultural competence
per se. The important consideration is for the person to behave within an acceptable
cultural band of normative behavior. (p. 42)
Cultural competence can also be defined as having the ability to appropriately function
within the cultural context of a group or groups. King, Sims, and Osher (1994, p. 1) identified
five elements that contribute to cultural competence: (a) valuing diversity, (b) having the
capacity for self-assessment, (c) being conscious of the dynamics when cultures interact, (d)
institutionalizing cultural knowledge, and (e) developing adaptations to service delivery that
reflect an understanding of diversity between and within cultures. Diversity must be valued
between cultures, as well as within them. King et al. (1994) report that while a group may share a
similar physical appearance, religion, and language, the effects of gender, geographical location,
socioeconomic status, and intergenerational differences can be equally powerful. As
practitioners, we need to be aware of these attributes and their impact on students and their
families. Valuing diversity includes awareness and requires that we assimilate these practices into
our daily activities.
The process of cultural self-assessment allows professionals to evaluate how their actions affect
people from other cultures. This assessment could be individual, classroom-wide, school-wide,
and/or system-wide. The key to success is to have mechanisms for providing continual feedback
regarding professional behavior and how to change (King et al., 1994). One recommendation is to
use processes and products that can provide ongoing objective feedback to the individual and/or
school. Numerous cultural self-assessment tools are available. As individual practitioners, we may
seek informal feedback from diverse individuals as well. Ideas for cultural self-assessment are
addressed in chapter 9 (this book).
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Cross-cultural interactions are influenced by numerous attitudes and experiences. Several

groups, such as African Americans and Native Americans, historically have been subjected to
unfair treatment by the dominant culture. Therefore, professionals need to be knowledgeable
and sensitive to these feelings, especially when developing systemic policies and practices.
Also, professional practices may need to be modified so that school personnel are viewed as
providing support to students and their families, rather than offering services to students that
are culturally unpalatable for their families. A major step in building this support is to ensure
that culturally diverse groups are included in all phases of planning and program
development.
Cultural knowledge and dynamics must be an integral part of the policies, curriculum and
instruction, support services, and interactions with diverse populations. Respect and positive
images must be provided for all relevant groups in the school (King et al., 1994). Commercially
produced curricula include lessons designed to increase knowledge of different cultures. Although
increasing general knowledge is a start, the dynamics within the culture also need to be explored
and included in the teaching and learning process.
Finally, activities in schools need to reflect the cultural norms of the groups. If families are
matrilineal or respect for elders is essential, then interventions for students need to incorporate
these values (King et al., 1994). This becomes important when parental participation is needed in
schools. Inclusion of the culturally appropriate individual(s) demonstrates a commitment to
respect for cultural values.
Cross, Bazron, Dennis, and Isaacs (1989) reported that cultural competence has a
developmental progression that includes cultural destructiveness, cultural incapacity, cultural
blindness, cultural precompetence, cultural competency, and cultural proficiency. According to
Cross et al. (1989), most educational agencies function between cultural incapacity and cultural
blindness. It is common to hear, ‘‘We treat everyone here the same.’’ Although those espousing
this view may be well intentioned, this cultural blindness paradigm negates children’s lived
experiences and translates to a ‘‘one size fits all’’ model.
Ingalls, Hammond, Dupoux, and Baeza (2006) state that culturally responsive education
recognizes and addresses students’ learning styles, their different modes of reflective learning, the
role of group collaboration, and the function of nonverbal behavior. For example, an individual’s
learning style is the manner in which he or she develops and impacts the strategies that he or she
uses to learn tasks and organize information.
Their research focused specifically on American Indians (the term used by Ingalls et al.) and
provides a sample framework for preparing teachers to serve diverse populations. Here are some
suggestions from this framework:
N Some students learn in small groups, using cooperative learning rather than competitive
activities.
N Silence should not be interpreted as noncompliant, nonattentive, or disrespectful. Failure to
respond does not necessarily indicate lack of knowledge.
N Failure to understand cultural differences can result in inappropriate referrals to special
education.
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TABLE 1. Enhancing Culturally Responsive Instruction
Practice Problem Solution

Teachers tend to read a story in Some CLD children are taught to Teachers can accommodate the
small segments. They provide hear all of the information and then students by exposing them to the
some information and then check come to a conclusion. entire story or larger segments of
student’s comprehension with the story to allow students to reflect
discussions and questions. and understand the whole story and
its elements.
Teachers quiz children on new Some CLD children are taught to Teachers need to allow students time
skills they are learning to assess learn through modeling and practice. to privately practice learning the new
a child’s level of acquisition. Children are uncomfortable in skill. Teachers can request volunteers to
demonstrating their skill level until demonstrate. This should be done
they have reached mastery. privately and not be a public display.
When teachers ask questions of Some CLD children are taught to Do not publicly address students who
children in the classroom, they be comfortable with silence. When are quiet learners. If a child is doing fine
expect a verbal response from a child does not respond to a in class and chooses not to answer,
the child. teacher, the child may be allow the silent behavior.
considered rude or incompetent.
Teachers often have competitions Many CLD students are taught to Teachers should emphasize cooperative
within school activities or work in unity and to help others for work assignments, as opposed to
assignments to see who the first the benefit of the group, not solely competitive activities within the
to get the work done will be or to benefit himself or herself. classroom.
who can do the task the best.
Note. Adapted from Ingalls et al. (2006).
Table 1 provides suggestions to enhance culturally responsive instruction by outlining current

practices and offering solutions to the problems associated with current practices.
Gay (2000) defines culturally responsive teaching as ‘‘using the cultural knowledge, prior
experiences, and performance styles of diverse students to make learning more appropriate and
effective for them.’’ These are some characteristics of culturally responsive teaching:
N It acknowledges the legitimacy of the cultural heritages of different ethnic groups, both
as legacies that affect students’ dispositions, attitudes, and approaches to learning and as
worthy content to be taught in the formal curriculum.
N It builds bridges of meaningfulness between home and school experiences, as well as
between academic abstractions and lived sociocultural realities.
N It uses a wide variety of instructional strategies that are connected to different learning
styles.
N It teaches students to know and praise their own and each others’ cultural heritages.
N It incorporates multicultural information, resources, and materials in all subjects and
skills routinely taught in schools. (p. 29)
Classroom application of these characteristics requires that it be comprehensive and include

academic skill building, as well as maintaining cultural identity and heritage (Gay, 2000). This
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step goes beyond having a slice of time or single activities devoted to a particular activity or topic,
such as Heritage Day or Black History Month. This process of maintaining one’s cultural identity
and heritage is called acculturation.
Acculturation
Individuals acculturate as they encounter and begin to incorporate a new culture into their own
heritage culture. This process has traditionally been measured by the level in which an
individual incorporates the new culture’s values, mores, language, and traditions into their
existing cultural base (Casas & Pytluk, 1995). Until recently, acculturation was described as a
developmental, gradual, one-way process correlated with the length of time an individual was
exposed to a new culture (Monzó & Rueda, 2006). Newer models of acculturation, however,
present a multidirectional process in which individuals carry knowledge of their heritage culture
while at the same time accessing new and diverse cultural patterns of the dominant society
(Monzó & Rueda, 2006; Padilla & Perez, 2003). In other words, learning and incorporating
aspects of the new culture do not necessarily come at the expense of maintaining heritage
culture and values.
This multidimensional framework for acculturation highlights the dynamic interaction of
cultures. As an example, rather than merely learning about their new culture, children can be
encouraged to carry home this knowledge to family members while at the same time continuing to
become socialized into their heritage culture. To close the circle, children can then acculturate
their peers and teachers to their heritage culture. Children and families, however, make choices
about the cultural practices they accept or reject. Thus, acculturation can be negatively impacted
by experiential differences such as the perception that nonmainstream groups have regarding
acceptance or discrimination by the dominant culture. Padilla and Perez (2003) believe that
‘‘acculturation is more difficult for those persons who are more distinct (e.g., by skin color,
physiognomy, religious practices, and so forth) from the dominant in-group’’ (p. 44). The goal for
educators, therefore, must be for students to incorporate positive aspects of the new culture while
retaining, as well as sharing, their heritage culture. The acculturation process includes language.
Specifically, language proficiency in native and second languages has significant implications for
best practice.
Language Considerations
The second critical factor to consider is students’ language differences. Language development,
whether it is the first, second, or more, is also experientially based and follows a sequential
developmental course (Cummins, 1984). For English language learners (ELLs), their language
backgrounds—not just their language proficiency in their native language and English—must be
taken into account in every facet of instruction, assessment, intervention, and placement. It is
‘‘possible for people to speak another language with fluency without understanding the nuances
of culturally based nonverbal behavior’’ (Acevedo-Polakovich et al., 2007, p. 378). Because of
linguistic differences, ELLs often score lower on a wide variety of tests, not because they have
less innate ability, but because their linguistic differences may impede comprehension and
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communication (Flanagan & Ortiz, 2001). For instance, in many American middle-class
families, mothers and caregivers typically carry on running dialogues with children from early
infancy to socialize them into language and literacy (Espinosa, 2005; Rogoff, 1990). In contrast,
young children in many other cultures learn through observation of adults’ actions (Heath,
1982).
Language has also been called a transmitter of culture. Darder (1991) states that ‘‘within the
student’s native language is the codification of lived experiences that provide the avenues for
students to express their own realities and to question the wider social order’’ (p. 37). Thus,
children’s native language cannot be extinguished without many negative consequences, both
socially and academically. In 2002, Thomas and Collier published the results of their
longitudinal study examining the education of language-minority students. They found that
‘‘bilingually schooled students outperform comparable monolingually schooled students in
academic achievement in all subjects, after 4–7 years of dual language schooling’’ (p. 313). They
also found that programs that included some instruction in minority students’ native language
led to fewer dropouts of these students. Most important, however, is the finding that when
students do not receive instruction in their native language, even the highest quality English as a
TABLE 2. Stages of Second Language Acquisition
Stage of second Approximate

language acquisition Characteristics time frame Teacher prompts
Preproduction The student 0–6 months Show me . . .
. Has minimal comprehension Circle the . . .
. Does not verbalize Where is . . . ?
. Nods ‘‘Yes’’ and ‘‘No’’ Who has . . . ?
. Draws and points
Early production The student 6 months–1 year . Yes/no questions

. Has limited comprehension . Either/or questions
. Produces one- or two-word . One- or two-word answers
responses . Lists
. Participates using key words and . Labels
familiar phrases
. Uses present-tense verbs
Speech emergence The student 1–3 years . Why . . . ?

. Has good comprehension . How . . . ?
. Can produce simple sentences . Explain . . .
. Makes grammar and . Phrase or short-sentence
pronunciation errors answers
. Frequently misunderstands jokes
Intermediate fluency The student 3–5 years . What would happen if . . . ?

. Has excellent comprehension . Why do you think . . . ?
. Makes few grammatical errors
Advanced fluency The student has a near-native 5–7 years . Decide if . . .

level of speech . Retell . . .
Note. Hill & Flynn (2006).
..................................................................................................................

..................................................................................................................
Second Language (ESL) program would close only about half of the total achievement gap
between ELLs and mainstream students. Thomas and Collier (2002) concluded that schools
must use students’ cultural and linguistic knowledge as a bridge to new knowledge across the
curriculum.
Hill & Flynn (2006) stress that is it important for educational professionals to understand
their students’ stage of language acquisition. Table 2 identifies five stages of language
acquisition. The stages are known by different terms (depending on the model), but the general
characteristics of each level remain the same. In language development, each individual
progresses through the stages at a different rate and with overlapping skill development. Thus,
the time ranges provided in the table are approximate. In each of the stages, general language
characteristics describe the type of language abilities that students at that level may demonstrate.
Throughout all of the stages, teachers must remember that instruction must be comprehensible
or understandable and that as students advance, they will need to rely less and less on physical
and visual prompts.
Similarly, a chart developed by Brown (1997) may aid teams in determining whether an ELL
or culturally and linguistically diverse (CLD) child’s difficulties are related to language proficiency
or an intrinsic issue. For example, if a student is struggling in a classroom and the child is at a
Level 2/Early Intermediate Stage of English language acquisition, yet the curriculum asks that
student to retell a story or complete a Venn diagram in which he or she must compare and
contrast, then the problem may simply be an instructional mismatch resulting from still
developing language forms and functions. Brown’s chart shows that retelling and comparing may
not yet be developed by a child at Level 2. With this information, instruction can then be adapted
to better match the child’s current language abilities.
It should also be noted that for individuals to reach the last level, it can take between 5 and
12 years, depending on the language of instruction. Students in ESL-only programs may
progress at a much slower pace than those that receive native language instruction early on (i.e.,
the native language group may develop academic language more quickly) (Thomas & Collier,
2002).
In Table 3, Brown (1997) presents a similar model with an additional emphasis on Basic
Interpersonal Communication Skills (BICS) and Cognitive Academic Language Proficiency Skills
(CALPS), both of which address the knowledge that is central to an understanding of how
important language is to the cognitive development of non-English-speaking students. Many
researchers suggest that these students should continue to receive at least some instruction in their
native language as they learn English, which in turn will result in greater student achievement. The
Brown model, while similar to the Hill and Flynn model, provides instructional strategies and the
expected appropriate student responses.
RESPONSE TO INTERVENTION
The recent reauthorization of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Improvement Act of
2004 (IDEA, 2004) has resulted in significant changes for eligibility and identification for
specific learning disabilities (SLDs). Specifically, when determining whether a child is eligible
for special education services under the category of SLD, the local education agency (LEA) may
..................................................................................................................

TABLE 3. Stages of Second Language Development: BICS and CALPS
Adv. BICS/Emerging CALP

Advanced Fluency
Preproduction Early BICS Intermediate BICS Advanced BICS Level 5
Beginning Newcomer Early Production Speech Emergence Intermediate Fluency
(secondary only) Early Intermediate Intermediate Early Advanced
5+ years for emerging
Level 1 Level 2 Level 3 Level 4
CALP development (or up to
Language Proficiency 10 years when not receiving
Stage 0–6 months 6 months–2 years 2–3 years 3–4 years native language support)
Learner Characteristics . Can be silent for an . Limited comprehension . Increased comprehension . Very good . Communicates
initial period of time and production in context comprehension effectively on a wide
. Responds physically . One-/two-word . Uses routine expressions . More complex range of topics
The Charlesworth Group, Wakefield +44(0)1924 369598 -

(e.g., pointing, responses . Needs continued sentences . Comprehends concrete
matching, drawing) . Expresses basic needs vocabulary development . Fewer errors in speech and abstract topics
to simple commands, . Writes some basic . Some basic errors in . Can engage in . Participates fully in all
directions, and personal information speech conversation on a content areas at grade
questions . Recognizes words from . Can respond both orally variety of topics level
. Recognizes basic learned material and in writing . Uses English for . Produces extended
Rev 7.51n/W (Jan 20 2003)

vocabulary and . Grammatical forms . May sound proficient, learning in content interactions to a variety
high-frequency include present, present but has social/everyday areas of audiences
words progressive, and language—not academic . May seem fluent, but . Increasing understanding
. Learning to guess at imperative language still need CALP of idiomatic and
global meaning, . May be English dominant development figurative language
using context clues, . Inconsistent use of . Vocabulary is specific . Has mastered formal and
gestures, etc. standard grammatical . Can manipulate informal language
. May begin to speak structures language to represent conventions
with few words his or her thinking

Focus . Comprehensible input . Comprehensible input . Language forms and . Oral fluency . Oral fluency
. Vocabulary development functions . Academic vocabulary . Academic vocabulary
. Provide extensive . Vocabulary . Extend vocabulary to . Opportunities to express
practice opportunities . Oral language include general-utility abstract concepts
and feedback academic words and
complex tenses
Peek Crockett and Esparza Brown |

. Metaphoric and
figurative language
125
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TABLE 3. (continued)
126 |
Adv. BICS/Emerging CALP
Advanced Fluency
Preproduction Early BICS Intermediate BICS Advanced BICS Level 5
Beginning Newcomer Early Production Speech Emergence Intermediate Fluency
(secondary only) Early Intermediate Intermediate Early Advanced
5+ years for emerging
Level 1 Level 2 Level 3 Level 4
CALP development (or up to
Language Proficiency 10 years when not receiving
Stage 0–6 months 6 months–2 years 2–3 years 3–4 years native language support)
Appropriate Learner Listen, point, move, Name, label, group, Recall, retell, define, Create, support, Analyze, defend, debate,
Response nod, mime, match, respond, discriminate, explain, compare, recite, examine, state opinion, predict, evaluate, justify,
draw, select, choose, either/or questions, list, summarize, describe, give instructions, hypothesize and synthesize,
act out, circle, gesture, categorize, tell/say/ role-play, restate, contrast, negotiate meaning, restate, critique
yes/no, say names of answer, yes/no answers, write short paragraph, fill paraphrase, outline
other students, use sound/symbol out form, list, underline, and map, read aloud,
The Charlesworth Group, Wakefield +44(0)1924 369598 -

categorize, respond to relationships in known provide details poetry, plays, read,
National Association of School Psychologists

commands, repeat words and read high- write, summarize,
frequency words debate, develop clear
thesis, compose
narrative and
expository text
Rev 7.51n/W (Jan 20 2003)

Teaching Strategies . Use visuals and . Open-ended sentences . Games . Oral discussions . Continue vocabulary
pictures . Open dialogue . Group discussion . Essay writing development in all
. Clear speech, . Pointing and nodding . Gather information from . Analysis of charts content areas
emphasize key words, with verbal responses charts, tables, and graphs . Prewriting activities . Content-based
use more pauses . Ask Who, What, . Read newspaper ads . Activities designed instruction
between phrases Where questions . How, Why questions to develop higher . Provide authentic
. Key words written on . Simple rhymes . Oral reading by teacher levels of language practice opportunities to
board; students may . New vocabulary in . Scaffold texts comprehension and develop fluency and
copy as appropriate context . Use grade-appropriate use in content areas automaticity in

. Modeling . Language experience content themes to build . Reading and writing communication
. .
Pointing, nodding Provide interaction English academic content activities incorporated

. Repeat and review with print using word vocabulary into lessons
. Do not use slang frames, etc. . Sheltered instruction
words or idioms
. Use manipulatives
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Note. Students with disabilities take longer to progress through the stages. Adapted from Brown (1997).
..................................................................................................................
use a process that determines whether a child responds to scientific, research-based intervention
as part of the evaluation. This approach was authorized in IDEA 2004 in the following
provision: (a) LEAs may use a student’s response to scientifically based instruction as part of the
evaluation process; and (b) when identifying a disability, LEAs shall not be required to (but
may) take into consideration whether a child has a severe discrepancy between achievement and
intellectual ability [Public Law 108-446, 1614(b) (6) (A)]. This process of monitoring students’
progress after receiving research-based interventions is referred to as response to intervention
(RTI).
RTI focuses on intervening early in a child’s academic career for academic and/or behavioral
concerns, universal screening (at least three times per year), and frequent progress monitoring.
This process helps teachers and other support staff evaluate and identify obstacles to student
learning and behavior, develop and provide specific/appropriate interventions, and then make
appropriate instructional adjustments.
RTI and ELLs
There are several models available for RTI with variation in the number of tiers and practices
(VanDerHeyden, Witt, & Gilbertson, 2007; Tilly, 2008). These practices will vary by each
local education agency (LEA). Two common models for RTI are the standard protocol model
and the problem-solving model. Both models use a team approach to identify interventions,
monitor progress, and make decisions. In the standard protocol model, a research-based
intervention is planned in response to the academic or behavioral need of a student, and the
treatment response is measured and evaluated (Fuchs & Fuchs, 2006). These research-based
interventions are provided in increasing intensity through the various RTI levels, commonly
referred to as tiers. In the first level (Tier 1), interventions are usually provided within the
general education classroom in a small group and focus on the core curriculum. In the standard
protocol model, intervention programs are usually identified for each tier, and intervention
teams choose the appropriate one from a given list. Tier 2 interventions continue to be chosen
from the identified intervention programs and may provide a ‘‘double dose’’ of instruction
focusing on the targeted skills. This way, students receive initial instruction within the
classroom and interventions on those skills in a small-group setting, usually outside of the
general education classroom. Progress continues to be frequently monitored. At Tier 3, the
research-based interventions are usually provided individually by a specialist in the targeted area
because this is the most intense level of intervention. There are two approaches to the third tier
of the standard protocol model: One approach involves having a comprehensive evaluation as a
step for determination of special education eligibility (Hale, Kaufman, Naglieri, & Kavale,
2006). The second approach considers the lack of responsiveness in the previous tiers to be
evidence of the need for increased intensive services and/or consideration for special education
eligibility (Fuchs & Fuchs, 2006).
In summary, in the standard protocol model, teams have intervention choices based on
selected, research-based programs. The challenge of using this model for diverse students and
ELLs is the dearth of programs that have included these populations in the research sample. It
cannot be assumed that programs proven successful for English-only speaking students will also
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benefit ELLs and other diverse learners. Therefore, until there is research that includes these
groups of students, this model is problematic when culturally, linguistically, and experientially
diverse children are the focus of concern.
On the other hand, the problem-solving model looks at the needs of the child, within the
context of the child’s ecology (i.e., educational background, L1 and L2 language proficiency,
immigration patterns, and developmental history), and a team develops hypotheses as to why the
student is struggling. Interventions are then designed to focus on the targeted academic area(s) and
adjusted according to the student’s language and cultural background. Best practices in the
instruction of ELLs and other diverse learners should be utilized. There may be situations in which
a child may benefit from focused instruction in the native language that could be provided by a
bilingual teacher, paraprofessional, or specialist. As in the standard protocol model, interventions
are provided over a period of time determined by the team, and performance is monitored and
compared to that of true peers.
Clearly, models may differ in terms of interventions or tiers and whether special education
eligibility should be part of this process. What is important, however, is that within the general
education classroom, instruction must be adjusted to meet the needs of all students, based on their
experiential, cultural, and linguistic backgrounds, and every child must have equal access to the
core curriculum and held to high standards. Further, interventions at each tier must also be
adjusted to meet the needs of all student groups.
One Proposed RTI Model for ELLs
Although much has been written on RTI since IDEA 2004 outlined the process, little of the
literature has addressed RTI for ELLs and other diverse students. The model for ELLs/CLD
students described here has been proposed by Brown and Doolittle (2007). This three-tiered
model (Figure 1) uses a problem-solving framework that provides individualized interventions
adjusted for children’s cultural and linguistic needs.
The overarching process of increasingly intense interventions in a tiered model remains the
same as for all models, but delivery and interventions are contextualized to the student’s cultural
and linguistic needs. The three tiers of the model are described below.
Tier 1
At Tier 1, universal screening occurs for all students, and progress is monitored. An inherent
assumption in Tier 1 is that the instruction is appropriate for all students; however, Brown and
Doolittle (2007) caution that this may not always be true. For instruction to be appropriate, it
must be both linguistically and culturally appropriate. When and if it is determined that an
ELL’s struggles are not simply the result of instruction that is a poor match for his or her
cultural and linguistic profile, a team of professionals examines the child’s history and
determines the most appropriate intervention for the student that targets the identified area.
The team may determine that the intervention be delivered in the native language and that the
learning slope be observed to see whether perhaps the child’s difficulties are a lack of English
proficiency. In this tier, the goals and objectives of the core curriculum are the intervention
focus, no matter if it is in English or not. Although generally the interventions (e.g., changing
..................................................................................................................

..................................................................................................................
FIGURE 1. Response to intervention: Considerations for ELLs and CLD students.
group for instruction, length of lesson, frequency) are provided within the general education
setting, it is imperative that the ELL specialist be consulted when a child is an ELL. In Tier 1, it
is anticipated that approximately 80% of the student population will meet grade-level
benchmarks. Thus, if more than 20% of ELLs and/or CLD students are struggling in the core
curriculum, the instructional environment, including teaching practices and curriculum, must
be examined.
Tier 2
Tier 2 offers more intensive support for the student, usually delivered by reading specialists or
other professionals. Interventions continue to focus on the areas identified in Tier 1. Here,
students are provided a ‘‘double dose’’ of intensive, frequent-duration, targeted interventions, and
progress continues to be monitored. It is critical that interventions remain both linguistically and
culturally appropriate. ELLs, for example, may need specific language or vocabulary instruction to
understand the context of the interventions. Interventions provided in Tier 2 should match the
language of instruction (Thomas & Collier, 2002).
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Tier 3
The most intensive level of support is provided at Tier 3. Some students may be rapidly
moved to this tier if they have significant needs that cannot be met in the other tiers.
Instruction may be in small groups or individualized. In this tier, the authors recommend
that a comprehensive evaluation be completed to provide in-depth systemic data about the
student as it relates to the student’s response to the interventions at the previous tiers. If the
team is considering special education evaluation for a student, a standardized cognitive
assessment should also be administered to respond to the federal definition of SLD as a
‘‘disorder in one or more of the basic psychological processes.’’ Although some professionals
differ in opinion about the need for an evaluation, the current Office of Special Education
Programs (OSEP) maintains that RTI alone does not replace the need for a comprehensive
evaluation.
Similar to the approach suggested in chapter 7, the comprehensive evaluation process should
include review of all previous information gathered, the student’s learning gains, authentic
measures of the identified areas of concern, observations across settings, input from parents and
teachers, and use of standardized assessments in which the results are interpreted within an
unbiased framework. After a team completes the evaluation and reviews the multiple data sources,
a determination for any additional intervention and/or consideration for special education services
can be recommended.
To help guide educators through the RTI process within a framework that contextualizes
cultural and linguistic factors, Brown and Doolittle (2007) proposed guiding questions to address
the needs of ELLs/CLD students within the RTI model. Tables 4 through 6 present the
framework for each level of the RTI process. Each table is organized by tier, student
characteristics, and setting, and then suggests questions to guide teams in considering student’s
needs within a cultural and linguistic paradigm.
Addressing Future Research
In a 2005 position statement, the National Center for Culturally Responsive Education Systems
(NCCRESt) reported encouragement that the RTI process may lead to more equitable
educational structures for minority learners. However, concerns were expressed about continued
need for dialog and research regarding how culture and language mediate learning, especially for
children in marginalized communities. In other words, students not only need connection to
qualified teachers and other resources but also need culturally and linguistically appropriate and
relevant tasks and curriculum. ‘‘Our position on RTI is grounded in the belief that educational
systems must become culturally responsive for culturally and linguistically diverse students’ needs
to be met’’ (Klingner et al., 2005).
NCCRESt (2005) suggested that future research address the following:
N Intervention designs should be based on a theory of culture in learning. (p. 2)

N Research must account for how contextual contingencies and irregularities across contexts
challenge ecological validity. (p. 3)
N Intervention research must have population validity. (p. 5)
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TABLE 4. Guiding Questions for Tier 1

Population: All students
Setting: General education
Student Achievement is at a lower level when compared with that of ‘‘true peers’’ (same levels of
Characteristics language proficiency, acculturation, and educational background), and it occurs at a
substantially slower rate.
Guiding Questions . Is there a process to regularly monitor native language (L1) and second language (L2)
proficiency?
. Is student meeting state and/or district English Language Development (ELD) standards?
. Has there been a vision and hearing screen?
. Is scientifically based instruction in place for the target student adjusted to his or her
cultural, linguistic, socioeconomic, and experiential background?
. Is instruction targeted to the student’s level of English proficiency?
. Is the concern examined within the context (i.e., language of instruction, acculturation,
preschool experiences)?
. Have the parents been contacted and their input documented?
. Have accurate baseline data been collected on what the student can do and in what
settings, as well as what he or she must still learn?
. Has the student’s ecology (community, home, school) been reviewed and background data
gathered? Do interventions target the identified concerns culturally, and are they
experientially relevant and linguistically appropriate?
. Has the student had interrupted formal education?
. Do interventions target the identified concerns culturally and experientially, and are they
relevant and linguistically appropriate?
Instruction/ . All students receive high-quality, research-based instruction by qualified staff.
Interventions . Conduct universal screening of academics and behavior of all students to identify those who
need close monitoring or intervention.
. Progress monitoring compares ELL to other true-peer ELLs because his or her rate of
progress cannot be compared with that of the English-only group.
. Appropriate instructional interventions are developed, such as individually designed
instructional units, or different instruction using the general education curriculum.
. Background knowledge is built when necessary.
. Interventions use research-based strategies appropriate for diverse learners (such as total
physical response, visuals, real objects, modeling, repetitive language, and gestures), they
are implemented for at least 8–12 weeks, and progress is monitored.
. Culturally responsive instruction is fundamental at this tier and not an add-on.
. Explicit and linguistically appropriate instruction is also fundamental (attention given to
language forms and functions, as well as vocabulary).
. Interventions should be delivered in the language of instruction and include an oral
language development component.
Service Provider General education teacher, in collaboration with ELL specialist.
Necessary Service Able to:
Provider Skills . Provide developmentally, culturally, linguistically, and experientially appropriate instruction
and assessment to all students.
. Describe behaviors/areas of concern in observable terms and establish baselines.
. Identify the elements that will lead to success in the identified problem area.
. Identify instructional and student variables that may contribute to a solution.
. Understand that no student characteristic (e.g., disability label, race, socioeconomic status
[SES], cultural group) dictates a priori what intervention will work.
. Collaborate with other service providers and parents.
. Use tools that assess L1 and L2 skills.
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Population: Students who need different and more intensive instruction than that provided in Tier 1
Setting: Small group setting
Student Characteristics Achievement continues at a lower level when compared with that of true peers, and
it occurs at a substantially slower rate.
Guiding Questions . Does instruction in a small group setting outside of the classroom lead to success?
. Has the student’s progress been compared with himself or herself, using data
collected over time and across settings?
. Does the child’s learning rate appear to be lower than that of an average-learning
true peer?
. Is the child responding (or not) to interventions?
. Does alternate curriculum help the student succeed?
. Does the child have the necessary language (e.g., vocabulary, grammatical
structures, syntactic understanding) to be successful in the given tasks?
Instruction/Interventions . Student has option of receiving different curriculum from that of Tier 1 (changing
only time and intensity), and it is systematic and explicit instruction with
modeling, multiple examples, and feedback.
. This supplemental instruction is in addition to the time allowed for core
instruction in general education.
. Curriculum addresses the specific targeted weaknesses, and progress is carefully
monitored and reported.
. Observations must occur across settings and be of various activities/tasks.
. Assess child’s potential to learn through a test-teach-test model.
. If the student does not respond to Tier 2 interventions, consider referring to Tier 3.
Service Provider . Specialist (Title 1 reading teacher, special education teacher, school psychologist,
related service provider).
. General education teacher, responsible for integrating all tiers of instruction into
the classroom and monitoring instruction.
Necessary Service Provider Able to:
Skills . Ensure that culturally and linguistically appropriate classroom instruction was
provided in Tier 1 and continues in Tier 2.
. Accurately monitor and report student’s progress and adjust instruction
accordingly.
As discussed earlier in this chapter, ELLs present a dual challenge. These students are in an
acculturation process that not only involves learning the ideas, beliefs, values, activities, and
knowledge of the dominant culture but also simultaneously acquiring a new language and
progressing academically. According to Brown and Doolittle (2007), these students must
respond to instruction and at the same time increase linguistic proficiency in English. Yet, often
they are not given the opportunity to build on the strengths and skills they have in their native
language (L1) because many educators do not understand that the stronger the foundation that
children have in their L1, the more likely they are to develop high levels of proficiency in their
second language (L2). Thus, the challenge for equitable, appropriate, and successful RTI
implementation becomes one of providing the most appropriate instruction in consideration of
each child’s unique cultural and linguistic profile(s). Brown and Doolittle (2007) point out that
if instruction is geared toward mainstream students and is not adapted to the appropriate
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Population: Students who need the most intensive interventions available
Setting: Alternate setting
Student Characteristics Achievement continues at a lower level than true peers, it occurs at a substantially
slower rate, and the student needs individual instruction to learn.
Guiding Questions . How many rounds of Tier 2 instruction has the student had?
. Is there evidence of progress from previous interventions?
. Is the student successful with different curriculum and teaching approaches and
an individualized setting?
. Does the student differ from like peers in the following ways:
& Level of performance?
& Learning slope?
. Do you suspect a learning disability?
. What are the student’s functional, developmental, academic, linguistic, and
cultural needs?
. If you administer standardized assessments, are your instruments technically
sound and valid for the student you are assessing? If not, are test results
interpreted in a manner that considers student’s language proficiency in L1 and
L2 and his or her level of acculturation?
. Are your procedures and assessments nondiscriminatory?
. Have you considered the need for assessment in the native language?
. Do your assessments include information in the student’s home language and
English?
. Have you assessed all areas of suspected disability?
. Has the student received continuous instruction? (Absences do not make up a
good portion of the student’s profile.)
Instruction/Interventions . Student has option of receiving different curriculum from that of Tiers 1 and 2.
. Curriculum and instruction address the specific deficit area(s), and progress is
carefully monitored.
. Standardized cognitive and academic assessment should be conducted at this
tier to identify processing profile.
. If cognitive assessment is conducted, native language assessment should be
included.
. Interpretation of standardized test data must be interpreted within the context
of student’s language proficiency and acculturation.
Service Provider . Special education teacher, school psychologist, or related service provider.
. General education teacher, responsible for integrating all tiers of instruction in
the classroom.
. All service providers must collaborate with the ELL specialist.
Necessary Service Provider
Skills
Note. Parental rights and consent are required at this tier because the student may be removed from the general education
environment for instruction. Student could be qualified to receive special education services under the eligibility category of
Specific Learning Disability or other category and have an IEP developed. The psychoeducational assessment should include
some assessment in native language.
linguistic levels of ELLs, as well as the developmental levels of all students, RTI will become
another biased system that results in continued overrepresentation of many minority students in
special education.
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CONCLUSION
Although ELLs and CLD students present a dual challenge in classrooms, the RTI process has the
potential of providing more equitable and responsive educational experiences for students. We
must support, appreciate, respect, and have high expectations for children of all ethnic, gender,
socioeconomic, language, and cultural backgrounds in our schools. In addition to adaptations in
academic instruction, the inclusion of cultural aspects of the students whom we serve in schools is
critical if our students are to achieve educational parity. The desire to offer this support is not
enough. Educators must also have the knowledge and skills to successfully teach all learners. As
such, the literature provided and models proposed in this chapter are meant to provide the
practitioner with broadened perspectives and an opportunity to explore new professional practices.
Tier 1
1. What should the first tier look like for CLD students and/or English language learners?
2. Who should be responsible for making sure that CLD students/ELLs are receiving adequate
opportunities to learn at the first tier?
3. What can you do in your role to make sure that Tier 1 includes culturally responsive
instruction appropriate for CLD students/ELLs?
Tier 2
1. What should Tier 2 look like for CLD students/ELLs?
2. Should Tier 2 interventions be individualized or the same for all learners at the Tier 2 level?
3. Who should provide Tier 2 interventions?
4. Where should the interventions take place?
5. What funds should be used to provide these services?
Tier 3
1. What aspects of the traditional referral process should be kept? What needs to be changed?
2. Who should be on the problem-solving/child-study team? For what purpose? What should be
the role of the:
a. Classroom teacher?
b. Special education teacher?
c. ESL specialist?
d. Parent?
e. Psychologist?
3. What further assessments should be done at this level?
4. What additional data should be collected?
(Excerpted from Klingner & Edwards (2006), with modifications by the authors.)
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Chapter 7
A Comprehensive, Multidimensional Approach to
Assessment of Culturally and Linguistically Diverse
Students
Matthew Y. Lau, PhD, NCSP
Minneapolis Public Schools
Lionel A. Blatchley, PhD, LP
Saint Paul Public Schools
OBJECTIVES
1. To introduce a multidimensional model of assessment that begins in the general education
setting
2. To outline approaches for global screening, in-depth screening, and assessing for special
education eligibility
3. To identify components for reducing bias in assessment
4. To discuss cultural issues in varying types of assessment, including cognitive, academic,
socioemotional, behavioral, and adaptive behavior assessment
INTRODUCTION
This chapter is written for practitioners to improve practices for working with culturally and
linguistically diverse (CLD) students by providing a working model that reduces bias in special
education placement and links assessment results with instructional programming. Unlike the
traditional model of school psychological assessment (i.e., to determine special education
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eligibility), the model we propose begins in the general education setting. The primary objective is
to gather information (assessment) to determine whether the CLD student has fallen behind his or
her cultural peers academically and/or socially and needs classroom interventions. The focus of
this type of assessment is prevention, early intervention, and bias reduction. The second half of
this chapter delineates a multidimensional, multitask framework of assessment to determine
eligibility for special education services. Furthermore, this model may require a significant system
change, which would be impossible without administrative support. School psychologists are
called upon to provide leadership in promoting best practices and in facilitating system change
(National Association of School Psychologists [NASP], 2000; Ysseldyke et al., 2006). Our goal for
this chapter is to propose best practices in terms of working with CLD students and their families.
We understand that some aspects of this model will take time, resources, and support to be
implemented; yet, we expect that practitioners can take away some practical strategies from the
chapter for their daily practices.
WHO ARE THE CULTURALLY AND LINGUISTICALLY DIVERSE (CLD) STUDENTS?
According to Census 2000 from the U.S. Census Bureau, of the 281 million individuals in the
United States, about 12.9% are African Americans, 12.5% are Latinos, 4.2% are Asians, and 1.5%
are American Indians. This coarse description of the U.S. population does not adequately reflect
the diversity within each race category. For instance, Latinos can refer to individuals who come
from Cuba, Mexico, Puerto Rico, or Central America; Asians can designate the peoples of the Far
East, Southeast Asia, or the Indian subcontinent; and American Indian can encompass the peoples
of the Sioux, Chippewa, Navajo, and other tribes. The diversity of this country comes mainly
from immigration, whether voluntary or involuntary. It is interesting that back in 1900, only
about 2% of the immigrants were born in Asia and Latin America; yet, 90 years later, 74% of the
immigrants were born in these two regions (Tse, 2001). This trend continues. In 2003, more than
78% of foreign-born individuals in this country were born in Asia or Latin America, and the 33.5
million foreign-born represented 11.7% of the entire U.S. population (Larsen, 2004).
Consequently, the number of children who have foreign-born parents has grown rapidly.
According to Capps et al. (2005), children of immigrants constituted 6% of the total school-age
population in 1970; however, by 2000 there were 11 million (19%) children of immigrants out of
58 million total students enrolled in prekindergarten through 12th grade. These authors also
reported that 10 states in 2000 had higher than the national average (19%) of immigrant children
in prekindergarten through fifth grade: California (47%), Nevada (29%), New York (28%),
Hawaii (28%), Texas (27%), Florida (26%), Arizona (25%), New Jersey (25%), Rhode Island
(22%), and New Mexico (21%). In terms of growth, seven states (Arizona, Arkansas, Georgia,
Nebraska, Nevada, North Carolina, and South Dakota) had larger than 100% growth in children
of immigrants in prekindergarten through fifth grade from 1990 to 2000 (Capps et al., 2005).
Many of these children have limited English proficiency (LEP). Statistical data from the National
Clearinghouse for English Language Acquisition (NCELA) indicate that during the 2005–2006
school year, the number of LEP students had grown from about 3 million to more than 5 million
(57.17% growth) since the 1995–1996 school year. NCELA also reported that among various
languages spoken at schools during the 2000–2001 school year, it was estimated that 79% of the
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Chapter 7 Assessment
LEP students spoke Spanish; the next three largest language groups were Vietnamese (1.95%),
Hmong (1.56%), and Chinese/Cantonese (1.02%).
REPRESENTATION OF CLD STUDENTS IN SPECIAL EDUCATION
Disproportionately placing CLD students in special education has been a controversial and seemingly
unresolved issue (Donovan & Cross, 2002). It is an extremely challenging task to study representation
of CLD students in special education because of inadequacy of data sets in terms of racial–ethnic
group identification, data fluctuation across years, significant variation in classifying children in
various disability categories, extreme heterogeneity within each racial–ethnic group, and so forth. Yet,
researchers and scholars have long been pointing out the overrepresentation of African American
children in the special education categories of mental retardation, learning disability, and emotional
or behavioral disorder (Blanchett, 2006; Harry & Anderson, 1994; Coutinho & Oswald, 2000).
Using two large federal data sets, the National Research Council (NRC, 2002) conducted a
comprehensive review of the representation of CLD students in special education. When compared
with that of White students (odds ratios), the risk of being placed in special education across all
disability categories is higher for African American students, significantly lower for Asian/Pacific
Islander students, and slightly lower for Hispanic students (p. 61). However, the aggregated data
across states appear to present an overly simplistic picture of this complex issue. The authors of the
NRC report discovered that there is much variability in placement rates of CLD students among
states and local levels and a lack of consistent patterns across states:
No region of the country can be singled out as consistently placing greater or fewer
percentages of minority students in special or gifted education. States with high
proportions of minority students sometimes have higher placement rates, and sometimes
lower. Some of the states with high placement rates for minority students also have high
placement rates for white students, but this is not consistently the case. (p. 72)
Nevertheless, the NRC authors concluded that African American and American Indian/
Alaskan Native children are at a higher risk to be placed in the mental retardation and emotional
or behavioral disorder categories. The learning disability category has become the highest rate of
assignment among all disability categories; however, the placement rate of African American and
Latino students in this category is similar to that of the White students overall. These data do not
suggest the nonexistence of disproportion. Over- and underrepresentation of CLD students in
special education—especially in the categories of mental retardation, learning disability, and
emotional or behavioral disorder—were identified in some states.
LINKING ASSESSMENT TO INSTRUCTIONAL INTERVENTIONS
When discussing assessment for CLD students with school psychologists, the most commonly
asked question is which test(s) can be used. As Salvia and Ysseldyke (2004) stated, ‘‘Assessment in
an educational setting is a multifaceted process that involves far more than the administration of a
test’’ (p. 6). They defined assessment as a ‘‘process of collecting data for the purposes of making
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decisions about individuals and groups’’ (p. 4), and there are different kinds of decisions, such as
determining which students would benefit from additional help, planning instructional
interventions, and evaluating progress. Too often, school psychologists put their primary focus
on eligibility decisions. Researchers and educators have long contended that the traditional test-
and-place approach provides little value in developing and evaluating specific instructional
interventions for students (Reschly & Tilly, 1999; Reschly & Ysseldyke, 2002).
For decades, scholars have called for an emphasis of linking assessment to instructional
interventions. This should be the priority for any initial assessment activities for CLD students,
given the alarming achievement gap between minority students and their Caucasian peers and
given that English language learner (ELL) students have lower academic achievement compared
with that of their English-speaking peers (Abedi, 2002), are more likely to fail state-required tests
for graduation (Hopstock & Stephenson, 2003b), and have higher dropout rates (August &
Hakuta, 1998). Fuchs and Fuchs (1986) described four fundamental characteristics of assessment
that link to instruction: direct, idiographic, repeated, and ecologically sensitive. Directness refers to
assessment approaches or measures that have high curriculum validity. The assessment measures
used are curriculum based so that the test results can be used to pinpoint curriculum-related skill
deficiencies, inform instruction, and monitor progress. Idiographic assessment employs intra-
individual comparison for planning and evaluating interventions. Repeated measurement of
performance over time accounts for the variability that naturally occurs during ongoing learning
in the classroom. Ecologically sensitive assessment involves the examination of the important
contextual variables, such as instructional environment, teacher’s expectations, and other
environmental variables at school. We contend that this type of assessment activity is essential
for determining the instructional needs of the CLD students before pursuing an evaluation and
eligibility decision. We propose a framework (visually represented in Figure 1) that involves
screening and classroom interventions before formal evaluation.
ASSESSMENT FOR INSTRUCTIONAL DECISIONS
To provide appropriate instruction, it is essential to gather relevant data about the students that
reflect their present level of functioning. Such information can be used to develop appropriate
instructional strategies and/or to determine the effectiveness of the instruction provided for the
students.
Global Screening
To reduce bias in the assessment of CLD students and to address the disproportionality of CLD
students in special education, school psychologists must take a much broader perspective in assessing
the ecology of the student before eligibility decisions. The effort should begin in the general education
setting. Systematic screening ensures fair identification of students at risk. More important, screening
allows schools to identify specific areas needing improvement at the system level. For instance, if
truancy is an issue for a school, efforts and resources can be allocated to collaborate with parents to
improve attendance. Evidence of poor reading achievement would allow schools to reexamine their
curricula and instructional strategies to meet the needs of the students.
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FIGURE 1. Assessment for instructional decisions.
A reliable and valid data-gathering system must be in place before screening can occur.
Traditional assessment that relies heavily on norm-referenced measures is not appropriate at the
global screening level because it lacks consistency with the curriculum, does not provide
instructionally relevant information, takes time away from instruction, and is not sensitive to
growth. Objective data, such as achievement data, behavioral screening, and attendance, must be
used to determine which students need more in-depth screening and/or a referral to the building
intervention team. Curriculum-based measurement (CBM) has long been shown to be an
efficient, valid, and reliable measure of academic progress for English-speaking general and special
education students (Deno, 2003; Marston 1989); therefore, it has been used by many schools as
one of the academic measures for screening and progress monitoring. Evidence on the use of CBM
for ELL students is rare, but emerging (Deno, 2005). The preliminary research results in this area
are positive, suggesting that CBM is likely to be a reliable and valid screening tool for CLD
students (Baker & Good, 1995; Wiley & Deno, 2005; de Ramı́rez & Shapiro, 2006; Muyskens,
Betts, Lau, & Marston, 2006). Typically, benchmarks or cutoff scores are established and used to
identify those who are at risk. When CBM data are linked to certain standards (e.g., state
assessments), a target score can be set that predicts which students will pass. The CBM scores of
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CLD students can be compared with those of their peers in the district (or even with those of their
building or class), depending on the level of implementation; however, it is important to use their
cultural peers as the comparison group to identify weaknesses. More specifically, ELL students
may have a different rate of growth than that of their native English speaking peers. At this stage of
assessment, CBM is best used for intra-individual comparisons to monitor progress. Demographic
data, such as age, gender, ethnicity, language, and free/reduced lunch status, should also be
collected so that the characteristics of those identified can be monitored for possible biases.
Developing Classroom Interventions in General Education Setting
The language-of-instruction debate has dominated the discussion of how to best meet the needs of
language-minority students. While learning English is still the ultimate goal for most language-
minority students, effective instructional approaches for teaching these students should also receive
the same amount of attention. Until recently, few research syntheses on effective instruction and
English literacy development for CLD students (August & Hakuta, 1998; August & Shanahan,
2006) have emerged from the literature. For instance, Gersten and Baker (2000) conducted a
multivocal synthesis and proposed five critical instructional variables for ELL students: the use of
(a) vocabulary as a curricular anchor, (b) visuals to reinforce concepts and vocabulary, (c)
cooperative learning and peer-tutoring strategies, (d) native language (strategically), and (e)
modulation of cognitive and language demands. General instructional strategies such as these
would provide a strong support for English language acquisition.
Their diverse skill levels and experiences can be seen as strengths for CLD students. However,
these unique qualities also present challenges in the classroom, as well as the research community.
CLD students are extremely heterogeneous even within the same culture, which creates
tremendous difficulties for well-controlled research studies. We strongly advocate for evidence-
based practices; however, many of these evidence-based practices are targeted to mainstream
students. Our response to this dilemma is that while specific intervention strategies for CLD
students are still emerging, we encourage school professionals to try practices that have been
scientifically proven to be effective for most mainstream students and then initiate a rigorous effort
to monitor progress and make necessary adaptations and modifications for the CLD students. In
other words, CLD students require individualized attention, especially when classroom
interventions are implemented and evaluated. Therefore, instead of discussing specific classroom
interventions, we propose two fundamental approaches to development of appropriate
interventions for CLD students; however, it is important to recognize that the validity of using
these approaches for CLD students has yet to be proven empirically.
When assessing and developing interventions for students, it is important to determine the
match between student skill and the difficulty of instructional material (Gresham, 2001).
Vygotsky (1986) theorized the concept of the ‘‘zone of proximal development (ZPD),’’ where
children reach the optimal level of learning. ZPD is the ‘‘place’’ between tasks that the children
can do independently and those that they can do with some adult assistance (the original work of
Vygotsky was in the 1920s and 1930s). Betts (1946) further defined this optimal learning level as
the instructional level, whereas children work at the independent level when the tasks are easy and at
the frustration level when the tasks are too difficult. Gickling and Armstrong (1978)
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operationalized these levels of instructional difficulty in reading materials: 93%–97% known

words as the instructional level, 98%–100% known words as the independent level, and fewer
than 93% known words as the frustration level. Their study on first- and second-grade students
suggested that task completion, task comprehension, and time on-task were at the highest level
when students were taught at their instructional level. Using single-case study design, Treptow and
her colleagues replicated the study and reported consistent findings, but not as robust as those
reported by Gickling and Armstrong (Treptow, Burns, & McComas, 2007). Other researchers
found negative consequences because of a mismatch between student skill level and instructional
materials (Daly, Martens, Kilmer, & Massie, 1996; DePaepe, Shores, Jack, & Denny, 1996). On
the other hand, improved progress in reading fluency and comprehension was found when these
students were ‘‘moved’’ toward their instructional level by preteaching (Burns, 2002) and by
incremental rehearsal (Bunn, Burns, Hoffman, & Newman, 2005; Burns, Dean, & Foley, 2004)
of unknown words. Overall, these research results articulate the important point that school
professionals need to pay careful attention to the instructional level of the student. This concept
should be applied to all students, including those who are culturally and linguistically diverse,
when developing instructional interventions.
It is necessary to correctly identify appropriate level of instruction to develop effective
instructional intervention plans. Research findings consistently support the notion that instruction
provided at the child’s instructional level improves academic achievement such as reading fluency
(Burns, 2002; Roberts & Shapiro, 1996; Shapiro, 1992). Curriculum-based assessment (CBA) is a
direct assessment approach that can be used to accomplish such a goal. According to Edward et al.
(1989), CBA is ‘‘a system for determining the educational needs of a student based upon the
student’s on-going performance within existing course content to deliver instruction as effectively
and efficiently as possible’’ (pp. 344–345). It is a process that involves assessing the student’s entry
skills within a specific curriculum to design instruction that matches the student’s appropriate
instructional level and focuses on the areas of need (Gravois & Gickling, 2002). In reading, for
instance, it means measuring the ratio of known to unknown items for the current reading
material assigned to the student and other reading dimensions (including fluency, comprehension,
and background knowledge) and then using these data and the instructional level material to
match the student’s abilities with appropriate learning strategies.
Understanding the instructional level of a student is the first step in developing effective
instructional interventions; however, the question of how to teach the student remains.
Furthermore, the diverse background, experience, and skill level of CLD students create unique
challenges that are most likely to require at least some forms of individualized instruction (Artiles,
Rueda, Salazar, & Higareda, 2005). Grounded in the theory of functional analysis, brief
experimental analysis (BEA) is an assessment approach that can be used systematically to test
different intervention conditions and determine which yields the best outcome. Traditionally,
functional analysis has been used to test hypotheses regarding antecedents and consequences that
maintain maladaptive or adaptive behaviors.
Researchers have extended the use of BEA to identify effective interventions or components of
interventions that improve academic outcomes (Daly, Martens, Hamler, Dool, & Eckert, 1999;
Daly, Witt, Martens, & Dool, 1997; Jones & Wickstrom, 2002). The basic premise of BEA in
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this application is to use single-subject, multielement design to compare the results of two or more
brief trials of academic interventions with the baseline. Procedurally, baseline data (e.g., numbers
of words read correctly per minute) are collected. Then, different interventions or intervention
conditions are applied one at a time to determine the one that leads to the greatest academic gain
over the baseline level. A majority of the studies using BEA are focused on reading; however,
application of the BEA framework has been extended to math (Carson & Eckert, 2003) and ELL
students (Malloy, Gilbertson, & Maxfield, 2007; Gilbertson, Maxfield, & Hughes, 2007). Brief
experimental analysis is not an assessment tool, but an assessment framework that assists school
professionals to make instructionally relevant decisions (i.e., which intervention or which
component of the intervention yields the best results).
One of the significant challenges of developing interventions for CLD students is the diversity
of skills and experiences of these students that require individualized instruction. Moreover, as
CLD students acquire new skills, the identified intervention may no longer yield the best result;
subsequently, another BEA should be conducted to determine optimum intervention. The BEA
framework has great potential for identifying individual instructional needs; however, additional
research on BEA is needed regarding internal validity issues and the application of this assessment
tool with CLD students.
In-Depth Screening
Global screening is a systematic procedure to identify students who may be at risk. Some students
who have been flagged by global screening may require a more thorough examination. If the team
decides to proceed with an evaluation, then quality in-depth screening is an essential component
of reducing bias in the assessment of CLD students and is based on the collection of information
in at least four areas: (a) family, health, and developmental history from the parents or caregivers;
(b) language proficiency in native language and English if the student is ELL; (c) educational and
instructional history; and (d) screening of current academic skills in reading, writing, and math.
Classroom observations and student interviews are needed when social behavior is a primary
concern.
We propose a multidimensional, multitask approach for the data collection. In other words,
multiple sources of data collected by multiple methods/tasks are used for each area of
investigation. Some will say this sounds like a special education assessment. However, the in-depth
screening is not intended to address eligibility questions, but to derive an accurate picture of the
student’s presenting concerns and how he or she compares with similar CLD students. More
important, it would hopefully generate information useful for intervention planning.
Furthermore, the screening results will provide information required later to interpret the
assessment data and to draw a more complete picture of the student if the team proceeds with
formal assessment. However, it may be that at this stage, the child study team makes the decision
that there is insufficient evidence of a probable disability, and the assessment process stops. For
instance, for students whose educational histories suggest great inconsistency in the opportunity to
learn, continuation of appropriate prereferral interventions and close monitoring of progress may
be the more cost-effective and responsible option, rather than launching a full-scale team
assessment in search of special education eligibility.
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When starting an in-depth screening of an immigrant or low-incidence cultural group

student, an important first step for the school psychologist is to conduct some basic Internet
research on the cultural characteristics of the student’s group. Basic cultural awareness may impact
both the psychologist’s interactions and his or her expectations of, and judgments about, the
student’s performance. When evaluating immigrant students from unfamiliar cultures, greater care
is needed to explore risk factors, educational and family background, and environmental stressors
that may impact these students. Although comprehensive knowledge of multiple cultures is an
unrealistic goal, it is helpful for the school psychologist to have enough basic cultural information
and sensitivity to understand what questions to ask. Individuals who deal frequently with
immigrant students will also want to become familiar with the dynamic process and stages of
acculturation and related measurement strategies (Collier, Brice, & Oades-Sese, 2007).
Interviewing With CLD Parents

Conducting a high-quality interview with CLD parents requires special attention. When the
parents or caregivers have limited English proficiency, the assistance of an interpreter is needed.
Frequently, school social workers or psychologists are the team members with the greatest skills in
having sensitive conversations with parents. These interviews, of course, have the added dimension
of working cross-culturally. If an interpreter is needed, then it is good practice to meet with the
bilingual, bicultural interpreter or cultural representative before the interview appointment to
discuss the goals of the activity and to be clued into appropriate cultural expectations. Most
standardized interview protocols are written for individuals who are well assimilated into the
dominant culture of this country and are characterized by a laundry list of direct questions. Such
an inquisition with a series of direct questions is most inappropriate and insensitive to CLD
parents who are at an early stage of acculturation and have limited English proficiency. Many
times, common English words such as psychologist, epilepsy, allergies, and emotional trauma can
pose a significant challenge for the interpreter. The exact equivalent of the English word may not
exist in another language. For instance, a common translation in Somali of the term psychologist is
‘‘doctor of crazy people,’’ which may create an unnecessary barrier between parents and the school
psychologist. A more open-ended, ecological approach to interviewing is recommended, in which
there is solely an outline for issues to be covered in the interview and the questions are generated
more naturally. This would also present an excellent opportunity to establish understanding with
the parents about their school concerns and solicit their support and cooperation with screening
procedures.
Health- and Medical-Related Issues With CLD Students

The diverse experience, cultural beliefs, and practices related to health and medical issues
sometimes create unique challenges for school professionals when working with CLD students and
their families. Many of these beliefs and practices are foreign to individuals who were born and
raised in the United States. Medical conditions and diseases that are uncommon in this country
continue to plague millions in other countries. Some of the CLD students have experienced
extremely poor living conditions before coming to the United States. Malnutrition and starvation
during pregnancy, lactation, infancy, and early childhood have had significant impact on these
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students’ physical and cognitive development. Childhood diseases such as measles and polio,
prolonged high fevers, and untreated multiple seizures have resulted in brain damage or mobility
problems. The lack of basic healthcare in many places where these students came from has resulted
in chronic health conditions. Recurrent untreated ear infections and exposure to extreme noise
such as gunfire and bomb explosions often lead to perforated eardrums and hearing loss.
Other medical problems less commonly identified in the United States—but specific to
immigrant students—include exposure to radiation, anemia caused by intestinal parasites, and
lead poisoning. Psychological and emotional traumas also result in a higher rate of posttraumatic
stress disorder among CLD students. Although illegal in this country, genital mutilation (e.g.,
female circumcision performed by unregulated personnel, often leading to urinary tract infections,
pelvic infections, and menstrual problems) continues to be practiced in some countries. In many
instances, official medical records are not available. Western medical terminologies may create
significant challenges in interpretation. Therefore, a culturally sensitive interview (versus a laundry
list of direct questions) with the parents may help school professionals retrieve important
information for generating hypotheses for the student’s current condition.
Another important area of inquiry which is often neglected by school professionals is the
cultural perception of the causes and ‘‘appropriate’’ treatments of disability. Traditional beliefs
about the cause of disabilities vary among cultures. For instance, some believe susto (fright) causes
disabilities. Maternal ‘‘problems’’ such as the use of alcohol and tobacco during pregnancy is
thought to cause handicapping conditions. Individuals can be attacked by evil spirits and
consequently become disabled. Wrongdoing of a person in a previous life or a curse caused by the
wrongdoing of the parents of the person with disability is the cause. Other traditional beliefs
include chemical weapons, Karmic results, and punishment by gods. Based on individual beliefs,
treatments may range from ritualistic cleaning, to banishment from the outside world, to religious
blessings, to shamanistic sacrifice and healing. Some traditional healing practices such as coining
and cupping leave symmetric markings on the body which may be mistaken as physical abuse.
When working with CLD students, it is essential for school professionals to be vigilant to seek
understanding of cultural differences and seek clarification and confirmation from a cultural
liaison if in doubt. We may conclude some of these cultural beliefs and practices are unscientific,
unsound, irrational, nonsensical, or even wrong, but we cannot dismiss the power of these beliefs,
which have a tremendous impact on how individuals with disability are treated within that
culture. In this country, we emphasize equality between individuals with and without disability
and expect individuals with disability to be educated and pursue independence. This can be a
foreign concept within the cultural contexts from which many families of CLD students come.
Screening the Student’s Language Proficiency

At the screening level, the task of evaluating a student’s native language and English language
proficiency is often the responsibility of the school district’s English language learners (ELLs)
department. Sometimes district speech and language pathologists may be available to assist in this
process. A variety of tools are used with different levels of evidence for validity. The core questions
at the screening level include these: Does the student’s level of proficiency in his or her native
language suggest significant language loss or possible disorder that would affect English language
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learning? How does the student’s proficiency in English compare with his or her academic skill
development, years of schooling, and literacy in the native language? Cummins (1984) suggests
that it may take from five to seven years for students to acquire the academic language proficiency
required to function at grade level. Gottlieb and Hamayan (2007) have also described a
comprehensive model for the assessment of oral and written language proficiency of bilingual
students. (Further discussion of language proficiency and development occurs in chapter 6 of this
book).
Educational and Instructional History

Educational history is one of the vital pieces of information in an ecologically sensitive approach
to gathering relevant data about the student. One key issue is the continuity of education (i.e., the
extent to which the student has an uninterrupted educational experience). Another important
issue is tardiness and truancy. A myriad of cultural and logistical challenges such as familial norms,
a lack of parental supervision, high mobility, language barriers, and unfamiliarity with U.S. laws
can lead to school absenteeism. For children who were born outside of the United States,
information about their formal and informal educational experiences, the foreign education
system, and the language used for instruction is an important piece of this jigsaw puzzle. For
instance, the quality of education would be drastically different between an international school in
Mexico and a ‘‘school’’ at the refugee camp in Thailand. School-related documents and transcripts
should be translated by a qualified individual. Furthermore, grading systems and standards can
vary among countries and educational systems. For instance, a grade of D is a passing grade in
many U.S. schools, but it may be connoted as a failing grade in education systems outside the
United States. Therefore, individuals who are knowledgeable about the specific education system
must be consulted to interpret the data correctly. Although these challenges have significant
implications for the learning of CLD students, they typically are not appropriate reasons for
special education referral or assessment.
One important element often neglected by school psychologists is examining the instructional
program received by the CLD students. This information is essential as part of the process of
understanding the performance of students in their ecology. It begins with the core curriculum
used by the district. School psychologists may want to find out whether the curriculum provides
research data to support its effectiveness on student learning and whether the curriculum includes
supplemental materials for students with diverse needs. For ELL students, further investigation
into the specific instructional program should also be conducted.
Numerous program models are used across the states and school districts, depending on the
resources, needs, and adopted philosophy. Commonly, they are referred to as bilingual programs
and are classified as a transitional, developmental, two-way bilingual, or content-based English as a
second language (ESL) program. Unfortunately, there are significant variations within each
category; therefore, school psychologists need to consult with individuals such as ESL teachers
who are knowledgeable about the ELL services in the district to understand what and how CLD
students are taught in each of the academic areas. This information is vital in understanding
student performance. For instance, if the students in a native language literacy program have not
received instruction in early literacy skills in English, then they should not be expected to have
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these skills. Thomas and Collier (2002) reported on a large national study of the effects of
different instructional service models on the long-term achievement of language-minority
students. There were multiple findings; however, in general, they found that the strongest
predictor of English language achievement was the amount of formal native language (Spanish)
schooling. It might be important for the reader to be familiar with this or other research studies
when needing to interpret a student’s longitudinal achievement trends.
Classroom Observations
Classroom observations are an important tool for linking assessment to intervention. The focus
needs to include both the student of concern and the instructional and environmental context. Of
obvious interest for CLD students, especially those who are ELLs, is observing such factors as
communication behaviors and social interaction patterns. Does the student verbally initiate with
both peers and the teachers, or only with cultural and linguistic peers? Does the student
demonstrate comprehension of instructions? How dependent is he or she on visual and concrete
clues? Does the student watch peers to figure out what to do? Does the CLD student comprehend
academic and classroom vocabulary, and is it being taught? Occasionally, students appear to be
English proficient because they are very talkative with peers in English, and teachers assume that
they are also proficient with cognitive and academic language, which is often just developing.
Another important dimension to attend to is how culturally and linguistically isolated is the CLD
student in his or her classes? Does he or she interact with students of other backgrounds, and is
there a feeling of safety and acceptance in the classroom?
The second area of focus needs to be on how the CLD student’s skills and needs are supported
or frustrated in the classroom environment. Is there a reasonable match between the student’s
academic and language skills and the curricular expectations and levels of instruction? Are effective
instructional strategies used to bridge between what the student knows and what he or she needs
to learn? Are activities structured so that students can work together, or is independent work the
primary mode of student practice and production? Are assignments modified as needed to ensure
a higher rate of success? Are effective motivational and classroom management strategies being
used? Actually, all of the elements of effective instruction are relevant issues of concern, as outlined
by Ysseldyke and Christenson (2002). Another dimension that is relevant here is looking for
evidence that the teacher and curriculum are culturally responsive (Gay, 2000). Although this is
largely a matter of attitudes about ethnic and cultural differences, such as demonstrating caring
and high expectations, it is a dimension that can be critical to the success of the student. Following
each observation, the school psychologist should sit down with the classroom teacher to share
findings and collaborate on interpretation.
Academic Screening
For academic screening, one set of measures recommended by the authors is curriculum-based
measurement (CBM), which is briefly discussed in the Global Screening section. CBM procedures
have the advantage of brief testing that derives good estimates of levels of academic performance in
reading, writing, and math. They can also be repeated over time (e.g., weekly) to obtain graphic
documentation of the student’s rate of progress in the current program. They also can answer
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questions such as these: Is the student’s current instructional level being appropriately addressed in
the intervention program? Is it too challenging or not challenging enough, given what we know
about the student? Another advantage of CBM procedures is that they can be used with large or
small groups of CLD students (including those who are ELLs) to derive local norms at selected
grade levels that answer this question: Is the student significantly different from CLD students
with similar educational experiences? This is one data-based approach that when carefully
implemented, can increase child-study-team confidence in their screening decisions. Writing and
math measures can be administered in a group, while oral-reading-fluency measures are best
administered individually.
Examples of the practical application of CBM screening can be found in two Midwestern
urban school districts. Both districts have more than 70% representation of minority students,
with a large ELL population. They developed their own district CBM norms so that students are
compared with their district peers. In one district, the CBM measures have been integrated into
the district global screening procedures as one of several academic indicators. General education
staff members are encouraged to use CBM for progress monitoring. In the other district,
considerable training of special education staff has taken place to enable building-level special
education teachers to apply the measures in adapted academic assessments of CLD students. At
the secondary level and in cases involving very-low-incidence cultures, small norm groups are
collected with as many comparable students as possible (at least 10 in number). Latino students
have been compared with their ethnic peers because they frequently have some native language
instruction at the beginning of their school life. All Asian students are grouped together as ELL
students because of the commonality of their ESL instruction. Even African immigrant students
tend to be compared with the ELL norms, despite their many cultural and linguistic differences.
We understand that developing a CBM norm for CLD students is beyond the typical role of a
school psychologist; however, this would create an excellent opportunity for school psychologists
to use their consultation and collaboration skills at the system level. It is clear that collecting
district-wide norms would require administrative support and the allocation of staff time and
some money for materials. With sufficient numbers of properly trained staff, norm development
can be accomplished efficiently with a great yield of useful data. Yet, school psychologists can start
small: a classroom, a grade level, or a team in one school. Resources (Canter, Lau, & House, 2002;
Stewart & Kaminski, 2002) are available to provide specific information on developing local
norms.
Working With Interpreters
Hopstock and Stephenson (2003a) surveyed 932 Limited English Proficiency (LEP) services
coordinators, and 11.9% reported that their districts have 20 or more languages represented in
their student population. Even talented school psychologists who are fluent in multiple languages
eventually will be confronted by languages with which they are not familiar. In addition, federal
regulations (i.e., Individuals with Disabilities Education Act [IDEA] 2004) require school districts
to ensure that parents of CLD students understand the proposed actions by the district when
seeking parental consent.
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Learning how to work with interpreters is a critical set of skills for school psychologists. In
light of the limitations of standardized and norm-referenced measures for CLD students, informal
data (such as those gathered through an interpreter) are essential. In many circumstances, school
psychologists and other school staff can thoroughly gather relevant data regarding the presenting
concerns of the CLD students only with the assistance provided by an interpreter. During formal
assessment, interpreters in partnership with the psychologist can ensure that task directions are
understood by the student. The presence and participation of the interpreter communicate to the
student that the examiner understands and respects the difficulty of his or her limited English
proficiency. Under the direction of the psychologist, the interpreter can also assist with testing-
the-limits procedures. Frishberg (1990) provided operational definitions to differentiate interpreter
from translator. Interpretation refers to ‘‘the process of changing messages produced in one
language immediately into another language,’’ whereas translation is ‘‘the process of changing a
written message from one language to another’’ (p. 18).
A number of authors have raised significant concerns regarding the use of untrained interpreters
in schools (Lopez, 2002; Ochoa, Gonzalez, Galarza, & Guillemard, 1996). Problematic practices
include translating test items into the student’s home language, allowing interpreters to conduct direct
assessment without supervision, and working with interpreters who have very little understanding of
the formal assessment process and the importance of confidentiality. These concerns are valid, and the
misuse of interpreters can seriously damage the validity of the data collected and possibly lead to a
violation of professional standards. According to section 2.05 of the American Psychological
Association (APA) Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct, psychologists who
delegate work to individuals such as interpreters are expected to ‘‘authorize only those responsibilities
that such persons can be expected to perform competently on the basis of their education, training, or
experience, either independently or with the level of supervision being provided’’ and to ‘‘see that such
persons perform these services competently’’ (APA, 2002, p. 5). In other words, school psychologists
need to supervise all activities when working with interpreters.
The current issue related to working with an interpreter in educational settings is that the
interpreter is not likely to be trained as a professional interpreter (e.g., a medical or judiciary
interpreter). The International Medical Interpreters Association (IMIA) listed 11 directives in its
Code of Ethics for Professional Medical Interpreters related to issues such as confidentiality,
interpretation skills, professional terminology, continuing education, and impartiality. Obviously,
the ability to speak two languages is necessary, but not sufficient to take on a role as an interpreter,
especially in a formal data-gathering situation such as assessment. Therefore, it is extremely
inappropriate to use the child, a cultural peer, or an older student as interpreters. Such practice
will further reinforce the problem of role reversal that has already plagued many language-
minority families in which the parents rely on their children’s English skills to meet basic needs.
Moreover, many CLD students live in a tightly knit community; subsequently, there is a
heightened risk of breaching confidentiality when relatives and friends are used as interpreters.
Historic rivalry among tribes and clans can also lead to potential conflicts between the interpreter
and family. Over-the-phone interpretation services may be limited to general interpretation
because the interpreter may not have the specialized vocabulary of special education and due-
process procedures.
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A skillful interpreter can accurately convey both the content and the emotional undertone
communicated in the original message. Specific to educational settings, interpreters must have
broad knowledge of specialized vocabulary regarding such things as the formal education system of
this country, federal and state policies, general and special education systems, and due-process
procedures. In many schools, bilingual staff members such as educational assistants and sometimes
teachers are asked to play this important role. Yet, these school professionals may have limited
understanding of standardized tests, and they are not likely to have formal training in testing
procedures. We contend that school psychologists have two essential responsibilities when
working with ‘‘nonprofessional’’ educational interpreters: (a) School psychologists must ensure the
most reliable and valid use of interpreters, and (b) they must appraise the interpreters’ skills and
attitudes and provide necessary training and supervision. Before any formal working relationship,
the school psychologist should get to know the interpreter, including his or her prior training,
education, and experience as a school professional, and provide training about tests and testing
procedures.
Lopez (2002) provided a list of recommended practices for school psychologists working with
interpreters. Here we provide additional suggestions in four general areas to ensure a reliable and
valid use of an interpreter. First, encourage the interpreter to take an active role by assigning
specific tasks (such as a rapport-building chat with the student and informal evaluation of the
student’s native language ability); by stressing the importance of his or her work to ensure
impartiality, authenticity, and cultural suitability; by informing the interpreter that his or her
name is listed on the due-process documents and conference notes; and by inviting the interpreter
to speak out when a test item is not culturally appropriate.
Second, establish expectations by insisting that the interpreter relay all information and speak
to the school psychologist first before speaking to the student. Help the interpreter understand the
current educational procedures and system by discussing the similarities and differences of the
education system in this country and in the homeland of the student, including graduation rules
and purpose of special education.
Third, train the interpreter on the nature of tests by explaining the purpose of the test and its
limitations, standardized procedures, and how the test results will be used; by showing the
materials, subtest by subtest; by practicing instructions and procedures; and by emphasizing the
need to support the student’s efforts without giving out answers or helping to solve the problem.
Fourth, supervise all interpreting activities by not allowing the interpreter to collect formal
data alone; watching cues for signs of mismatch between the presented materials and the
interpretations (e.g., a lengthy explanation, but a very short verbal interpretation); and by insisting
on immediate interpretation of anything said by the school psychologist to the student and vice
versa.
When an interpreter is asked to provide information about cultural practices and expectations,
he or she has taken a role of a cultural broker or a cultural liaison. A cultural liaison is a person
who has the same—or knowledge of the same—racial, cultural, socioeconomic, or linguistic
background as the student and is able to provide culturally specific information about the student.
This culturally relevant information is extremely valuable in interpreting the data collected
through the formal assessment procedures; however, school professionals should keep in mind that
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no one person can represent the entire culture and that therefore multiple sources of data should
be used.
A contentious issue related to nonnative language speaking school professionals providing
direct services to native language speaking students and their families has recently emerged. An
example is a native English speaking school psychologist assessing a Spanish-speaking student in
Spanish. Or, a native English speaking social worker interviewing a Spanish-speaking parent in
Spanish and deciding that there is a need to report possible child abuse to the authorities.
Currently, there is no specific ethical and professional standard from professional organizations
and test publishers for governing such practices. What level of language competency in terms of
education, training, and supervision should nonnative language speaking school professionals have
before they can provide these services? In light of a lack of specific professional standards, we
encourage individual school districts to take a proactive approach to develop their own standards.
EVALUATION FOR ELIGIBILITY DECISIONS
At the beginning of this chapter, we contended that when assessing CLD students, school
psychologists should take a broad, ecological perspective. Identification of the needs of these
students should begin with systematic screening in the general education setting. Assessment
domains should include variables related to the student’s home and school ecology, and data
should be collected through a multidimensional, multitask approach (see Figure 2).
This framework of assessment should also be used in the next phase of assessment, when the
primary goal of the evaluation is to determine eligibility for special education services. As we
describe each domain of assessment, it is crucial that readers keep in mind that the
multidimensional, multitask approach is used. For instance, cognitive ability is not determined
solely by the results of the standardized IQ test(s) administered. Instead, the estimate of the
student’s cognitive functioning is based upon a variety of sources of data collected by a variety of
methods (in many instances, with the help of an interpreter), such as standardized cognitive and
adaptive functional tests, informal assessments, testing limits, observations, interviews, records
reviews, test-teach-test strategies, and reviews of response-to-intervention data. More important,
FIGURE 2. Multidimensional, multitask evaluation model for CLD students.
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the data are interpreted within the context of the student’s unique cultural, linguistic, and
experiential background. We argue that even with our current advances in testing, measurement,
and statistics, there is no magic number, formula, or test we can use. Rather, we advocate for use
of clinical judgment, based on multiple, relevant, and objective data collected by multiple
methods.
Response to Structured Tasks: The Use of Standardized Norm-Referenced Tests
The authors recommend taking the greatest caution in using nationally norm-referenced test
scores to determine eligibility for special education. It depends on how similar a CLD student’s
experience is when compared with that of individuals on whom the test was standardized and
normed (Salvia & Ysseldyke, 2004). Tasks from standardized tests may be administered to find
out what skills the learner does and does not have. However, when the learner’s background
experience is significantly different from that of the group on which the test was normed, it is
inappropriate to report norm-referenced scores and to use them to draw conclusions (e.g., using
the scores in a discrepancy formula) regarding special education eligibility. Flanagan and Ortiz
(2001) discussed in detail such problems as inadequate norm representation, cultural loading, and
narrow range of measured abilities associated with the use of standardized cognitive measures with
CLD students. The use of native language interpreters does not really address this issue because
such practice is not part of the standardization procedure. In fact, we are strongly against the
practice of using the interpreter to administer the verbal test items in the student’s native language
unless it is done for the purpose of testing limits and the data are used informally. This general
principle applies to academic, cognitive, language, adaptive, motor, and social emotional testing.
Communication assessment. Native and English language assessments are essential for
evaluating the learner’s language development and understanding the relationship between a
learner’s language and academic performance. Many currently available standardized language-
assessment instruments focus on skills such as vocabulary and grammar, areas that ELLs develop
more slowly than pragmatics and semantics. Although current assessment procedures sometimes
allow only fairly broad conclusions to be drawn regarding native language proficiency, this
information may still play a key role in defining educational disabilities and instructional needs. For
some languages, such as Spanish, bilingual speech–language pathologists may administer
instruments in both Spanish and English to draw conclusions about bilingual status and
development. For many other languages, the only option is to work with an appropriately trained
native language interpreter, using structured tasks (such as those available in various language
assessment data banks) to draw conclusions about strengths and weaknesses in the learner’s language
usage. Tasks such as story comprehension, storytelling and retelling, and memory for stories may be
useful in gaining culturally fair and clinically significant information, even when interpreted from a
strictly clinical judgment framework.
To achieve the goal of separating language differences because of bilingualism from language
disorders, collecting a thorough language history is important (Centeno, 2003). In addition,
observing the student’s language and communication abilities during naturalistic, informal
conversation can be informative. Analysis is conducted to derive a picture of the individual’s ability
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to convey meaning appropriate to his or her age and sociocultural background. Communication
assessment of CLD students is a very complex task that requires a holistic approach (Centeno, 2003).
Communication assessments are important because they (a) may rule in or out a potential
language disorder in the native language that might serve as a foundation for special education
eligibility; (b) may provide evidence of the strength of native language skills, which is an
important foundation for the development of English; (c) may explore the potential relevance of
bilingual instructional approaches, especially for very limited English speaking students or relative
newcomers; and (d) facilitate measurement of current progress in English acquisition. It will be
critical for the team to have a good understanding of the learner’s level of native language and
English proficiency to appropriately interpret the results of all areas of assessment.
Cognitive assessment. Greenfield (1997) presented cross-cultural research findings and argued
that intelligence and cognitive ability tests are cultural genres, which ‘‘reflect the values,
knowledge, and communication strategies of their culture of origin’’ (p. 1122), and that therefore
they are not universal instruments. In traditional assessment, team members have looked to the
psychologist and the intelligence (IQ) test as the anchor of reliability and validity around which
other assessments were attached. Current trends in assessment and special education decision
making are reducing the centrality and importance of the IQ test (Reschly & Grimes, 2002). This
is a functional development for CLD students, given the current limitations of our instruments
and the complexities of assessment in this area. Although completely unbiased assessment is
impossible (Ortiz, 2002), it needs to be a collaborative, team effort to limit bias and have some
chance of approaching an accurate picture of a student’s educational disability and needed
programming. It is clear that the goal of intellectual assessment for CLD students ought not to be
to derive a standard score to plug into a discrepancy formula or eligibility criteria. Even when
modifying administration procedures and giving partial batteries, the psychologist must exercise
judgment about the confidence that can be placed in the findings. Are they consistent with
everything else known about the individual? In some circumstances, it may be possible only to rule
out mental retardation, with fairly tentative conclusions about range of functioning.
Flanagan and Ortiz (2001), as mentioned in the Response to Structured Tasks section, and
Ortiz and Ochoa (2005) describe conceptual measurement and methodological issues in the
assessment of CLD students. They emphasize that cultural factors must be considered in addition
to linguistic factors. Although the federal law focuses on language adaptations, our problems are
not solved by administering tests in native language or with the use of interpreters. Both language
and cultural knowledge influence test performance. IQ tests are culturally biased because they
reflect the values and beliefs of the culture within which they were developed. Tests of cognitive
ability measure the extent to which individuals can access the culture-bound information in the
test. Thus, it is the individual’s exposure, or lack thereof, to the test’s underlying cultural content
that affects performance. The acquisition of the cultural content of the dominant society is what
we call acculturation.
When the assumption of comparability is violated, the assessment in question is frequently
invalid and discriminatory. When we test students using a standardized measure and compare
their performance with a set of norms to gain an index of their relative standing, we assume that
the students we test are similar to those on whom the test was standardized. We assume that their
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acculturation is comparable, but not necessarily identical, to that of individuals in the normative
sample (Salvia & Ysseldyke, 2004). Thus, when students’ background experiences differ, the use
of norms for evaluating the students’ current performance or predicting future performance may
be inappropriate.
Some tasks on cognitive ability measures are more culturally loaded than others. The finding
that ELLs may learn nonverbal skills as quickly as native English speakers has been known for
some time. The use of nonverbal measures (not all performance measures are nonverbal or low in
cultural loading) may yield less discriminatory results for CLD students. The problem with relying
solely on nonverbal measures of cognitive ability is that they provide an incomplete picture of
learning potential in school. Tests such as the Universal Nonverbal Intelligence Test (UNIT); the
Leiter International Performance Scale, Revised (Leiter-R); the nonverbal component of the
Differential Ability Scales (second edition, DAS-II); and the Kaufman nonverbal scales are to be
preferred to some other performance measures that have more cultural loading. However,
adherents of the Cattell-Horn-Carroll (CHC) theoretical approach (and others) would argue that
their limitations are that they measure only the broad abilities of fluid intelligence, visual
processing, and long-term retrieval.
To begin understanding the nature of the bilingual student, the school psychologist needs to
find out the level of the student’s proficiency in both his or her native language and English. Ortiz
and Ochoa (2005) provide an informative table of several bilingual profiles. They cite bilingual
assessment as an emerging field that aims for the ideal by providing a bilingual examiner with
knowledge of the student’s culture, training in nondiscriminatory assessment, and fluency in both
the native language and English. These individuals are quite rare and difficult to find.
There are, however, an increasing number of instruments that attempt to incorporate the use
of both native language and English in evaluation of test performance. The BVAT (Bilingual
Verbal Ability Tests) is the only verbal intelligence test available in many (17) languages and
English. It is an adaptation of the Woodcock–Johnson Revised Tests of Cognitive Ability (WJ-R
COG), including these subtests: Picture Vocabulary, Oral Vocabulary, and Verbal Analogies.
However, the BVAT does not have a specific norm group of CLD students; instead, it shares the
same U.S.-based norms with the Woodcock–Johnson (third edition, WJ-III). There is also the
Broad Cognitive Ability–Bilingual Scale (BCA-Bil), which comprises the BVAT and selected tests
from the WJ-R COG or the Bateria Woodcock–Muñoz: Pruebas de Habilidad Cognitiva–Revisada.
Finally, the Bateria III Woodcock–Muñoz is available, which is the Spanish adaptation of the
Woodcock–Johnson tests of cognitive and academic abilities (third edition, WJ-III). This
combination of language-reduced tests and testing of verbal ability in the student’s native language
represents an advancement in test design, but offers no controls for acculturation. There is also
ongoing work on the General Intellectual Ability Bilingual Scale, which seeks to expand the
application of the WJ-III to bilingual populations. However, the problems of incorporating or
controlling for the impact of dual language proficiency and acculturation remain.
In accordance with the multidimensional, multitask approach to assessment, structured tasks
such as standardized norm-referenced intelligence tests provide only one of the many sources of
data. Informal assessments such as test-teach-test strategies and testing of limits also provide
valuable information regarding the student’s functioning. Testing of limits (Gonzalez, Castellano,
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Bauerle, & Duran, 1996) has been defined as providing the subject some changes in
administration conditions following the standardized procedures to evaluate their effect on
performance. This might include such changes as providing additional clues, readministering
failed items, changing the modality of the stimuli, eliminating time limits, or use of first language.
It is generally left to clinical judgment to interpret the ease or difficulty with which the subject’s
performance was modified. Additional data from other sources, such as interviews, observations,
and assessment of adaptive functioning, should be used to make the best estimate of the student’s
cognitive functioning.
Clearly, cognitive assessment of CLD students remains a major challenge in the effort to
reduce bias in special education decision making. It is also apparent that for nondiscriminatory
assessment to improve, it must become a more transdisciplinary and collaborative process
(Vazquez-Nuttall et al., 2007). The most important factor remains not the test instrument or even
the interpretive framework, but the knowledge and sensitivity of the individual psychologist
responsible for making evaluative judgments.
Academic assessment. In many ways, this is the most important area of assessment because it is
needed to drive the instructional program of the student. If the CLD student has received a fair
amount of schooling in this country, there is a good chance that assessors will be familiar with the
student’s experiential base. In this era of response to intervention (RTI), the primary purpose of
academic assessment of CLD students ought to be to determine appropriate instruction (and only
secondarily, eligibility for special education).
Current federal regulations (i.e., IDEA 2004) introduced some legal prohibitions against
testing in English when students are not proficient in speaking, reading, writing, or understanding
English. However, this prohibition should depend on the purpose of the data collection. If a
student is being taught in English and the purpose of assessment is to plan or evaluate instruction,
then testing in English may well be most appropriate. In any case, it is clear that the intent of the
law was to ensure that steps be taken so that students are not assigned to special education because
of limited English proficiency, rather than disability. Moreover, the federal law is very specific that
‘‘a child must not be determined to be a child with a disability’’ if there is a ‘‘lack of appropriate
instruction in reading, including the essential components of reading instruction (as defined in
section 1208(3) of the ESEA)’’ [34 C.F.R. 1 300.306 (1) (i)]. The essential components of
reading instruction under the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) are phonemic
awareness, phonics, vocabulary development, reading fluency (including oral reading skills), and
reading comprehension strategies. This creates another controversial issue for language-minority
students who have not been provided explicit instruction on these specific reading components
when determining eligibility for special education services for academic needs.
The complications of academic assessment for CLD students stem from the fact that they are
at varying stages of second language acquisition. They are also exposed to multiple curricula
because of part-time instruction in ESL or bilingual programs in addition to mainstream
instructional programs. Knowing the specifics of their current and previous instructional programs
is an important factor in accurate interpretation of their academic performance. In addition to
language proficiency in English, factors such as culture, educational history, and level of
acculturation are also important to understand. If a student has received instruction in his or her
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native language in the recent past, it will be important to assess those skills using appropriately
trained bilingual staff so that these competencies are not overlooked because current instruction is
all in English. However, if a student has received academic instruction only in English, it makes
no sense to evaluate his or her academic skills in native language, unless the student has been
exposed at home or in community settings to such skills.
The focus in academic assessment is generally on the skill areas of reading, writing,
mathematics, and, to a lesser extent, the content areas. The accuracy of these assessments is critical
to planning appropriate instruction and eligibility determination (Rhodes, Ochoa, & Ortiz,
2005). The more unique an individual’s educational experience and background, the more
individually tailored the assessment must be. Obtaining accurate records of schooling and
performance, even within this country, can be quite a challenge. Assessors often have to depend on
the recollections of, and documentation from, parents. Occasionally, helpful and accurate records
of medical and educational evaluations in other countries are available. In general, the quality and
consistency of schooling in refugee camps are not very high, and it is often conducted in a third or
fourth language for the student. The assessment team may well be faced with the complex task of
making a reasonable judgment about the range of expectations for academic achievement for the
student, given his or her instructional history.
As discussed earlier, norm-referenced achievement tests are often not very useful in assessing
CLD students because of the lack of representativeness of the norms or test content relative to the
student’s curriculum and because formats violate opportunity-to-learn assumptions. The
substitution of achievement tests in native language (e.g., Spanish) may not improve validity
because of lack of relationship to the curriculum taught. Norm-referenced tests can be used to
determine skills that the student has or does not have, but (in our opinion) standard scores should
not be calculated or reported.
Curriculum-based measurement (Shinn, 2002; Fuchs & Fuchs, 1997) provides a very
systematic, research-based set of technically adequate procedures that can be used to make valid
decisions about CLD students’ achievement. Most important, these fluency-based measures of
oral reading, written expression, and mathematics calculation and application are sensitive to
growth and can therefore serve as an index of progress (or lack thereof) in response to instruction
(Burns, MacQuarrie, & Campbell, 1999). Thus, CBM has great application in progress
monitoring, a critical feature of RTI. Documenting a student’s slow rate of response to
appropriately designed and delivered instruction would be an important element in an eligibility
assessment. Another benefit of CBM procedures is that they provide direct measures of the
academic skill of concern. Thus, the assessor can conduct an error analysis on samples of the
student’s work to determine linguistic and other factors that may be affecting the student’s
performance. Hence, qualitative as well as quantitative data can be derived from the measures. In
addition, CBM data can be used to write a student’s Individualized Education Program (IEP)
goals and objectives. There are several resources in the literature with guidance on how to
accomplish this, including Fuchs and Shinn (1989), Fuchs (2002), and Shinn (2002).
Another very useful application of CBM measures is making normative comparisons of
performance between a target student and appropriate peers, based on locally collected norms
(Shinn, 1989). Collecting local norms is a daunting undertaking, requiring considerable technical
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expertise and organization, but is often well worth the effort. However, if the school or the district
conducts the CBM benchmarking three times a year (fall, winter, and spring), then the data can be
used to develop the local norm for the school or the district.
Further development of more specific norms for a particular group of cultural peers or for
CLD students in general may be possible. This can be done on a limited case-by-case approach,
whereby the target student’s performance is compared with the median performance of, say, about
10 comparable peers of similar age, culture, linguistic, and educational experience. Or if the
setting or district offers sufficient numbers of CLD students, building or district norms could be
collected to establish a standard of expected performance for fall, winter, and spring. A
discrepancy score is often computed that would be the median peer performance score divided by
the target student’s score. If the discrepancy score is 2.0 or greater, this is considered significant
and an indication that the student’s skill in that area is in the ‘‘outlying’’ range compared with that
of peers. Since 1982, a large urban Midwestern school district has used CBM local norms to assist
in eligibility assessments of ELL students. Norms are re-collected about every four or five years.
Use of such procedures has reduced overrepresentation of ELL groups in special education.
More research is needed on the application of CBM with CLD students, but a few examples are
available in the literature, including Shinn, Collins, and Gallagher (1998); Baker, Plasencia-Peinado,
and Lezcano-Lytle (1998); Baker and Good (1995); and Deno (2005). Fewster and Macmillan
(2002) showed that CBM could be an effective means to reliably predict student performance and
differentiate between various proficiency levels. Baker and Good (1995) monitored Spanish–English
bilinguals’ progress in learning to read English with adequate reliability and validity. Available
research also indicates that CBM procedures can discriminate between special education and general
education students (Shapiro & Elliott, 1999; Shinn, Collins, & Gallagher, 1998).
Another useful alternative to norm-referenced achievement tests is the use of criterion-
referenced instruments. Such tasks provide information about which skills a student can
demonstrate and at approximately what level. The Brigance Diagnostic Comprehensive Inventory
of Basic Skills and the Brigance Diagnostic Assessment of Basic Skills (Spanish edition) are the
best examples of these. They comprise many different tasks from which the assessor can select the
most appropriate to tap the areas of interest and need, given the student’s experience. It is good
practice to utilize some of these less formal measures to ensure that a consistent picture of the
student’s level and quality of performance is emerging.
Classroom observations and interviews with relevant teachers should be considered an important
part of academic assessments of CLD students. In addition to gathering information about the
teachers’ perceptions of the student’s academic performance and behavior, the assessor’s task must be
to collect information about the learning environment and instructional program. Ysseldyke and
Christenson (2002) developed a useful tool, the Functional Assessment of Academic Behavior
(FAAB), which provides for evaluating both the student’s learning style and comprehension and their
match to the teacher’s teaching style and the classroom environment. An interesting facet of this
approach is the interview that the assessor holds with the student to determine his or her
comprehension of instruction and how the student is working to optimize learning.
Social, emotional, and behavioral assessment. According to Esquivel, Lopez, and Nahari
(2007), the behavioral and personality assessment of CLD individuals has lagged behind other
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areas such as cognition and achievement. It is probably the area that is most plagued with
complexity and uncertainty. To conduct these assessments well requires school psychologists with
fairly sophisticated knowledge of appropriate approaches to CLD assessment and commitment to
a multidimensional approach.
When CLD students are referred for emotional behavior problems, the team must first consider
their stage of acculturation (Collier, 2000). Students who are undergoing the stresses of acculturation
and accommodation to a new culture may present symptoms that can mimic disabilities (Collier,
Brice, & Oades-Sese, 2007). Issues that new immigrants and refugees commonly encounter include
adjustment to change and loss, role confusion and role reversal, difficulties with parenting, response to
trauma, disrupted attachments, impaired concentration and anxiety, depression, and posttraumatic
stress disorder (Community–University Health Care Center, University of Minnesota, 2003). When
families experience these difficulties, the school adjustment of the children can obviously be affected.
When children and their families find themselves in supportive environments, appropriate ESL and
counseling services can be provided, and the acculturation process can be moved back on track. In
fact, Collier et al. (2007) recommend that the Acculturation Quick Screen (AQS) be used to monitor
students’ progress with acculturation on an annual basis to determine whether they are making
normal gains and receiving effective services.
When assessing a CLD student for eligibility for emotional disorder/emotional or
behavioral disorder (ED/EBD) programming, school psychologists must naturally focus on the
components of the federal and state guidelines. According to McConaughy and Ritter (2002),
school psychologists can consider four approaches to assessment for EBD. The first model is
child psychopathology, which may be relevant for a CLD student with strong symptoms of ED.
However, cautions are still appropriate because of the limitations of our diagnostic instruments.
Community and medical clinics may or may not know more than school staff about CLD
students unless they have developed specialization in serving this clientele. A second approach
would focus on behavioral–environmental interactions, including behavior excesses or deficits
in a student’s interactions in school and home environments. This approach lends itself to
ongoing intervention planning and revision. A third model, related to the second, focuses on
understanding the functional relationships between problem behavior and environmental
events. Functional behavioral assessments (FBAs) are required by IDEA. The fourth approach
focuses on evaluating the effectiveness of interventions and uses a student’s resistance to
interventions as partial documentation of the need for special education within a response-to-
intervention model.
The school psychologist would usually combine use of two or more of the above approaches.
Behaviorally oriented procedures have the advantage of being most useful for intervention
planning and are less subject to bias. In addition, teams would need to address the exclusionary
criteria for ED and determine that the student’s inability to learn was not explained by cultural
and language acquisition factors. In many states, the use of rating scales is required to document a
discrepancy from peers in regard to the behaviors of concern. The Behavior Assessment System for
Children (second edition, BASC-2) and the Achenbach Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL) are
well-constructed instruments. However, their use with new immigrants and refugees is highly
questionable because of the fact that using interpreters to ensure that parents understand the items
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changes the standardization. The authors of the BASC claim that their instrument has application
with CLD students because the factor structures are universal across groups.
Consistent with our proposed framework of assessment, the school psychologist must rely on
multidimensional sources of data when assessing CLD students for EBD, including reviewing
educational and screening history, conducting parent and teacher interviews, conducting one or
more student interviews, and completing several classroom- or school-setting observations
(McConaughy & Ritter, 2002). Although perfect agreement across informants and settings is not
expected, it would be important to pay attention when parents’ view of a student’s behavior at
home is very different compared with his or her behavior at school. This may reflect a situation in
which the student experiences acculturation stress at school, but not at home. Or the parents may
not yet trust school authorities sufficiently to reveal what might be perceived as negative
information about their child. This speaks to the importance of moving slowly with the parents
through the process, ensuring that they understand the steps and goals along the way.
High-quality parent interviews are an essential ingredient for reducing bias in the EBD
assessment process. Their purpose is not to convince the parents of the school’s perception and
level of discomfort with the student. It is rather to gain information about the parents’
understanding of their child’s behavior and needs. Cultural beliefs may define the parents’ frame
of reference. Family stressors may affect parents’ ability to get involved with trying to address the
problem. It is important to understand the context from which the student derives his or her
identity, value system, and behavioral standards. Such interviews might use semistructured child
clinical interviews, such as the Semistructured Clinical Interview for Children and Adolescents
(McConaughy & Achenbach, 1994), or a more traditional behavioral approach.
Systematic observations are another important component of the multidimensional
assessment. In the context of direct observation, it may be possible to compare a student’s
classroom behaviors with those of peers with similar cultural and linguistic backgrounds. When
done systematically and over several occasions, such peer comparison data may be more valid than
rating scale data in describing the degree of difference in a student’s presenting behaviors. Hintze,
Volpe, and Shapiro (2002) provide a good summary of direct observation procedures. The
procedures recommended above provide methods that address components of the ED/EBD
guidelines, as well as a link to intervention planning.
Adaptive functioning assessment. Traditionally, adaptive functioning assessment is completed
when the student is suspected to have a severe cognitive or developmental disability, partly because
a significant limitation in adaptive skills is part of the definition of intellectual disability. The
American Association on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities (AAIDD, formerly the
American Association on Mental Retardation [AAMR]) defines intellectual disability as ‘‘a
disability characterized by significant limitations both in intellectual functioning and in adaptive
behavior as expressed in conceptual, social, and practical adaptive skills. This disability originates
before the age of 18.’’ In IDEA 2004, mental retardation is defined as ‘‘significantly subaverage
general intellectual functioning, existing concurrently with deficits in adaptive behavior and
manifested during the developmental period, that adversely affects a child’s educational
performance’’ [1300.8 (c)(6)]. Therefore, a poor performance on an IQ test is not sufficient to
be classified as having an intellectual disability. The idea of examining adaptive functioning to
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exclude intellectual disability is an important concept for CLD students. Cultural group
differences on IQ scores have long been documented in the literature (Lau et al., 2006), and
limitations of norm-referenced intelligence tests for language-minority students have been
discussed earlier in this chapter. The bottom line is that if students have average adaptive
functioning, they would not be considered ‘‘mentally retarded’’ even if they score more than two
standard deviations below the mean on IQ tests.
Salvia and Ysseldyke (2004) explained that adaptive behaviors of individuals include not only
adaptation to their physical and social environment but also the ability to continue to thrive in
both good and adverse situations; more important, adaptive behaviors are contextual and vary
from culture to culture. In other words, what is appropriate and expected depends upon the
person’s culture. As school psychologists attempt to determine whether a student has a deficit in
adaptive functioning, they must be conscientious about whose expectations they use as the
comparison and be aware that most CLD students have very different sociocultural, educational,
and linguistic experiences compared with those of the same-age peers in the national norm group.
At least two of the commonly used norm-referenced adaptive measures (Vineland Adaptive
Behavior Scales [second edition] and Adaptive Behavior Assessment System [second edition]) have
a Spanish version. However, school psychologists must keep in mind that these translations of the
items do not mean that they are culturally relevant or appropriate. We recommend that the
examiner review the items with an interpreter or a cultural liaison to ensure cultural
appropriateness.
Furthermore, the issue is not just about language. For instance, young Asian male children do
not button their clothing or tie their shoes because they expect their mother to do it for them. One
of the authors met a young Somali woman who lived in a desert for 16 years and had never seen or
used a pair of scissors. In many parts of our cities, even adults would be considered in danger if
they crossed streets or unmarked intersections alone. Many developing countries outside of the
United States do not have sidewalks, and it is ‘‘normal’’ to walk on the road. These are just a few
examples to illustrate that adaptive behaviors are culturally and experientially based. The results of
the norm-referenced, standardized adaptive measures are appropriate to be used for program
planning, helping the students to reach mainstream American standards and expectations;
however, by themselves, they would not be appropriate to be used to determine whether the
students have an intellectual disability.
In line with the multidimensional and multitask approach, school psychologists must go
beyond norm-referenced standardized adaptive measures to test their hypothesis in regard to the
student’s adaptive functioning. Similar to CBM, schools or school districts can develop a locally
normed school adaptive measure or screener (Canter, Lau, & House, 2002). School psychologists
should conduct a thorough, culturally sensitive interview with the parents. Individuals who are
familiar with the culture of the student should also be consulted. Systematic observations in such
natural settings as classroom, playground, lunchroom, and home should be conducted, focusing
on the student and his or her cultural peers. This information, along with consideration of the
belief system of the family, can draw meaningful data. The goal is to identify culturally
appropriate and acceptable behaviors and then determine the extent to which the student has met
the cultural expectations for these behaviors.
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Other Models of Assessment
Relatively new models have been introduced by Ochoa and Ortiz to serve as frameworks for
decision making and interpretation that incorporate consideration of both language proficiency
and education/acculturation. The Multidimensional Assessment Model for Bilingual Individuals
(MAMBI; Ortiz & Ochoa, 2005) guides the assessor in selecting the best modality of assessment
(i.e., bilingual, nonverbal, English, or native language). It provides a way for the assessor to
organize his or her thinking about several variables at once and directs the assessment in the least
discriminatory direction (Vazquez-Nuttall et al., 2007). The MAMBI integrates information
about (a) the student’s current degree of language proficiency in native language and English based
on estimates of Cognitive Academic Language Proficiency (CALP, Cummins, 1984), (b)
descriptors of current and previous types of educational programs, and (c) current grade level.
Readers should keep in mind that educational programs for ELLs are extremely diverse, even
within a school district. Moreover, the concept of CALP formalized by Cummins originated from
Swedish researchers (Skutnabb-Kangas and Toukomaa), who observed that Finnish immigrant
children in Sweden who were seemingly fluent in both Finnish and Swedish were below grade-
level expectations in verbal academic achievement (Cummins, n.d.). Most current research,
however, has been focused on English and Spanish; for other languages, especially in cultures
where written language is not emphasized (such as Hmong and Somali), and for nonphonemic-
based languages (such as Chinese), it has yet to be researched.
A second interpretive framework has been developed by Flanagan and Ortiz, using the
cultural and linguistic extensions of the Cattell-Horn-Carroll (CHC) theory and cross-battery
approach (Flanagan et al., 2000; Flanagan & Ortiz, 2001; Ortiz & Flanagan, 1998). The
Culture–Language Interpretive Matrix (C-LIM) provides another tool for analysis of subtest
scores, allowing for the degree to which each subtest is culturally loaded and for the extent of
inherent linguistic demands of each subtest. How subtests are arranged in the matrix are
determined by yet another tool, the Culture–Language Test Classifications (C-LTC) matrix.
Subtest scores from one or more selected tests are entered in the C-LIM according to the schemata
suggested by the C-LTC. The assessor then summarizes the scores and clinically analyzes the
patterns that emerge. When deviations from expected patterns are found, this may suggest (not
determine) the presence of a disability. The authors emphasize that this is an interpretive and not a
diagnostic framework. It does provide some basis for concluding that (when expected patterns
emerge) the observed performance is more likely the result of cultural and linguistic factors than a
disorder. This framework is grounded in the complex theoretical framework of CHC and cross-
battery principles, which should be thoroughly understood before adaptation. Further research is
needed to validate the utility of each framework (Vazquez-Nuttall et al., 2007).
CONCLUSION
The authors have taken the position that nondiscriminatory assessment of CLD students requires
a broad ecological approach utilizing multiple tasks and procedures. It is important to begin the
process with screening and classroom instructional and behavioral interventions. Before even
planning a formal assessment, information must be gathered through interviews with parents,
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teachers, and the student; through classroom observations; and through the collection of
educational and medical history data. Once an assessment for special education service entitlement
is under way, each procedure should have multiple components and be conducted with
modifications and cautions appropriate to the individual of concern. All of the information
collected should be integrated and interpreted by the team to ensure the most nonbiased
conclusions possible. It should be clear that the authors believe that the decades-old paradigm shift
in our field from the ‘‘within child’’ problem model to the ‘‘child in his or her environment’’
model will continue to be essential to our development of increasingly effective and efficient
assessment procedures for CLD students. The task is challenging, but it can be done.
1. After reading the chapter, what are some practices you need to change to provide better
services for CLD students?
2. There are different levels of implementation of this working model. What are your short-term
goals, and what are the things you would like to implement in the future?
3. What are the most salient points from this chapter you would like to share with your
colleagues (i.e., teachers and other school staff members)?
4. Are there topics suggested in the chapter that you and your colleagues would like to pursue via
professional development activities funded by your district?
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Chapter 8
Multicultural Considerations in School Consultation
Kimberly Booker, PhD, LSSP
Texas Woman’s University
OBJECTIVES
1. To articulate the educational rationale for incorporating a multicultural perspective in school
consultation
2. To discuss one model of multicultural consultation
3. To conceptualize how culture affects traditional models of school consultation
4. To understand practical ways to incorporate cultural sensitivity in school consultation.
INTRODUCTION
Consultation is an indirect, voluntary problem-solving process that can be initiated and terminated
by either the consultant or the consultee. The purpose of human services consulting is to assist
consultees in developing attitudes and skills that will enable them to function more effectively
with clients in the future (Brown, Pryzwansky, & Schulte, 2005). In school settings, the
consultation triad typically comprises three agents: the school psychologist as consultant, the
teacher as consultee, and the student as client. Consultation is a vital function of those in helping
roles in the schools. It allows consultants to help a larger client base while empowering consultees
to become proficient service providers themselves. Increasing emphasis is being given to the need
to integrate a cultural viewpoint when managing consultation cases. As such, understanding the
reasons for cross-cultural consultation and finding ways to incorporate a diverse perspective in
consultation are both important.
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This chapter assumes that the consultant has done the basic preliminary work in developing
cultural competence, including understanding one’s own culture, learning about other cultures,
and understanding the interplay of group and individual differences. The work included here is
meant to provide guidance in the application of cultural awareness to the context of school
consultation.
EDUCATIONAL RATIONALE FOR CONSIDERING CULTURE IN SCHOOL

CONSULTATION
Service delivery professionals working in schools should incorporate a cultural viewpoint during
consultation for numerous reasons. The following discussion will focus on two: the need to be an
ethical practitioner and the need to effectively understand culture-related dynamics in the
classroom.
To Be an Ethical Practitioner
Inclusion of culture in consultation is necessary to demonstrate professional competency. The

changing dynamics of the United States (U.S.) and globalization of the world highlight this point.
The growing range of cultural backgrounds in schools leads to differences in beliefs, languages,
practices, and perspectives that may affect the accuracy and interpretation of information obtained
in the consultation process. By definition, taking time to respect the diversity of people and to
incorporate this information into practice to provide equitable, fair, and appropriate services is
inherent to ethical behavior (Banks, Egan, Duplisea, & Mensah, n.d.). To be capable of working
in schools and to practice in an ethical manner require becoming adept at understanding
individual and cultural influences.
The need to behave ethically is critical for mental health professionals and is particularly
important to those conducting school consultations. The role of consultant in schools is to obtain
personal information while both protecting and using this information to build hypotheses and
develop strategies for problem solving. Furthermore, school psychologists are uniquely trained to
understand interpersonal, psychological, and educational processes. In developing collaborative
solutions, culturally knowledgeable consultants might be the only persons who can effectively
obtain pertinent cultural information and articulate the potential impact that culture may have on
proposed educational decisions and practices. This role puts consultants in a position to directly
and indirectly impact the lives and futures of students, making culturally considerate ethical
behavior paramount.
Although individual moral and ethical obligations may be enough to inspire cultural
considerations during consultation, formal professional requirements to incorporate a diverse
perspective also exist. For psychologists consulting in schools, many training programs incorporate
culture when teaching ethical behavior. In addition, the National Association of School
Psychologists (NASP) has outlined guidelines, as have most other mental health professionals’
organizations (American Counseling Association, 2005; American Psychological Association,
2003; NASP, 2000; National Association of Social Workers, 1999).
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Chapter 8 Consultation
Understanding Culture in the Classroom
Even if consultants in the schools do not consider ethical obligations and the increase in diversity
sufficient rationales for incorporating culture in their repertoire, the legacy of U.S. cultural history
is an additional compelling reason. This legacy reveals itself in group-related gaps in achievement,
discipline, disproportionate special education placement, and marginalization of sexual-minority
youth. It is also the context for potentially strained relationships with families who are members of
disenfranchised groups (Salzman, 2005). Differences based on economy, race, and gender greatly
impact consultation within the schools and make ignoring culture difficult or, at the least,
imprudent.
School personnel are generally familiar with patterns of discrepancies in the educational
placement of various ethnic and racial groups. The consensus is that students of color are
disproportionately referred for special education services, more likely to be represented in special
education classes and settings, and less likely to be placed in gifted classes (Donovan & Cross,
2002). More specifically, in a federally commissioned study conducted by the National Research
Council, Donovan and Cross (2002) found differences in the rate of identification—based on
ethnicity—in mental retardation (MR), learning disabilities (LD), emotional disturbance (ED),
and gifted and talented (GT). When compared with European American students, African
American students are more likely to be identified as MR or ED and less likely to participate in
GT curricula. Native American students are more likely to be identified as possessing LD and less
likely to participate in GT curricula. Hispanic American students are less likely to participate in
GT curricula. Asian American students are least likely to be identified as MR, LD, or ED and
most likely to participate in GT curricula.
Understanding (a) the connections among within-group characteristics (such as self-concept,
identity, and socioeconomic status), (b) factors external to the group (such as teacher expectancy
and school climate), and (c) the above-mentioned patterns of achievement and classification as
they relate to the classroom significantly informs school consultation. For example, research in
teacher expectancy indicates that teachers hold higher expectations for European American
children than for African American and Hispanic American children. Teachers also hold higher
expectations for Asian American students than for European American students (Chang & Sue,
2003; Tenenbaum & Ruck, 2007). The potentially negative educational results of lower
expectations include self-fulfilling prophesy and decreased school engagement and academic
motivation. There are also educational implications for those in the high-expectancy category.
Kim (1983) found that educational representations of Asian American students reflect stereotyped
expectations and characteristics of the culture that inhibit appropriate special education referral
and ultimately lead to the ‘‘invisibility’’ of children needing services. When consulting with a
teacher, awareness of these expectations and of the resulting influences on student achievement
and behavior will increase the likelihood of considering recommendations and interventions from
a culturally relevant perspective.
Although we are familiar with a racial achievement gap, a ‘‘discipline gap’’ is also present in
American schools. Differences in disciplinary practices may result from the U.S. cultural legacy.
Disciplinary practices are particularly important because consultants often intervene in behavior
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problems and serve in capacities that often determine the disciplinary outcomes of children with
special needs. The discipline gap refers to the tendency for African American students to be
overrepresented in disciplinary actions (such as office and alternative education referral,
suspension, and expulsion) in proportion to their enrollment and for European American and
Asian American students to be underrepresented (Gregory & Mosely, 2004). In addition,
Hispanic American and African American children are more likely to be referred to, and placed in,
alternative education settings for discretionary versus mandatory reasons (Mendez & Knoff, 2003;
Booker & Mitchell, 2008).
Disproportionate patterns of placement and discipline are not always overt in the day-to-day
context of schools. In fact, when asked to consider the discipline gap, teachers rarely suggest
cultural issues and instead consider the difficulty to be within the individual student (Gregory &
Mosley, 2004). Culturally based classroom behaviors often contradict teachers’ articulated belief,
which is that treatment in the classroom is based on individual differences. Teachers have been
found to vary their speech, tone, and behavioral expectations based on student ethnicity. In their
meta-analysis of previous studies, Tenenbaum and Ruck (2007) found that European American
students were more likely to receive encouragement and questions while their African American
and Latino American counterparts were more likely to receive criticism. It is evident that students
feel the effects of these interactions because students of color report perceiving discrimination with
regard to disciplinary treatment (Rosenbloom & Way, 2004; Ruck & Wortley, 2002).
An awareness of differential school practices underscores why culture is important to consider.
Moreover, awareness of culturally related variables provides a tool for working in diverse settings.
Such awareness enhances school professionals’ ability to understand classroom dynamics and
provides background knowledge about referral concerns of consultees. Considering the impact
and influence of culture increases the range of possible interventions.
CONSULTATION OVERVIEW
According to Ingraham (2004), a multicultural approach to consultation is one that considers the
influence of the culture of each member of the triad in every step of the process. Multicultural
consultation also allows for adjusting services to address the culturally related needs that arise.
When members of the consultation triad differ culturally from one another, this characteristic of
consultation is considered cross-cultural (Ingraham, 2000) and adds complexity to the process. To
appropriately apply a cultural perspective to consultation, the consultant’s role is to make hidden
cultural aspects explicit to consultation participants and to generate hypotheses informed by
cultural knowledge. The resulting information allows one to either appropriately intervene on
problems created by ignoring cultural variables or to find appropriate methods to incorporate the
information obtained. As described below, a cross-cultural framework can be applied to all models
of consultation.
MODELS OF CONSULTATION AND CULTURE
Consultation is one of the most efficient methods of providing services in the school milieu. The
traditional models used in schools include behavioral consultation, conjoint behavioral
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consultation, instructional team consultation, and mental health consultation (including

consultee-centered, client-centered, and program-centered). When considering these models,
cultural sensitivity does not require an overhaul of consultation practices; however, it is helpful to
consider ways that culture can appropriately be incorporated into these traditional approaches to
consultation. The following is an exploration of culturally inclusive approaches in the context of
each model of consultation. To conceptualize cultural implications, a prior awareness of the
varying world views and cultural characteristics thought to be maintained by different groups is
important. For a review of specific within-group cultural patterns and characteristics, see chapter
2. Additional references for cultural patterns can also be found in Tarver-Behring, Cabello,
Kushida, and Murguia (2000).
Behavioral Consultation
Behavioral consultation is an indirect problem-solving process based on behavioral and social

learning theories. The focus of this approach to consultation is on changing the behavior of the
child. The behavioral approach incorporates a series of stages during which environmental stimuli
are functionally related to student behaviors. The goal is to reduce identified problem behaviors
and replace these with behaviors considered appropriate to the environment (Lewis & Newcomer,
2002). The consultant’s role is to objectively explore the environment, to identify stimuli and the
function of behavior, and to help develop interventions that will encourage the desired change.
This is accomplished through semistructured interviews, observations, completion of a functional
behavior analysis, and development of a behavior intervention plan. Conducting a behavioral
consultation requires four main stages: problem identification, problem analysis, plan
implementation, and plan analysis (Kratochwill & Bergan, 1990; Luiselli, 2002; Sheridan,
2000). Typically conducted with a teacher, behavioral consultation is most often used in schools.
Its popularity comes from its easily defined and implemented processes and good fit within federal
mandates of positive behavioral support and evidence-based response to intervention. In addition,
behavioral consultation has the largest empirical base to support its effectiveness (Sheridan, 2000).
Relatively significant attention has been given to cultural implications and the use of
behavioral consultation. Because the implementation emphasizes objectivity when exploring
behavior in the stages, the influence of culture might easily be reduced—but still be left
unarticulated—in this consultation model. With a careful exploration of the activities within each
stage, it becomes apparent that behavioral consultation presents a number of opportunities to
incorporate culture and increase success with diverse populations. Neglecting culture in various
stages in behavioral consultation, however, has great potential to render an otherwise helpful
intervention useless. The following is an analysis of a behavioral consultation model that
incorporates multicultural considerations in each stage. The analysis includes a review of the
model conducted by Sheridan (2000) and Luiselli (2002).
Stage 1: Problem Identification

Assuming that entry into the consulting relationship has been established, the initial stage in
behavioral consultation is the problem identification stage. As its name suggests, activities include
identifying and defining target behaviors and engaging in baseline data collection procedures. The
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identification of target behaviors is one of the most critical tasks involved in the behavioral
consultation process. It is the base upon which future interventions will be built. The
operationalization of a behavior, or defining a behavior so that it can be measured through
observation, also provides a mechanism to assess behavioral or academic improvement. Because of
this, correctly identifying the problem, defining a behavior or problem that may realistically be
intervened upon, and ensuring integrity in the data-gathering process are critical and demand
cultural consideration.
When correctly identifying a problem, it can be difficult to get a teacher to focus on one
behavior that can be measured. This is the stage at which subliminal cultural beliefs and the
previously mentioned expectations begin to emerge. A consultee may focus on behavior
determined to be characteristic of the student, with descriptors such as ‘‘oppositional,’’ ‘‘lazy,’’ or
‘‘shy.’’ However, the act of operationalizing the problem can serve a positive cultural function. It
allows the problem to be construed in a more productive and student-friendly way. Although the
consultant may recognize that the goal of behavioral consultation is the replacement of
demonstrated target behaviors, the impression of the consultee in the process may be that the
individual displaying the behavior is the problem. Subsequently, the identified student runs the
risk of receiving ownership or taking on the role of the problem. Laziness may be conceptualized
as ‘‘does not initiate assignments.’’ Operationalizing the problem offers an opportunity for a
cognitive shift to occur, potentially reducing potentially culturally driven perceptions.
Negotiating the differences between what a teacher might find problematic—but may be
normative for a culturally different student—can be useful, yet challenging in the problem
identification stage. Subsequently, the ability to identify and understand the cultural genesis of
behaviors and to reframe problems appreciably aids the consultant in the problem identification
stage. For example, what may be seemingly innocuous behavior within a cultural context, such as
overlapping speech and verbal display of assertiveness, may be interpreted as disrespectful and
subsequently disciplined by a teacher (Monroe, 2005). However, such a behavior might serve
socially as a protective factor for a student, and the total eradication of this behavior may be more
harmful than helpful. The focus of the problem in the consultation might instead become
understanding when certain behaviors are appropriate, rather than a complete condemnation of
the behavior. Thus, a consultant might discuss ways to replace the behavior by offering
appropriate assertive alternatives. Providing such a reframe serves several cross-cultural
consultative purposes. It allows the student to maintain the appearance of self-advocacy among
peers. It provides the teacher with tools to engage the student. Most important, reframing
potentially conveys to the teacher the need to allow the student to maintain culturally related
characteristics and recognize the purpose that this behavior may serve—all the while, supporting
the teacher’s need to maintain order and control in the classroom.
The problem identification stage also consists of data gathering. Important culturally related
questions to ask include these: What might be the best approach, given my current cultural
knowledge regarding this case? and With whom should I conduct my interview? For example, you
might not choose to rely on the teacher’s report or tracking of information if you believe that there
may be an expectancy or cultural component. Another question might be, What types of
observations should I conduct? Observations may require tracking culturally relevant information
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such as the nature of the interaction (i.e., criticism versus praise or tone of voice of student and
teacher). This information may serve to confirm or debunk culturally related hypotheses in the
problem analysis stage that follows.
Stage 2: Problem Analysis

The problem analysis stage includes the completion of a functional behavior analysis (developing
hypotheses based on behaviors) and developing a behavior intervention plan. In this stage, setting
information as it relates to the identified problem is evaluated. The function of the behavior is
crystallized and communicated. At this stage, it may be challenging to convince the consultee that
although the function may not be negative, the demonstration behavior, possibly bound in
culture, may be perceived negatively. Consider the following case scenario.
CASE SCENARIO: SHOUTING OR RAISING YOUR HAND?
Imagine that you are attending a seminar in a country new to you. During the presentation, the
expectation is that you shout out when you want to ask a question. Instead, you raise your hand to get
the attention of the presenter. To this presenter, the expectation of being called on individually in this
manner is considered inappropriate and arrogant; however, the genesis of your unacceptable behavior is
cultural. In your culture, it is considered rude to shout above the others. To meet the goal of encouraging
your continued participation, a consultant would need to find an alternative that serves the function of
getting attention.
REFLECTION
With such an analogy, the consultee can see that the student’s method of communication may not
intended to be disrespectful, but may be taken that way. Culturally relevant questions that a consultant
might consider related to this stage include these: Are the expectations and goals of the teacher
culturally driven? or How might the goals that have been developed collide with the child culturally? or
How can the goals of the teacher and the characteristics of the student be best aligned in developing a
plan?
Stage 3: Plan Implementation

The implementation of the behavior intervention plan stage includes training staff to execute the
plan and refinement of the intervention. During this stage, it is important to consider events that
indirectly affect the problem. Such events might include previous beliefs and home and other
school experiences of both the teacher and student. This stage also requires an appreciation for
varying kinds of interventions—some teachers, parents, or students may appreciate a more direct
approach, but some may prefer a more interpersonal or collaborative approach. Receptivity to the
intervention will determine whether it is implemented with integrity. For example, African
American teachers would more likely focus on the content of the consultation—rather than on the
process—when assessing effectiveness (Duncan & Pryzwansky, 1993). Knowing this information,
consultants would need to supply concrete information for the consultee and appropriately model
the intervention.
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Culture can affect the consultation relationship between the consultant (e.g., psychologist)
and the consultee (e.g., teacher). If the consultation relationship is cross-cultural, cultural factors
such as beliefs and communication style can have an impact on the process of consultation. As a
result, the consultant should have cultural literacy of not only the client’s background but also the
consultee’s. Thus, cultural factors are likely to affect both the consultant–consultee relationship
and the consultee–client relationship.
Stage 4: Plan Evaluation

The plan evaluation stage includes measuring the effectiveness of the plan and changes in behavior
of all involved participants. In this stage, the consultant has to think flexibly about the results and
whether success can be measured in alternative ways. Also, consider whether some teachers will
provide feedback and set up culturally amenable mechanisms for feedback to occur. For example,
a consultee who preferred the collaborative verbal communication approach to consultation would
more likely prefer to receive verbal feedback through a face-to-face meeting, rather than by a brief
written report that describes the progress of the plan. Some cultures are much more communal
and therefore value group-oriented perspectives, rather than individualized approaches. Rapport
and trust may be higher in relationships in which communication style matches the consultee’s
culture. As a result, revisions to the plan can and should be collaboratively generated.
Conjoint Behavioral Consultation
An extension of behavioral consultation that incorporates home and school participation in the
intervention process is called conjoint behavioral consultation (CBC; Sheridan, 2000). In this
model, the stages of consultation are conducted with both parents and teachers as participants and
sources of information. The goal is to address shared concerns. Similar to the behavioral model,
parents are involved in every step and benefit from operationally defining problems. Holding the
perspective of the child as a ‘‘problem child’’ is difficult for most parents, and this might be
particularly difficult for those families from cultures who have a history of conflict with, or
mistrust of, the school system.
CBC is a consultation approach that lends itself easily to incorporating culture. This method
provides a natural mechanism to incorporate concerns of a family that may differ from those of
school personnel. For example, the school may place an emphasis on adaptive skills for a student
identified with disabilities, while the family is focused on academics. It might be necessary to
understand the cultural underpinnings of this emphasis, find ways to explain the benefits of
adaptive training, and involve the family in the intervention. Considering a cross-cultural
perspective is important in CBC because variations to consultation that incorporate culture are
more often made when consultants are working with diverse students and parents, rather than
only with teachers (Tarver-Behring et al., 2000).
Engaging the family directly in the school is important, but may not be the only mechanism
for involvement and collaboration in the success of a student. CBC is important in its potential to
include the community in the consultation process. Increasing school–home–community
collaboration is particularly important for communities with a nonindividualistic world view.
Chavkin (2006) provides a framework for supporting family involvement. Typical methods of
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communicating with parents may include conferences, report cards, phone calls, and use of
translators or individuals familiar with a particular culture. However, when consulting with
diverse families, CBC may also incorporate nontraditional methods, including home visits,
newsletters, Webpages, and making information available to community health, cultural,
recreational, and social support programs.
It is also important to be cognizant of, and sensitive to, issues of immigration and past legal
experiences that may limit the candor and participation of culturally and economically diverse
families. Finding ways to communicate the relative safety of school and encourage their voice in
the process is important in conjoint behavioral consultation. Consider the following case scenario.
CASE SCENARIO: RELUCTANT MOTHER
A mother would like to volunteer at her child’s school to support it with the needs of her emotionally
disturbed child. After discussing the necessary steps to being on the campus, the consultant does not
hear back from the mother. Once she is able to contact the parent through a relative attending the
school, the consultant discovers that the parent was discouraged from volunteering after she discovered
that the school requires a criminal background check. She believed that she would fail and that the
school would be aware of background information to which she did not want the school to be privy. The
consultant discussed with her what the background check consists of, and although the parent did not
agree, the school was able to involve her by maintaining contact during the day via e-mail messages. The
consultant connected the parent with services through the public library.
REFLECTION
In this scenario, it was necessary to make connections through another individual with whom the
parent had a trusting relationship, follow up with relevant information, and develop an alternative
method of participation that was respectful of the parent’s concerns. Respecting the cultural
differences of parents may require flexible thinking regarding how we conceptualize participation
and how we define ‘‘resistance.’’ Moreover, it requires an examination of the subconscious meanings,
such as disinterest in education or student progress, often applied to a parent’s lack of school
involvement.
Instructional Team Consultation
Instructional team consultation is a method that focuses on the content and delivery of curriculum.
Instructional team consultation is designed to support teachers in the general education classroom
(Gravois & Rosenfield, 2006). During multidisciplinary weekly team meetings, the school
psychologist facilitates the development of interventions by applying systematic problem-solving
processes that may not be inherent to the school setting. Although the stages during instructional
team consultation are similar to those of behavioral consultation, the process is more collaborative:
Teachers serve as experts in the content of instruction, while consultants serve as experts in
pedagogy, assessment, and intervention. The focus during the instructional team approach is on
improving the quality of teacher instruction to foster student success.
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With its focus on curriculum, instructional team consultation provides a unique approach to
culture for those consulting in schools. First, it is proactive because it identifies teaching methods
useful for all students. This is done to prevent the development of academic problems, rather than
remediate within a rigidly defined system (Crawford & Tindal, 2002). Second, through
alternative methods of assessment, it provides an avenue to explore potential student weaknesses
and strengths with cultural sensitivity. Cross-cultural goals of instructional team consultation can
be accomplished through a dual approach: (a) ensuring that instruction is of high quality and is
compatible with the skills of students and (b) training teachers to conduct assessments that help
identify academic problems, design interventions, and measure the progress of students (Bartels &
Mortenson, 2005). According to Crawford and Tindal (2002), when investigating curriculum
effectiveness for diverse students, consultants should consider aspects such as curricular materials,
teacher expertise, students’ prior knowledge and motivation, instructional technology, and
assessment formats.
Before the instructional team can give attention to the content of material presented to
students, the first task is to determine the quality of instruction. Exploring the quality of
instruction is particularly important from a cultural perspective because students with significant
risk factors (particularly those who are culturally and linguistically different) are the most likely to
be vulnerable to poor instruction and subjected to inappropriate referral. Thus, consultants should
be looking for indicators of poor instruction, such as a pattern of poor performance for students at
a variety of skill levels. This might be assessed through tracking multiyear performance or by
concurrently assessing classroom performance with other indicators of achievement (i.e.,
curriculum-based assessment).
Incompatibility between student skills and instruction—and the resulting failure in the
classroom—can be conceptualized in a variety of culturally sensitive ways. One is a traditional
model: Students are not successful because they demonstrate a content-related deficit in skills. As
with any student, it is important to differentiate for the team whether this lack of skill is content or
ability related. For example, content-related problems may manifest in students with limited
exposure to an academic area. This may be a result of a need to focus on more basic needs, rather
than enrichment activities (as may be the case for a child from a family with limited resources or
one who has had an unstable residential history). These same students may have demonstrated an
ability to quickly grasp information and make inferences. Subsequently, when attempting to
develop an intervention, a consultant who has determined that a student has the capacity for
higher-order thinking might recommend incorporating such academic-thinking tasks while
continuing to develop basic skills acquisition.
Another manner in which to conceptualize failure in the classroom is that students do not
demonstrate success because they do not possess the skills to acquire information, given the
current instructional delivery mode. In this model, a consultant would likely consider culturally
sensitive approaches to teaching and suggest these to the instructional team. Alternative delivery
models might include an integrated curriculum. According to Simanu-Klutz (1997), an integrated
curriculum is one that merges knowledge from various disciplines, teaches from various world
views, and uses real-life situations in problem solving and critical thinking (p. 1). Education
literature is replete with other alternative delivery modes. The knowledge of concepts such as
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scaffolding (providing a student with cues and then removing these supports as the student’s
knowledge improves) and cooperative learning is helpful when considering diverse learners.
Additional recommendations regarding diverse learning and teaching strategies can be found in
Crawford and Tindal (2002).
Finally, students may not appear to be successful because appropriate opportunities are not
available to demonstrate content mastery. To assess student difficulty based on this model may
take direct classroom observation of learning behavior and exploring the factors (including teacher
expectations and peer influence) that may have an impact. Another method to determine whether
a culturally diverse student has demonstrated the ability that he or she might possess would be a
dynamic assessment. A dynamic assessment is one in which issues of exposure to curriculum and
test taking may be eliminated. The dynamic assessment model includes a test–teach–retest format
and a focus on the learning process. Dynamic assessment provides an alternative approach to
traditional procedures by focusing on learning potential—possibly reducing test bias (Lidz, 2001).
Dynamic assessment has been found to be particularly useful for more accurately estimating word-
learning ability among preschool children with low language proficiency (Peña, Iglesias, & Lidz,
2001). In addition, curriculum-based assessment can be considered. Within the milieu of
curriculum-based assessment, it is important to incorporate a variety of methods. For example, the
comprehension of a reading passage may be assessed by close sentence techniques (i.e., fill in the
sentence), rephrasing the paragraph, or answering open-ended, context-related questions.
This collaborative approach of instructional team consultation gains particular importance as
we consider the need to focus on the yearly progress of students and their ability to respond to
interventions. Instructional team consultation requires that the consultant be aware of the
culturally appropriate use of assessment tools, as well as alternatives to curriculum delivery.
Culturally responsive practices on instructional teams may directly reduce special education
referrals and placements by increasing the quality of instruction and capitalizing on strengths for
students who need it the most.
Mental Health Consultation
The mental health model of consultation incorporates an insight-based approach, rather than
relying solely on objective information. Particular attention is given to the process among
members of the triad (Maital, 1996). In contrast to behavioral consultation, mental health
consultation focuses on the mental and emotional health of the participants involved. Within
mental health consultation are various models based in the focus of consultation. Mental health
models that apply to schools include consultee-centered (i.e., teacher-centered), client-centered
(i.e., student-centered), and program-centered. A cultural approach can be applied to each of these
models.
Consultee-Centered
A consultee-centered case approach aims to improve the consultee’s capacity through changing his
or her perception of the problem. By changing the teacher’s perception, the consultant may
change the outcome for the student. This approach is most likely used when the consultant
suspects that cultural experiences (or lack thereof) in the teacher’s past may be influencing present
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performance. According to Caplan (1970), there are four main sources of consultee difficulty: lack
of knowledge, lack of skills or resources, lack of confidence, or lack of objectivity. When exploring
whether one or more of these difficulties might be present, Ingraham (2000) points out several
processes to explore, such as intervention paralysis, walking on eggshells, cultural blunders, and
color blindness.
Intervention paralysis may occur when a consultee is confronted with a culturally related
problem and is aware of the cultural implications, but lacks the initiative to articulate or act upon
these differences with an intervention that he or she suspects would be helpful. The lack of action
could stem from the sensitivity of the cultural dynamic being anxiety provoking and pressing on
his or her social conscience. The consultee may not have discovered an adequate mechanism by
which to overcome the anxiety. One manner in which a consultant might overcome this fear in the
consultee is to initiate a conversation about culture. This would include discussing openly why
such topics are often avoided and how addressing problems from such a manner would not make
the consultee appear to be racist, sexist, or phobic, but provide authenticity to the intervention
process. Offering to brainstorm with the consultee about culturally sensitive interventions is also a
possible avenue.
Walking on eggshells is another process that reflects lack of confidence in the cultural
realm. This process is demonstrated when a consultee is hypersensitive about making comments
that may be deemed offensive. In contrast to intervention paralysis, the consultee has not
moved to the phase of considering intervention. It is critical that consultees overcome this
limitation because one of the goals of cross-cultural consultation is to begin the dialogue about
culture. Again, modeling appropriate ways in which to begin the conversation helps the
consultee.
Consultee difficulties that reflect a lack of knowledge about group differences or objectivity in
relation to self-culture may result in a cultural blunder. In this process, the consultee behaves in a
culturally insensitive or offensive manner. This could come from lack of exposure or erroneous
assumptions about behavior, based on the limited exposure that has occurred. In either case, the
consultant must determine which is the source and address the problem by providing culturally
appropriate information or options for the consultee to locate culturally appropriate information
and begin to utilize exercises that can address biases. For example, modeling appropriate
information-seeking behavior such as asking a student of mixed ethnic background how he or she
self-identifies, rather than making assumptions based on appearance. Also, having a teacher track
information that refutes bias is a technique to address this difficulty. An example of this is having a
teacher who believes that boys are unable to stay in their seats track sitting behavior in her
classroom.
Another culturally driven consultee difficulty is color blindness. This process, which occurs
when a consultee makes an effort to treat everyone the same, potentially denies issues of culture or
identity. Although the consultee’s intention can be seen as an effort to reduce unfair treatment, he
or she may not possess the knowledge that acknowledging culture is supportive for students whose
culture may not be the mainstream.
These four areas of difficulty are those upon which the consultant will likely focus in the
consultee-centered approach. In addition to the above-mentioned techniques, a consultant should
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make recommendations to increase exposure to diverse students and families in an effort to

increase knowledge and objectivity.
Client-Centered
The client-centered approach necessitates that the consultant develop a relationship with the
student. The consultant then leverages this relationship to assess and provide recommendations for
the consultee (Lewis & Newcomer, 2002). This approach requires an understanding of the
cultural background of the student. It also requires attention to the student’s within-culture
identity or level of acculturation. This may be more or less developed and may vary from the
acculturation level of the student’s parents.
School psychologists consult from this perspective in a number of ways. One method is to
work with students to understand what will encourage school bonding and participation.
The consultant should attempt to understand firsthand what is relevant, particularly for students
who may feel socially or racially isolated. After obtaining information, the consultant can
share with school personnel regarding ways to support disenfranchised students. Additional
activities that encourage school bonding for culturally diverse students include encouraging
participation in culturally based student groups and not giving up when students resist the
consultant’s efforts.
CASE SCENARIO: ‘‘UNMOTIVATED’’ STUDENT
A teacher discusses with you her concern that one of her students who, in her estimation, has the
ability to do the work, but is performing poorly. The challenge she faces is that the student does not
appear to be affected by the failing grades he receives. In her opinion, the student is unmotivated. After
spending time with the student, who is African American, you find him to be highly motivated and to
perform well in artistic endeavors. Excellence in artistry is an area for which he receives praise from
members of his community and a quality with which he identifies. Based on your knowledge of
research related to self-esteem with children of color, you recognize that African American children
comparatively have a positive overall self-concept. However, in general, they do not consider academic
ability to be a component of their self-worth (Roth, 2005).
As a result, you encourage the teacher to employ techniques that encourage incorporating academic
achievement as a part of the student’s identity. This includes providing culturally relevant historical,
popular, and local figures for which academic achievement play a significant role in their popularity. You
also recommend that she make these figures relevant to specific academic subjects. On a personal note,
you suggest that she start praising and encouraging the student for academic progress and begin advising
his mother and others in his life to reinforce this academic identity connection.
REFLECTION
Understanding differences in ethnically based student identity and psychological functioning may
provide opportunities for a consultant to improve individual achievement expectations and outcomes.
Understanding the student perception of achievement may help develop interventions that encourage
him or her to incorporate achievement as an element of positive self-esteem and subsequently increase
engagement in the academic process.
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Program-Centered
A program-centered approach to consultation may focus on challenges to implementing a new
program or on some aspect of the organization (Brown et al., 2005). For schools, this might
include consulting on the district and campus levels in crisis situations, consulting on the
development of positive behavioral support programs, and/or consulting in situations where a shift
in culture is indicated.
One campus-level area in which a consultant can often intervene is with the cultural
awareness of prereferral intervention teams. Questions that assess the cultural awareness and
implementation aid in ensuring that such practices are occurring. Two such questions might
be these: What type of language does the team use when describing students? Does the team
focus on strengths as well as areas of growth? Westby and Ford (1993) provide a list of
resources and activities that they channeled when assessing cultural functioning of an
educational assessment team who were attempting to implement change. Such activities
included the following:
1. Interviews of team members (as a group and individually).

2. Interviews of a sample of families receiving services.
3. Interviews of a sample of agencies who regularly interact with program participants.
4. Review of artifacts, which included mission statement, brochures, newsletters, and
parent information material.
5. Mapping of the environment, noting materials and equipment available and
organization of space.
6. Observation of the team process by videotaping assessment sessions and team staffings.
7. Questionnaires to evaluate team goals and team functioning.
8. Questionnaires to assess learning styles and roles of members on the team. (pp. 324–
325)
These activities will likely help discern areas for improving the ability of the team to effectively
recognize and incorporate issues related to diversity while considering interventions for students.
Although the incorporation of culture may be considered when developing intervention
programs in schools, often what we believe to be culturally inclusive may not be. Resnicow, Soler,
Braithwaite, Ahluwalia, and Butler (2000) provide a useful clarification between the terms
culturally based versus culturally sensitive that can be used when contemplating cultural
applications to program-centered consultation.
Culturally based programs or interventions are those that combine culture, history, and core
values as agents to encourage behavior change. While seemingly helpful, culturally based programs
can be superficial in presentation. They address surface-related cultural issues. These external
characteristics include use of people from that group, along with food, language, and music. For
example, in an effort to create a program based on cultural considerations, one might use a
counselor of similar background in a program to improve the achievement and reduce gang
enlistment of Latino American youth. However, the use of an individual with a similar ethnicity
does not ensure that the cultural interests of the students are addressed. Culturally based programs
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can be beneficial in that they serve identification purposes, improve acceptability of the message,
and help identify appropriate channels for delivery. Those receiving the message may be more
likely to attend or respond positively if given from a familiar voice or by an individual with a
similar background.
In contrast, culturally sensitive programs incorporate relevant historical, environmental, and
social forces into the design, implementation, and evaluation of materials and programs.
Incorporating culture from this deeper level involves considering how group members perceive
issues. This has implications for the salience of the programs for different groups, and it informs
the course of intervention by understanding how group members perceive the cause and origin of
their behavior. In the above-mentioned example, a culturally sensitive approach would assess
needs to belong and group affiliation and consider alternatives for incorporating these social
elements into the school context.
One example of a culturally sensitive program is School to Jobs (STJ) developed by Daphna
Oyserman. STJ is an achievement-focused program based on the knowledge that encouraging
factors that students identify with helps encourage school involvement. The goal of the program is
to develop activities that provide experiences congruent with identity while allowing students to
practice skills that increase engagement and effort in school. These activities include a focus on
self-concept, school bonding, and performance. In this program, both the community and family
join in encouraging the self-concept and school/self connection.
A second example of a culturally sensitive program is the Resolving Conflict Creatively
Program (RCCP). This program is a K–12 program directed at social and emotional learning. It
identifies and involves multiple support areas important to the population being served and results
in significant social and academic improvements for participants.
CONCLUSION
It is nearly impossible to conceptualize in their entirety the ways in which cultural awareness
influences the consultation process. However, for mental health providers in schools, an awareness of
culture-related education issues is an important first step in being an agent of change. The approach
that one uses to indirectly intervene is based on both personal choice and situational demands.
Challenges involving the consultee may call for a consultee-centered or instructional team
approach; those with students may require a more behavioral or client-centered approach. One
theme is consistent: More than just individual differences will likely impinge upon the
effectiveness of consultation in schools. Working on understanding culture will create only a more
competent consultant.
1. You receive a behavior referral from a teacher. You find that it is an African American student
who has on numerous occasions refused to follow her directions to return to his desk. This
teacher has a history of an above-average number of referrals from her class. While addressing
her referral question, how would you assess whether cultural variables are involved? If so, how
would you address these issues in your consultation? Which model would you use?
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2. You are developing a drug-use prevention plan for Native American adolescents. Compare a
possible culturally based program with a possible culturally sensitive program.
3. What are ways in which you might identify when race or ethnicity might be a problem for a
teacher? For a student?
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Duncan, C., & Pryzwansky, W. B. (1993). Effects of race, racial identity development, and
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Gregory, A., & Mosely, P. M. (2004). The discipline gap: Teachers’ views on the over-
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Ingraham, C. L. (2000). Consultation through a multicultural lens: Multicultural and cross-
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Chapter 9
Counseling With Multicultural Intentionality:
The Process of Counseling and Integrating Client
Cultural Variables
Janine M. Jones, PhD, NCSP
OBJECTIVES
1. To provide school clinicians an understanding of intentional multicultural counseling
2. To provide tools for clinicians to build cultural self-awareness
3. To offer examples of intentional multicultural counseling constructs at different phases of the
counseling process
4. To use phrases to demonstrate how multicultural counseling variables appear in counseling dialogues
INTRODUCTION
This chapter will focus on counseling children and adolescents, using a multicultural lens. Practice
expectations include increasing cultural self-awareness, cultural literacy, and intentional
counseling. The counseling process will be outlined in detail, highlighting places within the
counseling process where the mental health professional can view the client from a cultural
perspective. This chapter was written with the understanding that school mental health
professionals can be school psychologists, school counselors, or school social workers. As a result,
the term clinician will be used to reference the individual who supports the mental health needs of
children and adolescents through counseling.
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School mental health professionals (i.e., clinicians) have the honor and challenge to serve the
needs of all children in the schools. Children enter school systems with a wide range of life
experiences that have both positive and negative impacts on their world. In addition to the
complexity of life experiences, children are impacted by biological factors that influence how they
process information and how they behave. Some school clinicians are trained to do assessment,
counseling, consultation, and crisis services. To successfully serve children in all of these
methodologies, a comprehensive body of knowledge is needed. Training programs must prepare
school psychologists and school counselors to integrate knowledge of the biological, psychological,
ecological, and sociocultural factors that affect the lives of children. Sociocultural factors can be
the most difficult to address because there are subtle nuances between ethnic, racial, cultural, and
familial factors. Most clinicians gain their skills with other cultures during an internship and on-
the-job training. Although on-the-job skill development is inevitable, it is ideal if, before entering
the workplace, clinicians are given the context to understand cultural phenomena and how culture
impacts the daily lives of the children served. Having that context enhances the likelihood that the
clinician will respond appropriately and efficiently in a situation involving a child from a
culturally different background. When counseling children, there is flexibility in how the service is
provided, and the nature of each relationship can be slightly different. The focus of this chapter is
to enhance the clinician’s ability to connect with children and adolescents with a multicultural
frame of reference.
WHAT IS A MULTICULTURAL FRAME OF REFERENCE?
Many different terms are used to describe the intersecting variables of culture, ethnicity, race,
identity, and difference. By using the term multicultural, it is recognized that people are inevitably
part of multiple cultures. They have the ability to understand and function in multiple cultural
environments—while being able to adjust their behavior to the norms of each culture. In the
context of this chapter, the multicultural frame of reference is the lens through which the clinician
perceives his or her work with the client, the context that he or she conceptualizes within the
counseling relationship, and the cultural variables that are integrated into every aspect of the
counseling process.
The counseling relationship includes not just the clinician and the child—it also includes
the family and culture in which the child is embedded. Thus, treatment must focus on the
interaction of the variables between the therapist and the child. When adults interact with
children in a counseling relationship, some of the dynamics shift. In some ways, the child
becomes the leader of the interaction, but in other ways, the clinician leads. When it is time for
the child to lead, clinicians must educate themselves on the unique characteristics of the child
and then take the new information into the context of implementing supportive interventions.
When we begin the process of educating ourselves about others, we must be aware that we
incorporate new information through a filter—our own lens through which we interpret
meaning of the world around us. As a result, every clinician should strive toward constant self-
awareness, which is not just limited to professional characteristics, but also includes personal
characteristics.
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Chapter 9 Counseling
CULTURAL AWARENESS
Developing a multicultural frame of reference includes not only building cultural self-awareness
but also increasing awareness about others. Cultural self-awareness is one of the first steps to
developing the skills for working with cultural competence (Paniagua, 2005; Pederson & Carey,
2003; Ponterotto, Utsey, & Pedersen, 2006; Sue & Sue, 2008). By developing self-awareness, a
school clinician is able to understand what he or she brings into the counseling relationship.
Monitoring intrapersonal cultural awareness is an ongoing process and requires intentional
thinking (Frisby & Reynolds, 2005; Reynolds, 1999). Because all humans have some form of bias,
clinicians in the counseling profession should especially be aware of their own thinking, practicing
self-reflection on concepts such as culture, beliefs, values, and attitudes. This reflection may reveal
positive and negative thoughts and attitudes that may influence the counseling relationship.
Because mental health professionals are among the most altruistic and giving people, it is hard to
face the fact that everyone has biases. Engaging in the process of exploring cultural self-awareness
encourages the professional to monitor assumptions, values, and biases toward others. The goal of
engaging in this process is not to upset the practitioner, but rather to increase his or her confidence
because awareness reduces the likelihood that biases will influence his or her decisions or
interventions. In essence, the clinician who is aware of his or her biases ends up being the most
skilled at serving others who may resemble the characteristics of those biases.
Techniques for Increasing Cultural Self-Awareness
Increasing cultural self-awareness can be accomplished in a variety of ways. Many training

programs offer at least one course dedicated to multicultural issues; however, beyond the
introduction to the content, some clinicians end their self-reflection journey when that course is
completed. As a result, it is up to the individual professional to continue with the challenge and
pursue the journey toward multicultural intentionality and expertise.
A great place to start the journey toward increased self-awareness is through the use of the Self-
Assessment Checklist for Personnel Providing Services and Supports to Children and their Families
(Goode, 2002). This tool includes 33 questions that promote cognitive awareness of practices that
foster an environment for multicultural competence. The checklist includes statements about the
following domains: physical environment, materials, and resources; communication styles; and
values and attitudes. As part of the self-assessment, the school clinician is to consider his or her
thoughts and beliefs in the context of each statement. This checklist is particularly useful because
it also includes attention to the nonverbal and environmental cues that school clinicians convey in
their office (Jones, 2008). For example, a statement on the checklist might encourage a school
clinician to consider whether his or her office environment is reflective of different cultures
(particularly those of students who attend the school). Similarly, items remind the clinician to
consider whether the counseling tools that are used (e.g., storybooks, games, puppets, and dolls)
are reflective of the ethnic background of the children and families served (Gil & Drewes, 2005).
Another technique for self-analysis is to develop a cultural genogram (Hardy & Laszloffy,
1995). The cultural genogram is a graphic representation of the family tree that includes elements
of culture and diversity. This genogram can be used as a tool for examining historical interactions
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across generations related to family dynamics and diversity. As a self-awareness tool, the cultural
genogram can reveal covert multicultural attitudes. It can also help in the examination of overt
multicultural experiences and how these experiences relate to the clinician’s present-day attitudes.
The visual representation makes it easy to see multigenerational patterns. The cultural genogram
can be used as a tool for increasing self-awareness and also for addressing culture in the counseling
relationship.
Everyone has some form of bias. When we are aware of our biases, we are likely to be more
skilled at serving the public. School clinicians may also develop cultural self-awareness by using
journaling as a technique for self-reflection. The journal can include thoughts about clients, as well
as personal reactions toward such clients that may affect counseling skills and interventions. The
journal provides an opportunity to privately analyze personal assumptions about other cultures
and even attitudes about the political state of the world. Because the journal is a personal tool, the
cultural self-awareness analysis can occur without fear of judgment by others. Journal content may
include details about the clinician’s family history, cognitive style, communication style, and self-
perception, including perceptions of ethnic identity, acculturation level, and racial sensitivity (Ho,
1992). The journal need not focus solely on personal values and beliefs, but it can also be an outlet
for processing thoughts about the clinician’s theoretical orientation. Thus, the journal is a method
of both self-analysis and professional development.
Another approach to developing self-awareness is to form multicultural consulting groups.
These groups can be formed as cultural workgroups, consultation meetings, or regular dialogue on
a like-minded Listserv. Having colleagues with whom to engage in regular dialogue about
multicultural issues in counseling can be empowering. At a minimum, clinicians should develop a
list of professionals they may contact for consultation on multicultural issues.
Increasing ‘‘Other Awareness’’
Increasing other awareness, also known as increasing cultural literacy, is a core component of
developing multicultural competence. In general, clinicians have to be aware of common cultural
factors, such as direct and indirect communication styles within a cultural group, cultural
differences between groups, knowledge of myths and stereotypes of a culture, and stressors
associated with living in a multicultural context. For example, indirect communication may be the
predominant form of communication for one cultural group, while direct verbal communication
may be dominant in another cultural group. Inherently, counseling encourages direct
communication as the path to improved mental health. Because the counseling process should
begin ‘‘where the client is,’’ the school clinician must adopt a more indirect communication style
to establish rapport and determine the client’s communication style. Taking this approach to
rapport building allows the clinician to move with the client to a place of mutual trust. Without
knowledge of the indirect communication style, we risk interpreting the client’s behavior as
‘‘resistant,’’ ‘‘uninvested,’’ or ‘‘passive.’’
Similarly, one must consider cultural differences between groups. Given that the majority of
school psychologists, school social workers, and school counselors are not ethnic minorities and
that the proportions of the student population are divided differently among people of color, it is
highly likely that counseling will occur in a cross-cultural context. It is worth noting that other
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awareness is not only relevant to Caucasian Americans, but also to ethnic minorities who may not
be aware of the cultural differences between themselves and other ethnic- and/or sexual-minority-
group members. Given the diverse nature of the histories and family contexts that students bring
to the counseling relationship, clinicians must be open and prepared for differences in world view
from their own (Jones, 2008). As a result, self-awareness is intertwined with other awareness, and
the salience of the differences is enhanced. Cultural differences such as the priority status of
specific values over others, linguistic differences and the interpretation of meaning, and unstated
rules for living are among cultural characteristics and potential differences that can exist in cross-
cultural counseling relationships. There is always a risk of a mismatch in cultural values, attitudes,
or meaning in behavior that can lead to miscommunication or misunderstandings in cross-cultural
relationships. Having awareness of commonalities within a cultural group ensures conscious
awareness of characteristics to consider when working with children and their families. Thus,
clinicians who do self-analysis—along with developing other awareness—are able to consider the
characteristics in context.
Students in training often bristle at the idea of identifying commonalities in the characteristics
of a cultural group for fear that these commonalities will be stereotypes and myths about a
particular culture. While this is a legitimate concern, stereotypes are usually associated with
negative characteristics, opinions, and/or factors that are irrelevant to the counseling relationship.
Instead, clinicians should be encouraged to connect both personally and professionally with
individuals within a culture to learn more about the preestablished values and norms that are
transmitted through the generations. Although there may be within-group variation, the
foundational beliefs may actually be the same. Sensitivity to the existence of stereotypes and myths
will enhance the clinician’s ability to filter out essential information and support the client in the
context of the world that he or she lives in. Thus, a myth can remain just that—a myth that is not
a consideration as the counseling relationship develops.
Another example of content that helps school professionals in building other awareness is
having an understanding of the stressors associated with living in a multicultural context.
Individuals in some cultural groups may feel isolated because there are no others who share the
experience of being different. For example, consider a student in the 10th grade who identifies as a
lesbian, but has few others in her social network that are comfortable being ‘‘open’’ with their
sexual orientation. She may experience loneliness, rejection, and identity confusion, among a host
of other stressors. Or what about the African American student who is the ‘‘only one’’ in the
honors class and who has a peer network that is in the general education population? That student
lives in a world where there are preexisting myths around intellectual ability and where there is
social rejection associated with being different (including being perceived as smart). The school
clinician with strong other awareness will recognize that this student is likely to be experiencing
not only interpersonal/social stress but also the interpersonal stress associated with identity
development along with the simultaneous process of ethnic identity development in adolescents of
color. The level of complexity is very high, and sensitivity to this complexity is a key component in
building rapport and promoting success in the counseling relationship. These examples are just a
few of the factors for consideration when building cultural literacy. For clinicians who would like
to learn more about specific cultural groups and increase their cultural literacy, chapter 2 on
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Increasing Cultural Literacy includes a compilation of variables associated with cultural values in
specific cultural groups. In addition, numerous resources (Paniagua, 2005; Sue and Sue, 2008)
provide comprehensive cultural information on different cultural groups.
RECOGNIZING IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT IN THE COUNSELING PROCESS
When working with children and adolescents, it is essential for the clinician to consider not only
the cultural context but also the development of the child within that cultural context. Several
models of ethnic identity development are specific to certain racial or ethnic groups, including
Black Identity Development (Cross, 1991), Asian American Identity Development (Kitano, 1982;
Sodowsky, Kwan, & Pannu, 1995; Sue & Sue, 2008), Latino American Identity Development
(Bernal & Knight, 1993; Casas & Pytluk, 1995; Ruiz, 1990), and White Racial Identity
Development (Helms, 1995). These models are all well described in the literature and can be
reviewed by clinicians to help assess the ethnic identity development of clients within a specific
population. Although addressing all of the identity development models for specific racial/ethnic
groups is beyond the scope of this chapter, one model will be discussed because it provides an
integrative approach for understanding multiple ethnic-minority groups.
Atkinson, Morten, and Sue (1998) outlined a conceptual framework of racial/cultural
identity development (R/CID) that captures the complex interaction between the client’s
cultural background, life experiences, and attitudes and beliefs toward others. Within this
model, there are five stages of development: (a) conformity, (b) dissonance, (c) resistance and
immersion, (d) introspection, and (e) integrative awareness. In the conformity stage, the person
of ethnic-minority status shows an unequivocal preference for the cultural values of the
dominant group rather than his or her own. In the United States, White Americans are
considered the ‘‘dominant’’ reference group, so the identification with White American values
is preferred to his or her own racial/cultural heritage. The dissonance stage involves exposure to
an event (or series of events) that challenges the client’s self-concept because the ideas are
inconsistent with his or her current beliefs. For example, a Latino client hides the fact that he or
she is bilingual and experiences shame about his or her cultural upbringing. This client’s self-
concept may be challenged when meeting a peer who demonstrates strong pride in his or her
cultural heritage. Thus, the client experiences dissonance after being exposed to an alternative
perspective. The resistance and immersion stage is the opposite of what occurs in the conformity
stage. Now the client endorses minority-based views and values and actively resists the
dominant culture. In the introspection stage, the client begins to recognize that the intensity of
feelings in the resistance stage is emotionally draining. Now, the client begins to notice the
cultural views that were more rigid and works through those views in context. There is no
negative attitude toward either the minority-cultural group or the dominant group so the client
can objectively evaluate the two views of the world. Conflict occurs in this phase because there
is recognition that there are elements of the U.S. or dominant culture that are functional and
desirable, but the client may be confused about how to incorporate these elements into the
minority culture. For example, the concept of ‘‘selling out’’ to the majority culture/race is often
a source of emotional turmoil for these clients. In the integrative awareness stage, there is a
unique sense of security and confidence. The client is able to accept and appreciate aspects of
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his or her culture, as well as aspects of the U.S. or dominant culture. The client understands
that there are both unacceptable and acceptable aspects of all cultures and that he or she should
examine all characteristics and make a decision about whether to accept or reject the cultural
values. Sue and Sue (2008) outline these stages in detail, with examples of the client’s attitudes
and beliefs, as well as the therapeutic implications associated with each stage.
Using a model such as the R/CID framework to understand the developmental progression of
a client gives the clinician a greater sense of other awareness in the context of the individual client.
Identity development has a powerful impact on the social and emotional growth of adolescents.
Ethnic identity development is equally powerful, and the simultaneous interactions of these two
developmental phases are key factors for consideration in counseling treatment planning and
intervention. Once we have an understanding of the impact of identity development, we can look
at the child or adolescent for a variety of perspectives and understand the subtle issues impacting
the decisions that he or she makes daily.
CONSIDERING ACCULTURATION IN THE COUNSELING PROCESS
In addition to addressing the impact of ethnic identity development, it is important for the
clinician to consider the level of acculturation of the child or adolescent, particularly in immigrant
families. Acculturation, according to Berry (1990), represents ‘‘the process by which individuals
change, both by being influenced by contact with another culture and by being participants in the
general acculturative changes under way in their own culture’’ (p. 235). Berry’s (1974) model of
acculturation is a bidimensional approach in which the values of the client guide the process of
acculturation. From this model, Berry developed the Immigrant Acculturation Scale (IAS; Berry,
Kim, Power, Young, & Bujaki, 1989), a questionnaire that looks at the two dimensions of
acculturation. The revised version of this scale (Berry, 1990) assesses the two dimensions through
the following questions: (a) ‘‘Is it considered to be of value to maintain the immigrant cultural
identity?’’ and (b) ‘‘Is it considered to be of value to adopt the cultural identity of the host
community?’’ Although these questions were not designed for children or adolescents, one could
easily adapt them for use in counseling. The clinician has the luxury of asking multiple questions
related to culture and cultural values. For example, ‘‘Do you wish to maintain your native cultural
identity/traditions/language?’’ Along the second dimension, a question could be: ‘‘Do you prefer
to adopt the identity/traditions/language of the majority culture?’’ Both questions could be asked
multiple times, with different elements substituted at the end of each question. Berry proposed
that the combination of responses to the two questions reveals the acculturation strategy that the
client uses. Integration is a strategy in which the client chooses to adopt characteristics of the host/
majority culture, as well as maintain the native cultural identity. Assimilation is an acculturation
strategy in which the individual chooses to adopt the characteristics and values of the majority
culture and relinquish the native cultural identity. Separation is the approach in which the person
prefers to maintain the native cultural identity and reject the values and characteristics of the
majority culture. Finally, the person who employs the individualism strategy is one who dissociates
from both the majority culture and his or her native cultural identity. This person has a preference
of identifying himself or herself as unique and not connected with any particular group. Higher
levels of acculturative stress are associated with some of these acculturation strategies. A study by
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Berry, Kim, Minde, and Mok (1987) showed that acculturative stress was most associated with the
individualism (then called marginalized) group and the separation group. Berry (1990) found that
those using the assimilation strategy also experienced intermediate levels of acculturative stress. In
both studies, the group employing the integration strategy revealed the lowest levels of
acculturation stress.
Figure 1 shows an adapted model of assessing acculturation with children and adolescents.
We recognize that a simple dichotomous answer to each of the questions is unlikely. It is more
likely that varying degrees of ‘‘yes’’ or ‘‘no’’ will be the answers. As a result, the graphic shows a
bidirectional model that operates as a continuum. As the client answers the questions, the clinician
can develop a sense of which direction the client is moving along the continuum of each
dimension. A developmentally appropriate, ongoing dialogue is the best approach to gathering
this information.
FIGURE 1. Jones’s adaptation of Berry’s bidimensional model of acculturation.
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CASE SCENARIO: NAIRA
Naira has entered into a counseling relationship with a school clinician, and she is describing challenges
that she experiences at school. The clinician discovers that one challenge is finding a peer group that suits
her. Naira is Native American in a school that is predominately Caucasian American. In one of the clinical
interviews, she reveals a desire to adopt the values of the majority culture and says that she tries to hide
aspects of her native heritage to ‘‘fit in.’’ Based on this information, the clinician can surmise that Naira
may be leaning toward the assimilation strategy of acculturation. She is finding value in adopting the
majority culture and presently does not seek to maintain her native cultural identity. Having this
information will help the clinician in assessing the level of stress associated with the acculturation
approach being implemented. In addition, goals may be established that are consistent with Naira’s
needs and wishes.
REFLECTION
It is important to note that first-generation immigrants experience acculturation differently than second-
generation immigrants. A child or adolescent could experience acculturative stress because his or her
acculturation strategy is inconsistent with the expectations of the family. Similarly, the family may have
a perception that something is ‘‘wrong with their child’’ because he or she is adopting more
characteristics of the majority culture and abandoning the family’s heritage. Thus, assessing acculturation
gives the clinician a sense of the challenges a client may experience that may be unique in the family
system.
MULTICULTURAL INTENTIONALITY IN SCHOOL-BASED COUNSELING
In the mid-1980s, Allen Ivey coined the term culturally intentional counseling and therapy to refer
to the practice of providing therapy services that are guided by culture, yet grounded in theory and
creative techniques (Ivey, Bradford Ivey, & Simek-Downing, 1987). Culturally intentional
therapists are able to integrate culturally competent skills and theory with clinical practice. These
therapists cultivate a climate or environment that shows clear respect for diversity, including the
physical environment (e.g., in-office images, treatment materials); offer trainings for staff on
group-oriented cultural literacy; and help develop cultural traditions in the school (e.g., activities
that celebrate uniqueness). It is unlikely that this level of cultural awareness would be
implemented unconsciously. Clinicians who serve with multicultural intentionality are sensitive to
the fact that it is service through a process of integration. One can develop counseling, self-
awareness (Constantine & Sue, 2005), and cultural literacy skills individually, but the most
effective clinician will follow the process of integrating these three sets of skills simultaneously
(Ivey, D’Andrea, Bradford Ivey, & Simek-Morgan, 2002). The remainder of the chapter focuses
on this integration.
The key elements to working with multicultural intentionality are (a) cultural self-awareness,
(b) other awareness or cultural literacy, (c) assessing identity development, (d) assessing
acculturation, and (e) integrating the first four elements throughout all phases of the counseling
process. Assuming that the clinician is well versed in counseling techniques and has a
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well-established theoretical orientation, the remainder of this chapter will model how the key
elements of working with multicultural intentionality fit into phases of the counseling process.
THE MULTICULTURAL COUNSELING PROCESS
The counseling process includes stages of care (Corey, 2000). When multicultural intentionality is
included in the process, each stage of care is affected. The sections that follow highlight how
multiculturalism can and should be integrated into every stage of the process.
Rapport Building
As mentioned previously, increasing cultural literacy can enhance the process of rapport building.
Clinicians who have an awareness of the meaning of eye contact and nonverbal communication in
the client’s culture will demonstrate an enhanced ability to connect to the client and family. Often
we say, ‘‘First impressions are everything.’’ Imagine the scenario in which a female clinician is
introducing herself to a Muslim or an Orthodox Jewish man (the parent of a student). According
to American culture, it is customary to shake hands. However, religious and cultural beliefs in
both of these groups indicate that such a touch (the handshake) between the man and an unrelated
woman is inappropriate. Having that cultural knowledge increases the likelihood that neither
individual will be offended, and rapport will be more easily established. Similarly, the lack of eye
contact in an African client would not be misinterpreted as disrespect when the client is
attempting to be culturally respectful by looking away while listening to the clinician. Throughout
the rapport-building phase, attending skills that take into account culturally related
communication styles and appropriate use of proximity will help the practitioner serve the
family more effectively.
History Gathering and Identifying the Reason for Referral
When conducting interviews, it is essential that clinicians ask questions about culture and gain
cultural literacy in the context of the client being served. A genogram can be used as a technique
for gathering background information (McGoldrick, Gerson, & Petry, 2008). Once a rapport is
established with the client and family member, it is best to inquire about the reason for the
referral. This is not as simple as asking, ‘‘Why are you here?’’ because this may feel pejorative and
condescending to the client and family. Rather, the school mental health professional may ask the
following question(s) instead: ‘‘Can you tell me about what you would like (your child) to gain
from this experience?’’ and/or ‘‘How may I be most helpful to you and your family?’’ These
questions empower the client and his or her family in a situation in which they may feel helpless.
After establishing an understanding of desires, hopes, and expectations, the school clinician may
proceed with the intentional multicultural interview questions. Table 1 presents a series
of questions that can be used to gather background information and facilitate the integration of
cultural variables into the interview. The questions are not intended to be sequential, nor are all of
them required. They are simply designed to be a catalyst for discussion that demonstrates the
mental health professional’s understanding and openness to dialogue about culture and culturally
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TABLE 1. Multicultural Interview With Children and Adolescents
Domain Questions
Family What do your family members call you (e.g., formal name, nickname)?
What name would you prefer that I call you in front of your parents? In counseling sessions?
How do you define family? Who is in your family?
How and when did your family arrive in the United States? What were the circumstances of
their arrival?
Where were you born? Where does most of your family live now?
Who makes decisions about your daily care (e.g., transportation, food, discipline)?
Whom do you turn to when you are scared, sad, or worried about something?
When something bad happens, what does your family do?
If you were to choose a job today, what would it be? Would your family approve of this job?
Why or why not? What would your family prefer for you to do when you grow up? What is a
job you would like to do, but would never choose it? Why?
Describe the communication style of your family.
How does your family deal with feelings?
What does your family think about counseling? What do you think about it?
What are some things about your family that few people know?
Peers Who are your friends?
What are similar characteristics in all of your friends?
When there is conflict with peers at school, what is the usual cause?
What are some characteristics about you that make you different from people in your peer
group?
Who supports you the most at school?
Race How do you identify yourself in terms of your race?
If multiracial, with which group do you identify the most?
How does your race impact your relationships with other people?
How does your race affect your performance at school?
How do you feel about your hair and/or skin color?
What experiences do you have with racial conflict?
Ethnicity What is your religious affiliation?
What church/mosque/synagogue/temple does your family attend?
How do religion and spirituality impact your family every day?
What do you believe are the responsibilities of women? Men?
What are some of the differences in how you relate to elderly family members?
What are some of the rules about your behavior in your house?
Personal What are your greatest strengths? Weaknesses?
When you are stressed or upset, how do you show it?
What situations are the most stressful for you?
What makes you angry? happy? sad? afraid?
How do you help yourself feel better when you have _____ feelings?
laden issues that may impact the functioning of the child or adolescent. Oftentimes, school-age
children are unable to articulate their cultural experiences as cultural. Thus, when conducting the
intentional multicultural interview, the clinician can use reflective language to identify the client’s
statements as cultural. This approach may increase the child’s or adolescent’s cultural vocabulary.
For example, a young child says, ‘‘My friends’ families have different rules from my family’s and
where we came from.’’ The clinician can respond by saying, ‘‘So there are cultural differences
between your family and your friends’ families?’’
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Identification of Strengths and Difficulties
During the course of an intentional multicultural interview, clinicians may gather details about the
family context, as well as individual characteristics that are representative of strengths and
difficulties. While it is easy to focus on the difficulties, it is even more challenging to address the
strengths and use the strengths to support weaknesses and difficulties affecting the client. For
example, a family may be close-knit, with multiple generations of family members living in one
home. A child within the family is referred for counseling because he or she is exhibiting
oppositional behavior with authority figures. This behavior is only present at school and does not
present a problem at home. In this scenario, it is essential that the school mental health
professional explore the parenting style of the home community. Community suggests that there
are multiple authority figures in the home that facilitate appropriate development and behavior.
The professional might find that the older/elder family members have the greatest amount of
authority and that only a signal, ‘‘look,’’ or subtle gesture can get the child to do what he or she
needs to do. In this case, involving the elder in the counseling process may facilitate an
intervention plan more quickly than if the mental health professional focuses on behavioral
interventions that may be used despite the parenting methods that are already successful for that
child—in essence, using a preexisting strength to address the challenges. The integration of family
and community support members is essential when working with multicultural families.
Goal Setting
It is crucial that the clinician incorporate cultural values and beliefs into the goal-setting process.
The process of setting goals should be collaborative, whereby the clinician not only guides the
client on the outcomes that are possible and helps define the goals in a measurable way but also
solicits ideas from the client. For example, a clinician may feel that increasing the client’s ability to
express feelings is the ultimate goal of counseling. However, from the client’s perspective, the
ultimate goal might be to eliminate the feelings. The clinician should then explore the meaning of
feelings in the cultural context. Further, the clinician would do well to inquire about the client’s
expectations for ‘‘ideal functioning.’’ This may be difficult for adolescents to articulate, so one
approach might include asking about examples of people they know of similar backgrounds who
function in a manner that they would like to function. In this goal-setting process, the clinician
will be able to find techniques that match the culture of the client and set goals that are realistic
and obtainable.
Treatment Planning
The treatment plan includes the steps that will occur to reach the goals that were set in the
previous phase of counseling. This plan must also include methods that are culturally driven and
inclusive of the values and beliefs of the client. In many cultures, community is a large part of how
the client functions and copes with the stresses of the everyday world. Thus, with these groups, the
treatment plan should be designed using a systemic approach. The systemic model is ecological in
nature and includes the family, community, and/or significant individuals in the child’s/
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adolescent’s environment. As a result, children and adolescents cannot necessarily be seen in

isolation. Many clinicians in schools will quickly respond to this recommendation with concern
about the difficulty in soliciting family involvement. While this is a legitimate concern, strategies
can be implemented to facilitate communication and integration of family and community. For
example, family and community involvement can be included from the perspective of support
roles. They do not necessarily have to participate in the individual counseling sessions on a regular
basis. Rather, the clinician can have periodic contact (with the participation of the client) that
teaches the support member to facilitate the intervention with the client outside of school.
Implementing positive behavior intervention plans, regular emotional ‘‘check-ins,’’ and family
meetings are examples of interventions that may include family and community members. These
techniques can be implemented in a culturally relevant way by incorporating preexisting coping
mechanisms such as prayer, meditation, or other cultural norms.
Sometimes, what appears to be the best intervention plan is not entirely appropriate for a
particular cultural group. This may be because the techniques do not fit into the cultural norms. If
the clinician has analyzed the goals in the cultural context, it is worth going back to the analysis
process to make revisions to the treatment plan. Some cultures expect direct advice, suggestions,
and homework as part of the treatment process. Other cultural groups are comfortable with
process-oriented approaches. Through the history-gathering and goal-setting phases, the clinician
can make determinations about the most appropriate treatment approach for a given cultural
group. Paniagua (2005) is an excellent resource for increasing cultural literacy and determining the
most appropriate treatment approach.
Periodic Analysis of Goals
As with traditional approaches to counseling, periodic assessment of progress is necessary. The

clients should be included in this process and giving the perspective of where they have been,
where they intend to go, and how long they think it will take them to get there. Oftentimes,
clients have different ideas about the pace of therapy and the amount of effort required to make
progress. Regularly checking with the client about his or her progress can be done in a culturally
intentional manner. Rather than the clinician immediately stating an opinion about the client’s
progress toward goals, it is ideal to start with the client’s perspective. The client should be asked in
the most nurturing and supportive way, and his or her statements should be validated and
encouraged. As mentioned previously, families should be collaborators in the process, especially
when working with clients from groups who have historically been marginalized. Once gaining the
client’s perspective, the family’s perception is equally important to determine. If family members
are not participating in the counseling process, the child or adolescent can be directed or
encouraged to check in with the family members to get feedback on his or her progress. This
process can be empowering to the child and family and ideally becomes the opportunity for the
clinician to learn whether any of the goals are not fitting within the client’s cultural context.
Ultimately, the goals can be revised and adapted to fit the context. If the clinician integrates his or
her knowledge of the culturally related strengths of the client and integrates them into the
treatment plan and goals review, therapeutic solutions will be optimal.
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Termination
After a relationship is developed with a client, the process of termination must be carefully planned
and completed. The client must be informed as he or she begins the termination phase of treatment.
The entire process is about empowering the client, and the termination process is no different. He or
she should be empowered to continue on the growth journey. A child or adolescent whose
perspective has been integrated throughout the process will easily adjust to the expectation that he or
she will continue to grow on his or her own. The clinician should frame the client’s progress as his or
her own success (not the clinician’s) and integrate a plan for utilizing the family as the supporters of
change once the counseling relationship ends. In essence, the clinician is the match that started the
flame, but the family system is the oxygen that sustains the flame over time. The following case
scenario illustrates the methods in the context of a child in the counseling process.
CASE SCENARIO: MIN
Min is a 13-year-old biracial (Asian Caucasian) student in the ninth grade of a racially diverse high school.
Min’s mother immigrated to the United States from China two years before she met Min’s father (a
Caucasian American). Min was born a few years after they met. She has lived in the same home since she
was born and changed schools only because of normal academic progression. Min is a popular student
who has several circles of friends. Some days she spends time with one group, and other days with a
different group. The groups rarely interact. She came to the school clinician for support services when she
found herself withdrawing from all peer group circles and arguing more with her family.
REFLECTION
In the rapport-building stage, it will be essential for the clinician to determine Min’s communication style,
as well as the style of her family members. If the clinician is aware that Min’s mother is more traditional in
terms of the Chinese culture, but her father is more traditional in terms of American culture, the clinician will
need to observe Min in communication with a variety of individuals (e.g., family, teacher, peers, and the
clinician). This observation will lead to a better rapport because the clinician can match the style that Min
uses more often in the school setting. In addition, the clinician can develop strong rapport with her parents
so that interventions that are recommended will be more appropriate for the family context.
Throughout the history-gathering stage of counseling, it is also important for clinicians to assess
identity development, ethnic identity development, and level of acculturation in an ethnic-minority
client. In Min’s case, she is biracial and bicultural. The clinician has to consider the cultural values of not
only her Chinese heritage but also her American heritage. Obtaining a sense of who are in the multiple
peer groups that she identifies with, assessing her behavior/communication style with each peer group,
and identifying her current state of distress will give clues to her ethnic identity development. Discussing
her own behavior patterns and how she interacts with her family will reveal her acculturation style
compared with that of her parents.
When identifying strengths and weaknesses, one of Min’s strengths is obvious. She has been so
flexible in her communication and adaptive to different people that she has multiple circles of friends and
associates. The challenge is that she has opted to withdraw from all circles at the present time. By
discussing her previous mode of operation, the adaptability can be framed as a strength, while the
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challenges to that lifestyle can be addressed in the context of the counseling. Similarly, the clinician can
determine whether acculturative stress is a factor in social development, family interactions, or identity
development. If so, the counseling should focus on staying conscious of the interaction of these variables.
Such insight can lead to a reduction in Min’s emotional distress.
During the goal-setting stage, multicultural factors should be considered that are specific to the
racial or ethnic group. For some people of color, particularly individuals of Asian descent, shame may be
associated with not meeting clinical goals. Min is biracial and bicultural, so the clinician would want to be
sure that she was active in the goal-setting process and (important) ask about the meaning of goals in
her culture. For example, the clinician could ask, ‘‘In Chinese culture, what happens when people do not
meet goals that they set?’’ or ‘‘In your family, what happens when a member does not meet
expectations of other family members?’’ The second question is more subtle, and sometimes it is
acceptable for the clinician to be delicate when asking such questions. However, it is beneficial to be
direct with the client to create a climate in which discussions of culture and difference are expected. In
Min’s case, it would be useful to get a sense of what her life looked like when she was happiest with her
social, academic, and family life—then set goals that mirror that time in her life.
The treatment plan for Min might include a variety of methods. If it is determined that
acculturation conflict with the family is the source of difficulty, individual counseling with periodic
contacts with the parents may be appropriate. If it is determined that the primary issue is family
conflict, then the school setting may not be the best setting for the family work, and a referral would
need to be made for family therapy. However, the school clinician could work with Min on developing
a voice with her parents that is culturally respectful, yet helps her learn how to work through any
confusing messages that she receives. If the primary issues are related to identity development, then
the school counseling relationship would be a great place for her to work through the challenges. For
example, Min’s peer groups are all racially divided, so she began to withdraw because there is conflict
between the groups and she feels pressure to find common ground between them. This is not only
distressful in terms of identity development but also complicated by ethnic identity development. Min
would need the insight to understand how complicated this situation is and an adult to normalize her
reaction to it. The treatment plan and goals must make sense to Min by being culturally relevant and
attainable.
Checking in with Min on her goals will be necessary every few sessions. It will also be important to
check in with her parents on their expectations, but they should be aware of only the goals that Min is
comfortable sharing with them, which means that family-oriented goals should be discussed with the
parents independent of the school- or peer-related goals.
The final stage of counseling is the termination stage. By having Min’s parents as collaborators in the
process, it will be easier to shift out of therapy and into better family and school functioning. The family
can support the interventions that were developed and maintained in counseling if they have a clear
understanding of the goals and their role in implementation. Given the opportunity to work through
issues of ethnic identity development, Min may be more equipped to deal with the challenges of
connecting with multiple peers simultaneously, particularly when cultural rules collide.
MULTICULTURAL VARIABLES FOR CONSIDERATION IN COUNSELING
The professional who has demonstrated multicultural intentionality will find that there will be
increasing dialogue and content related to multicultural issues. He or she has modeled the
importance of such issues and (by default) has increased the likelihood that the client will trust the
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counseling relationship as a safe place to process the related feelings. The following sections
include topic areas or variables for consideration throughout the counseling process. To illustrate
the subtle nature of the impact of these variables, they are identified by a sample phrase that a
school mental health professional might hear in a counseling session. Table 2 provides a link
between the phrase and potential multicultural areas for investigation.
‘‘The World Is Just Not Fair to People Like Me.’’
This phrase may be indicative of the client’s perception of his or her world. It is a window into the
reality of living as a person who is ethnically or culturally different. The school mental health
professional would benefit from inquiring about experiences with racism and discrimination as he
or she determines the meaning of the statement by the client. For the professional, whether the
experiences with racism are real or perceived is irrelevant. Many researchers have studied the
relationship between perceived racism and health issues (e.g., depression) and health-risk behaviors
such as substance use (McHale et al., 2006; Sellers, Copeland-Linder, Martin, & Lewis, 2006;
Sinha, Cnaan, & Gelles, 2007; Wills, Yaeger, & Sandy, 2003). The literature reveals that racial
stress is a true stressor that impacts physical health and mental health. Therefore, it is essential that
counselors (or those in the counseling role) are open to discussions about race and difference and
their impact on the everyday life of the client. Thus, the psychological impact of such experiences
should be the focus of the session and interventions, rather than the experiences themselves.
‘‘My Worlds Collided Today.’’
This is a common phrase that adolescents will use in the counseling relationship. These
adolescents have typically been leading a bicultural or multicultural life in which they adapt to the
demands of different situations based on the cultural dynamics within each situation. For
example, in a racially and culturally mixed educational environment, a common phenomenon is
same-group identification. In Beverly Daniel Tatum’s (2003) book, ‘‘Why Are All the Black Kids
Sitting Together in the Cafeteria?’’ she addresses the tendency for students to be drawn to peers of
TABLE 2. Sample Student Statements Associated With Multicultural Constructs

Client Statement Multicultural Content Area(s) to Investigate
‘‘The world is just not fair to people like me.’’ Racism and discrimination
‘‘My worlds collided today.’’ Biculturalism/multiculturalism
‘‘I am trying to find myself.’’ Racial/ethnic/sexual identity
‘‘No one seems to understand me.’’ Language differences
Communication style
Social isolation
‘‘I don’t have the things that other kids have.’’ Socioeconomic status
Class status (perceptions of)
‘‘I am the dark one in the family.’’ Skin color/skin tone and meaning within cultural group
Family hierarchy and status
‘‘My family doesn’t think I need to talk to you.’’ Family and cultural beliefs about counseling
Family perception of mental health issues
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the same race or ethnicity as a part of developing their ethnic identity. Similarly, as students of
color begin to assimilate in an environment that has a White majority, they must learn to adapt to
the norms of the majority group as well. For these students, the interactions may come in the form
of revealing certain personality and communication styles with one group and then shifting them
in the presence of another group. This pattern may reveal itself in the counseling relationship.
Sheila’s case scenario demonstrates an example.
CASE SCENARIO: SHEILA
Sheila is an African American student in the eighth grade who has attended a predominately White
private school since the third grade. Over the years, she has developed a cohort of friendships, one
with the students of color (i.e., African American and biracial students) and the other with White
students. Sheila is quite popular, but in counseling, she reveals that she sometimes feels like a
chameleon at school. Further exploration in counseling shows that Sheila behaves one way in one peer
group and differently in the other peer group. She uses the statement, ‘‘My worlds collided today,’’ in
the counseling session to describe a situation in which she was in the hallway with one peer group and
the other peer group joined their discussion. Sheila found herself unable to speak because she was
concerned about how to communicate with her friends without confusing the other group of friends
by her ‘‘different’’ behavior.
REFLECTION
In Sheila’s case scenario, she highlights how she was in a situation in which her adaptive or chameleonlike
behavior was not functional. She instead found herself paralyzed by the inability to communicate in the
presence of two different peer groups. The ideologies of the two groups didn’t matter—rather it was her
experience of the moment that mattered. The mental health professional with multicultural
intentionality would then allow the focus to be on her need/desire to assimilate with both groups
and the meaning of that desire in the context of friendships. The counseling should also focus on the
personal and family values that she brings to the social context and how such behavior fits (or doesn’t
fit) with those values. Of course, the counseling professional should constantly think about ethnic
identity development and the process as it is occurring with Sheila so that future interactions can be
mediated by adaptive coping skills that facilitate further growth.
‘‘I Am Trying to Find Myself.’’
This statement is complex because it can encompass a multitude of challenges in identity. Finding
oneself can relate to identity markers such as racial/ethnic identity (similar to the example with
Sheila) or sexual identity. Early adolescence is often a time when same-sex preferences may emerge
and can cause distress. It is notable that gay and lesbian students are identifying with the sexual-
minority status at earlier ages, so it is not safe to assume that this aspect of their identity is not
forming during the latency age period. Because the development process varies by individual, it is
crucial that mental health professionals have sensitivity to the issues that may impact the student,
regardless of his or her age.
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For a ‘‘questioning’’ youth, there may be concerns about social stigmatization that are
impacting his or her mental health. For example, the gay, lesbian, or bisexual adolescent may be
dealing with not only the development of his or her sexual identity but also the reactions of others
within his or her social context. The student may experience discrimination, prejudice, or even
violence in response to his or her sexual orientation. Verbal and physical harassment is a frequent
problem among gay and bisexual male adolescents who have attempted suicide (Rotheram-Borus,
Hunter, & Rosario, 1994). Similarly, students of sexual-minority status may face other unique
challenges, such as estrangement from their family because of their orientation. These are just a
few examples of how the social context can impact the experience of such students. One should
assume that the complexity is even more enhanced when the student identifies as a double
minority: an ethnic minority and a sexual minority. In that case, the counseling relationship
should include sensitivity to both ethnic and sexual identity challenges.
Although the aforementioned challenges are related to external experiences, the internal
experience of sexual-minority status cannot be overlooked. Internalized difficulties with a person
who is attempting to find himself or herself may include role confusion and feelings of
helplessness, anger, sadness, and/or low self-esteem. The counselor must be sensitive to the
potential presence of these emotions and be fully prepared to work with the student in the context
of his or her sexual-minority status. Facilitating a safe therapeutic environment is the key because
there may not be another place where the student can explore sexual orientation issues. A variety
of tools can be used to communicate openness to discussions about sexual orientation issues.
Adjusting the physical environment to reveal the clinician’s approachability is one method. This
might include placing ‘‘safe zone’’ stickers or signs on the door of his or her office. By setting the
example of approachability, the counseling process may naturally lead to the issues that underlie
the symptoms. To work with the school culture and create a more holistic safe zone, the mental
health professional may offer training to others in the setting. The National Association of School
Psychologists (NASP) offers position papers on reducing harassment of gay, lesbian, bisexual,
transgender, and questioning (GLBTQ) youth. In addition, the NASP resource library also
includes a training curriculum for working with GLBTQ youth (http://www.nasponline.org/
resources/listinge_i.aspx#g). When considering the detrimental and potentially cumulative effects
of social stigma, family estrangement, and other internalized experiences of these students, it is
understandable that there is increased risk for emotional distress.
‘‘No One Seems to Understand Me.’’
This statement can also be complex and relate to language as well as communication style. For the
student for whom English is a second language, he or she may be dealing with the troubling
pattern of being misunderstood. Frequent misunderstandings can cause a person to shut down
and isolate himself or herself away from circumstances that may lead to further misunderstanding.
In a classroom, a student may avoid answering questions (or avoid being called upon) and describe
his or her experience as being ‘‘embarrassed.’’ If the counseling context focused only on the
symptom of embarrassment, the issue of language and communication style would be overlooked.
Another example of communication difficulties may come in the form of style. For example, in
some cultures, verbal communication is also directly connected to nonverbal communication. We
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are socialized to attach meanings to nonverbal behaviors. What if we misinterpret the meaning,
based on our own cultural experiences? This will be another example in which the student feels
misunderstood, and it will manifest in a context that should be safe.
CASE SCENARIO: DEONDRE
Deondre is a student in the eighth grade who comes across as loud and boisterous with his peers. He
tends to get into verbal confrontations about topics related to school, politics, and music. When he
expresses his opinion, he gets louder and louder, and he interrupts others to make his point. In addition,
his behavior grows increasingly animated when he is trying to help others see his point of view. This
behavior has led to numerous referrals to the principal’s office, as well as calls to his parents. As an
intervention, Deondre is referred to the school psychologist for individual counseling to help him deal
with his ‘‘anger,’’ as well as to the school counselor to participate in an anger management group.
REFLECTION
Deondre shows a recurrent pattern of communication problems with both adults and peers. In the
counseling sessions, a clinician who focuses solely on correcting his behavior would miss cultural factors
that may influence the function of his behavior. Further exploration of Deondre’s family history might
reveal that he comes from a large family that tends to communicate loudly to be heard. Similarly,
through the clinician’s cultural literacy of ethnic groups, he or she may understand that as an African
American male, Deondre is more likely than boys of other ethnic groups to communicate in a kinesthetic
manner. The clinician may also recognize that being from an ethnic-minority group that has historically
not been given a ‘‘voice’’ in society, Deondre is, in essence, attempting to ‘‘find his voice’’ and show his
knowledge and worth. His increased animation is not caused by anger, but by increased feelings of
helplessness as he desperately attempts to articulate his ideas. Oftentimes, children living this pattern of
communication feel ineffective and frustrated and spend a great deal of time trying to explain their
intentions. In a counseling relationship, cultural factors can be explored in the context of the student’s
history and needs.
‘‘I Don’t Have the Things That Other Kids Have.’’
We live in a world where things and materialistic goods are aligned with class status. Even children
in preschool have awareness of such social strata. By the time preadolescence has emerged, class
status is deeply embedded into the student’s psyche. Sensitivities about class status can be
stimulated by a statement that appears to be benign, such as ‘‘Who made that sweater?’’ or by a
statement that makes a broad assumption, such as ‘‘Everyone has a computer at home; don’t you?’’
Prejudicial biases underlie these statements. The recipient of such commentary may find that he or
she reacts strongly (e.g., with anger or sadness) and has little understanding why. In situations like
this, the mental health professional may get an understanding of where the student perceives
himself or herself to be in the context of class status. The clinician may also determine the
relationship between the perceived class status and the student’s self-esteem. Once this
understanding is obtained, the goal of the counseling relationship can focus on building the
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student up from the inside out. For example, counseling sessions can focus on the worth of the
student; his or her value system; and the qualities that the student contributes to the school,
family, and community. These variables are within the student’s control. He or she may focus on
the fact that it is inadequate to measure the self-worth of a person in material goods. One way to
enter this dialogue is to begin by having the student find other qualities in a person of higher
socioeconomic class status and then compare himself or herself on that same basis. Most often this
student will find that he or she has much more to offer the world than someone who can simply
buy things.
‘‘I Am the Dark One in the Family.’’
One might quickly interpret this statement as a representation of the ‘‘black sheep’’ in the
family. Although that interpretation may be correct for some, it may be entirely inaccurate with
others. In African American and Latino cultures, historical negative attributions have been
associated with darker skin tones. In the times of slavery, the darker-skinned individuals were
more likely to work in the fields, whereas lighter-skinned individuals were assigned to roles
inside the home—a higher status position. Similarly, among Latino Americans, a wide range of
racial denominations fits under the umbrella of Latino American (such as Puerto Rican, Cuban,
Mexican, and Dominican). Within these denominations, specific terms are used to reference
skin tone. For example, Latinos with dark skin may be referred to as morenos or prietos, whereas
those with light skin or kinky hair may be referred to as jabaos or grifos (Paniagua, 2005). The
use of these terms has meaning only in the context of the client’s perception. If a parent
perceives lighter skin color as more ‘‘acceptable’’ in American society, darker children raised in
the household may have self-identity conflicts or believe that they face more challenges in life
than their lighter-tone siblings. Thus, the clinician should assess the meaning of the statement
in the context of the student and set goals related to building self-worth, using characteristics
that are under his or her control. In addition, asking questions that challenge the assumptions
that are made based on skin tone alone is often an empowering activity for adolescents and
adults alike.
‘‘My Family Doesn’t Think I Need to Talk to You.’’
This comment may be indication of the family perception of counseling and its purpose. In some
cultures, counseling is reserved for the ‘‘insane’’ and those with serious mental disorders. For
example, some believe that the only people who participate in counseling are ones with psychotic
disorders or those that require hospitalization. The statement could also be related to resistance.
For students with a communal living orientation, they will see themselves in the context of their
family and likely share the same view that was identified in the statement. As a result, challenging
that view would not be the approach to take—rather, it would be beneficial to explore the
meaning of the thought, as well as what it means that the student took the steps to come to the
counseling session. Depending upon the cultural values of the student, a clinician with good
cultural literacy of that group would demonstrate an ability to match the cultural communication
style of the student, thereby enhancing rapport.
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CONCLUSION
The purpose of this chapter is to assist school mental health clinicians by providing a variety of
culturally informed treatment services to children and families in the schools. Although this difficult
task involves a commitment to intentional thinking and service delivery, it is certainly possible for any
school clinician to work successfully with any child. With a clear understanding of the nature and
goals of intentional multicultural counseling, the clinician can work with children and families, using
a cultural lens through which all decisions are made and interventions are vetted. By increasing self-
awareness and other awareness, every school clinician enhances his or her ability to view the client
(and the world) through a culturally relevant lens. With this lens, culture can easily be integrated into
all phases of the therapeutic process. As a way of making this approach come to life, the chapter
presents examples to help clinicians ‘‘listen’’ for all opportunities to integrate cultural dynamics and
nuances in their dialogue, treatment goals, and clinical interventions. With this enhanced perspective,
school clinicians are likely to have the greatest positive impact on all children and adolescents,
regardless of cultural or ethnic background.
1. What are some of the cultural variables from your own history that would impact your
counseling relationship?
2. When discussing race or sexual orientation differences, what makes you most uncomfortable?
3. How might you facilitate a discussion about ethnic identity with a client? Plan a session to
address such issues.
4. Think through the phrases in Table 2. What emotional responses occur when you hear each
phrase? How might you respond after reading this chapter?
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Bernal, M. E., & Knight, G. P. (Eds.). (1993). Ethnic identity: Formation and transmission among
Hispanics and other minorities. Albany: State University of New York Press.
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Berry, J. W. (1990). The role of psychology in ethnic studies. Canadian Ethnic Studies, 23(2),
8–21.
Berry, J. W., Kim, U., Minde, T., & Mok, D. (1987). Comparative study of acculturative stress.
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Berry, J. W., Kim, U., Power, S., Young, M., & Bujaki, M. (1989). Acculturation attitudes in
plural societies. Applied Psychology: An International Review, 38, 185–206.
Casas, J. M., & Pytluk, S. D. (1995). Hispanic identity development. In J. G. Ponterotto, J. M.
Casas, L. A. Suzuki, & C. M. Alexander (Eds.), Handbook of multicultural counseling (pp.
155–180). Thousand Oaks: SAGE.
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Constantine, M. G., & Sue, D. W. (Eds.). (2005). Strategies for building multicultural competence
in mental health and educational settings. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.
Corey, G. (2000). Theory and practice of counseling and psychotherapy (6th ed.). Boston:
Wadsworth.
Cross, W. E. (1991). Shades of Black: Diversity in African American identity. Philadelphia: Temple
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Frisby, C. L., & Reynolds, C. R. (Eds.). (2005). Comprehensive handbook of multicultural school
psychology. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.
Gil, E., & Drewes, A. A. (Eds.). (2005). Cultural issues in play therapy. New York: Guilford Press.
Goode, T. (2002). Self-assessment checklist for personnel providing services and supports to children
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Hardy, K., & Laszloffy, T. (1995). The cultural genogram: Key to training culturally competent
family therapists. Journal of Marital and Family Therapy, 21, 227–237.
Helms, J. E. (1995). An update of Helms’s White and People of Color racial identity models. In J.
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Ho, M. K. (1992). Minority children and adolescents in therapy. Newbury Park, CA: SAGE.
Ivey, A. E., D’Andrea, M., Bradford Ivey, M., & Simek-Morgan, L. (2002). Theories of counseling and
psychotherapy: A multicultural perspective (5th ed.). Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
Ivey, A. E., Bradford Ivey, M., & Simek-Downing, L. (1987). Counseling and psychotherapy:
Integrating skills, theory, and practice (2nd ed.). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Jones, J. M. (2008). Best practices in multicultural counseling. In A. Thomas & J. Grimes (Eds.),
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McHale, S. M., Crouter, A. C., Kim, J-Y., Burton, L. M., Davis, K. D., Dotterer, A. M., et al.
(2006). Mothers’ and fathers’ racial socialization in African American families: Implications
for youth. Child Development, 77, 1387–1402.
Paniagua, F. A. (2005). Assessing and treating culturally diverse clients: A practical guide (3rd ed.).
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Pedersen, P. B., & Carey, J. C. (Eds.). (2003). Multicultural counseling in schools: A practical
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matters: The relationship between racial discrimination and psychological functioning in
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Chapter 10
Multicultural Issues in Research: Practical Implications
for School Psychologists
Trista M. Huckleberry, PhD
University of Washington, Tacoma
OBJECTIVES
1. To review the historical and philosophical foundations of research in school psychology
2. To delineate the primary applications of research to school psychology
3. To incorporate multicultural principles into the process and application of research in school
psychology
4. To offer practical solutions for the incorporation of multicultural research into school
psychology practice
INTRODUCTION
As school psychologists, we are constantly searching for the best techniques and assessment
measures to serve our clients. In weighing the validity of our service delivery methods, research
suggests that psychologists rely on a combination of consultation with colleagues and reviews of
published research (Beutler, Williams, & Wakefield, 1993; Beutler, Williams, Wakefield, &
Entwistle, 1995). Acceptable research emerges in the forms of peer-reviewed journals, data reports,
test manuals, case studies, and independent review. With the constant influx of such material,
often with conflicting findings (Hunt, 2005), it can be overwhelming to sift through the
information and select the most appropriate strategies. Despite the challenges, it is our
professional obligation to use only those methods that are culturally appropriate (APA, 2003).
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Although the decision on what makes research ‘‘acceptable’’ and ‘‘valid’’ is fraught with
controversy, most believe that research is the best tool to inform our daily practice as school
psychologists (Huber, 2007; Overholser, 2007). Unfortunately, the marginalization and
quantitative exclusion of the culturally and linguistically diverse permeate most research. This
trend creates a crisis in the acceptance and utilization of most traditional research approaches
(Brown, Shriberg, & Wang, 2007). This ethical violation has become a concern whose
ramifications can no longer be minimized. As a result of an overreliance on noninclusive research,
culturally and linguistically diverse students have been subjected to inadequate and inappropriate
assessments, accommodations, and instruction, contributing to severely disparate achievement and
educational outcomes (Sheridan & Gutkin, 2000).
Thus, it is crucial that school psychologists not only understand the myriad issues that affect
the outcome, application, and validity of research but also become active agents in the process of
systemic change (Jones, 2006). Fortunately, this is in alignment with the professional goals
expressed by school psychologists (Kindaichi & Constantine, 2005). In this study, school
psychologists expressed their desire to increase their role as parental and systemic consultants and
decrease the time spent on assessment. Unscrambling the complex nature of such broad influences
and then determining our professional role as change agents may seem overwhelming; however,
they are not insurmountable tasks.
Helpful in this mission are the numerous reviews that have outlined the systemic
destabilization as a result of traditional research methodology and Eurocentric philosophical
approaches. Thorough reviews of the implications of traditional and Eurocentric approaches to
research have aptly demonstrated how culturally and linguistically diverse students are
marginalized and misrepresented (Bursztyn, 2007). However, limited attention has been given
to how school psychology practitioners might best incorporate this information into informed
decision making. Multicultural perspectives on education have long demanded the integration of
diverse perspectives and world views into the educational system. Multiculturalists have also
outlined individual and systemic methods to institute the values of multiculturalism into our
school systems. Thus, the integration of multicultural perspectives will translate into practical
implications for school psychologists.
Advocates for societal and educational change have strongly suggested that a multicultural
approach to education is the surest way to redress the imbalances caused by cultural imperialism.
Thus, the research associated with school psychology practice cannot be separated from this
impetus for multicultural reform. Although the principles of multiculturalism are not frequently
associated with issues in the research of school psychology, this is a connection that flows naturally
within the call for multicultural educational reform. Following that impetus, this chapter will
review the impact of cultural issues on research and suggest how this information can best be
incorporated into the daily role of the school psychologist.
RESEARCH IN SCHOOL PSYCHOLOGY: AN OVERVIEW
In this section, we will synthesize the existing literature on research as it relates to multicultural
reform. The goal is to create an ideological foundation and tangible understanding from which we
can create proactive strategies for school psychologists.
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Chapter 10 Research
A review of the professional roles of school psychologists and critical discussions in this area
suggest four core concerns that must be addressed. Although there are many concerns regarding
the development and integration of research, these four are the central drivers of the application of
psychology within a school setting that must be addressed in our reconsideration of research:
N Knowledge construction
N Quantitative exclusion of the culturally and linguistically diverse
N Overreliance on inappropriate research methodology
N Professional agency and advocacy
Knowledge Construction
First, at the heart of traditional research is the underlying philosophy of knowledge construction.
According to Bursztyn (2007), understanding knowledge construction about groups is
tantamount. Burstyn states, ‘‘To arrive at an integrated approach to all populations, we must
explore more fully basic questions and assumptions, such as: How is knowledge about mainstream
and diverse cultural and linguistic groups generated in school psychology?’’ (p. 640). As historical
analysis will reveal, the heart of the traditional approaches to research in school psychology flows
from the larger traditions in social sciences. Social sciences, in general, have derived their research
approach from positivistic approaches to knowledge construction. Therefore, research in school
psychology also lies in positivistic perspectives.
Let us first examine the positivistic approach. Overall, positivism is a philosophical reliance on
objective and quantifiable data that are directives for research approach, process, and analysis.
Ideally, the process and outcome can then be deemed as nonbiased (i.e., unaffected by political,
racial, class, or social favoritism). Research validity is singularly determined through a ‘‘scientific’’
method. According to Faulconer and Williams (1985),
Positivism in one form or another has dominated thinking and research in psychology for
most of its history. In psychology and the other social sciences, positivism has taken
several forms. In addition, several doctrines that philosophers have tended to distinguish
have been amalgamated into a single approach to social science that has taken on the
weight of nearly unassailable authority. This ‘‘scientific’’ approach to psychology
unquestionably continues to be the mainstream. It is infused to a greater or lesser degree
by a faith in objectivity and detached observation, empiricism, operationism, logical
positivism, and naive realism. From these various positions has come an approach or
paradigm that has been the greatest single influence on American psychology. (p. 1180)
This entrenchment of research is steeped in controversy and philosophically debated,

particularly by those who seek more inclusive research processes and outcomes. Specifically,
positivism is a philosophical oxymoron: The approach is designed to be acultural and devoid of
bias, yet the very same approach has frequently demonstrated the biased and subjective
encroachment of culture into positivistic approaches (Schiele, 1997). In other words, positivism is
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an outgrowth of Eurocentrism, which focuses the lens of research validity through the dominant
culture, one that is rife with exclusionary social patterns (Blanchett, 2006; Kozol, 1992).
Quantitative Exclusion of the Culturally and Linguistically Diverse
School psychologists have been loyal followers of the ‘‘normal curve,’’ ‘‘statistical power,’’ and
‘‘standardized’’ testing. It has been suggested that such measures retain objectivity and are the tools
to protect from subjectivity (Gardner, 1985). Despite allegiance to such traditional, objective, and
formal parameters, our school systems and assessment outcomes are rife with overrepresentation of
minorities, disparate outcomes, and ineffective interventions. Unfortunately, these differences
closely parallel the disparities of our larger society and mirror demonstrated and subjective forms
of racism, sexism, and classism. These differences logically implicate the tools of separation, our
quantitative measures of assessment, outcome, and process.
Specifically, to a highly disproportionate extent, school psychologists utilize tests and other
assessment batteries on culturally and linguistically diverse (CLD) students who are not
significantly represented in the development and standardization pools. Several research reviews
have also called into question the legitimacy of the most popular forms of intellectual and
achievement tests. Under particular critical analysis is the limited cultural diversity of students that
form the standardization sample for the tests.
Although a severe violation, even by positivistic and traditional research methods, this trend is
rampant in our educational systems. Similar violations informed the decision to eliminate the use
of standardized intellectual tests in California in the seminal case, Larry P. v. Riles (Macmillan &
Balow, 1991). Such blatant disregard for the proper utilization of tests suggests that cultural
imperialism is more deeply imbedded in our systemic processes than we willingly acknowledge.
Croizet (2008) summarizes,
Given the prominence of test scores in educational decision making, the relationship
between race, social class, and test scores means that Black and poor students are more
likely to find themselves on the lower tracks aimed at minimal levels of competence,
whereas upper middle-class White American students receive a richer education
supported by more resources (i.e., better trained teachers, more academically challenging
curricula). In other words, Black and White students are to a large extent still separated
and treated unequally. Yet, this new segregation is no longer thought to be incompatible
with egalitarian values. Instead, it is considered to be the mere—though perhaps
regrettable—reflection of natural group differences in ability and a necessary by-product
of meritocratic efficiency. (p. 160)
We understand that the quantitative exclusion of CLD students and participants from the
research process is tolerated because it, too, stems, from an exclusive research philosophy. The
intricacies of this relationship between knowledge construction and the exclusion of CLD students
cannot be understated. Furthermore, it must be understood that the quantitative exclusion of the
culturally and linguistically diverse is a concern that permeates all aspects of the research process. It
is a systemic issue that extends from the earliest participation in focus and survey groups, through
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Chapter 10 Research
selection and recruitment of research subjects and participation, to finalization of standardization

pools.
Overreliance on Inappropriate Research Methodology
Although we have spent considerable discussion to negate the importance of traditional

approaches to research, we do not want to overlook the important advances of research. Many
aspects of research, even positivistic approaches, can be useful in the decision-making process.
Rather, what we highlight is the singular reliance on problematic measures to effectively
perform as school psychologists. Indeed, psychology, in the broadest sense, has been often
criticized for the singular and individualistic approach to complex issues that are contextually
dynamic. At the core of assessment utilization is the research that informs test selection and
discrepancy models. It is the reliance on significant discrepancy methods whose popularity is
in part the result of the validity assumed to stem from intellectual and achievement tests.
However, there exists a large body of critical analysis for both the discrepancy model and test
selection.
Although there are increasing options for identifying and classifying students with learning
disabilities, the dominant process in most states has been the discrepancy model (Bradley,
Danielson, & Hallahan, 2002). Although disparities do exist in the various state procedures, the
prevailing process is a model that compares a score of general cognitive functioning to
achievement in the learning domain under question. If there is a ‘‘severe’’ discrepancy between the
cognitive functioning and the achievement, a student is classified as having a specific learning
disability (SLD). As stated, the manifestation and procedures, including what constitutes a severe
discrepancy point, vary from state to state. In almost all cases, the states rely on standardized tests
of cognitive functioning and achievement.
Several research reviews have called into question the statistical assumptions underlying the
reliance on discrepancy models (Glasnapp & Poggio, 2003; Kavale, 2001). Overall, the statistical
models used to support and validate the use of traditional discrepancy models do not support
accurate identification of disability (i.e., the statistical differences in scores are not appropriate
barometers for disability). It is estimated that the use of straight discrepancy models results in the
overidentification of students as learning disabled. This overidentification would naturally have a
greater impact on CLD students because they are more likely to be referred and tested for special
education services than their counterparts. Even those who support the use of discrepancy models
call into question the lack of consistency among state and school district models (Schrag, 2000).
As Reschly and Hosp (2004) indicate,
The fundamental fact remains that empirical relationships have not been established
between assessment of perceptual or cognitive processes and improved accuracy in SLD
identification, better control of SLD prevalence, and more effective instructional
interventions for children with SLD. It is unfortunate if severe discrepancy is replaced by
another equally controversial criterion without extensive validity studies, both evidential
and consequential. (p. 211)
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The concerns of Reschly and others notwithstanding, school psychologists are often at the mercy
of mandated and legal guidelines that require the use of the discrepancy model, despite a lack of
clear relation to instructional accommodations and effective intervention (Fuchs & Fuchs, 2006;
Mellard, Deshler, & Barth, 2004).
However, there has been some forward progress. Based on the ongoing criticism and research
repudiation of the discrepancy model, the 2004 Individuals with Disabilities Education Act
(IDEA) reauthorization has supported the integration of response-to-intervention (RTI) models.
RTI models are conceptualized as replacements for traditional discrepancy methods and/or
subcomponents of a comprehensive assessment process. The emphasis is tailored more toward
assessing the multiple systems that affect student performance; thus, RTI models are considered
more responsive to situational, contextual, and cultural differences. However, the research is still
inconclusive on the utility and effectiveness of RTI in dismantling the overreliance on traditional
discrepancy models. It, too, must be subjected to a multicultural lens of research validation. It will
be important to incorporate multicultural perspectives into RTI research validation and any other
application outgrowths of future research methodology.
Professional Agency and Advocacy
With the exception of teachers, school psychologists are gatekeepers when it comes to special
programming access for students. In programs such as special education, gifted, remedial, early
identification, and disciplinary, school psychologists are most often the primary sources of
assessment information. Thus, although most assessment- and placement-related decisions are
team based, school psychologists—more than any others—bear the burden of presenting accurate,
contemporary, and relevant information and professional opinions to inform the decision-making
process (DeSimone, 1999).
This responsibility cannot be separated, then, from the informational pathways that feed our
decisions. In essence, to continue to use outdated and inappropriate measures is to become
progenitors of the very abuses we are attempting to eliminate. Our role, then, is not just to provide
accurate assessment but also to guard the process of assessment, such that all students who come
before us are judged fairly and not penalized as a function of their cultural and/or linguistic
diversity.
PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS: TOWARD A MULTICULTURAL APPROACH
Now that we have discussed the four aspects of research that must be realigned within our
profession to appropriately serve culturally and linguistically diverse students, we turn to the
practical implications for realizing these changes within the school setting.
Because multicultural perspectives have been the focus of this book’s discussion, we will not
review the wide variety of models and theories, but focus on the Banks multicultural education
model (Banks, 1998; Banks & Banks, 1995). This model most closely aligns with the patterns
already established by best practices for school psychologists (Thomas & Grimes, 2002). First, it
assumes that the role of the psychologist is that of a professional change agent and overtly
demands that educational professionals assume a vigorous role in both microsystem (individual)
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Chapter 10 Research
and macrosystem (school and community) processes. This approach parallels the best practices
approach to our ethical and professional guidelines (Thomas & Grimes, 2002).
Multicultural approaches to educational reform have long suggested a more active role for the
practitioner, particularly at the system level. The Banks (1998) model of multicultural education
stands as a good framework for approaching research issues in school psychology because it
addresses how the knowledge construction process influences systemic issues. As we will discuss,
this is an important aspect of the research process and school psychology. The model outlines
these five principles of multicultural education: (a) content integration, (b) the knowledge
construction process, (c) prejudice reduction, (d) an equity pedagogy, and (e) an empowering
school culture and social structure. This framework can be used to develop practical implications
for school psychologists as they strive to integrate a culturally sensitive approach to research
understanding and utilization.
In relation to the four aspects we reviewed, we suggest the following practical implications:
N The problem of knowledge construction and the marginalization of difference – As a practical

implication, we will reexamine the process of using behavioral shifts to create philosophical
shifts in the knowledge construction base.
N The consistent quantitative exclusion of the culturally and linguistically diverse from research
studies – As a practical implication, school psychologists must subject their measures, findings,
and utilization to rigorous critical analysis at the individual and systemic levels.
N Rampant overreliance on inappropriate research methodology – As a practical implication,
school psychologists must consider alternate (specifically, less one-dimensional) uses of existing
assessment measures to determine the educational, achievement, behavioral, personality, and
learning profiles of their clients.
N A lack of professional agency and advocacy among school psychologists, particularly in the area
of research and development – As a practical implication, recognizing the comprehensive
influence of systemic imbalances toward CLD students, school psychologists must necessarily
reappropriate their roles to include intervention at the system level.
Let’s examine each of these practical implications more closely.
Creating Behavioral Shifts
We must be dedicated to creating behavioral shifts in the practice of school psychology through
philosophical shifts in the school psychologist. School psychology training programs have long
embraced the ethical dictates of the National Association of School Psychologists (NASP) and the
American Psychological Association (APA). Each of these agencies demand, as part of their
credentialing process, that training programs incorporate multicultural competency. Although
related research suggests that the levels of training are not adequate to address the diverse
populations served by school psychologists, the primary concern is not the lack of applied training,
but the lack of exposure to multicultural perspectives and approaches.
As we have reviewed, the basis of most research lies in Eurocentric approaches. First, let us
consider two components of the Banks multicultural model of education: knowledge construction
and content integration. These aspects of the model call for a more inclusive model of knowledge
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construction and an integration of culturally relevant content into our educational systems.
Although the Banks model is most often applied to K–12 school systems, if we embed these same
perspectives within the larger system of training for school psychologists, we could create a
network of training that incorporates multicultural perspectives into the initial stages of training.
These concerns relate directly to the established criticisms of our current research paradigms:
privileged Eurocentric approaches and the ongoing acceptance and utilization of culturally
inappropriate research methodology. As school psychologists, we must explore additional
approaches to knowledge construction that are more inclusive. If necessary, school psychology
professionals (and students) must immerse themselves in formal or self-directed training in regard
to expanding concepts of knowledge construction and enhance their professional experience
through the ongoing incorporation of culturally relevant knowledge bases.
Critical Analysis of Research
As stated earlier, school psychologists must be more critical toward research, with an eye toward an
inclusive philosophical model. In this way, the individual’s entire contextual system gains priority,
thus equalizing and valuing differences among all students.
In particular, the approaches to statistical verification that are based in restricted models of
knowledge construction result in measures that are statistically ‘‘valid,’’ but bear little validity in
the prediction and outcome for many student demographics. Without using this discussion to
elaborate the point, we can easily understand how the disproportionate representation of CLD
students is inextricably tied to the misguided measurement of their learning ability and potential.
In addition, school psychologists must actively and passively participate in the research
process. We must question the contextual validity of measures and how they align with the lived
experiences of students. Although we can closely review the statistical validity and appropriateness
of our methodology, validity is also contextually dependent and thus cannot be examined apart
from the environment of utilization. School psychologists, as frontline professionals, have a bird’s
eye view of the intention and the actual utilization of most assessment measures. Therefore, school
psychologists must incorporate into their daily practice ways to dialogue and interface with
ongoing research and development.
Alternative Assessment
‘‘No need to throw the baby out with the bathwater’’ is an old adage that rings true for our
discussion. Rather, multicultural approaches suggest that we incorporate knowledge from many
cultural perspectives and not privilege one system of knowledge above another. We are beginning
to see the infiltration of more multidimensional models of assessment, such as response to
intervention and curriculum-based measurement. Each of these trends has been an effort to
address the disparities and ineffectiveness that surround assessment and intervention in the school
systems. Although data have been limited, there is a suggestion that these models, when used
appropriately, are more effective at the accurate identification of, and intervention for, CLD
students (Dean, Burns, Grialou, & Varro, 2006; McCabe, 2006).
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Chapter 10 Research
Active Change Agents
Lastly, school psychologists are uniquely poised as system experts and external agents. When we
consider the equity pedagogy, school psychologists can be important components in this aspect.
Unlike teachers and principals, the performance of school psychologists is not generally directly
tied to funding, school performance, test performance, or district standards. As such, their voices
can be used as advocates for change without the assumption of personal and professional risk. This
discussion does not seek to minimize the professional risk associated with vocal advocacy of
unpopular adjustments; rather, it highlights that school psychologists are uniquely poised to
represent the need for change and the underlying processes to deliver change.
School psychologists must become more vocal advocates. Specifically, they must be advocates
for more sensitive and culturally inclusive research methodology. Although this stance will likely
be at odds with funding and resource availability, psychologists must never cease the call for more
time and allocation of resources to enhance the reliability of measures, intervention, and
consultation.
School psychologists must be the leaders for a systemic shift that is more inclusive of families
and communities. Although research in psychology generally follows a pattern that bisects the
community from university and research centers, several models call for community integration
into the research process. School psychologists are uniquely poised to serve as liaisons between the
interactive systems of child, parent, peer, community, and school. It is a daily function of their
roles to communicate with and access each of these systems. Such privileged positioning should be
leveraged for multicultural reform.
CONCLUSION
Because most teachers and school psychologists practice in educational contexts that differ from
their cultural backgrounds (Kunjufu, 2002), there should be a common effort to understand
cultural differences. Furthermore, it is our ethical duty to address the disparities that exist for
culturally and linguistically diverse students. In fact, it is a moral and ethical duty for all school
psychologists to be knowledgeable about the lifestyles, interests, and backgrounds of all students.
In a far more reaching manner, it has become our duty as educational professionals to unplug the
automatic pilot on school systems that ineffectively manage the student client. If we are to rely on
research, we cannot indulge in the convenient methodology and disregard the troublesome data.
Outcome research loudly trumpets the disparate outcomes for cultural minorities, and
multicultural approaches place this breach at the chasm between system and client and place
the bridge at the fluid engagement and integration of diversity, difference, and pluralism. Because
school psychologists function as the harbingers of mental and psychological balance in our
educational systems, we can no longer silently participate in an antiquated system of privilege and
disenfranchisement.
As the demographics of the United States continue to shift, we are challenged to become more
culturally sensitive to, and aware of, those we serve. Models of multicultural educational reform
are the launching pad for us to address research issues in school psychology. Although this task
may seem insurmountable, we have discussed some clear strategies that can be a firm foundation
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for increased and effective cultural sensitivity and awareness, particularly related to research
methodology and techniques in school psychology.
1. What are the primary implications of traditional research methods for the education of
culturally and linguistically diverse students?
2. What adjustments might a practitioner make during administration of an assessment that will
address cultural concerns and maintain standardization of the measure?
3. What aspects of research and development on test measures are especially key to review in
relation to multicultural issues?
4. How might a practitioner use his or her daily experience to inform the ongoing research
related to school psychology practice?
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WEB RESOURCES
Center for Multicultural Education – http://depts.washington.edu/centerme/home.htm
The Center for Multicultural Education at the University of Washington, Seattle WA, focuses
on research projects and activities designed to improve practice related to equity issues,
intergroup relations, and the achievement of all students. The Center also engages in services
and teaching related to its research mission.
Center for Research on Education, Diversity & Excellence – http://crede.berkeley.edu/index.html
CREDE is a federally funded research and development program focused on improving the
education of students whose ability to reach their potential is challenged by language or
cultural barriers, race, geographic location, or poverty.
The Civil Rights Project – http://www.civilrightsproject.ucla.edu/index.html

Their mission is to help renew the civil rights movement by bridging the worlds of ideas and
action, to be a preeminent source of intellectual capital within that movement, and to deepen
the understanding of the issues that must be resolved to achieve racial and ethnic equity as
society moves through the great transformation of the 21st century. They believe that either
the country will learn to deal effectively with the richness of its astonishing diversity or it will
lose pace in a globalizing world and decline and divide. Focused research and the best ideas of
scholars and leaders from all parts of the country can make a decisive contribution to a
renewal of the promise of the civil rights movement.
Interwest Equity Assistance Center – http://www.colostate.edu/programs/EAC/

Located in Denver, Colorado, the Interwest Equity Assistance Center is one of 10 regional
Equity Assistance Centers funded by the U.S. Department of Education under Title IV of the
1964 Civil Rights Act. The Educational Equity Center provides training and technical
assistance within the larger context of school improvement to public school personnel, school
board members, students, parents, and other community members. It assists public school
staff in providing equitable, high-quality education to all learners.
National Center for Cultural Competence – http://www.gucchdgeorgetown.net/I3D/

The mission of the National Center for Cultural Competence (NCCC) is to increase the
capacity of health and mental health programs to design, implement, and evaluate culturally
and linguistically competent service delivery systems.
National Center for Culturally Responsive Educational Systems – http://www.nccrest.org

The National Center for Culturally Responsive Educational Systems (NCCRESt), a project
funded by the U.S. Department of Education’s Special Educations Programs, provides
technical assistance and professional development to close the achievement gap between
students from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds and their peers, and reduce
inappropriate referrals to special education.
..................................................................................................................
Peek Crockett | 233

..................................................................................................................
National Center for Response to Intervention – http://www.rti4success.org/

National Association for Multicultural Education – http://www.nameorg.org
The Founders of NAME envisioned an organization that would bring together individuals
and groups with an interest in multicultural education from all levels of education, different
academic disciplines, and from diverse educational institutions and occupations.
National Association of Bilingual Education (NABE) – http://www.nabe.org

NABE’s mission is to advocate for our nation’s Bilingual and English Language Learners and
families and to cultivate a multilingual multicultural society by supporting and promoting
policy, programs, pedagogy, research, and professional development that yield academic
success, value native language, lead to English proficiency, and respect cultural and linguistic
diversity.
National Association of School Psychologists (NASP) – http://www.nasponline.org/resources/

culturalcompetence/index.aspx
As America’s schools become increasingly diverse, NASP reaffirms its commitment to
promote inclusive educational environments that respect and respond to differences in race,
culture, ethnicity, and language. Through partnerships, recruitment efforts, bilingual
publications, training, online resources, and advocacy, NASP promotes cultural competence
in every area of school psychological service delivery.
National Institute for Urban School Improvement – http://www.urbanschools.org

The mission of the National Institute for Urban School Improvement (NIUSI) is to develop
powerful networks of urban districts and schools that embrace and implement a data-based,
continuous improvement approach for inclusive practices.
Tolerance.org – http://www.tolerance.org/index.jsp
Tolerance.org is a principal online destination for people interested in dismantling bigotry
and creating, in hate’s stead, communities that value diversity.
These resources are adapted from a variety of sources including reference lists and website searches.
..................................................................................................................

Index
A
ABCD, 21
academic assessment, 158–160
academic screening, 150–151
acculturation, 122, 156
Berry’s bidimensional model, 198
case scenario, 199
counseling process, 197–199
defined, 197
achievement gap, 142
achievement tests, norm-referenced, 159
acknowledgment, 7, 9–10, 13
action, 7, 11–12, 13
adaptive functioning assessment, 162–163
admissions, equitable, 102–103
adoption, transracial, 36
advocacy, 7, 10–11, 13, 54, 221
African American/White multiracial people, 36
African Americans, tradition and values, 27–28
African immigrants, 28
alternative assessment, 221, 222
American Educational Research Association (AERA), 56, 57
American Indians, 33–35, 120–121, 140
case scenario, 35
values, 34–35
American Psychological Association (APA), 6
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The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools multiculturalism_competence_index_crctd (1).3d 15/1/

..................................................................................................................
Accreditation Procedures and Criteria for Doctoral Training Programs, 52

Ethical Standards of Psychologists, 52
guidelines and standards, 3
Arab Americans, 24–26
case scenario, 26
values, 25
Asian Americans, 18–20, 140
culture, 161
South Asians, 20–24
values, 19–20
aspirational statement, 57–58
assessment
alternate uses of existing methods, 221, 222
CLD students, 139–171, 218
cultural awareness and implementation aid, 186
ecologically sensitive, 142
idiographic, 142
instructional decisions and, 142–154
instructional interventions and, 141–142
other models, 164
assimilation, 197
assumption of rightness, 71
case scenario, 72
authenticity, 38–39
awareness, 7–9, 13
components, 8
B
Banks model of multicultural education, 221
barrios, 30
Basic Interpersonal Communication Skills (BICS), 124, 125–126
behavioral consultation, 177–180
case scenario, 179
conjoint, 180–181
behavioral pathway, 96–101
Behavior Assessment System for Children (BASC), 161–162
behaviors, 101
acceptable, 118
behavioral shifts, 221–222
bias, 194
bilingual programs, 149
..................................................................................................................

..................................................................................................................
Index
Bilingual Verbal Ability Tests (BVAT), 157

biracial, 36
bisexual, 40, 41
Black, 27
see also African Americans
bonding, 94–95
book clubs, 104
Boricua, 30
Borromean rings, 85
brief experimental analysis (BEA), 145–146
British colonialism, 20, 21
Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas, 71
C
Cablinasian, 37
Center for Multicultural Education, 233
Center for Research on Education, Diversity & Excellence, 233
Central Americans, values, 31–32
change agents, active, 223
Chicano Americans, 28–33
case scenario, 33
Chicanos, 28, 30
Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL), 161–162
Chinese, 18–20
see also Asian Americans
Chittister, Sister Joan, 55
cholos, 30
civil rights, 52
Civil Rights Movement, 69
Civil Rights Project, The, 233
class, education and, 74–75
classroom interventions, 143
general education setting, 144–146
classroom observations, 150
CLD. See culturally and linguistically diverse
climate factors, 14
clinical practice, multiculturalism in, 4–5
coconstructing conceptual change, 87
Cognitive Academic Language Proficiency Skills (CALPS), 124, 125–126
cognitive assessment, 156–158
cognitive egocentrism, 70
..................................................................................................................
Jones | 237

..................................................................................................................
color, skin, 210

coming out, 42
communication, 208–209
assessment, 155–156
see also language; translators
community, 202
conceptual pathway, 86–91
not getting it, 88
confianza, 32
conformity stage, 196
conjoint behavioral consultation, 180–181
case scenario, 181
connectedness, 94–95
Conoley, Jane Close, 58
constructed knowledge and context, 86
consultation, 173–190
case scenarios, 179, 181, 185
defined, 173
discussion questions, 187–188
educational rationale for considering culture, 174–176
instructional team, 181–183
mental health, 183–187
models, 176–187
overview, 176
consultee-centered approach, 183–185
consulting
groups, multicultural, 194
termination, 204
content-based English, 149
content integration, 221–222
context, 86
cooperative learning, 183
counseling, 191–213
acculturation in counseling process, 197–199
case scenarios, 199, 204–205, 207, 209
cultural awareness, 193–196
culturally intentional, 199
discussion questions, 211
identity development, recognizing, 196–197
multicultural frame of reference, 192
multicultural intentionality, 199–200
multicultural variables and, 4–5, 205–210
..................................................................................................................

..................................................................................................................
Index
perspective on need, 210

process, 200–203
psychology, 53
relationship, 192
termination, 203–205
courage, social justice and, 62
criterion-referenced instruments, 160
critical analysis, 221
cross-cultural consultation, 176
cross-cultural interactions, 120
Cubans, 27, 29, 30–31
cultural awareness
assessment, 186
counseling and, 193–196
techniques for increasing, 193–194
cultural blunder, 184
cultural competence, 119–122
defined, 119
elements of, 119
cultural diversity, 52–53
cultural ecology, 118–119
cultural genogram, 193–194
cultural knowledge and dynamics, 120
cultural liaison, 153–154
cultural literacy, 17–48
increasing, 194–196
cultural norms, 120, 210
cultural responsiveness, 119–122
teaching, 121
culturally and linguistically diverse (CLD) students, 123, 140–141
assessment, 139–171
culturally appropriate, 128
defined, 140–141
eligibility, evaluation for, 154–164
evaluation model, multidimensional, multitask, 154
health- and medical-related issues, 147–148
instructional decisions, for, 142–154
instructional interventions and, 141–142
parents’ interview, 147
special education, 141
..................................................................................................................
Jones | 239

..................................................................................................................
culturally based, 186

programs, 186–187
culturally competent practice, 84
culturally intentional counseling and therapy, 199
culturally responsive instruction, enhancing, 121
culturally sensitive, 186
programs, 187
culture, 163
classroom, 175–176
defined, 117–118
one’s own vs. others’, 89–90
Culture–Language Interpretive Matrix (C-LIM), 163
curricula, 14
content, 52
curriculum-based assessment (CBA), 145
curriculum-based measurement (CBM), 143–144, 158–160
D
data-based change agent, 100
demographics, US, 140–141, 223–224
projected by 2025, 117
desis / deshis, 20
developmental English, 149
difficulties, identifying, 202
discipline gap, 175–176
discrepancy models, 220
dissonance stage, 196
dynamic assessment model, 183
E
ecologically sensitive assessment, 142
economics, education and, 74–75
education, transforming, 75–76
educational and instructional history, 149–150
egocentrism, cognitive, 70
Egyptian American, 24
see also Arab Americans
Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA), 158
eligibility decisions, evaluation for, 154–164
ELL. See English language learners
..................................................................................................................

..................................................................................................................
Index
emotional disorder/emotional or behavioral disorder (ED/EBD) programming, 161–162

emotional disturbance, identification, 175
emotional flexibility, 94
emotional pathway, 91–96
learning, 93–96
not getting it, 92–93
tenets of, 93
emotions, using to inform concepts and actions, 93
empathy, beyond, 95
English
Second Language, as a (ESL), 123–124
transitional, 149
two-way bilingual, 149
English language learners (ELLs), 122, 132–133
instructional variables, critical, 144
RTI and, 127–128, 129
ethics
practice, 174
violation, 216
ethnicity, questions about, 201
evaluation, eligibility decisions, 154–164
see also assessment
exclusion, 216
quantitative, 218–219
expectations, 77, 175
experiential learning, 104–105
F
fairness, 206
family, questions about, 201
Family Reunification Act, 21
Farsi, 24
Filipinos, 19, 20
see also South Asian Americans
film clubs, 104
flexibility, emotional, 94
folk healers, 32, 34
fourth force in counseling, 4
frustration level, 144
..................................................................................................................
Jones | 241

..................................................................................................................
G
gay, 41
gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender (GLBT) youth, 40–43, 207–208
position statement, 52
getting it, 83–86
conceptual understanding, developing, 89–90
not getting it, 88
gifted and talented, identification, 175
goals
periodic analysis of, 203
setting, 202
grants, personnel preparation, 103
grifos, 210
group level, 99–100
redefining, 99–100
Guidelines on Multicultural Education, Training, Research, Practice, and Organizational Change
for Psychologists, 56–57
H
Happa, 37
haves and have-nots, understanding, 74–76
healers, traditional, 32, 34
hierarchies, 70
Hispanics, 28–29
history gathering, 200–201
homophobia, 41
human rights, 52–53
I
IDEA 2004. See Individuals with Disabilities Education Act
identity, 207–208
development recognition in counseling, 196–197
idiographic assessment, 142
ignorance
case scenario, 72–73
luxury of, 72
Immigrant Acculturation Scale, 197
immigrants, voluntary vs. involuntary, 118–119
Immigration and Nationality Act, 19
..................................................................................................................

..................................................................................................................
Index
implementation aid, assessment, 186

independent level, 144
Indians, Asian, 20–22
individualism, 197
Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), 127, 221, 151
institutional level, 101
instruction
culturally responsive, 121
decisions, assessment and, 142–154
incompatibility with skills, 182
interventions, assessment and, 141–142
level of, 144, 145
program, 149
team consultation, 181–183
integration, 197
integrative awareness stage, 196–197
intellectual disability, defined, 162
International Medical Interpreters Association (IMIA), 152
internment camps, 18
interpretation, 152
interpreters
school psychologists and, 153
translator vs., 152
working with, 151–154
interracial, 36
intervention paralysis, 184
interview
children and adolescents, 201
parents, 147
Interwest Equity Assistance Center, 233
introspection stage, 196
IQ tests, 156, 162–163
J
jabaos, 210
Japanese, 18
journaling, 194
justice, 54
..................................................................................................................
Jones | 243

..................................................................................................................
K
knowledge
acknowledgment and, 7, 9–10, 13
construction, 217–218, 221–222
Knowledge Is Power Program (KIPP), 75
Koreans, 20
L
language, 14, 122–124
acquisition, 123–124
communication assessment, 155-156
establishing, 55–58
Native American, 34, 38
proficiency, 148–149, 157
screening, 148–149
see also interpreters
language–culture immersion, intensive, 105
Larry P. v. Riles, 218
Latinos, 28–33, 140, 210
case scenario, 33
learning disabilities, identifying and classifying students with, 220
learning environment, 4, 5, 12
global, 6
legacy of privilege, 73–74
lesbian, 40
lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered (LGBT) Americans, 40–43, 207–208
position statement, 52
limited English proficiency (LEP), 140
linguistically appropriate, 128
literature, 14
local education agency (LEA), 124, 127
luxury of ignorance, 72
M
machismo, 32
macro/micro, 51
marginalization, 216
..................................................................................................................

..................................................................................................................
Index
marginalized group, 198

marianismo, 32
mental health, social justice and, 49–65
mental health consultation, 183–187
case scenario, 185
client-centered, 185
consultee-centered, 183–185
program centered, 186–187
mental retardation
defined, 162
identification, 175
mestizo, 29
metis, 34
Mexicans, 28, 29, 30
case scenario, 33
see also Latin Americans
Minority Affairs, Office of Ethnic, 52
mistakes
cultural blunder, 184
learning from, 96
mixed heritage or parentage, 36
model, standard protocol, 127
morenos, 210
mulatto, 36–37
Multicultural Affairs Committee, 52
multicultural competence
implementation, 1–15
model limits, 54
models, 1–15, 53
recommendations, 14
social justice vs., 54
multicultural constructs, 206–207, sample student statements, 206
multicultural counseling and therapy (MCT), 4–5
multicultural education, 118–124
multicultural intentionality
elements, 199–200
multicultural movement, progression, 52
multicultural variables
case scenarios, 207, 209
..................................................................................................................
Jones | 245

..................................................................................................................
multiculturalism
benchmarks for assessing and maintaining, 5
components of, 3–4
counseling and, 192
defined, 2
effectiveness characteristics, 5–6
flashpoints, 6–12, 14
hallmark of, 4
practice of, 2–3
process, 5
reality of, 3
Multidimensional Assessment Model for Bilingual Individuals (MAMBI), 163
multiracial descent, 35–40
self-identification, 38–39
N
National Association of Bilingual Education (NABE), 233
National Association for Multicultural Education (NAME), 233
National Center for Cultural Competence, 234
National Center for Culturally Responsive Education Systems (NCCRESt), 130, 234
National Center for Response to Intervention, 234
National Clearinghouse for English Language Acquisition (NCELA), 140
National Institute for Urban School Improvement, 234
Native Americans, 33
Nepalese, case scenario, 23
networks, social justice and, 61–62
No Child Left Behind (NCLB), 76
‘‘no one seems to understand me,’’ 208–209
nonverbal measures, 157
North, C. E., 51
Nuyorican, 30
O
Oakland, Thomas, 3
Office of Ethnic Minority Affairs, 52
Office of Special Education Programs (OSEP), 130
openness, fostering, 94
other awareness, increasing, 194–196
..................................................................................................................

..................................................................................................................
Index
outcome research, 223

Oyserman, Daphna, 187
P
pachucos, 30
Pacific Islanders, 18
Pakistanis, 21
parent interviews, 162
pathways on a journey of Getting It, 85
peers, questions about, 201
perception, 206, 210
performance, repeated measurement, 142
perseverance, 103
Persian, 24
personal questions, 201
personalismo, 32
plan
evaluation, 180
implementation, 179–180
policies, 14
population. See demographics
Position Statement on Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Transgender, and Questioning (GLBTQ) Youth, 52
positivism, 217–218
possessions, 209–210
presentation, 87
prietos, 208
priorities, development and embedding, 58–59
privilege in America, 67–82
acknowledging, 76–77
best practices, 76–78
case scenarios, 72–73, 79–82
legacy of, 73–74
understanding, 70–76
problematic behavior, 56
problems
analysis, 179
identification, 177–179
problem-solving model, 128
professional agency, 221
..................................................................................................................
Jones | 247

..................................................................................................................
professional development. See training and professional development

professional learning community, 103
program-centered approach, 186–187
psychocultural incompatibility, 118
Puerto Ricans, 27, 29, 30
see also Latin Americans
R
race
education and, 74–75
questions about, 201
stress, 206
rapport building, 200
Rawls, John, 50–51
R/CID framework, 197
redistribution/recognition, 51
referral, identifying the reason for, 200–201
representation, 87
research
analysis, critical, 222
future, 130, 132–133
methodology, inappropriate, 219–220
multicultural issues in, 215–226
overview, 216–220
practical implications, 220–223
validity, 217
research-based practice
social justice and, 59–61
resistance stage, 196
Resolving Conflict Creativity Program (RCCP), 187
response to intervention (RTI), 124–133
defined, 127
ELLs and, 127–128, 129
models, 127, 128–133, 221
multicultural education, 118–124
tier 1, 128–129, 131, 134
tier 2, 129, 132, 134
tier 3, 130, 133, 134
..................................................................................................................

..................................................................................................................
Index
tiers, 127
rightness
assumption of, 71
case scenario, 72
RIOT model (Record Reviews, Research, Interview, Observe, and Test), 97–99
Root, Maria, 36
S
sameness/difference, 51
San Diego State University, program, 102–103
scaffolding, 183
school consultation. See consultation
school personnel, 4, 175
school psychologist, role, 223
schools, as protective factors, 77
School to Jobs (STJ), 187
screening
academic, 150–151
global, 142–144
in-depth, 143, 146–151
language proficiency, 148–149
second language acquisition, 123–124
stages, 125–126
self-assessment, cultural, 119
Self-Assessment Checklist for Personnel Providing Services and Supports to Children and Their
Families, 193
self-awareness, 195
self-esteem, 209–210
self-identification, 37–38
selling out, 196–197
separation, 197
service delivery, culturally competent, 78
service learning, ongoing experiences, 104
services, culture and, 97–99
simpatia, 32
skills, incompatibility with instruction, 182
slavery, multiracial offspring and, 36
social dominance, 70–71
social, emotional, and behavioral assessment, 160–162
social justice
AERA and, 57
..................................................................................................................
Jones | 249

..................................................................................................................
case scenarios, 55–56, 59

conceptualization, 57
courage, 62
defined, 50
mental health and, 49–65
moving the agenda forward, 54–62
multicultural competence vs. , 54
multicultural movement and, 52–54
networks, 61–62
priorities, 58–59
research-based practice and, 59–61
spheres of, 51
topics, 59
sociocultural effect, 116
South Asian Americans, 20–24
religion, 21–22
tradition, 21–24
special education, CLD students in, 141
special learning disabilities (SLDs), 124, 127, 220
defined, 130
standardized norm-referenced tests, 155–163
Standards for Training Programs, 52
stereotypes, 195
strengths, identifying, 202
stressors, 195–196
structured tasks, response to, 155–163
study tours, international, 105
support, 77
systems level, 100
T
tardiness, 149
teacher preparation, diverse populations, 120–121
teaching resources, 14
Tejanos, 30
Tolerance.org, 234
training and professional development, 83–113, 199
behavioral pathway, 96–101
case scenarios, 87–88, 91, 95–96, 96–99, 105–108
conceptual pathway, 86–91
..................................................................................................................

..................................................................................................................
Index
conceptual understanding, enhancing, 90–91

emotional pathway, 91–96
learning to get it, 101–103
programs, 192, 221
rubric for, 12, 13
teaching–learning strategies and, 103–105
transgendered people, 40–41, 42–43
translation, 152
translator, interpreter vs, 152
transsexuals, 43
transvestites, 43
treatment planning, 202–203
truancy, 149
Trueba, Henry, 27
U
understanding, 208–209
V
vicarious learning, 104
vision statement, 57–58
volunteer service vacations, 105
W
walking on eggshells, 184
Woodcock–Johnson tests, 157
Spanish, 157
Z
zone of proximal development (ZPD), 144
..................................................................................................................
Jones | 251

..................................................................................................................
..................................................................................................................


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the PSYCHOLOGY of

JANINE M. JONES, PHD, NCSP

The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools Multi_Introduction_1.3d 14/1/09 14:24:08

Published by the National Association of School Psychologists

Copyright E 2009 by the National Association of School Psychologists.

Copies may be ordered from:

Printed in the United States of America

The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools tpm_Copyright.3d 15/1/09 17:37:06

The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools Multi_Introduction_2.3d 13/1/09 09:38:27

About the Editor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiii

Part I: Conceptual Foundations

Chapter 1: Toward Multiculturalism Competence: A Practical Model for Implementation in

Chapter 2: Increasing Cultural Literacy: Historical Perspectives and Cultural Characteristics

Chapter 4: Understanding Privilege in America . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67

Chapter 5: Pathways on a Journey of Getting It: Multicultural Competence Training and

Helping Children at Home and School III Multi_Introduction_7.3d 14/1/09 11:09:17

Part II: Practical Applications

Chapter 6: Multicultural Practices and Response to Intervention . . . . . . . . . . . . 117

Chapter 7: A Comprehensive, Multidimensional Approach to Assessment of Culturally and

Chapter 8: Multicultural Considerations in School Consultation . . . . . . . . . . . . 173

Chapter 9: Counseling With Multicultural Intentionality: The Process of Counseling and

Chapter 10: Multicultural Issues in Research: Practical Implications for School

Helping Children at Home and School III Multi_Introduction_7.3d 14/1/09 11:09:17

Case Scenario: Dr. Jackson .......... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .8

Case Scenario: Koirala Family .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23

Case Scenario: Steven . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55

Case Scenario: Jane and Eric ........ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72

The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools Multi_CaseScenario_List_Final.3d 14/1/09 11:08:15

Case Scenario: Fighting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80

Case Scenario: Lynda and Trung . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87

Case Scenario: Shouting or Raising Your Hand? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179

Case Scenario: Naira .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199

The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools Multi_CaseScenario_List_Final.3d 14/1/09 11:08:38

The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools Multi_Introduction_4.3d 13/1/09 09:42:35

Kimberly Booker, PhD, LSSP, is a Licensed Psychologist, a Licensed Specialist in School

Valerie J. Cook-Morales, PhD, is a Professor of School Psychology at San Diego State

The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools Multi_Introduction_5.3d 13/1/09 09:45:00

Trista M. Huckleberry, PhD, is an Assistant Professor of Interdisciplinary Psychology at the

Antoinette Halsell Miranda, PhD, NCSP, is an Associate Professor of School Psychology at

The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools Multi_Introduction_5.3d 13/1/09 09:45:01

The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools Multi_Introduction_5.3d 13/1/09 09:45:01

Kim Adamle Brian Leung

The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools Multi_Introduction_3.3d 13/1/09 09:47:05

The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools Multi_Introduction_3.3d 13/1/09 09:47:06

Excerpted from the Color of Culture III by Mona Lake Jones

The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools Multi_Introduction_6.3d 13/1/09 09:48:04

PART I: CONCEPTUAL FOUNDATIONS

The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools Multi_Introduction_6.3d 13/1/09 09:48:05

describes the complexity of developing multicultural competence through training and

PART II: PRACTICAL APPLICATIONS

The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools Multi_Introduction_6.3d 13/1/09 09:48:05

The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools Multi_Introduction_6.3d 13/1/09 09:48:05

The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools part1.3d 14/1/09 11:11:32

The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools Multi_Ch1_competence.3d 31/12/08 12:41:44

Multiculturalism, as practiced in the schools, is a process, an ideology, and a set of interventions in

The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools Multi_Ch1_competence.3d 31/12/08 12:41:45

Ten Components of Multiculturalism

The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools Multi_Ch1_competence.3d 31/12/08 12:41:45

Multiculturalism in Clinical Practice

The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools Multi_Ch1_competence.3d 31/12/08 12:41:45

3. Multiculturalism recognizes and values dimensions of existence, including individual, group,

BENCHMARKS FOR ASSESSING AND MAINTAINING MULTICULTURAL SCHOOLS

Eight Characteristics for an Effective Multicultural School

The Psychology of Multiculturalism in the Schools Multi_Ch1_competence.3d 31/12/08 12:41:45