Professional Documents
Culture Documents
PRINCIPLE
Steven A. Beeb
Susan J. Beeb
Diana,
B r1e 。 ntents
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3 Understanding Verbal Messages
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4 Understanding Nonverbal Messages
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!5 Listening and Responding
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4 Speaking to Inform 318
A Interviewing 363
VII
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c。ntents
Preface xv
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Principle Three: E旺ectively Use and Interpret
咱 Identifying
Foundations of Human Nonverbal Messages 22
Communication 1 Principle Four: Listen and Respondτhoughtfully
2 to Others 23
Why Study Communication?
344 Principle Five: Appropriately Adapt Messages
To Improve Your Employab过ity
to Others 23
To k口prove Your Relationships
STUDY GUIDE: Re vie w, Apply, and Assess 24
To Improve Your Health
5 Review • Key Terms • Apply • Assess
The Communication Process
56 The Principle Points
Communication Defined
Communication Characteristics
9 2 Exploring Self-Awareness and
Con1munication Models
901 Communication 27
Communication as Action: Message Transfer
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Self-Awareness: How Well Do You Know Yourself?
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2 Self-Concept: Who Are You?
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Con1munication Competence
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333 Self-Concept Components
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The Message Should Achieve Its Intended Effect East and West
33
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Ethical c。de? 34
4 Self-Esteem: What's Your Value?
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Comfortable Communication 37
Engage in Positive Self-Talk
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Con1munication Contexts
c。mmunicati。n & Ethics: Can Y。u Have TOO
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Interpersonal Communication 38
Much Self-Esteem?
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IX
x Contents
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Communicate to Enhance Your Powers of Perception The Nature of Nonverbal Communication 74
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Increase Your Awareness The Culture-Bound Nature of Nonverbal
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Avoid Stereotypes Communication 74
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The Rule-Governed Nature of Nonverbal
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Check Your Perceptions
Communication 74
STUDY GUIDE: Review, Apply, and Assess
Review• Key Terms• Apply• Assess The Ambiguous Nature of Nonverbal Communication 75
c。mmunication & Diversity: Less。ns from a Student
The Principle Points
in a Wheelchair 75
3 Understanding Verbal Messages 49 The Continuous Nature of Nonverbal Communication 76
The Nonlinguistic Nature of Nonverbal
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Why Focus on Language? Communication 76
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The Nature of Language The Multichanneled Nature of Nonverbal
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People Use Words as Symbols Communication 77
People Attach Meanings to Words 52 Codes of Nonverbal Communication 77
People Create Denotative and Connotative Meanings Appearance 77
for L叩ords 53 Body Movement, Gestures, and Posture 78
People Convey Concrete and Abstract Meanings c。mmunicati。n & Social Media: Fitness Posts 。n
through L叩ords 53 s。cial Media: D。 c。mparis。ns Have c。nsequences? 78
Meanings Are Culture Bound 54 Eye Contact 79
c。mmunication & S。cial Media: T\。 Tweet 。r N。t Facial Expressions 80
to Tweet: 140 Characters 。r Less 54 Touch 81
扎1eanings Are Context Bound 55 The Voice 82
The Power of Words 55 Physical Environment, Space, and Territory 83
Confronting Bias in Lan伊age 56 How to Interpret Nonverbal Cues More Accurately 85
Biased Language: Race, Ethnicity, Nationality, An Application of Nonverbal Communication Research:
and Religion 57 Detecting Deception 86
Biased Language: Sex, Gender, and Sexual
STUDY GUIDE: Review, Apply, and Assess 88
Orientation 57
Review• Key Terms• Apply• Assess
c。mmunication & Diversity: Sex/Gender Complexity:
The Principle Points
Faceb。。k’s Fifty-Six Terms for Gender Identity 59
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The Principle Points Responding
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Listening Styles
4 Understanding Nonverbal Messages 69 56667
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Relational Listening Style
叭Thy Focus on Nonverbal Communication? 71 Analytical Listening Style
Nonverbal Messages Communicate Feelings and Critical Listening Style /
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Attitudes 71 Task-Oriented Listening Style
Nonverbal Messages Are More Believable Than The Benefits of Understanding Your Listening Style
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Verbal Ones 72 Listening Barriers
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Nonverbal Messages Are Critical to Successful Self Barriers
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Relationships 72 Information-Processing Barriers
c。mmunication & Ethics: D。 We Have a Rhythm
3 Communication & Diversity: Does Gender Influence
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Listen: Understand Both Details and M司or Ideas 106 Differences When Making E-Connecti 。ns 127
Improving Your Responding Skills 108 Cultural Contexts 128
Responding to Clarify and Confirm Understanding 108 Cultural Values 128
c。mmunicati。n&S。cial Media: Keep s。cial Barriers to Bridging Differences and Adapting to Others 133
Media s。cial 110 Assuming Superiority 133
Responding to Empathize with Others 111 Assurr吐ng Similarity 134
c。mmunication & Ethics: Paraphrase Properly 112 Assu口吐ng Differences 135
Responding to Provide Social Support 112 Stereotyping and P叫udice 136
STUDY GUIDE: Review, Apply, and Assess 115 c。mmunication & Ethics: Can Stere。typing Others
c。mmunication & Social Media: C。nsider the Flirtm。1ji 155 Is It Cheating If y。u Don ’t Actually Touch? 176
k让tiating Relationships 155 Relationship Dissolution (a.k.a. the Breakup) 177
Maintaining Relationships 159 Best Practices in Breaking Up 177
Self-Disclosure: Revealing Yourself to Others 159 After the Breakup: Communicating with an Ex 179
Properties of Self-Disclosure 160 Tensions in Relationsh伊: The Dialectical Perspective 179
c。mmunication & S。cial Media: Becoming Faceb。。k Managing Interpersonal Conflict 180
Official: A Current Incarnation 。f “G。ing Steady,” Constructive Versus Destructive Conflict 180
“ Wearing a Letter Jacket,”。r “Getting Pinned" 161 Types of Conflict 182
Two Models of SelιDisclosure 161 Properties of Conflict 182
Expressing Emotions 163 c。mmunication & Diversity: Coping with c。nflict acr。SS
c。mmunication & Ethics: Are You a Blurter? 163 Cultures 183
STUDY GUIDE: Review, Apply, and Assess 165 Styles of 孔1anaging Conflict 184
Review• Key Terms• Apply• Assess Conflict Management Skills 185
The Principle Points STUDY GUIDE: Review, Apply, and Assess 188
Review• Key Terms• Apply• Assess
B E时1ancing Relationships 168 The Principle Points
The Importance of Relationships: Friends, Famil予
and Colleagues 169
XII Contents
Developing Your Speech Step by Step: Identifying Sample Preparati。n Outline 287
y。ur Purp。se 256 STUDY GUIDE: Review, Apply, and Assess 290
An Audience-Centered Idea 257 Review• Key Terms• Apply• Assess
A Single Idea 258 The Principle Points
A Complete Declarative Sentence 258
Direct, Specific Language 258 13 Delivering Your Speech 293
Developing Your Speech Step by Step: Devel。ping
y。ur Central Idea 259 Methods of Delivery 294
Manuscript Speaking 295
Generating Main Ideas 259
Memor垃ed Speaking 295
Does the Central Idea Have Logical Divisions? 259
Impromptu Speaking 296
Can You Think of Several Reasons the Central
Idea Is True? 260 Extemporaneous Speaking 296
Can You Support the Central Idea with a Series of E任ectiveVerbal Delivery 297
Steps or a Chronological Sequence? 260 Using Words Clearly 297
Gathering Supporting Material 261 Using Words Accurately 298
Sources of Supporting Material 261 Crafting Memorable Word Structures 298
Devel。ping Y。ur Speech Step by Step: Generating Y。ur Effective Nonverbal Delivery 300
Main Ideas 261 Eye Contact 300
c。mmunicati。n & Social Media: Faceb。。k and Communication & Diversity: The Academic Quarter 301
the 2016 U.S. Presidential Campaign 263 Physical Delivery 301
Types of Supporting Material 264 Facial Expression 303
Devel。ping Y。ur Speech Step by Step: Gathering
Vocal Delivery 303
Supp。rting Material 267
Devel。ping Your Speech Step by Step: Rehearsing
c。mmunicati。n & Diversity: H。w t。 Adapt to Your
y。ur Speech 305
Diverse Audience 269
Appearance 305
Acknowledgr丑ent of Supporting Material 269
Effective Presentation Aids 306
STUDY GUIDE: Review, Apply, and Assess 271
Types of Presentation Aids 306
Review• Key Terms• Apply• Assess
c。mmunication & S。cial Media: C。mmunicating
The Principle Points
Social Media Statistics with c。mputer-Generated
Presentati。n Aids 308
句2 Organizing and Outlining c。mmunication & Ethics: Pr。fanity in an Audio
Your Speech 274 Presentati。n Aid 310
Organizing Your Main Ideas 275 Additional Guidelines for Preparing and Using
Presentation Aids 310
Communicati。n & Social Media: Your Speech as a
“C。ntent Sandwich" 275 Some Final Tips for Rehearsing and Delivering
Organizing Ideas Topically 276 Your Speech 312
Organizing Ideas Chronologically 276 Developing Your Speech Step by Step: Delivering
y。ur Speech 313
Organizing Ideas Spatially 277
Criteria for Evaluating Speeches 314
Organizing Ideas to Show Cause and E任ect 277
Organizing Ideas by Problem and Solution 277 STUDY GUIDE: Review, Apply, and Assess 315
Review• Key Terms• Apply• Assess
c。mmunication & Diversity: Ackn。wledging
Cultural Differences in Organizing Messages 278 The Principle Points
c。mmunication & Ethics: The Ethics of Primacy
and Recency 279 14 Speaking to Inform 318
Organizing Your Supporting Material 279 Types of Informative Speeches 319
Signposting: Organizing Your Speech for the Ears Speeches about Objects 319
of Others 280 Speeches about Procedures 320
Previews 280 Speeches about People 320
Verbal and Nonverbal Transitions 280 c。mmunication & Ethics: Confidential 。r
Summaries 281 p。tentially Dangerous Inf。rmati。n 321
Introducing and Concluding Your Speech 281 Speeches about Events 321
Introductions 282 Speeches about Ideas 322
Conclusions 283 Strategies for Organizing Your Informative Speech 322
Outlir由1.g
Your Speech 285 Organizing Speeches about Objects 322
Preparation Outline 285 Organizing Speeches about Procedures 323
Speaking Notes 286 Organizing Speeches about People 323
XIV Contents
Sequence in Advertising
Notes 391
Adapting Ideas to People and People to Ideas
Credits 429
η1e Receptive Audience
Index 433
The Neutral Audience
rerace
Revel TM
Revel is an interactive learn扛1g environment that deeply engages students and prepares
them for class. Media and assessment integrated d让ectly within the authors' narrative
lets students read, explore interactive content, and practice in one continuous learn-
ing path. 卫1anks to the d严1amic reading experience in Revel, students come to class
prepared to discuss, apply, and learn from instructors and from each other.
Learn more about Revel
www.pearson .com/ revel
xv
XVI Preface
\'lntir'lg
Students are presented with video examples throughout the
Listening book on topics such as ethical communication, diversity and
Speaking
understanding, perception and self, active listening, listening
barriers, effective group roles, and leadership styles, among
other topics. Many videos have correlating self-checks,
enabling students to test their knowledge.
• Interactive Figures
Interactive figures show processes in action and provide active visualizations for
most of the 自gures in the text.
”
You llsten a lot: A typical st udent spends about percent of his or her
communication time writi ng, 17 percent reading, 17 percent spe串 king, and at least 55
percent listening.
Read
Start Challenge
• New Communication & Social Media features explore ways to effectively use
social media as an important communication tool.
• The chapter-end Study Guide has been significantly revised and reorganized for
this edition. Learning objectives, review summaries, key terms, and apply and
assess questions are now organized by section. These features have been designed
to help students master chapter content, prepare for exams, and apply chapter
concepts to their own lives.
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· 岛、hance 暗暗年1ality of y。旧h悟rper回nal relationships.
· 臼叫。p good collaboration , kills. K 缸E RM
• Po电e a s田nger 峰、k between speak凹 and audien世 listening •1le aitical listeners
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Al'I' Iden崎 •P阳"fie i时阳晒 from your own expe· onnly阳l listeners t.,sk咱ri回回d lis teners
rier、ce in whicl、 p。or listen ins s kills resulted in a sis·
• Revis ed Developing Your Speech Step by Step features in the public speaking
chapters walk students through the process of designing and delivering a speech.
• Two new speeches in Appendix B model best practices in public speaking.
We’ ve made many other spec迁ic changes to chapter content throughout the book.
Here’ s a brief list of selected m句or revisions, changes, and additions that we’ ve made
to spec凶c chapters:
Chapter 5: Listening and Responding The chapter now begins with a discussion
of how the visible presence of a phone can distract from the quality of a conversation.
Research has been updated on listening styles, receiver apprehension, and active
listening. A discussion of how social media plays an important role in our relationships
with others is highlighted in a new Communication & Social Media feature. Revel
content includes two interactive tables cover让1g social support topics.
Chapter 1O: Enhancing Group and Team Perf。rmance η1e discussion of better
br缸nstorming has been revised. Figure 10.1, which illustrates the needed balance
of structure and interaction in groups, has been updated. Additional content on
transformational leadership has been added. Video and audio excerpts and examples,
as well as interactive tables on topics, such as leadership styles and solving meeting
agenda problems, are available in Revel.
xx Preface
Chapter 11: Developing Your Speech The Develop让1g Your Speech Step by Step
feature boxes have been updated with a new speech example about the health reasons
for not drinking soda. A new Communication & Social Media feature explores the
impact of Facebook on the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election. A number of new figures
illustrate public speaking anxiety, building confidence, brainstorming topics, web
directory searches, narrowing a broad topic, and the appropriateness of the central
idea. Revel offers a host of interactive figures that illuminate such topics as speaking
anxiety, brainstorming, narrowing a broad topic, and developing a central idea. The
chapter also includes numerous audio clips of sample speeches.
Chapter 12: Organizing and 。u甘ining Your Speech The sample preparation outline
feature has been updated with a new ex缸口ple on the health risks of drinking soda. Anew
Communication & Social Media feature discusses how to make a ''content sandwich."
New examples have been added throughout the chapter for the following topics: cause
and effect organization, speci自cit予 soft-to-hard evidence, initial and internal previews,
personal anecdotes, rhetorical questions, hypothetical illustrations, and memorable
lines. Revel provides an interactive, annotated outline with accompanying audio clips
and a video.
Chapter 13: Delivering Your Speech The section on effective presentation aids
has been revised and reorganized. A discussion on how to communicate social
media statistics with computer-generated presentation aids is highlighted in a new
Communication & Social Media feature. Four new figures illustrate tips for effective
manuscript, memorized, impromptu, and extemporaneous speaking. New figures on
figurative language and effectively using various presentation aids have also been
added. Examples of bar, pie, and line graphs have been updated. The Revel version
includes videos of two presidential speeches: Barack Obama's Farewell Address and
Bill Clinton's address to Congress on healthcare.
Chapter 14: Speaking to Inform New figures illustrating word pictures and attention-
getting supporting material have been added to the chapter. A new Communication
& Social Media feature on best practices for social media presentations has also been
included. The sample informative speech on Elvis Presley has accompanying video and
audio annotations in Revel.
Chapter 15: Speaking to Persuade This chapter features a new sample student
persuasive speech on private ambulance companies. Additional content on social media
has been added to a discussion of how to narrow a speech topic. Figure 15.4, which
illustrates targeting attitudes, beliefs, and values in specific purpose statements, has
been updated. In Revel, students can listen to excerpts and examples of sample speeches.
NONVERBAL
We link the five communication principles with spec证ic content by using a margin
icon to indicate that a discussion in the text of a skill, concept, or idea is related to one or
more of the five communication principles. 卫1e icons, described in Chapter 1 and illus-
trated here,自rst appear in the mar♂n in Chapter 7, ''Understanding Interpersonal Com-
municatio民'' which is the first context chapter of the book. The icons help students see the
many applications o旧自ve communication principles have to their lives as they read about
interpersonal communication, group and team communication, and public speaking.
A subtext for these five principles is the importance of communicating ethically
with others. Throughout the book we invite students to consider the ethical implications
of how they communicate with others, through the use of probes and questions. As we
discuss in Chapter 1, we believe that in order to be effective, a communication message
must achieve three goals: (1) it must be understood; (2) it must achieve its intended
effect; and (3) it must be ethical. Our five Communication Principles for a Lifetime are
designed to help students achieve these three goals.
separated from the learner by both time and space. To help lessen the distance between
author and reader, we ’ve incorporated a variety of learning resources and pedagogical
features to engage students in the learning process. This engagement is heightened
significantly in Revel, but you'll also f让1d many features designed to engage students
in the traditional print text as well. As we note in the text, information alone is not com-
munication. Communication occurs when the receiver of information responds to it.
Our special features help turn information into a responsive communication message
that has an effect on students' lives.
Principles Model and Icons Our pentagon model and margin icons help students
see connections between the various communication concepts and skills we present.
Throughout the text we provide an integrated framework to reinforce what is fun-
damental about human communication. Long after students may have forgotten the
lists they memorized for an exam, we want them to remember the five fundamen-
tal principles we highlighted throughout the book. Remembering these principles
can also help them remember strategies and concepts to enhance their interpersonal
relationships, improve group and team meetings, and design and deliver effective
presentations.
Miniature versions of our principles icons appear with headings to highlight the five
fundamental principles. The purpose of this chapter-end feature is to help students
S严1thesize the material related to the context discussed (e.g., interpersonal communica-
tion) and the five principles that undergird the descriptive and prescriptive information
presented in the chapter. This feature will help students connect the variety of ideas 缸1d
skills with the five communication principles.
Communication & Ethics To help students consider the ethical dimensions of human
communication, in each chapter we provide a special boxed feature called ''Commu-
nication & Ethics." Students are asked to consider a case study or to ponder their
responses to ethical questions. The cases and questions we pose are designed to be
thought-provoking, to spark insightful class discussion, or to be used in combination
with a journal assignment or other learning method to help students see connections
between ethics and communication.
Communication & Social Media Because of the importance of social media in our
lives, in each chapter we include special material about social media and communica-
tion to help students become sensitive to the sometimes mindboggling impact that
social media platforms like Facebook, Twitter, Snapchat, and Instagram have on our
communication with others. We also discuss the 让丑portance and role of social media in
several chapters throughout the book. The prevalence of social media in students' lives
offers powerful teachable moments to help students learn and apply communication
principles.
• Learning objectives provide a compass to help students know where they are
headed, which they can check at key points throughout each chapter.
• Chapter outlines preview key concepts.
• Concise and highly praised Recap boxes distill essential content.
• Key terms in boldface with marginal glossary help students master essential
terms.
• Chapter-end Study Guides offer narrative summaries and key terms lists.
• The Principle Points, chapter-end summaries of the five Communication Principles,
recap applications of the principles to students' real-life communication.
• Chapter-end apply questions guide students to think critically about how they can
apply chapter concepts to their lives and relationships.
• Many chapter-end skills assessment and collaborative learning activities have been
revised and updated for this edition.
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seemed the full fruition of that popular adulation for which he had
lived,――in which he now died. Arrayed in a splendid and massy
robe of polished silver, he seated himself on the throne erected by
his grandfather Herod, in the great Herodian theater at Caesarea,
early in the morning of the day which was appointed for the
celebration of the great festal games, in honor of his royal patron,
Claudius Caesar. On this occasion, to crown his kingly triumph, the
embassadors of the great commercial Phoenician cities, Tyre and
Sidon, appeared before him to receive his condescending answer to
their submissive requests for the re-establishment of a friendly
intercourse between his dominions and theirs,――the agricultural
products of the former being quite essential to the thriving trade of
the latter. Agrippa’s reply was now publicly given to them, in which
he graciously granted all their requests, in such a tone of eloquent
benignity, that the admiring assembly expressed their approbation in
shouts of praise, and at last some bold adulators catching the idea
from the rays of dazzling light which flashed from the polished
surfaces of his metallic robe, and threw a sort of glory over and
around him, cried out, in impious exclamation, “It is the voice of a
God, and not of a man.” So little taste had the foolish king, that he
did not check this pitiful outbreak of silly blasphemy; but sat
swallowing it all, in the most unmoved self-satisfaction. But in the
midst of this profane glory, he was called to an account for which it ill
prepared him. In the expressive though figurative language of
Luke,――“immediately the messenger of the Lord struck him,
because he gave not the glory to God.” The Jewish historian, too, in
a similar manner assigns the reason. “The king did not rebuke the
flatterers, nor refuse their impious adulation. Shortly after he was
seized with a pain in the belly, dreadfully violent from the beginning.
Turning to his friends he said, ‘Behold! I, your god, am now
appointed to end my life,――the decree of fate having at once
falsified the voices that but just now were uttering lies about me; and
I, who have been called immortal by you, am now carried off dying.’
While he uttered these words he was tortured by the increasing
violence of his pain, and was accordingly carried back to his palace.
After five days of intense anguish, he died, in the fifty-fourth year of
his age, and in the seventh of his reign; having reigned four years
under Caius Caesar, and three under Claudius.” Thus ended the
days of the conscience-stricken tyrant, while the glorious gospel
cause which he had so vainly thought to check and overthrow, now,
in the words of Luke, “grew and was multiplied;” the spiteful Jews
having lost the right arm of their persecuting authority, in the death of
their king, and all Palestine now passing again under the direct
Roman rule, whose tolerant principles became once more the great
protection of the followers of Jesus.
Agrippa’s death.――My combination of the two different accounts given by Luke and
Josephus of this event, I believe accords with the best authorities; nor am I disposed, as
Michaelis is, to reject Josephus’s statement as irreconcilable with that in the Acts, though
deficient in some particulars, which are given in the latter, and though not rightly
apprehending fully the motives and immediate occasions of many things which he
mentions. In the same way, too, several minor circumstances are omitted in Luke, which
can be brought in from Josephus so as to give a much more vivid idea of the whole event,
than can be learned from the Acts alone. (See Michaelis’s introduction to the New
Testament,――on Luke. Also Wolf and Kuinoel.)
Among these, the most idle and unfounded is, that on leaving
Jerusalem he went to Caesarea. What could have suggested this
queer fancy to its author, it is hard to say; but it certainly implies the
most senseless folly in Peter, when seeking a hiding place from the
persecution of king Herod Agrippa, to go directly to the capital of his
dominions, where he might be expected to reside for the greater part
of the time, and whither he actually did go, immediately after his
disappointment about this very apostle. It was jumping out of the
frying-pan into the fire, to go thus away from among numerous
friends who might have found a barely possible safety for him in
Jerusalem, and to seek a refuge in Caesarea where there were but
very few friends of the apostles, and where he would be in constant
danger of discovery from the numerous minions of the king, who
thronged all parts of that royal city, and from the great number of
Greeks, Romans and Syrians, making up the majority of the
population, who hated the very sight of a Jew, and would have taken
vast pleasure in gratifying their spite, and at the same time gaining
high favor with the king by hunting out and giving up to wrath an
obscure heretic of that hated race. It would not have been at all
accordant with the serpent-wisdom enjoined on the apostle, to have
run his head thus into the lion’s mouth, by seeking a quiet and safe
dwelling-place beneath the very nose of his powerful persecutor.
Another conjecture vastly less absurd, but still not highly probable,
is, that Antioch was the “other place” to which Peter went from
Jerusalem; but an objection of great force against this, is that already
alluded to above, in reference to the ineligibility of a great city as a
place of concealment; and in this instance is superadded the
difficulty of his immediately making this long journey over the whole
extent of Agrippa’s dominions, northward, at such a time, when the
king’s officers would be every where put on the alert for him, more
particularly in the direction of his old home in Galilee, which would be
in the nearest way to Antioch. His most politic movement, therefore,
would be to take some shorter course out of Palestine. Moreover, in
this case, there is a particular reason why Luke would have
mentioned the name of Antioch if that had been the place. What the
proof of this reason is, can be best shown in his life; but the bare
statement of the fact may be sufficient for the present,――that he
was himself a citizen of that place, and could not have been ignorant
or negligent of the circumstance of this visit, if it had occurred.
At Jerusalem.――This notion I find nowhere but in Lardner, who approves it, quoting
Lenfant. [Lardner, History of the Apostles and Evangelists, Life of Peter.]
This ingenious piece of apostolic romance is due to the same veracious Metaphrastes,
above quoted. I have derived it from him through Caesar Baronius, who gives it in his
Annales Ecclesiastici. (44, § 10, 11.) The great annalist approves and adopts it, however,
only as far as it describes the journey of Peter to Antioch; and there he leaves the narrative
of Metaphrastes, and instead of taking Peter on his long tour through Asia Minor and back
to Jerusalem, as just described, carries him off upon a far different route, achieving the
great journey westward, which accords with the view taken by the vast majority of the old
ecclesiastical writers, and which is next given here. Metaphrastes also maintains this view,
indeed, but supposes and invents all the events just narrated, as intermediate occurrences,
between Peter’s escape and his great journey, and begins the account of this latter, after his
return from his Asian circuit.
To connect all this long pilgrimage with the story given in the sacred record, the sage
Baronius makes the ingenious suggestion, that this was the occult reason why Agrippa was
wroth with those of Tyre and Sidon; namely, that Peter had gone through their country when
a fugitive from the royal vengeance, and had been favorably received by the Tyrians and
Sidonians, who should have seized him as a runaway from justice, and sent him back to
Agrippa. This acute guess, he thinks, will show a reason also for the otherwise
unaccountable fact, that Luke should mention this quarrel between Agrippa and those cities,
in connection with the events of Peter’s escape and Agrippa’s death. For the great cardinal
does not seem to appreciate the circumstance of its close relation to the latter event, in
presenting the occasion of the reconciliation between the king and the offending cities, on
which the king made his speech to the people, and received the impious tribute of praise,
which was followed by his death;――the whole constituting a relation sufficiently close
between the two events, to justify the connection in Luke.
But the view of this passage in Peter’s history, which was long
adopted universally by those who took the pains to ask about this
“other place,” mentioned by Luke, and the view which involves the
most important relations to other far greater questions, is, that Rome
was the chief apostle’s refuge from the Agrippine persecution, and
that in the imperial city he now laid the deep foundations of the
church universal. On this point some of the greatest champions of
papistry have expended vast labor, to establish a circumstance so
convenient for the support of the dogma of the divinely appointed
supremacy of the Romish church, since the belief of this early visit of
Peter would afford a very convenient basis for the very early
apostolical foundation of the Roman see. But though this notion of
his refuge has received the support of a vast number of great names
from the very early periods of Christian literature, and though for a
long period this view was considered indubitable, from the sanction
of ancient authorities, there is not one of the various conjectures
offered which is so easily overthrown on examination, from the
manner in which it is connected with other notions most palpably
false and baseless. The old papistical notion was, that Peter at this
time visited Rome, founded the church there, and presided over it,
as bishop, twenty-five years, but occasionally visiting the east. As
respects the minute details of this journey to Rome, the papist
historians are by no means agreed, few of them having put any
value upon the particulars of such an itinerary, until those periods
when such fables were sought after by common readers with more
avidity. But there is at least one hard-conscienced narrator, who
undertakes to go over all the steps of the apostle on the road to the
eternal city, and from his narrative are brought these circumstances.
The companions assigned him by this romance, on his journey, were
the evangelist Mark, Appollinaris, afterwards, as the story goes,
appointed by him bishop of Ravenna, in Italy; Martial, afterwards a
missionary in Gaul, and Rufus, bishop of Capua, in Italy. Pancratius,
of Tauromenius, and Marcian, of Syracuse, in Sicily, had been sent
on by Peter to that island, while he was yet staying at Antioch, but on
his voyage he landed there and made them his companions also.
His great route is said to have led him to Troy, on the northern part of
the Asian coast of the Aegean sea, whence they seem to have made
him cross to the eastern port of Corinth. At this great city of Greece,
they bring him into the company of Paul and Silas, who were sent
thither, to be sure, on a mission, but evidently at a different time, a
circumstance which, among many others, helps to show the bungling
manner in which the story is made up. From Corinth they carry him
next to Syracuse, as just mentioned. Thence to Neapolis, (Naples,)
in Campania, where, as the monkish legend says, this chief of the
apostles celebrated with his companions a mass, for the safe
progress of his voyage to Italy. Having now reached Italy, he is made
the subject of a new fable for the benefit of every city along the
coast, and is accordingly said to have touched at Liburnum, (Livorno,
Leghorn,) being driven thither by stress of weather, and thence to
Pisa, near by, where he offered up another mass for his
preservation, as is still maintained in local fables; but the general
Romish legend does not so favor these places, but brings the
apostle, without any more marine delay or difficulty, directly over land
from Naples to Rome; and on this route again, one lie suggesting
another, a local superstition commemorates the veritable
circumstances, that he made this land-journey from Naples to Rome,
on foot; and on the way stopped at the house of a Galilean
countryman of his own, named Mark, in a town called Atina, of which
the said Mark was afterwards made bishop.
As to the early part of the route, speaking of the account given by Metaphrastes of
Peter’s having on his way through Troy ordained Cornelius, the centurion, bishop of that
place, Baronius objects to the truth of this statement, the assertion that Cornelius had been
previously ordained bishop of Caesarea, where he was converted. A very valuable
refutation of one fable by another as utterly unfounded.
Importance of the field of labor.――This is the view taken by Leo, (in sermon 1, in nat.
apost. quoted by Baronius, Annales 44, § 26.) “When the twelve apostles, after receiving
from the Holy Spirit the power of speaking all languages,” (an assertion, by the way, no
where found in the sacred record,) “had undertaken the labor of imbuing the world with the
gospel, dividing its several portions among themselves; the most blessed Peter, the chief of
the apostolic order was appointed to the capital of the Roman empire, so that the light of
truth which was revealed for the salvation of all nations, might from the very head, diffuse
itself with the more power through the whole body of the world. For, what country had not
some citizens in this city? Or what nation anywhere, could be ignorant of anything which
Rome had been taught? Here were philosophical dogmas to be put down――vanities of
worldly wisdom to be weakened――idol-worship to be overthrown,”――&c. “To this city
therefore, thou, most blessed apostle Peter! didst not fear to come, and (sharing thy glory
with the apostle Paul, there occupied with the arrangement of other churches,) didst enter
that forest of raging beasts, and didst pass upon that ocean of boisterous depths, with more
firmness than when thou walkedst on the sea. Nor didst thou fear Rome, the mistress of the
world, though thou didst once, in the house of Caiaphas, dread the servant maid of the
priest. Not because the power of Claudius, or the cruelty of Nero, were less dreadful than
the judgment of Pilate, or the rage of the Jews; but because the power of love now
overcame the occasion of fear, since thy regard for the salvation of souls would not suffer
thee to yield to terror. * * * The miraculous signs, gifts of grace, and trials of virtue, which
had already been so multiplied to thee, now increased thy boldness. Already hadst thou
taught those nations of the circumcision who believed. Already hadst thou filled Pontus,
Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia and Bithynia with the gospel; and now, without a doubt of the
advance of the work, or of the certainty of thy own fate, thou didst plant the trophy of the
cross of Christ upon the towers of Rome.” Arnobius is also quoted by Baronius to similar
effect.
Simon Magus.――This fable has received a wonderfully wide circulation, and long
maintained a place among the credible accounts of early Christian history, probably from
the circumstance of its taking its origin from so early a source. Justin Martyr, who flourished
from the year 140 and afterwards, in his apology for the Christian religion, addressed to the
emperor Antoninus Pius, says, “Simon, a Samaritan, born in a village named Gitthon, in the
time of Claudius Caesar, was received as a god in your imperial city of Rome, and honored
with a statue, like other gods, on account of his magical powers there exhibited by the aid of
demons; and this statue was set up in the river Tiber, between two bridges, and had this
Latin inscription, Simoni deo sancto. Him too, all the Samaritans worship, and a few of
other nations, acknowledging him as the highest god, (πρωτον θεον.) They also worship a
certain Helena, who at that time followed him about,” &c. &c. &c. with more dirty trash
besides, than I can find room for. And in another passage of the same work, he alludes to
the same circumstances. “In your city, the mistress of the world, in the time of Claudius
Caesar, Simon Magus struck the Roman senate and people with such admiration of himself,
that he was ranked among the gods, and was honored with a statue.” Irenaeus, who
flourished about the year 180, also gives this story with hardly any variation from Justin.
Tertullian, about A. D. 200, repeats the same, with the addition of the circumstance, that not
satisfied with the honors paid to himself, he caused the people to debase themselves still
further, by paying divine honors to a woman called (by Tertullian) Larentina, who was
exalted by them to a rank with the goddesses of the ancient mythology, though the good
father gives her but a bad name. Eusebius, also, about A. D. 320, refers to the testimonies
of Justin and Irenaeus, and adds some strange particulars about a sect, existing in his time,
the members of which were said to acknowledge this Simon as the author of their faith,
whom they worshiped along with this woman Helena, falling prostrate before the pictures of
both of them, with incense and sacrifices and libations to them, with other rites, unutterably
and unwritably bad. (See Eusebius, Church History, II. 13.)
In the three former writers, Justin, Irenaeus and Tertullian, this absurd story stands by
itself, and has no connection with the life of Peter; but Eusebius goes on to commemorate
the circumstance, previously unrecorded, that Peter went to Rome for the express purpose
of putting down this blasphemous wretch, as specified above, in the text of my narrative,
from this author. (Eusebius, Church History, II. 14.)
Now all this fine series of accounts, though seeming to bear such an overwhelming
weight of testimony in favor of the truth and reality of Simon Magus’s visit to Rome, is
proved to be originally based on an absolute falsehood; and the nature of this falsehood is
thus exposed. In the year 1574, during the pontificate of Pope Gregory XIII., there was an
excavation made for some indifferent purpose in Rome, on the very island in the Tiber, so
particularly described by Justin, as lying in the center of the river between two bridges, each
of which rested an abutment on it, and ran from it to the opposite shores. In the progress of
this excavation, the workmen, as is very common in that vast city of buried ruins, turned up,
among other remains of antiquity, the remnant of a statue with its pedestal, which had
evidently once stood erect upon the spot. Upon the pedestal was an inscription most
distinctly legible, in these words: Semoni sango deo fidio sacrum――Sex Pompeius
s. p. f. col. mussianus――quinquennalis decur. bidentalis――donum dedit. (This
was in four lines, each line ending where the blank spaces are marked in the copy.) In order
to understand this sentence, it must be known, that the Romans, among the innumerable
objects of worship in their complicated religion, had a peculiar set of deities which they
called Semones. A Semo was a kind of inferior god, of an earthly character and office, so
low as to unfit him for a place among the great gods of heaven, Jupiter, Juno, Apollo, &c.,
and was accordingly confined in his residence entirely to the earth; where the Semones
received high honors and devout worship, and were commemorated in many places, both in
city and country, by statues, before which the passer might pay his worship, if devoutly
disposed. These statues were often of a votive character, erected by wealthy or
distinguished persons for fancied aid, received from some one of these Semones, in some
particular season of distress, or for general prosperity. This was evidently the object of the
statue in question. Priapus, Hipporea, Vertumnus, and such minor gods were included
under the general title of Semones; and among them was also ranked a Sabine divinity,
named Sangus or Sancus, who is, by some writers, considered as corresponding in
character to the Hercules of the Greeks. Sangus or Sancus is often alluded to in the Roman
classics. Propertius (book 4) has a verse referring to him as a Sabine deity. “Sic Sancum
Tatiae composuere Cures.” Ovid also, “Quaerebam Nonas Sanco fidio ne referrem.” As to
this providentially recovered remnant of antiquity, therefore, there can be no doubt that it
was a votive monument, erected by Sextus Pompey to Sangus the Semo, for some reason
not very clearly expressed.
Baronius tells also that he had seen a stone similarly inscribed. “sango sancto
semon.――deo fidio sacrum――decurio sacerdotum bidentalium――reciperatis
vectigalibus.” That is, “Sacred to Sangus, the holy Semo, the god Fidius,――a decury
(company of ten) of the priests of the Bidental sacrifices have raised this in gratitude for
their recovered incomes.” Dionysius Halicarnassaeus is also quoted by Baronius as
referring to the worship of the Semo, Sangus; and from him and various other ancient
writers, it appears that vows and sacrifices were offered to this Sangus, for a safe journey
and happy return from a distance.
From a consideration of all the circumstances of this remarkable discovery, and from the
palpable evidence afforded by the inherent absurdity of the story told by Justin Martyr and
his copyists, the conclusion is justifiable and irresistible, that Justin himself, being a native
of Syria, and having read the story of Simon Magus in the Acts, where it is recorded that he
was profoundly reverenced by the Samaritans, and was silenced and rebuked by Peter
when he visited that place,――with all this story fresh in his mind, (for he was but a new
convert to Christianity,) came to Rome, and going through that city, an ignorant foreigner,
without any knowledge of the religion, or superstitions, or deities, and with but an indifferent
acquaintance with their language, came along this bridge over the Tiber to the island, where
had been erected this votive statue to Semo Sangus; and looking at the inscription in the
way that might be expected of one to whom the language and religion were strange, he was
struck at once with the name Semon, as so much resembling the well-known eastern name
Simon, and began speculating at once, about what person of that name could ever have
come from the east to Rome, and there received the honors of a god. Justin’s want of
familiarity with the language of the Romans, would prevent his obtaining any satisfactory
information on the subject from the passers-by; and if he attempted to question them about
it, he would be very apt to interpret their imperfect communications in such a way as suited
the notion he had taken up. If he asked his Christian brethren about the matter, their very
low character for general intelligence, the circumstance that those with whom he was most
familiar, must have been of eastern origin, and as ignorant as he of the minute peculiarities
of the Roman religion, and their common disposition to wilfully pervert the truth, and invent
fables for the sake of a good story connected with their own faith, (of which we have
evidences vastly numerous, and sadly powerful in the multitude of such legends that have
come down from the Christians of those times,) would all conspire to help the invention and
completion of the foolish and unfounded notion, that this statue here erected Semoni Sanco
Deo, was the same as Simoni Deo Sancto, that is, “to the holy god Simon;” and as it was
always necessary to the introduction of a new god among those at Rome, that the Senate
should pass a solemn act and decree to that effect, which should be confirmed by the
approbation of the emperor, it would at once occur to his own imaginative mind, or to the
inventions of his fabricating informers, that Simon must of course have received such a
decree from the senate and Caesar. This necessarily also implied vast renown, and
extensive favor with all the Romans, which he must have acquired, to be sure, by his
magical tricks, aided by the demoniac powers; and so all the foolish particulars of the story
would be made out as fast as wanted. The paltry fable also appended to this by all the
Fathers who give the former story, to the effect, that some woman closely connected with
him, was worshiped along with him, variously named Helena, Selena and Larentina, has no
doubt a similarly baseless origin; but is harder to trace to its beginnings, because it was not
connected with an assertion, capable of direct ocular, as well as historical, refutation, as that
about Simon’s statue most fortunately was. The second name, Selena, given by Irenaeus,
is exactly the Greek word for the moon, which was often worshiped under its appropriate
name; and this tale may have been caught up from some connection between such a
ceremony and the worship of some of the Semones,――all the elegant details of her life
and character being invented to suit the fancies of the reverend fathers. The story, that she
had followed Simon to Rome from the Phoenician cities, Tyre and Sidon, suggests to my
mind at this moment, that there may have been a connection between this and some old
story of the importation of a piece of idolatry from that region, so famed for the worship of
the
“mooned Ashtaroth,
But this trash is not worth the time and paper I am spending upon it, since the main part of
the story, concerning Simon Magus as having ever been seen or heard of in Rome, by
senate, prince or people, in the days of Claudius, is shown, beyond all reasonable question,
to be utterly false, and based on a stupid blunder of Justin Martyr, who did not know Latin
enough to tell the difference between sanco and sancto, nor between Semoni and Simoni.
And after all, this is but a fair specimen of Justin Martyr’s usual blundering way, of which his
few pages present other instances for the inquiring reader to stumble over and bewilder
himself upon. Take, for example, the gross confusion of names and dates which he makes
in a passage which accidentally meets my eye, on a page near that from which the above
extract is taken. In attempting to give an account of the way in which the Hebrew Bible was
first translated into Greek, he says that Ptolemy, king of Egypt, sent to Herod, king of the
Jews, for a copy of the Bible. But when or where does any history, sacred or profane, give
any account whatever of any Ptolemy, king of Egypt, who was cotemporary with either of
the Herods? The last of the Ptolemies was killed, while a boy, in the Egyptian war with
Julius Caesar, before Herod had himself attained to manhood, or had the most distant
thought of the throne of Palestine. The Ptolemy who is said to have procured the Greek
translation of the Bible, however, lived about three hundred years before the first Herod. It is
lamentable to think that such is the character of the earliest Christian father who has left
works of any magnitude. Who can wonder that Apologies for the Christian religion, full of
such gross blunders, should have failed to secure the belief, or move the attention of either
of the Antonines, to whom they were addressed,――the Philosophic, or the Pious? And by
a writer who pretended to tell the wisest of the Caesars, that in his imperial city, had been
worshiped, from the days of Claudius, a miserable Samaritan impostor, who, an outcast
from his own outcast land, had in Rome, by a solemn senatorial and imperial decree, been
exalted to the highest god-ship, and that the evidence of this fact was found in a statue
which that emperor well knew to be dedicated to the most ancient deities of Etruscan origin,
worshiped there ever since the days of Numa Pompilius, but which this Syrian Christian had
blunderingly supposed to commemorate a man who had never been heard of out of
Samaria, except among Christians. And as for such martyrs, if there is any truth whatever in
the story that his foolish head was cut off by the second Antonine, the only pity is, it was not
done a little sooner, so as to have kept the Christian world from the long belief of all this folly
about an invention so idle, and saved me the trouble of exposing it.
The fullest account ever given of this fable and all its progress, is found in the Annales
Ecclesiastici of Caesar Baronius, (A. C. 44. § 51‒59.) who, after furnishing the most ample
references to sacred and profane authorities, which palpably demonstrate the falsity of the
story, returns with all the solemn bigotry of a papist, to the solemn conviction that the fathers
and the saints who tell the story, must have had some very good reason for believing it.
The other copyists of Justin hardly deserve any notice; but it is interesting and instructive
to observe how, in the progress of fabulous invention, one lie is pinned on to the tail of
another, to form a glorious chain of historical sequences, for some distant ecclesiastical
annalist to hang his servile faith upon. Eusebius, for instance, enlarges the stories of Justin
and Irenaeus, by an addition of his own,――that in his day there existed a sect which
acknowledged this same Simon as God, and worshiped him and Helena or Selena, with
some mysteriously wicked rites. Now all that his story amounts to, is, that in his time there
was a sect called by a name resembling that of Simon, how nearly like it, no one knows; but
that by his own account their worship was of a secret character, so that he could, of course,
know nothing certainly. But this is enough for him to add, as a solemn confirmation of a
story now known to have been founded in falsehood. From this beginning, Eusebius goes
on to say that Peter went to Rome in the second year of Claudius, to war against this Simon
Magus, who never went there; so that we know how much this whole tale is worth by
looking into the circumstance which constitutes its essential foundation. The idea of Peter’s
visit to Rome at that time, is no where given before Eusebius, except in some part of the
Clementina, a long series of most unmitigated falsehoods, forged in the name of Clemens
Romanus, without any certain date, but commonly supposed to have been made up of the
continued contributions of several impudent liars, during different portions of the second,
third and fourth centuries.
Creuzer also, in his deep and extensive researches into the religions of antiquity, in
giving a “view of some of the older Italian nations,” speaks of “Sancus Semo.” He quotes
Augustin (De civitate Dei. XVIII. 19,) as authority for the opinion that he was an ancient king,
deified. He also alludes to the passage in Ovid, (quoted above by Baronius,) where he is
connected with Hercules, and alluded to under three titles, as Semo, Sancus and Fidius.
(Ovid, Fasti, VI. 213, et seq.) But the learned Creuzer does not seem to have any correct
notion of the character of the Semones, as a distinct order of inferior deities;――a fact
perfectly certain as given above, for which abundant authority is found in Varro, (de
Mystag.) as quoted by Fulgentius and Baronius. From Creuzer I also notice, in an
accidental immediate connection with Semo Sancus, the fact that the worship of the moon
(Luna) was also of Sabine origin; and being introduced along with that of Sancus, by Numa,
may have had some relation to that Semo, and may have concurred in originating the notion
of the fathers about the woman Selena or Helena, as worshiped along with Simon. He also
just barely alludes to the fact that Justin and Irenaeus have confounded this Semo Sancus
with Simon Magus. (See Creuzer’s Symbolik und Mythologie der alter Voelker, II. Theil. pp.
964‒965.)
The next conclusion authorized by those who support this fable is,
that Peter, after achieving this great work of vanquishing the
impostor Simon, proceeded to preach the gospel generally; yet not
at first to the hereditary citizens of imperial Rome, nor to any of the
Gentiles, but to his own countrymen the Jews, great numbers of
whom then made their permanent abode in the great city. These
foreigners, at that time, were limited in Rome to a peculiar section of
the suburbs, and hardly dwelt within the walls of the city itself;――an
allotment corresponding with similar limitations existing in some of
the modern cities of Europe, Asia, and northern Africa, and even in
London, though there, only in accordance with long usage, and with
actual convenience, but not with any existing law. The quarter of
Rome in which the Jews dwelt in the days of Claudius, was west of
the central section of the city, beyond the Tiber; and to this suburban
portion, the story supposes the residence and labors of Peter to
have been at first confined. But after a time, the fame of this mighty
preacher of a new faith spread beyond, from this despised foreign
portion of the environs, across the Tiber, over the seven hills
themselves, and even into the halls of the patrician lords of Rome.
Such an extension of fame, indeed, seems quite necessary to make
these two parts of this likely story hang together at all; for it is hard to
see how a stranger, from a distant eastern land, could thus appear
suddenly among them, and overturn, with a defeat so total and
signal, the pretensions of one who had lately been exalted by the
opinions of an adoring people to the character of a god, and had
even received the solemn national sanction of this exaltation by a
formal decree of the senate of Rome, confirmed by the absolute
voice of the Caesar himself; and after such a victory, over such a
person, be left long unnoticed in an obscure suburb. In accordance,
therefore, with this reasonable notion, it is recorded in the
continuation of the story, that when Peter, preaching at Rome, grew
famous among the Gentiles, he was no longer allowed to occupy
himself wholly among the Jews, but was thereafter taken by Pudens,
a senator who believed in Christ, into his own house, on the Viminal
Mount, one of the seven hills, but near the Jewish suburb. In the
neighborhood of this house, as the legend relates, was afterwards
erected a monument, called “the Shepherd’s,”――a name which
serves to identify this important locality to the modern Romans to this
day. Being thus established in these lordly patrician quarters, the
poor Galilean fisherman might well have thought himself blessed, in
such a pleasant change from the uncomfortable lodgings with which
the royal Agrippa had lately accommodated him, and from which he
had made so willing an exit. But the legend does the faithful and
devoted apostle the justice, to represent him as by no means moved
by these luxurious circumstances, to the least forgetfulness of the
high commission which was to be followed through all sorts of self-
denial,――no less that which drew him from the soft and soul-
relaxing enjoyments of a patrician palace, than that which led him to
renounce the simple, hard-earned profits of a fisherman, on the
changeful sea of Gennesaret, or to calmly meet the threats, the
stripes, the chains, and the condemned cell, with which the enmity of
the Jewish magistrates had steadily striven to quench his fiery and
energetic spirit. He is described as steadily laboring in the cause of
the gospel among the Gentiles as well as the Jews, and with such
success during the whole of the first year of his stay, that in the
beginning of the following year he is said by papist writers to have
solemnly and formally founded the church of Rome. This
important fictitious event is dated with the most exact particularity, on
the fifteenth of February, in the forty-third year of Christ, and the third
year of the reign of the emperor Claudius. The empty, unmeaning
pomposity of this announcement is a sufficient evidence of its
fictitious character. According to the story itself, here Peter had been
preaching nearly a whole year at Rome; and if preaching, having a
regular congregation, of course, and performing the usual
accompaniments of preaching, as baptism, &c. Now there is not in
the whole apostolic history the least account, nor the shadow of a
hint, of any such ceremony as the founding of a church, distinct from
the mere gathering of an assembly of believing listeners, who
acknowledged their faith in Jesus by profession and by the
sacraments. The organization of this religious assembly might
indeed be made more perfect at one time than at another; as for
instance, a new church, which during an apostle’s stay with it and
preaching to it, had been abundantly well governed by the simple
guidance of his wise, fatherly care, would, on his departure, need
some more regular, permanent provision for its government, lest
among those who were all religious co-equals, there should arise
disputes which would require a regularly constituted authority to allay
them. The apostle might, therefore, in such advanced requirements
of the church, ordain elders, and so on; but such an appendix could
not, with the slightest regard to common sense or the rules of honest
interpretation of language, be said to constitute the founding of a
church. The very phrase of ordaining elders in a church, palpably
implies and requires the previous distinct, complete existence of the
church. In fact the entity of a church implies nothing more than a
regular assembly of believers, with an authorized ministry; and if
Peter had been preaching several months to the Jews of the trans-
Tiberine suburb, or to the Romans of the Viminal mount, there must
have been in one or both of those places, a church, to all intents,
purposes, definitions and etymologies of a church. So that for him,
almost a year after, to proceed to found a church in Rome, was the
most idle work of supererogation in the world. And all the pompous
statements of papist writers about any such formality, and all the
quotations that might be brought out of the fathers in its support,
from Clement downwards, could not relieve the assertion of one
particle of its palpable, self-evident absurdity. But the fable proceeds
in the account of this important movement, dating the apostolic reign
of Peter from this very occasion, as above fixed, and running over
various imaginary acts of his, during the tedious seven years for
which the story ties him down to this one spot. Among many other
unfounded matters, is specified the assertion, that from this city
during the first year of his episcopate, he wrote his first epistle, which
he addressed to the believers in Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia
and Bithynia,――the countries which are enumerated as visited by
him in his fictitious tour. This opinion is grounded on the
circumstance of its being dated from Babylon, which several later
fathers understood as a term spiritually applied to Rome; but in the
proper place this notion will be fully discussed, and the true origin of
the epistle more satisfactorily given. Another important event in the
history of the scriptures,――the writing of the gospel of Mark,――is
also commonly connected with this part of Peter’s life, by the papist
historians; but this event, with an account of the nature of this
supposed connection, and the discussion of all points in this subject,
can be better shown in the life of that evangelist; and to that it is
therefore deferred. These matters and several others as little in
place, seem to be introduced into this part of Peter’s life, mainly for
the sake of giving him something particular to do, during his
somewhat tedious stay in Rome, where they make him remain seven
years after his first journey thither; and give him here the character,
office and title of bishop,――a piece of nomenclature perfectly
unscriptural and absurd, because no apostle, in the New Testament,
is ever called a bishop; but on the contrary, the office was evidently
created to provide a substitute for an apostle,――a person who
might perform the pastoral duties to the church, in the absence of its
apostolic founder, overseeing and managing all its affairs in his
stead, to report to him at his visitations, or in reply to his epistolary
charges. To call an apostle a bishop, therefore, implies the absurdity
of calling a superior officer by the title of his inferior,――as to call a
captain, lieutenant, or a general-in-chief, colonel, or even as to call a
bishop, deacon. During the life-time of the apostles, “bishop” was
only a secondary title, and it was not till the death of all those
commissioned by Christ, that this became the supreme officer in all
churches. But the papists not appreciating any difficulty of this kind,
go on crowning one absurdity with another, which claims, however,
the additional merit of being amusing in its folly. This is the minute
particularization of the shape, stuff, accoutrements and so on, of the
chair in which bishop Peter sat at Rome in his episcopal character.
This identical wooden chair in which his apostolical body was seated
when he was exerting the functions of his bishopric, is still, according
to the same high papal authorities which maintain the fact of his ever
having been bishop, preserved in the Basilica of the Vatican, at
Rome, and is even now, on certain high occasions, brought out from
its holy storehouse to bless with its presence the eyes of the adoring
people. This chair is kept covered with a linen veil, among the
various similar treasures of the Vatican, and has been eminent for
the vast numbers of great miracles wrought by its presence. As a
preliminary step, however, to a real faith in the efficacy of this old
piece of furniture, it is necessary that those who hear the stories
should believe that Peter was ever at Rome, to sit in this or any other
chair there. It is observed, however, in connection with this lumbering
article, in the papist histories, that on taking possession of this chair,
as bishop of Rome, Peter resigned the bishopric of Antioch,
committing that see to the charge of Euodius, it having been the
original diocese of this chief apostle,――a story about as true, as
that any apostle was ever bishop any where. The apostles were
missionaries, for the most part, preaching the word of God from
place to place, appointing bishops to govern and manage the
churches in their absence, and after their final departure, as their
successors and substitutes; but no apostle is, on any occasion
whatever, called a bishop in any part of the New Testament, or by
any early writer. The most important objection, however, to all this
absurd account of Peter, as bishop of Rome, is the fact uniformly
attested by those early fathers, who allude to his having ever visited
that city, that having founded the church there, he appointed Linus
the first bishop,――a statement in exact accordance with the view
here given of the office of a bishop, and of the mode in which the
apostles constituted that office in the churches founded and visited
by them.
The date of the foundation.――All this is announced with the most elaborate solemnity,
in all the older papist writers, because on this point of the foundation of the Roman church
by Peter, they were long in the habit of basing the whole right and title of the bishop of
Rome, as Peter’s successor, to the supremacy of the church universal. The great
authorities, quoted by them in support of this exact account of the whole affair, with all its
dates, even to the month and day, are the bulls of some of the popes, enforcing the
celebration of that day throughout all the churches under the Romish see, and the forms of
prayer in which this occasion is commemorated even to this day. Moreover, a particular
form is quoted from some of the old rituals of the church, not now in use, in which the
ancient mode of celebrating this event, in prayer and thanksgiving, is verbally given.
“Omnipotens sempiterne Deus, qui ineffabili sacramento, apostolo tuo Petro principatum
Romae urbis tribuisti, unde se evangelica veritas per tota mundi regna diffunderet: praesta
quaesumus, ut quod in orbem terrarum ejus praedicatione manavit, universitas Christiana
devotione sequatur.”――“Almighty, eternal God, who by an ineffable consecration, didst
give to thy apostle Peter the dominion of the city of Rome, that thence the gospel truth
might diffuse itself throughout all the kingdoms of the world: grant, we pray, that what has
flowed into the whole circuit of the earth by his preaching, all Christendom may devoutly
follow.”――A prayer so melodiously expressed, and in such beautiful Latin, that it is a great
pity it should have been a mere trick, to spread and perpetuate a downright, baseless lie,
which had no other object than the extension of the gloomy, soul-darkening tyranny of the
papal sway. Other forms of prayer, for private occasions, are also mentioned by Baronius,
as commemorating the foundation of the church of Rome by Peter; and all these, as well as
the former, being fixed for the fifteenth of February, as above quoted. Those records of
fables, also, the old Roman martyrologies, are cited for evidence. The later Latin fathers
add their testimony, and even the devout Augustin (sermons 15, 16, de sanct, &c.) is quoted
in support of it. Baronius gives all these evidences, (Annales, 45, § 1,) and goes on to
earn the cardinal’s hat, which finally rewarded his zealous efforts, by maintaining the unity