ps2082 Exc17

Examiners’ commentaries 2017

PS2082 Comparative politics
Important note
This commentary reflects the examination and assessment arrangements

for this course in the academic year 2016–17. The format and structure of
the examination may change in future years, and any such changes will be
publicised on the virtual learning environment (VLE).
Information about the subject guide and the Essential

reading references
Unless otherwise stated, all cross-references will be to the latest version
of the subject guide (2011). Please note that this Examiners’ commentary
refers to a newer edition of the essential textbook than the edition listed
in the subject guide. You should always attempt to obtain the most recent
edition of any textbook, and where references are made to page numbers
of previous editions, use the index of the new edition to find the relevant
section.
Edition listed in subject guide: Sartori, G. Parties and party systems: a
framework for analysis. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976) [ISBN
0521291062].
Edition referred to in this Examiners’ commentary: Sartori, G. Parties and
party systems: a framework for analysis. (Colchester: ECPR Press, 2005) 2nd
revised edition [ISBN 9780954796617].
General remarks
Learning outcomes
At the end of this course, and having completed the Essential reading and
activities, you should be able to:
• show how rational choice models can be applied to political institutions
and processes in order to understand their mechanisms
• demonstrate how essentially the same processes may work in entirely
different institutional settings
• show how the rational actor model can be applied to any situation
involving human action
• explain the function of the important institutions in modern liberal
democracies.
Format of the examination

The examination consists of 12 questions of which you must answer three. All
questions carry equal marks. You are allowed 60 minutes for each question.
Asking you to answer three questions allows the examiners to ensure
that you have a depth of knowledge of at least three topics and a general
understanding of the remaining topics covered in the course.
1
What are the examiners looking for?

Examiners are looking for critical evaluation of the question. This requires you
to assess it with reference to theories related to the subject. To be able to do
this you should have a good understanding of the literature, which is often
possible by moving beyond the subject guide and referring to the literature
listed under Essential reading and Further reading. In addition to providing
a critical assessment of the question, examiners are also looking for well-
informed opinion and coherent arguments often backed by empirical evidence.
One common mistake students make is to provide a descriptive essay without
engaging in critical thinking.
Answering only one part of the question is also a common mistake that
candidates make. You need to make sure that you answer all parts of the question
asked. Finally, you need to communicate your answer in a well-organised and
structured essay format. In order to achieve this, you can spend a few minutes
planning your answer before starting to write. Examiners tend to prefer well-
structured but rather limited essays to lengthy but unstructured essays.
Key steps to improvement

• Address the question directly and in its entirety.
• Read beyond the subject guide to cover text in Essential reading and Further
reading.
• Make sure that your essay has a structure, with an introduction, main body
and a conclusion.
• There is no one right answer, so plan in advance what you will say and how
you will say it.
• Make sure to reinforce your arguments with well-chosen, real-world
examples.
Examination revision strategy
Many candidates are disappointed to find that their examination performance

is poorer than they expected. This can be due to a number of different
reasons and the Examiners’ commentaries suggest ways of addressing
common problems and improving your performance. We want to draw your
attention to one particular failing – ‘question spotting’, that is, confining your
examination preparation to a few question topics which have come up in past
papers for the course. This can have very serious consequences.
We recognise that candidates may not cover all topics in the syllabus in
the same depth, but you need to be aware that examiners are free to set
questions on any aspect of the syllabus. This means that you need to study
enough of the syllabus to enable you to answer the required number of
examination questions.
The syllabus can be found in the course information sheet in the section of the
VLE dedicated to this course. You should read the syllabus very carefully and
ensure that you cover sufficient material in preparation for the examination.
Examiners will vary the topics and questions from year to year and may well
set questions that have not appeared in past papers – every topic on the
syllabus is a legitimate examination target. So although past papers can be
helpful for revision, you cannot assume that topics or specific questions that
have come up in past examinations will be asked again.
If you rely on a question spotting strategy, it is likely that you will find
yourself in difficulties when you sit the examination paper. We strongly
advise you not to adopt this strategy.
2

PS2082 Comparative politics – Zone A
Important note


reading references
section.
0521291062].
Comments on specific questions

Candidates should answer THREE of the following TWELVE questions. All
questions carry equal marks.
Question 1
‘Referendums express the politics of populism.’ Discuss.
Reading for this question
There is a lot of discussion of referendums in the subject guide. To go much
beyond this, you would be helped by a knowledge of cases. It is, however,
worth noting that there are different types of referendums depending on
whether they are constitutional or mainly focused on policy.
The following are classic texts for any discussion of democracy and therefore
populism: Dahl, R.A. Democracy and its critics. (New Haven, CT: Yale University
Press, 1991) [ISBN 9780300049381]; Dahl, R.A. On democracy. (New Haven,
CT: Yale University Press, 2000) [ISBN 9780300084559]; Schumpeter, J.
Capitalism, socialism and democracy. (London: Martino Fine Books, 2010) [ISBN
9781891396519].
Approaching the question
The essential point here is that democracy can adopt multiple forms,
depending on what people want. There is no uniquely correct form of
3
democratic organisation. Switzerland is no more – but no less – democratic

than Germany. It is largely a matter of popular preference.
Question 2
‘The recent rise of minority parties in several countries has falsified
“Duverger’s law”.’ Discuss with examples.
Central are: Duverger, M. Political parties: their organizational activity in the
modern state. Translated by B. and N. North. (London: Methuen, 1978, originally
published 1964) 3rd edition. [ISBN 9780416683202]; Lijphart, A. Patterns of
democracy: government forms and performance in thirty-six countries. (New
Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1999) [ISBN 9780300078930].
Additionally: Sartori, G. Parties and party systems: a framework for analysis.
(Colchester: ECPR Press, 2005) 2nd revised edition [ISBN 9780954796617].
Duverger’s arguments are best applied to an electoral environment where
reasonably contented voters have to make marginal calculations about the future.
However, disillusion has often motivated people to vote against a discredited
establishment in favour of something quite different. ‘Throw the rascals out!’ or
‘take a chance on me’ can often be very powerful mobilising slogans which can
simply outweigh any Duverger-type effect at times of crisis.
It is also the case that parties based on a geographical concentration of the
vote can focus support and similarly outweigh a ‘first-past-the-post’ electoral
system. Very good answers were able to highlight how popular preferences can
outweigh electoral mechanics and use contemporary examples such as the
Scottish National Party as examples to demonstrate this.
Question 3
How useful are consociational arrangements in countries where there are
deep cultural conflicts?
This topic is discussed in Chapter 4 of the subject guide. The main relevant
author is Lijphart and the best reference is Lijphart, A. Democracy in plural
societies: a comparative explanation. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1980)
new edition [ISBN 9780300024944].
Candidates offering a basic answer set out Lijphart’s thesis and critiqued it.
More ambitious answers brought in some empirical examples to see how they
illustrated or refuted the theory.
Question 4
‘Human rights undermine the principle that government should be “of the
people”.’ Discuss.
The key readings for this topic are: Zakaria, F. ‘The rise of illiberal democracy’,
Foreign Affairs 76 (November, December) 1997, pp.22–43, and Dahl,
R.A. On democracy. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000) [ISBN
9780300084559].
Additionally: Ackerman, B. ‘The rise of world constitutionalism’, Virginia Law
Review 83(4) 1997, pp.771–97, and O’Brien, D. Storm center: the Supreme Court
in American politics. (New York; London: W.W. Norton, 1999) 5th revised edition
[ISBN 9780393974928].
4

Most candidates showed awareness that a part of the quotation came from
Abraham Lincoln. A competent answer needed to show understanding that
the question was about the internal coherence of democratic principles. This
question has to do with the many complex philosophical questions involving
tensions in the relationship between human rights and democracy.
Democracy can be vulnerable to self-destruction if it is not somehow
protected via some kind of system of checks and balances but too much
protection of minority rights can make the idea of democracy as being about
majority rule almost meaningless.
Best answers were able to incorporate some discussion of individual examples.
Most countries have experienced a number of real world dilemmas to do with
the judicialisation of politics.
Question 5
‘Progress and change are incompatible with a system of strong local
government.’ Discuss.
Dahl, R.A. Democracy and its critics. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1991)
[ISBN 9780300049381], and Dahl, R.A. On democracy. (New Haven, CT: Yale
University Press, 2000) [ISBN 9780300084559].
The main dilemma explored in a good answer is principally one of
participation vs efficiency. There are advantages in localism, provided that
one accepts the argument that participation is a good thing in itself. Local
government permits people to participate in the political process, without
committing themselves to politics full-time. That is good for participation.
But powerful local government can also be an enemy to efficiency because
localism can involve an excessively narrow outlook on public life.
Some candidates also chose to explore the characteristic of local electorates,
though this was only one possible line of enquiry to pursue for this question:
Are they made up of independent-minded people who can check and
balance central government in defence of principles? Or are they petty
minded individuals whose main concern is to block change and hold on to old
practices? Both angles can be argued.
A very important part of answering this question has to do with distinguishing
between participation on principle and economic interests of various kinds. It
is also important that local government is not confused with state or federal
government. A US state, such as Texas or California, is as big as a number of
nation states and does not involve localism.
Question 6
‘Semi-presidentialism can easily develop into semi-authoritarianism.’ Discuss.

There is enough literature on presidentialism for a good answer on a
subtheme of a broader topic. Linz, J. ‘The perils of presidentialism’, Journal
of Democracy 1(1) 1990, pp.51–69 is relevant to most sub-themes, including
the issue of semi-presidentialism. Linz is on the whole a supporter of semi-
presidentialism because of its clarity.
Otherwise the main authors on semi-presidentialism are Elgie, R. and S.
Moestrup (eds) Semi-presidentialism outside Europe; a comparative study.
(London: Routledge, 2007) [ISBN 9780415380478].
5
For a sceptical institutional argument, see Haggard, S. and M. McCubbins (eds)

Presidents, parliaments and policy. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2001) [ISBN 9780521171601].
A few years ago, semi-presidentialism was seen as bringing out the best of
both presidential and parliamentary styles of governance. De Gaulle, who was
considered a key example, was seen as a successful match between strong
central government and democratic accountability. However, the rise of Putin
has since raised questions about whether, under semi-presidential systems,
there is a tendency for the executive to become too powerful. However, the
argument is not completely clear, because the working of any political system
inevitably depends on a variety of things. For example, Gaullist France used
referendums rather a lot while the powers enjoyed by the Russian presidency
are impressive and sometimes go beyond the Constitution.
Question 7
‘Economic crises are the biggest threat to democratic stability.’ Discuss.
Lipset, S.M. Political man: the social bases of politics. (Baltimore, MD: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1983) 3rd edition [ISBN 9780801825224].
This is a difficult question to discuss because we have no actual cases of
democratic breakdown in advanced countries since 1945, but we do have
potential hypotheses to consider. In recent years, countries such as Greece
and Spain have experienced severe economic difficulties and some candidates
approached the question by asking why those countries’ severe economic
problems have not, at least as yet, put democracy at risk.
We immediately see a contrast. Greek GDP has fallen by around a quarter
in recent years, whereas Greek economic growth in the 1960s was positive.
Yet there was a military coup in Greece in 1967 whereas it has so far been
unthinkable for democracy to break down in Greece since the 1960s.
Broadly speaking, one could try to answer this question by emphasising
the importance of European institutions. The point would be that popular
preferences for membership of the European Union outweighed almost any
amount of economic difficulty. A further question would be why this should
be.
Some candidates raised other (counter-factual) examples (that is, examples
where economic crises have not led to democratic instability and questioned
why this is) to greater or lesser degrees of success, ranging from Latin America
to Eastern Europe or Asia. The key to a strong answer is to highlight the role of
other causal institutions and seek to explain what leads to democratic stability
when economies falter.
Question 8
What, if anything, can we learn from Weber’s work on legitimacy?
There are several places where Weber’s best-known writings can be located.
It does not much matter which one is selected, but one such reference in the
subject guide is Connolly, W. (ed.) Legitimacy and the state. (Oxford: Blackwell,
1984) [ISBN 9780855206468].
In addition, you should make yourself familiar with other readings that cover
legitimacy from broader standpoints to that of Weber. These include Beetham,
6
D. The legitimation of power. (London: Macmillan, 1991) [ISBN 9780333375396],

and Lipset, S.M. Political man: the social bases of politics. (Baltimore, MD: Johns
As the question indicates, the topic has to do with the relationship between
(mainly) international and (largely) domestic legitimating factors. International
factors are probably increasing in importance over time as sources of
legitimacy due to global advances in technology and trade. However, major
events such as wars are capable of changing the whole basis of legitimacy.
Successful legitimation depends on a variety of factors. It is true that regimes
that lose domestic support are vulnerable to being overthrown but most of
them, depending on a range of circumstances, also need at least a modicum
of international support if they are to be secure in office.
Strong answers were able to address contemporary examples where a
regime’s legitimacy came to be questioned both domestically and in the
international arena, such as Gaddafi’s Libya and al-Assad’s Syria, and the
implications of this.
Question 9
‘First-past-the-post is a poor system to promote democratic deliberation.’
Discuss.
Sartori, G. Parties and party systems: a framework for analysis. (Colchester: ECPR
Press, 2005) 2nd revised edition [ISBN 9780954796617]
The degree of artifice in most democratic political antagonisms is probably
exaggerated but it does raise the question of how far the political process is
governed by false emotions. Political scientists today are increasingly concerned
with issues of deliberation rather than just contestation. Is it possible to improve
the quality of democracy by changing the relevant political systems and, if so, is
the adoption of proportional representation the answer or a part of it?
This was a way of raising the issue of first past the post-electoral systems in a
slightly novel guise. The point is that very aggressive campaigning for office
may well lead the successful candidate into difficulties, when it comes to the
kind of post-electoral negotiations that are almost inevitable in systems of
proportional representation. Candidates for office, therefore, need to balance
the pursuit of electoral success with the ability to work with other parties and
with whom it may be necessary to negotiate. It is surely no coincidence that
some of the most exclusionary election campaigning is generally to be found
in presidential systems, or systems like Britain, which have a similar concept of
first-past-the-post.
Question 10
‘The European Union is not a federation.’ Discuss.
Wheare, K.C. Federal government. (London: Oxford University Press, 1963).
Additionally: Ackerman, B. ‘The rise of world constitutionalism’, Virginia Law
Review 83(4) 1997, pp.771–97.
The core to this answer lies in defining federalism. Several criteria are
potentially relevant but they point in different directions. Secession is
important in that there is a consensus that a country can leave if it wants to.
7
However, the day-to-day workings of European government looks distinctively

federal. Another relevant factor is the common currency, though the overlap
between the EU and the Euro is not complete. Candidates may have also
brought in issues of Brexit, without letting it dominate their answer given that
the question was more generally about Europe.
Question 11
What is the relationship between the decline of political party membership
and the rise of the importance of the media?
Duverger, M. Political parties: their organizational activity in the modern state.
Translated by B. and N. North. (London: Methuen, 1978) 3rd edition. [ISBN
9780416683202].
Additionally: Downs, A. An economic theory of democracy. (New York: Princeton
Hall, 1997) [ISBN 9780060417505]; Panebanco, A. Political Parties. (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1988) [ISBN 9780521314015].
What is not in question is that political party membership has been in decline
in many modern democracies. However, this has not always correlated with
a decline in overall political activity (though in many countries voting overall
has also declined). In this question you had the opportunity to explore this
relationship vis-à-vis the increased consumption, accessibility, volume and
diversity of types of media available to the electorate.
One possible approach was to explore how the media has encouraged
parties that are akin to a ‘cult of personality’ or ‘celebrity candidates’. Duverger
described in 1964 what he called ‘cadre parties’ (page 59 of the subject
guide): parties that are more interested in power than principles. Such
parties therefore tend to become led by ambitious and charismatic outsider
individuals, with followers abandoning the party when the candidate also
goes (see for example Ross Perot in the United States or Berlusconi in Italy).
You could also explore the role that media may play in scrutinising internal
party disputes and thus stirring up member dissatisfaction.
Question 12
‘Public opinion polls are a useful and objective way to learn more about
particular sub-groups within a given society.’ Discuss.
Chapter 1 of the subject guide is a useful place to start: ‘Opinion research:
empirical problems and research’. Two specific resources highlighted there
are Lagos, M. ‘Latin America’s smiling mask’, Journal of Democracy 8(3) 1997,
pp. 125–38, and Linz, J. and A. Stepan Problems of democratic transition
and consolidation: southern Europe, South America and post-communist
Europe. (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996) [ISBN
9780801851582].
There are two key issues here: one is methodological, regarding whether
people are likely to give honest opinions that can or should be relied upon for
research or political data collection when public opinion polls are collected.
The other is how public opinion polls may be used in various contexts. Strong
candidates narrowed down their answers to one of either approach and made
a strong argument for or against the statement with reasons to back it up.
Particularly strong candidates were able to recognise how, across various voter
8
jurisdictions, this question has been particularly salient in recent years – when
public opinion polls have failed to predict election outcomes, and have even
been accused of being not only not neutral, but influencing the way people
vote based on pre-election voter-poll predictions.
9

PS2082 Comparative politics – Zone B
Important note


reading references
section.
0521291062].
Comments on specific questions

Candidates should answer THREE of the following TWELVE questions. All
questions carry equal marks.
Question 1
‘Referendums express the politics of populism.’ Discuss.
There is a lot of discussion of referendums in the subject guide. To go much
beyond this, you would be helped by a knowledge of cases. It is, however,
worth noting that there are different types of referendums depending on
whether they are constitutional or mainly focused on policy.
Relevant texts are: Dahl, R.A. Democracy and its critics. (New Haven, CT: Yale
University Press, 1991) [ISBN 9780300049381]; Dahl, R.A. On democracy. (New
Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000) [ISBN 9780300084559]; Schumpeter, J.
Capitalism, socialism and democracy. (London: Martino Fine Books, 2010) [ISBN
9781891396519]. These are classic texts for any discussion of democracy and
therefore populism.
The essential point here is that democracy can adopt multiple forms,
depending on what people want. There is no uniquely correct form of
10
democratic organisation. Switzerland is no more – but no less – democratic

than Germany. It is largely a matter of popular preference.
Question 2
‘The recent rise of minority parties in several countries has falsified
“Duverger’s law”.’ Discuss with examples.
Central are Duverger, M. Political parties: their organizational activity in the
modern state. Translated by B. and N. North. (London: Methuen, 1978) 3rd
edition. [ISBN 9780416683202], and Lijphart, A. Patterns of democracy:
government forms and performance in thirty-six countries. (New Haven, CT: Yale
Additionally: Sartori, G. Parties and party systems: a framework for analysis.
(Colchester: ECPR Press, 2005) 2nd revised edition [ISBN 9780954796617].
Duverger’s arguments are best applied to an electoral environment where
reasonably contented voters have to make marginal calculations about the
future. However, disillusion has often motivated people to vote against a
discredited establishment in favour of something quite different. ‘Throw the
rascals out!’ or ‘take a chance on me’ can often be very powerful mobilising
slogans which can simply outweigh any Duverger-type effect at times of
crisis.
It is also the case that parties based on a geographical concentration of the
vote can focus support and similarly outweigh a ‘first-past-the-post’ electoral
system. In very good answers, candidates were able to highlight how popular
preferences can outweigh electoral mechanics and use contemporary
examples such as the Scottish National Party as examples to demonstrate
this.
Question 3
‘It is cultural differences within countries, not cultural differences between
them that create the greatest institutional problems.’ Discuss.
Answers will depend on the examples chosen. However, McGarry and O’Leary
(1993) look at one facet of cultural difference, namely ethnicity: McGarry, J.
and B. O’Leary ‘Introduction: the macro-political regulation of ethnic conflict’
in McGarry, J. and B. O’ Leary (eds) The politics of ethnic conflict regulation:
case studies of protracted ethnic conflict. (London: Routledge, 1993) [ISBN
9780415099318].
Additionally: Klingemann, H.D., D. Fuchs and J. Zielonka (eds) Democracy and
political culture in eastern Europe. (London and New York: Routledge, 2006)
[ISBN 9780415479622].
Another relevant case, this time including some discussion involving the
nation state as such, is Bowen, J. Why the French don’t like headscarves: Islam,
the state and the public space. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008)
[ISBN 9780691138398].
Similar in its coverage is Laegaard, S. ‘The cartoon controversy: offence,
identity, oppression?’, Political Studies 55(3) 2007, pp.481–98.
Nationalism and ethnic conflict are at the root of many of today’s international
disputes. Conflict seems much less likely when a country exists within clearly
11
defined boundaries and accepts a particular kind of homogenous culture. This

is at least partly an empirical question.
A good answer would focus on the institutional dimensions of conflict and ask
whether they are more difficult to manage than other forms of conflict such as
class.
Question 4
Can the human rights of minority groups be effectively protected within a
democratic system?
The key readings for this topic are Zakaria, F. ‘The rise of illiberal democracy’,
Foreign Affairs 76 (November, December) 1997, pp.22–43, and Dahl,
R.A. On democracy. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000) [ISBN
9780300084559].
Additionally, Ackerman, B. ‘The rise of world constitutionalism’, Virginia Law
Review 83(4) May 1997, pp.771–97, and O’Brien, D. Storm center: the Supreme
Court in American politics. (New York; London: W.W. Norton, 1999) 5th revised
edition [ISBN 9780393974928].
A competent answer needed to show understanding that the question was
about the internal coherence of democratic principles. This question has to
do with the many complex philosophical questions involving tensions in the
relationship between human rights and democracy.
Democracy can be vulnerable to self-destruction if it is not somehow
protected via some kind of system of checks and balances, but too much
protection of minority rights can make the idea of democracy as being about
majority rule almost meaningless.
This is a question where some discussion of individual cases would be helpful.
Most countries have experienced a number of real world dilemmas to do with
the judicialisation and tensions between protection of minority rights.
Question 5
‘Local government is an obstacle to change.’ Discuss.
Dahl, R.A. Democracy and its critics. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1991)
[ISBN 9780300049381], and Dahl, R.A. On democracy. (New Haven, CT: Yale
The main dilemma explored in a good answer is principally one of
participation vs efficiency. There are advantages in localism, provided that
one accepts the argument that participation is a good thing in itself. Local
government permits people to participate in the political process, without
committing themselves to politics full-time. That is good for participation.
But powerful local government can also be an enemy to efficiency because
localism can involve an excessively narrow outlook on public life.
Some candidates also chose to explore the characteristic of local electorates,
although this was only one possible line of enquiry to pursue for this
question: Are they made up of independent-minded people who can check
and balance central government in defence of principles? Or are they petty
minded individuals whose main concern is to block change and hold on to old
practices? Both angles can be argued.
12
A very important part of answering this question has to do with distinguishing

between participation on principle and economic interests of various kinds. It
is also important that local government is not confused with state or federal
government. A US state, such as Texas or California, is as big as a number of
nation states and does not involve localism.
Question 6
‘Economic crises are the biggest threat to democratic stability.’ Discuss.
Lipset, S.M. Political man: the social bases of politics. (Baltimore, MD: Johns
This is a difficult question to discuss because we have no actual cases of
democratic breakdown in advanced countries since 1945, but we do have
potential hypotheses to consider. In recent years, countries such as Greece
and Spain have experienced severe economic difficulties and some candidates
approached the question by asking why those countries’ severe economic
problems have not, at least as yet, put democracy at risk.
We immediately see a contrast. Greek GDP has fallen by around a quarter
in recent years, whereas Greek economic growth in the 1960s was positive.
Yet there was a military coup in Greece in 1967 whereas it has so far been
unthinkable for democracy to break down in Greece since the 1960s.
Broadly speaking, one could try to answer this question by emphasising
the importance of European institutions. The point would be that popular
preferences for membership of the European Union outweighed almost any
amount of economic difficulty. A further question would be why this should
be.
Some candidates raised other (counter-factual) examples (that is, examples
where economic crises have not led to democratic instability and questioned
why this is) to greater or lesser degrees of success, ranging from Latin America
to Eastern Europe or Asia. The key to a strong answer is to highlight the role of
other causal institutions and seek to explain what leads to democratic stability
when economies falter.
Question 7
‘Clientelism may be the enemy of good government but it helps to ensure
political stability.’ Discuss.
Hood, C. The art of the state: culture, rhetoric and public management. (Oxford:
Clarendon, 1998) [ISBN 9780198297659]. Hood’s approach is, however, more
anthropological than based on classic public administration.
It is generally accepted that Weberian systems are more efficient when it
comes to running the country than clientelistic systems. A significant part
of the relative economic success of many Asian countries, contrasted with
the less happy experiences of Latin America, has been attributed to this fact.
However, there is a political cost to be paid in terms of the authoritarian
characteristics of Asian bureaucracies in contrast to the more political style of
Latin America.
13
Question 8
What, if anything, can we learn from Weber’s work on legitimacy?
There are several places where Weber’s best-known writings can be located.
It does not much matter which one is selected, but one such reference in the
subject guide is Connolly, W. (ed.) Legitimacy and the state. (Oxford: Blackwell,
1984) [ISBN 9780855206468].
In addition, you should make yourself familiar with other readings that cover
legitimacy from broader standpoints to that of Weber. These include Beetham,
D. The legitimation of power. (London: Macmillan, 1991) [ISBN 9780333375396]
and Lipset, S.M. Political man: the social bases of politics. (Baltimore, MD: Johns
As the question indicates, the topic has to do with the relationship between
(mainly) international and (largely) domestic legitimating factors. International
factors are probably increasing in importance over time as sources of
legitimacy due to global advances in technology and trade. However, major
events such as wars are capable of changing the whole basis of legitimacy.
Successful legitimation depends on a variety of factors. It is true that regimes
that lose domestic support are vulnerable to being overthrown but most of
them, depending on a range of circumstances, also need at least a modicum
of international support if they are to be secure in office.
Strong answers were able to address contemporary examples where a
regime’s legitimacy came to be questioned both domestically and in the
international arena, such as Gaddafi’s Libya and al-Assad’s Syria, and the
implications of this.
Question 9
‘First-past-the-post is the best electoral system to promote democratic
deliberation.’ Discuss.
Sartori, G. Parties and party systems: a framework for analysis. (Colchester: ECPR
Press, 2005) 2nd revised edition [ISBN 9780954796617].
The degree of artifice in most democratic political antagonisms is probably
exaggerated but it does raise the question of how far the political process
is governed by false emotions. Political scientists today are increasingly
concerned with issues of deliberation rather than just contestation. Is it
possible to improve the quality of democracy by changing the relevant
political systems and, if so, is the adoption of proportional representation the
answer or a part of it?
This was a way of raising the issue of first past the post-electoral systems in a
slightly novel guise. The point is that very aggressive campaigning for office
may well lead the successful candidate into difficulties, when it comes to the
kind of post-electoral negotiations that are almost inevitable in systems of
proportional representation. Candidates for office, therefore, need to balance
the pursuit of electoral success with the ability to work with other parties and
with whom it may be necessary to negotiate. It is surely no coincidence that
some of the most exclusionary election campaigning is generally to be found
in presidential systems, or systems like Britain, which have a similar concept of
first-past-the-post.
14
Question 10
Why has constitutionalism become such a popular doctrine in world politics?
See Chapter 10 of the subject guide: Ackerman, B. ‘The rise of world
constitutionalism’, Virginia Law Review 83(4) May 1997, pp.771–97. Ackerman
claims that constitutionalism is indeed increasing in importance and seeks to
explain why.
Additionally, Zakaria, F. ‘The rise of illiberal democracy’, Foreign Affairs 76
(November, December) 1997, pp.22–43.
Greater international economic integration is one factor enhancing the
role of constitutionalism and the growth of the salience of rights issues is
another. Constitutionalism is widely seen as an effective barrier to democratic
breakdown of the kind that happened in Europe in the 1930s. Principles of
majoritarianism did not effectively protect liberal democracy from political
extremism. Whether constitutionalism has now got out of hand and its
importance ought to be reduced is a more subjective issue and this question
allowed you to offer an opinion.
Question 11
What is the relationship between the decline of political party membership
and the rise of the importance of the media?
Duverger, M. Political parties: their organizational activity in the modern state.
Translated by B. and N. North. (London: Methuen, 1978) 3rd edition. [ISBN
9780416683202].
Additionally, Downs, A. An economic theory of democracy. (New York: Princeton
Hall, 1997) [ISBN 9780060417505] and Panebanco, A. Political Parties.
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988) [ISBN 9780521314015].
What is not in question is that political party membership has been in decline
in many modern democracies. However, this has not always correlated with
a decline in overall political activity (though in many countries voting overall
has also declined). In this question candidates had the opportunity to explore
this relationship vis-à-vis the increased consumption, accessibility, volume and
diversity of types of media available to the electorate.
One possible approach was to explore how the media has encouraged
parties that are akin to a ‘cult of personality’ or ‘celebrity candidates’. Duverger
described in 1964 what he called ‘cadre parties’ (see p.59 of the subject
guide): parties that are more interested in power than in principles. Such
parties therefore tend to become led by ambitious and charismatic outsider
individuals, with followers abandoning the party when the candidate also
goes (see for example Ross Perot in the United States or Berlusconi in Italy).
You could also explore the role that media may play in scrutinising internal
party disputes and thus stirring up member dissatisfaction.
15
Question 12
‘Effective law enforcement, not legislative scrutiny, is the most effective
instrument of checking potential abuses of power.’ Discuss.
Ackerman, B. ‘The rise of world constitutionalism’, Virginia Law Review 83(4)
May 1997, pp.771–97. Ackerman claims that effective law enforcement is
indeed increasing in importance and seeks to explain why.
This question refers to the need for reinforcement in stable democracies
between institutionalisation, enforcement, legitimacy and political culture.
Ambitious individuals in any part of the government, be it the military,
judiciary, legislation or executive must be kept in check. This question
required you to consider whether law enforcement was a better way to do this
than legislative scrutiny. The question is in fact somewhat cyclical, as when
functioning correctly all parts discipline and function against each other in a
virtuous cycle. However, strong answers either pointed this out or were able
to discuss the relative seriousness in breakdowns in legislative scrutiny versus
law enforcement.
16

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Examiners’ commentaries 2017

Examiners’ commentaries 2017

This commentary reflects the examination and assessment arrangements

Information about the subject guide and the Essential

Format of the examination

What are the examiners looking for?

Key steps to improvement

Examination revision strategy

Many candidates are disappointed to find that their examination performance

Examiners’ commentaries 2017

This commentary reflects the examination and assessment arrangements

Information about the subject guide and the Essential

Comments on specific questions

democratic organisation. Switzerland is no more – but no less – democratic

Approaching the question

‘Semi-presidentialism can easily develop into semi-authoritarianism.’ Discuss.

For a sceptical institutional argument, see Haggard, S. and M. McCubbins (eds)

D. The legitimation of power. (London: Macmillan, 1991) [ISBN 9780333375396],

However, the day-to-day workings of European government looks distinctively

Examiners’ commentaries 2017

This commentary reflects the examination and assessment arrangements

Information about the subject guide and the Essential

Comments on specific questions

democratic organisation. Switzerland is no more – but no less – democratic

defined boundaries and accepts a particular kind of homogenous culture. This

A very important part of answering this question has to do with distinguishing

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