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Learning Objectives
Know the key terminology involved in classical conditioning.
o See the bold, italicized terms below.
Understand how responses learned through classical conditioning can be acquired and lost.
o Acquisition of a conditioned response occurs with repeated pairings of the CS and the
US. Once a response is acquired, it can be extinguished if the CS and US no longer occur
together. However, the CR may be spontaneously recovered when the organism
encounters the CS again.
Understand the role of biological and evolutionary factors in classical conditioning.
o Not all stimuli have the same potential to become a strong CS. Responses to biologically
relevant stimuli (e.g., snakes) are more easily conditioned than flowers or guns.
Similarly, organisms quickly develop (in one pairing) aversions to harmful foods even
after long intervals of time, as a means of survival.
Apply the concepts and terms of classical conditioning to new examples.
o Students should be able to read classical conditioning scenarios and identify the
conditioned stimulus (CS), unconditioned stimulus (US), conditioned response (CR), and
unconditioned response (UR).
Analyze claims that artificially sweetened beverages are a healthier choice.
o Because of classical conditioning, the digestive system responds to the flavor of the
artificially sweetened (CS) beverage as though a high-calorie food source (US) is on the
way. This leads to the gut preparing itself for something high in calories (CR). However,
the diet beverage does not deliver these calories, and so hunger messages continue to be
sent to the brain.
1.) Learning allows us to do many things that we were not born to do.
i) This includes tying your shoe to playing a musical instrument.
1) Ivan Pavlov (1849-1936) was a Russian physiologist that studied digestion using dogs.
i) As part of his researcher procedure, he collected saliva and other gastric sections from the dogs
when they were given meat powder.
ii) Pavlov and his assistants noticed that the dogs began salivating as they prepared the meat
powder.
iii) To test this assumption, Pavlov first presents a sound from a metronome and then gave the
dogs the meat powder.
a) After many pairings, the dogs came to salivate just to the sound of the metronome
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355
(Figure 6.1 & Figure 6.2).
Classical Conditioning (p. 229) (also called Pavlovian conditioning) is learning that occurs
when a neutral stimulus elicits a response that was originally caused by another stimulus.
Unconditioned Stimulus (US) (p. 230) is a stimulus that elicits a reflexive response without
learning.
iii) In Pavlov’s experiment, meat powder (external stimulus) elicited unconditioned salivation in
his dogs (top panel of Figure 6.2).
a) Other pairings of US and UR include flinching (UR) in response to a loud noise (US).
iv) The tone was originally a neutral stimulus because it didn’t elicit a response (top panel of Figure
6.2).
Conditioned Stimulus (CS) (p. 231) is a once neutral stimulus that elicits a conditioned response
because it has a history of being paired with an unconditioned stimulus. (middle panel of Figure
6.2).
Conditioned Response (CR) (p. 231) is the learned response that occurs to the conditioned
stimulus.
v) After repeated pairings with the US, the once neutral tone became a conditioned stimulus (CS)
because it elicited the conditioned response (CR) of salivation.
vi) To establish conditioning has taken place, the tone (CS) must elicit salivation on its own
(bottom panel of Figure 6.2).
3) A common area of confusion is the difference between a conditioned response and an unconditioned
response.
i) In Pavlov’s experiment, they are both salivation.
ii) Salivation was a UR when it was paired with food.
a) In other words, dogs naturally drool when given food.
iii) Salivation became a CR when it occurred in response to the tone (CS).
b) Dogs do not naturally drool when they hear a tone; this was a learned response.
i) Connections between specific groups of neurons (axon terminals and receptors) become
strengthened during each instance of classical conditioning.
a) Example given is the eye blink (Figure 6.3) a puff of air to the eye given
simultaneous to a distinct sound. Eventually the sound will evoke the eye blink.
Acquisition (p. 233) is the initial phase of learning in which a response is established
3) A critical part of acquisition is the predictability with which the CS and US occur together.
ii.) In Pavlov’s experiment, conditioning wouldn’t occur, or was weak, when the tone and food
were paired inconsistently.
4) In the laboratory, as well as the real world, the CS and US do not always occur together, which can
lead to extinction.
Extinction (p. 233) is the loss or weakening of a conditioned response when a conditioned
stimulus and unconditioned stimulus no longer occur together.
i) For example, presenting the dogs with only the tone and no food should lead to less and less of
a salivary response (Figure 6.2).
a.) However, even after extinction occurs, it is possible for the CR to return.
5) Spontaneous recovery suggests that extinction does not result in forgetting, but in learning something
new.
i) For example, the dogs learned that the tone no longer meant food was coming.
Generalization (p. 234) is a process in which a response that originally occurs to a specific
stimulus also occurs to different, thought similar stimuli.
Discrimination (p. 234) occurs when an organism learns to respond to one original stimulus but
not to new stimuli that may be similar to the original stimulus.
2) Discrimination would mean that the dogs would only salivate in response to the original tone used in
Copyright © 2018 Pearson Canada Inc.
358
the experiment.
i) For example, if the original tone was a 1200 Hz tone, they would not salivate to a 1100 or 1300
Hz tone (Figure 6.4).
Conditioned emotional responses (p. 235) consist of emotional and physiological responses that
develop to a specific type of object or situation.
2) Watson and Raynor conducted their first studies with an 11-month-old child known as Little Albert.
i) They presented Albert with a white rat, to which he showed no fear.
ii) When he was in the vicinity of the rat, they hit a bar with a hammer, startling Little Albert.
iii) After repeated pairings, Little Albert came to fear the white rat.
4) Classical conditioning has also been used to help understand psychological disorders.
i) Those with psychopathy (similar to antisocial personality disorder) are known for disregarding
the feelings of others.
ii) Those with psychopathy were shown human faces (CS) followed by a painful stimulus (US).
iii) These pairings should have resulted in a negative emotional reaction (CR) to the faces, but
this sample did not respond that way (figure 6.6).
a) They showed very little physiological arousal.
b) Their emotional brain regions remained inactive.
c) They did not seem to mind looking at faces that had been paired with pain.
i) The control group responded exactly opposite.
Preparedness (p. 237) refers to the biological predisposition to rapidly learn a response to a
particular class of stimuli.
2) Preparedness explains the findings that we learn to fear snakes more readily than flowers or guns.
i) From an evolutionary perspective, those who learned to fear animals that were fatal were more
likely to survive.
Conditioned Taste Aversion (p. 238) is the acquired dislike or disgust of a food or drink
because it was paired with illness.
ii) In this case, a taste (CS) is paired with food (US). Getting Sick is the UR. The CR is the
nausea in response to the CS (Figure 6.8).
2) We are biologically prepared to associate food, versus the surrounding stimuli, with illness.
i) For example, if you ate some bad fish and vomited while music played in the background, you
would develop an aversion to the fish, not the music.
3) Conditioned taste aversions are unique in certain ways compared to the previous conditioning
examples.
i) Usually, the CS and US have to be paired very close together.
a.) Food poisoning takes hours.
ii) Conditioning requires multiple pairings.
a.) Food aversion usually takes only one pairing.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Conditioning and Negative Political Advertising
1) What do we know about classical conditioning in negative political advertising?
i) advertisers regularly pair negative statements with unflattering images of opponents
2) How can Science help explain the role of classical conditioning in negative political advertising?
i) Studies show that positive and negative evaluations of stimuli can be conditioned in laboratory
conditions that mimic what people experience in everyday exposure to advertisements.
ii) One study had participants view a slide show of a Brand L toothpaste (CS) paired with
attractive visual scenery (US).
a) The control group did not get the pairing.
iii) Those in the paired group had more positive evaluations of the toothpaste.
ii) there are cultural differences in responses to negative ads as well as educational and
socioeconomic differences in responses
a) politicians know this and create multiple ads targeted at different groups
iii) do not want to create sympathy for the group they are campaigning against as happened when
one group mocked Jean Chretien`s facial paralysis.
1) Classical conditioning accounts for drug-related phenomena, such as cravings and tolerances (see
Module 5.3).
i) Cues that accompany drug use can become conditioned stimuli that elicit cravings.
a.) For example, the sight of a lighter or others smoking can elicit cravings in people who
smoke.
ii) Conditioned drug tolerance, involves physiological responses in preparation for drug
administration.
For example, if a heroin users always administers the drug in the same room and
with the same paraphernalia, the body eventually pairs these cues with the drug
and begins to react as though the drug is already administered (e.g., processes
that metabolize the drug).
Users are subject to overdosing if they use in a different situation or use a
different ritual, because their body hasn’t prepared itself for the injection.
Lecture Launchers
Learning Chapter Classroom Discussion Topics
Twitmyer, Serendipity, and Self-Promotion
Consumer Psychology
Whatever Happened to Little Albert?
Web Resources
Association for Applied Behaviour Analysis: http://www.abainternational.org/
Operant and Classical Conditioning:
http://www.brembs.net/
Using Classical vs. Operant Conditioning:
http://www.utexas.edu/
Classical (Respondent) Conditioning—Valdosta State University:
http://www.edpsycinteractive.org/
Conditioned Emotional Reactions: http://psychclassics.yorku.ca/
Learning Objectives
Know key terminology associated with operant conditioning.
o See the bold, italicized terms below.
Understand the role that consequences play in increasing or decreasing behaviour.
o Positive and negative reinforcement increase the likelihood of a behaviour, whereas
positive and negative punishment decrease the likelihood of a behaviour. In both cases,
the term positive indicates the addition of a stimulus to the situation, and the term
negative indicates a removal of a stimulus.
Understand how schedules of reinforcement affect behaviour.
o Schedules of reinforcement can be fixed or variable, and based on intervals (time) or
ratios (the number of responses). Partial reinforcement tends to elicit greater responding.
Superstitions often arise when it is unclear which behaviour brought about the reward.
Apply your knowledge of operant conditioning to examples.
o Students should be able to read operant conditioning scenarios and determine whether
positive reinforcement, negative reinforcement, positive punishment, or negative
punishment was used.
Analyze the effectiveness of punishment on changing behaviour.
o Many psychologists recommend that people rely on reinforcement to teach new and/or
appropriate behaviours. This is because punishment alone is not very effective and can
have a number of negative side effects. For example, punishment may teach individuals
to engage in avoidance or aggression, instead of developing an appropriate alternative
behaviour.
1) We tend to repeat behaviours that bring rewards and avoid those that lead to punishment.
2) The term operant is used because the individual operates on the environment before consequences can occur.
3) Unlike classical conditioning, operant conditioning involves voluntary actions (e.g., speaking, starting an
activity, etc.) (Table 6.1).
i) Classical conditioning involves reflexive responses.
ii) Classical conditioning also doesn’t require a response for a reward.
a) The dogs got the meat powder regardless of whether they salivated.
Law of effect (p. 246) the idea that responses followed by satisfaction will occur again in the same
situation whereas those that are not followed by satisfaction become less likely.
2) Within a few decades, the famous behaviourist, B.F. Skinner, began conducting his own studies on
reinforcement.
i) Similar to Thorndike, he also used animals in a laboratory.
ii) Pigeons or rats were placed into operant chambers (also called Skinner boxes) (Figure 6.12).
a) These were boxes that included a lever or key that the subject could manipulate.
b) Pushing the lever could result in the delivery of a reinforcer (e.g., food).
Reinforcer (p. 246) is a stimulus that is contingent upon a response, and that increases the
probability of that response occurring again.
Punishment (p. 247) is a process that decreases the future probability of a response.
Punisher (p. 247) is a stimulus that is contingent upon a response, and that results in a decrease
in behaviour.
Positive reinforcement (p. 247) is the strengthening of behaviour after potential reinforcers such
as praise, money, or nourishment follow that behaviour.
Negative reinforcement (p. 247) involves the strengthening of a behaviour because it removes or
diminishes a stimulus.
Avoidance learning (p. 247) is a specific type of negative reinforcement that removes the
possibility of a stimulus occurring.
i) For example, taking a detour to avoid traffic congestion or paying bills to avoid late fees.
Escape learning (p. 247) occurs if a response removes a stimulus that is already present.
ii) For example, covering your ears upon hearing extremely loud music.
a) You cannot avoid the music, so you escape the aversive stimulus.
iii) The responses of avoiding traffic and covering your ears increase in frequency because they
have effectively removed the aversive stimuli.
iv) Many operant chambers are lined with a grid metal floor that can be used to deliver mild
electric shocks.
a) Responses that remove (escape learning) or prevent (avoidance learning) the shock or
negatively reinforced.
Positive punishment (p. 248) is a process in which a behaviour decreases because it adds or
increases a particular stimulus.
6) Some cat owners use positive punishment in an attempt to train their pet.
i) They might spray their cat with a water bottle when it scratches the furniture.
a) The term positive indicates something was added (water) in this case to decrease a
behaviour.
Negative punishment (p. 248) occurs when a behaviour decreases because it removes or
diminishes a particular stimulus.
i) For example, a parent may withhold driving privileges as a result of an undesirable behaviour
(e.g., rule breaking).
Shaping
1) Rats placed in operant chambers do not automatically go straight for the lever and start pressing it;
they have to learn that behaviour.
i) Teaching a rat to do so is accomplished by reinforcing behaviours that approximate lever
pressing.
a) This includes the rat standing up, facing the lever, placing paws on the lever, etc.
Shaping (p. 248) is a procedure in which a specific operant response is created by reinforcing
successive approximations of that response.
Chaining (p. 248) is a similar process involving linking together two or more shaped behaviours
into a more complex action or sequence of actions.
ii) Shaping is done in a step-by-step fashion until the desired response is learned.
iii) Animals acting in movies are almost certainly learned through shaping and chaining.’
Applied behaviour analysis (ABA) (p. 248) involves using close observation, prompting, and
reinforcement to teach behaviours, often to people who experience difficulties and challenges
owing to a developmental condition such as autism.
2) People with autism are usually nonresponsive to normal social cues from an early age, which can lead to
a deficit in developing many skills.
i) For example, explaining how to clear dishes from the dinner table to a child with autism could
be very difficult.
3) Psychologist who specialize in ABA often shape desired behaviours using prompts (e.g., asking the child
to stand up, gather silverware, etc.) and verbal rewards as each step is completed.
1) Investigating why some stimuli affect our behaviour while others have no influence whatsoever.
• Biological reasons?
Primary reinforcers (p. 249) consist of reinforcing stimuli that satisfy basic motivational needs.
Secondary reinforcers (p. 249) consist of reinforcing stimuli that acquire their value through
learning.
2) Our motivation to satisfy basic needs is related to a brain structure called the nucleus accumbens
(Figure 6.13).
i) This area becomes active when processing rewards, such as eating and having sex, as well as
“artificial” rewards, such as smoking cigarettes.
ii) Variations in people’s nucleus accumbens might explain why some people are prone to high-
risk behaviours (e.g., gambling).
a) They need a greater rush in comparison to people who are stimulated by natural rewards.
Discriminative stimulus (p. 250) is a cue or event that indicates that a response, if made, will be
reinforced.
Discrimination (p. 250) occurs when an organism learns to respond to the original stimulus
but not to the new stimuli that may be similar to the original.
i) For example, your behaviour of stopping at a red light has been reinforced in the past.
However, you do not stop at green lights even though they are in the same area and
are the same size, shape, and brightness.
Generalization (p. 250) also occurs when an operant response occurs in response to a
new stimulus that is similar to the stimulus present during original learning.
ii) For example, children who are reinforced by their parents for tying their shoes, are likely to
demonstrate this same behaviour for other adults when asked.
2) Sometimes the reinforcement does not happen at all, in those cases you will get extinction
Extinction (p. 251) refers to the weakening of an operant response when reinforcement is no longer
available.
i) For example, if you lose power you will stop trying to load your web browser; the behaviour
will be extinguished.
Reward Devaluation
1) Food is only rewarding when you are hungry, and it becomes less rewarding when you are not.
2) A person is less likely to act a certain way for a reward when the reward has been devalued in some way.
a) If it doesn`t satisfy a need, hard to get, or has unpleasant consequences later on.
• Example, when rats are pre-fed before having to complete a task where food is the reward,
the food is devalued and less desireable, and therefore less likely to condition behaviour.
Schedules of Reinforcement
1.) Typically, behaviour is rewarded according to some kind of schedule.
Schedules of reinforcement (p. 252) are rules that determine when reinforcement is available.
Continuous reinforcement (p. 253) occurs when every response made results in reinforcement.
a) For example, vending machines should delivery your snack every time you deposit the
correct amount of money and push the correct buttons.
Partial (intermittent) reinforcement (p. 253) occurs when only a certain number of responses are rewarded,
or a certain amount of time must pass before reinforcement is available.
Fixed-ratio schedule (p. 254), reinforcement is delivered after a specific number of responses
have been completed.
a) For example, a rat may have to press a lever 10 times before receiving food.
b) Someone working on a commission might have to sell ten cars before receiving a
bonus.
Variable-ratio schedule (p. 254), the number of responses required to receive reinforcement
varies according to an average.
c) For example, slot machines and other games of chance run on a variable-ratio
schedule.
d) This schedule promotes strong response levels because it is unknown when the
reward will come, but it is known that the possibility is there.
ii) In contrast, interval schedules are based on the passage of time, not the number of responses.
Fixed-interval schedule (p. 255) reinforces the first response occurring after a set amount of
time passes.
a) If your professor gives you an exam every three weeks, you are on a fixed-interval
schedule.
b) This schedule produces a scalloped pattern as the behaviour decreases after the reward
and picks back up around the time the reward is supposed to come.
c) This is similar to how students study. They stop studying after an exam and then
pick back up right before an exam.
Variable-interval schedule (p. 255) the first response is reinforced following a variable amount
of time.
Partial reinforcement effect (p .255) refers to a phenomenon in which organisms that have been
conditioned under partial reinforcement resist extinction longer than those conditioned under
continuous reinforcement.
a) Likely due to the individual becoming accustomed to not receiving reinforcement each time.
This effect can be seen with gambling, pick-up lines in bars, or superstitious behaviour
by athletes.
i) B.F. Skinner attempted to create superstitious behaviour in pigeons by delivering food every 15
seconds, regardless of what the birds did.
a) The pigeons came to repeat whatever behaviour they were doing right before the
food came (e.g., spin, stand on one foot, etc.).
ii) In another study, children were told a doll would sometimes spit marbles out at them and that
these marbles could be traded in for toys.
a) These children developed superstitious behaviours, such as sucking their thumbs or
kissing the doll on the nose.
iii) Superstitious behaviours have also been found to have an effect on performance outcomes.
a) College students where ask to take part in a putting competition. One group was given the
“lucky ball” and the other was given “the ball everyone has used so far”.
b) Those who believed they had a lucky ball performed significantly better than those with the
other ball.
Applying Punishment
1) People tend to be more sensitive to punishment than they are to rewards.
i) For example, in one study students played a computerized game where they could choose a
response that brought a monetary reward or loss.
a) The students found losing money to be about three times as punishing as being
rewarded with money was pleasurable.
2) There are a lot of ethical concerns around the use of punishments, especially the spanking of young
children.
i) Over 20 countries have banned corporal punishment.
ii) When severe (e.g., hard or in the face), corporal punishment has been associated with poorer
parent-child relationships, delinquency in children, and higher changes of the children
becoming victims or perpetrators of abuse in adulthood.
iii) Less harsh forms (e.g., light spanking) have been shown to be more effective and have less
negative side effects.
3) Punishment is most effective when combined with reinforcement of an alternative, suitable behaviour
(Table 6.4).
Lecture Launchers
Pigeon Overhead: Bombs Away!
Superstitious Behaviour: Being a Little Critical of Skinner
Superstitious or Playing It Cautious?
Behavioural Control of a Behaviour Problem
The Cat’s Out of the Bag! ... er, Box!
Chimpanzees, Poker Chips, and Token Economies
Applied Learning
Neural Mechanisms in Classical and Operant Conditioning
Punishment
Web Resources
B. F. Skinner Foundation: http://www.bfskinner.org/
Positive Reinforcement: A Self-Instruction Exercise:
http://psych.athabascau.ca/
Animal Cognition Web Site: http://www.pigeon.psy.tufts.edu/
Animal Trainer’s Introduction to Operant and Classical Conditioning:
http://www.wagntrain.com/
Animal Training at Sea World: http://www.seaworld.org/
Learning Objectives
Know the key terminology associated with cognitive and observational learning.
o See the bold, italicized terms below.
o Understand the concept of latent learning and its relevance to cognitive aspects of
learning
o Without being able to observe learning directly, it might seem as if no learning occurs.
However, Tolman and Honzik showed that rats can form “cognitive maps” of their
environment, even though they is no obvious reward for learning them. The rats only
demonstrate their knowledge when reinforcement is made available.
Apply principles of observational learning outside of the laboratory
o Answer the questions on page 267 based on what the information in Module 6.3.
Analyze the claim that viewing violent media increases violent behaviour.
o Psychologists agree that observational learning occurs and that media can influence
behaviour. Many studies show a correlational relation between violent media exposure
and aggressive behaviour. However, research is lacking in cause-and-effect. Albert
Bandura’s work from the 1960s suggests that exposure to violent media can at least
temporarily increase aggressive behaviour.
Latent Learning
1) Much of human learning involves absorbing information and then demonstrating what we have
learned at a later date (e.g., quizzes).
i) Psychologist Edward Tolman proposed that humans (as well as other animals) display latent
learning.
Latent learning (p. 261) is learning that is not immediately expressed by a response until the
organism is reinforced for doing so.
Observational Learning
1) Previous examples of learning involved direct experience, however direct experience is not necessary
to learn.
Observational learning (p. 262) involves changes in behaviour and knowledge that result from
watching others.
2) Field researchers studying the behaviours of Japanese macaque monkeys noticed a rapid spread of
potato washing in salt water.
i) One of the smarter monkeys of the group began washing the potatoes, which probably gave
them a better taste, and those in the group quickly followed this monkey’s behaviour.
Imitation (p. 265) is recreating a motor behaviour or expression, often to accomplish a specific
goal.
2) How can science explain the effect of media exposure on children’s behaviour?
i) Albert Bandura performed one of the first experiments examining whether watching violence
leads to violent behaviour.
a) One group of children watched an adult or cartoon attack a “Bobo” doll, whereas the
other group watched adults who did not attack the Bobo doll.
b) These children where then brought into a room filled with toys, including the Bobo
doll.
c) Those who watched the adults attack the doll, where also likely to attack the doll.
d) The other group of children did not attack the doll.
Lecture Launchers
Bear Boys, Swine Girls, Wolf Children
Consumer Psychology
Role Models: Who and Why
Web Resources
Transmission of Aggressions Through Imitation of Aggressive Models:
http://psychclassics.yorku.ca/
Text p. 268
MYPSYCHLAB: Video Series
Learning episode from the MyPsychLab Video series offers 5–7 minute segments covering
the most recent research, science, and applications and utilizing the most up-to-date film and
animation technology. Multiple-choice and short-answer questions are provided for student
assignments.
Episode 7: Learning
1. The Big Picture: What Does It Mean to Learn?
2. The Basics 1: Classical Conditioning: Learning Predictable Signals
3. The Basics 2: Operant Conditioning: Learning About Consequences
4. Special Topics: Social Anxiety Disorder
5. Thinking Like a Psychologist: Physical Punishment – You Decide!
6. In the Real World Application: Learned Aggression
7. What’s In It For Me? Personal Behaviour Modification
Format
The MyPsychLab video series was designed with flexibility in mind, available in MyPsychLab. Each
half-hour episode in the MyPsychLab video series is made up of several five-minute clips which can be
viewed separately or together:
• The Big Picture introduces the topic of the episode and draws in the viewer.
• The Basics uses the power of video to present foundational topics, especially those that students find
difficult to understand.
• Special Topics dives deeper into high-interest and often cutting-edge topics, showing research in
action.
• Thinking Like a Psychologist models critical thinking and explores research methods.
• In the Real World focuses on applications of psychological research.
• What’s In It for Me? These clips show students the relevance of psychological research to their lives.
Text p. 268
ASSIGNMENT: Work the Model
After students read the chapter and view the video (available in MyPsychLab and at
www.youtube.com/workthemodel) assign the discussion topic found in the “Why is this
relevant?” section as a classroom discussion or as a short-answer writing assignment through
MyPsychLab.
• Identifying target behaviour that will lead to losing weight (example: changing
eating habits, exercising)
• Gathering and recording baseline data of current behaviour that is not helping
to lost weight (e.g., current eating habits or amount of exercise)
• Creating short-term and long-term schedules (e.g., daily food intake or daily
exercise routine plus weekly goals and monthly goals);
• Listing reinforcers including when they will be implemented (e.g., eat X
calories/day and get to play videogame or exercise X times per week and go
see a movie);
o Reinforcers should be rewarding and not counter to ultimate weight
loss goal, although an occasional treat would be okay if described as
such
• Monitoring progress in comparison to baseline data
Response includes the core idea that behaviours aimed at losing weight must be
identified and reinforced (in other words, reinforcement is used, not punishment).
Response may be in the context of the example presented in the prompt. Response
3 includes most of the following:
• Identifying target behaviour that will lead to losing weight (example: changing
eating habits, exercising)
• Gathering and recording baseline data of current behaviour that is not helping
to lost weight (e.g., current eating habits or amount of exercise)
• Creating short-term and long-term schedules (e.g., daily food intake or daily
exercise routine plus weekly goals and monthly goals);
• Listing reinforcers including when they will be implemented (e.g., eat X
calories/day and get to play videogame or exercise X times per week and go
see a movie);
o Reinforcers should be rewarding and not counter to ultimate weight
loss goal, although an occasional treat would be okay if described as
such
• Monitoring progress in comparison to baseline data
2 • Identifying target behaviour that will lead to losing weight (example: changing
eating habits, exercising)
• Gathering and recording baseline data of current behaviour that is not helping
to lost weight (e.g., current eating habits or amount of exercise)
• Creating short-term and long-term schedules (e.g., daily food intake or daily
exercise routine plus weekly goals and monthly goals);
• Listing reinforcers including when they will be implemented (e.g., eat X
calories/day and get to play videogame or exercise X times per week and go
see a movie);
o Reinforcers should be rewarding and not counter to ultimate weight
loss goal, although an occasional treat would be okay if described as
such
• Monitoring progress in comparison to baseline data
Response contains missing or incorrect information for all aspects of the prompt.
Response fails to include the core idea that behaviours aimed at losing weight must be
1 identified and reinforced. Response is not in the context of the example. Response
does not describe any steps associated with a behaviour modification program, such as
identifying target behaviours or recording baseline data.
Organization helps the reader understand the respondent’s point of view. Transitions
3 connect some concepts. Contains an appropriate introduction and conclusion.
The writing has an individual, engaging voice with a compelling tone. There is a sense
of a personality behind the written words. Words are precise and natural; there may be
4 figurative language used appropriately. Sentences are graceful and clear with a natural
rhythm and variety that demonstrate fluency. Awareness of audience is evident.
The writing has a clear but uncomplicated voice. The writing is relatively fluent, but
overall it may lack spontaneity and vitality. Word choice is appropriate and functional;
3 figurative language may be limited to clichés. Sentences may occasionally be awkward
or repetitious but demonstrate some variety in structure. There are few surprising or
unexpected moments. Some awareness of audience is evident.
The writing may have an artificial or uneven tone. Word choice may be simple and
limited, or overly jargonistic, reflecting text written to impress. There may be little
2 evidence the writer is engaged in the topic; the text lacks liveliness. Sentences may be
choppy, rambling, or repetitive in a way that limits fluency. There may be little or no
audience awareness.
The writing may lack voice or use a tone inappropriate for the audience. Word choices
are vague, inappropriate, or incorrect. Sentences may be limited in variety or be
1 comprised of awkward fragments or run-ons which produce a halting voice. No
commitment to audience and/or topic is evident.
Response justifies its conclusions through some combination of logic, examples, and
illustrative language. References to theories, concepts, etc. effectively demonstrate a
3 good command of psychology.
Response provides some justification for its conclusions. Some combination of logic,
examples, and illustrative language are present but are inconsistent or somewhat
2 ineffective. References to theories, concepts, etc. effectively demonstrate only a partial
understanding of psychology.
Response provides no significant justification for its conclusions. Logic, examples, and
illustrative language are absent, inconsistent, and/or ineffective. References to theories,
1 concepts, etc. effectively demonstrate no more than a weak grasp of psychology.
• If you were designing the ideal slot machine, how could you apply the principles of learning to ensure
that people play the machine over and over again despite winning very little money? How does your
ideal slot machine compare to state lotteries or mail contests (such as Publisher’s Clearing House
Sweepstakes)?
• There is no doubt that at least some behaviours in some people can be controlled through
conditioning techniques, both operant and classical. The question then is, “Who controls the
controllers?” What is to prevent a few powerful individuals from taking advantage of others by
applying behaviour modification techniques? What are the potential abuses of behaviour
modification? How can behaviour modification be used so that everyone—both controllers and those
controlled—is happy?
• Think of cases in your own life when punishment worked effectively and other cases when it did not.
What were the differences between the two situations? Why did it work in some cases but not in
others? How do your own experiences compare to the discussion in the text on the circumstances
under which aversive control is likely to be most effective? Can you add new conditions to those
listed in the text?
Ivan Pavlov is, of course, credited with “discovering” classical conditioning, and every introductory
psychology student learns of procedures he developed to identify learning in dogs. Few, if any, ever hear
of Edwin Twitmyer. Twitmyer is interesting for a couple of reasons. First, his 1902 doctoral dissertation
provides a wonderful example of how accidents can lead to scientific discovery. Second, it shows that
how scientific information is constructed depends on more than simply making discoveries in
laboratories. Twitmyer “discovered” classical conditioning in the United States at the same time Pavlov
was doing his own work in Russia, and before Pavlov’s work became public. However, Twitmyer failed
to gain the notoriety that Pavlov did. At the time Twitmyer was finishing his doctoral research,
neurophysiologists and psychologists were studying the simplest unit of behaviour, which is called a
“reflex arc.” Most students are already familiar with the patellar reflex, or knee jerk, which is an example
of a simple reflex. In this reflex, as it is tested in medical exams, consists of a sharp tap on tendon
attached to the kneecap. In turn, this tap elicits a kicking movement of the lower leg. Repetition of the
tapping increases the amount of movement. Twitmyer was interested in why repetition should enhance
the reflex. Why, he thought, doesn’t repetition lead to fatigue and a weakened response? To find out, he
conducted a long series of experimental sessions.
Twitmeyer’s [sic] experimental apparatus released a hammer that hit the kneecap with a
measured amount of force at a precise time. To warn his subjects, the apparatus also
struck a bell once just a half-second before the hammer struck the kneecap. One day, the
apparatus broke down while a well-practiced subject was in place. When Twitmyer
retested the apparatus, the bell sounded but the hammer failed to operate. To Twitmyer’s
surprise, the subject’s knee jerked as if struck by the hammer. Twitmyer thought that the
subject, a fellow student, was joking or possibly kicking without waiting for the hammer.
The subject reported that he was as surprised as Twitmyer. The knee seemed to jerk by
itself. (p. 21)
Twitmyer repeated this error with a few other subjects, that is, he rang the bell without letting the hammer
deploy. He found that some kicked without the hammer, but some did not. In particular, he found that the
number of pairings between hammer and bell mattered. Some responded to the bell without the hammer
after only 30 trials, but almost all responded to the bell without the hammer (i.e., a conditioned response)
after 130 pairings.
It was clear that Twitmyer (1974) understood the significance of his chance discovery:
The movement of the legs following the tap of the bell, without the blows on the tendons,
has the characteristics of a simple, immediate reaction to the stimulus. Upon the
unanimous testimony of the subjects, it was not produced voluntarily, i.e., there was no
idea of the movement in consciousness, antecedent to the movement itself. It may,
therefore be held, tentatively at least, that the movement is a reflex action. The afferent
excitation must therefore reach the [spinal] cord at the level of the medulla and then pass
down to the second or third lumbar segment in which the cell bodies of the efferent
conduction path are located. Here then we have a new and unusual reflex arc.
According to Dallenbach (1959), Twitmyer’s work was “one of the most, if not the most, important
experimental discoveries of his day and generation in his hand and he let it slip through his fingers!” (p.
635). Why is it, then, that Twitmyer failed to continue this line of research? And why was his research
ignored?
Dissertations generally don’t gain much publicity. To compound matters, Twitmyer chose a modest title
for his dissertation, “A Study of the Knee-Jerk,” which attracted little attention and offered no suggestion
as to the new and exciting discovery he had made. Next Twitmyer presented his research at the annual
meeting of the American Psychological Association in a paper called, “Knee-Jerks Without Stimulation
of the Patellar Tendon.” This title was no more exciting. Conferences typically publish abstracts of
presentations, not full papers, and these abstracts were not readily available. So, even though the
essentials of his discovery were included in his abstract, most would not find it. To make matters worse
for Twitmyer, the audience he had at this conference was unhelpful. Dallenbach pointed out that,
“William James, president of the Association that year, presided at the meeting at which Twitmyer
reported. [Twitmyer’s] report, though presented before the elite of American psychology, fell dead. Not
one of his hearers commented upon it after his presentation.” Dallenbach also pointed out that, had he
been a good chairman of the session, James would have helped this poor student by asking the first
question to get the discussion rolling. Instead, he said nothing.
So why didn’t Twitmyer continue this line of research? Why do you know of Pavlov, but not of Twitmyer?
One might blame Twitmyer’s mentors for not encouraging him. One might blame the Zeitgeist. As Schulz
said in his first edition of A History of Modern Psychology, “[u]nless the Zeitgeist is ready for what the
great man has to say, he may not be heard…” (p. 10). However, Dallenbach placed significant
responsibility on the researcher himself. Dallenbach suggested that Twitmyer failed to push his ideas
forward and to effectively report them. According to Dallenbach, “[Twitmyer] 'missed the boat,' not
because of an unfavourable Zeitgeist, but because he was a young, inexperienced scholar, not a promoter.
He did not know how to promote his discovery and he could not withstand discouragement. Pavlov, on the
other hand, was experienced in the promotional arts, and he utilized them to their fullest extent. He gave
his phenomenon a distinguishing name, "conditioned response," and, despite initial discouragement, he
continued his experiments and reports. … He persisted in his 'promotion' until he had created a Zeitgeist
favourable to his work” (pp. 637–638).
References:
Dallenbach, K. (1959). Twitmyer and the Conditioned Response. The American Journal of
Psychology, 72(4), 633–638.
Gardner, R. A. & Gardner, B. T. (1998). The Structure of Learning: From Sign Stimuli to Sign
Language. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 20–22
Schulz, D. P. (1969). A History of Modern Psychology. New York: Academic Press, Inc.
Twitmyer, E. B. (1974). A study of the knee jerk. Journal of Experimental Psychology, 103(6), 1047–
1066.
Impulse buying is a joy to many retailers, but a scourge to many consumers. It is also a behaviour of great
interest to consumer psychologists who want to know why people give in to their impulses. Are window
displays especially important in catching the shoppers’ attention and eliciting their spending behaviour?
Or, is it those clever commercials that reel in the customers? The field of consumer psychology addresses
these questions and many others. As you might guess, researchers in this field are in demand by
advertisers, manufacturers, and retailers who want advice on how to capture the attention of potential
customers and get people to open their wallets.
Consumer psychologists have shown that many of Madison Avenue’s techniques are based on principles
of conditioning, whether advertising executives realize it or not. For example, Gerald Gorn (1982)
showed that associating an item with pleasant stimuli induces people to like the item itself. Gorn had
college students view slides of either a beige or blue pen. During the presentation, half the students heard
a song from a recent musical film and half heard a selection of classical Indian music. (Gorn made the
reasonable assumption that the show tune would be more appealing to most Americans.) Later, students
were allowed to choose one of the pens. Almost three-fourths of those who heard the popular music chose
a pen that was the same colour as the one they had seen in the slides. An equal number of those who
heard the Indian music chose a pen that differed in colour from the one they had seen. This is an instance
of classical conditioning: the music was an unconditioned stimulus for internal responses associated with
pleasure or displeasure, and pens became conditioned stimuli for similar responses. You can see why
television commercials often pair products with music, attractive people, or other appealing stimuli.
Advertising is not the only influence on spending. Credit cards, as some of us know all too well, have a
power of their own. Handing over your card to a sales person is immediately rewarded by the delivery of
a desired item into your hands; the payment is not due until much later. Thus, through a process of
operant conditioning, credit card use becomes more likely. Even the mere presence of a credit card
increases the likelihood and magnitude of spending. When a card is repeatedly paired with the responses
involved in spending, it becomes a stimulus for “spending behaviour.” Through a process of classical
conditioning, it may also come to elicit positive emotional responses (Feinberg, 1986).
Retailers may use this information to attract customers, say, by displaying signs of the credit cards they
accept. But, a knowledge of conditioning principles can also help consumers control their spending. To
avoid impulse buying, credit cards can be left at home. To reduce susceptibility to commercials, turn
down the sound. But, perhaps the most effective inhibitor of that impulse to “buy, buy, buy” is to think of
Pavlov and Skinner.
References:
Feinberg, R. A. (1986). Credit cards as spending facilitating stimuli: A conditioning interpretation.
Journal of Consumer Research, 13, 348–356.
Gorn, G. J. (1982). The effects of music in advertising on choice behaviour: A classical conditioning
approach. Journal of Marketing, 46, 94–101.
In an article that was originally published in American Psychologist, February 1979, Volume 34, Number
2, pp. 151–160, Ben Harris contends that many General Psychology textbooks have misrepresented the
details and interpretations of the Watson and Rayner’s research with Little Albert.
The Experiment
As described by Watson and Rayner (1920), an experimental study was undertaken to answer three questions:
(1) Can an infant be conditioned to fear an animal that appears simultaneously with a loud,
The Experiment
As described by Watson and Rayner (1920), an experimental study was undertaken to answer three
questions: (1) Can an infant be conditioned to fear an animal that appears simultaneously with a loud,
fear-arousing sound? (2) Would such fear transfer to other animals or to inanimate objects? (3) How long
would such fears persist? In attempting to answer these questions, Watson and Rayner selected an infant
named Albert B., whom they described as “healthy,” and “stolid and unemotional” (p. 1). At
approximately 9 months of age, Albert was tested and was judged to show no fear when successively
observing a number of live animals (e.g., a rat, a rabbit, a dog, and a monkey), and various inanimate
objects (e.g., cotton, human masks, a burning newspaper). He was, however, judged to show fear
whenever a long steel bar was unexpectedly struck with a claw hammer just behind his back. Two months
after testing Albert’s apparently unconditioned reactions to various stimuli, Watson and Rayner attempted
to condition him to fear a white rat. This was done by presenting a white rat to Albert, followed by a loud
clanging sound (of the hammer and steel bar) whenever Albert touched the animal. After seven pairings
of the rat and noise (in two sessions, one week apart), Albert reacted with crying and avoidance when the
rat was presented without the loud noise.
In order to test the generalization of Albert’s fear response, 5 days later he was presented with the rat, a
set of familiar wooden blocks, a rabbit, a short-haired dog, a sealskin coat, a package of white cotton, the
heads of Watson and two assistants (inverted so that Albert could touch their hair), and a bearded Santa
Claus mask. Albert seemed to show a strong fear response to the rat, the rabbit, the dog, and the sealskin
coat; a “negative” response to the mask and Watson’s hair; and a mild response to the cotton. Also, Albert
played freely with the wooden blocks and the hair of Watson’s assistants.
After an additional 5 days, Watson reconditioned Albert to the rat (one trial, rat paired with noise) and
also attempted to condition Albert directly to fear the previously presented rabbit (one trial) and dog (one
trial). When the effects of this procedure were tested in a different, larger room, it was found that Albert
showed only a slight reaction to the rat, the dog, and the rabbit. Consequently, Watson attempted “to
freshen the reaction to the rat” (p. 9) by presenting it with the loud noise. Soon after this, the dog began to
bark loudly at Albert, scaring him and the experimenters and further confounding the experiment.
To answer their third question concerning the permanence of conditioned responses over time, Watson
and Rayner conducted a final series of tests on Albert after 31 days of neither conditioning nor extinction
trials. In these tests, Albert showed fear when touching the Santa Claus mask, the sealskin coat, the rat,
the rabbit, and the dog. At the same time, however, he initiated contact with the coat and the rabbit,
showing “strife between withdrawal and the tendency to manipulate” (Watson & Rayner, 1920, p. 10).
Following these final tests, Albert’s mother removed him from the hospital where the experiment had
been conducted. (According to their own account, Watson and Rayner knew a month in advance the day
that Albert would no longer be available to them.)
Of more significance are texts’ misrepresentations of the range of Albert’s postconditioning fears and of
the postexperimental fate of Albert. The list of spurious stimuli to which Albert’s fear response is claimed
to have generalized is rather extensive. It includes a fur pelt (CRM Books, 1971), a man’s beard (Helms
& Turner, 1976), a cat, a pup, a fur muff (Telford & Sawrey, 1968), a white furry glove (Whittaker,
1965), Albert’s aunt, who supposedly wore fur (Bernhardt, 1953), either the fur coat or the fur neckpiece
of Albert’s mother (Hilgard, Atkinson, & Atkinson, 1975; Kisker, 1977; Weiner, 1977), and even a teddy
bear (Boring, Langfeld, & Weld, 1948). In a number of texts, a happy ending has been added to the story
by the assertion that Watson removed (or “reconditioned”) Albert’s fear, with this process sometimes
described in detail (Engle & Snellgrove, 1969; Gardiner, 1970; Whittaker, 1965).
What are the causes of these frequent errors by the authors of undergraduate textbooks? Prytula et al.
(1977) cataloged similar mistakes but offered little explanation of their source. Cornwell and Hobbs
(1976) suggested that such distortions, if not simply due to overreliance on secondary sources, can be
generally seen as authors’ attempts to paint the Albert study (and Watson) in a more favourable light and
to make it believable to undergraduates. Certainly, many of the common errors are consistent with a
brushed-up image of Watson and his work. For example, not one text mentions that Watson knew when
Albert would leave his control—a detail that might make Watson and Rayner’s failure to recondition
Albert seem callous to some modern readers.
However, there are other reasons for such errors besides textbooks’ tendencies to tell ethically pleasing
stories that are consistent with students’ common sense. One major source of confusion about the Albert
story is Watson himself, who altered and deleted important aspects of the study in his many descriptions of
it. For example, in the Scientific Monthly description of the study (Watson & Watson, 1921), there is no
mention of the conditioning of Albert to the dog, the rabbit, and the rat that occurred at 11 months 20 days;
thus Albert’s subsequent responses to these stimuli can be mistaken for a strong generalization effect (for
which there is little evidence). A complementary and equally confusing omission occurs in Psychological
Care of Infant and Child (Watson, 1928a). There, Watson begins his description of the Albert study with
Albert’s being conditioned to a rabbit (apparently the session occurring at 11 months 20 days). As a result,
the reader is led to believe that Albert’s fear of a rat (a month later) was the product of generalization
rather than the initial conditioning trials. Besides these omissions, Watson and Rayner (1920) also made
frequent editorial comments, such as the assertion that fears such as Albert’s were “likely to persist
indefinitely, unless an accidental method for removing them is hit upon” (p. 12). Given such comments, it
is understandable that one recent text overestimates the duration of the Albert experiment by 300%
(Goldenberg, 1977), and another states that Albert’s “phobia became resistant to extinction” (Kleinmuntz,
1974, p. 130).
A second reason for textbook authors’ errors, it seems, is the desire of many of us to make experimental
evidence consistent with textbook theories of how organisms should act. According to popular versions of
learning theory (as described by Herrnstein, 1977), organisms’ conditioning should generalize along
simple stimulus dimensions; many textbooks list spurious fear-arousing stimuli (for Albert) that
correspond to such dimensions. To illustrate the process of stimulus generalization, Albert is often said to
have feared every white, furry object—although he actually showed fear mostly of nonwhite objects (the
rabbit, the dog, the sealskin coat, Watson’s hair), and did not even fear everything with hair (the
observers). But to fit a more simplified view of learning, either new stimuli appear in some texts (e.g., a
white rabbit, a white glove) or it is simply asserted that Albert’s conditioning generalized to all white and
furry (or hairy) stimuli (see Biehler, 1976; Craig, 1976; Helms & Turner, 1976). Though it might seem as
if Albert’s fear did generalize to the category of all animate objects with fur (e.g., the rabbit) or short hair
(e.g., Watson’s head), this is impossible to show conclusively. The only experimental stimuli not fitting
this category were the blocks and the observers’ hair. Apparently the blocks were a familiar toy (thus not
a proper stimulus), and Albert’s familiarity with the observers is not known (although we may guess that
one might have been his mother).
B. F. Skinner worked at the University of Minnesota during the second World War. Interested in applying
the principles of operant conditioning to the war effort, Skinner trained pigeons to peck at discs which had
moving pictures of enemy targets displayed on them. The pecking served to close electronic circuits,
which in turn formed a self-regulating system. Although this is no great feat in itself – these actions
faithfully follow the most basic rules of operant conditioning – Skinner’s vision was to install his pigeons,
discs, and circuits in gliders packed with explosives. The idea was to have the pigeons peck on cue to
manipulate the circuits, which in turn would keep the glider on its kamikaze course toward an enemy
target. A neat, tidy bombing run, with no loss of human life.
The Defense Department declined Skinner’s help, even though he demonstrated to top scientists that the
homing device withstood electronic jamming, the apparatus was inexpensive to build, and the basic set-up
could be applied to a range of enemy targets. In the present era of Star Wars weaponry, stealth bombers,
and combat guided by virtual reality, perhaps a pigeon bombardier wouldn’t seem so far-fetched.
References:
Hergenhahn, B. R., & Olson, M. H. (1993). An introduction to theories of learning (4th ed.).
Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.
Skinner, B. F. (1960). Pigeons in a pelican. American Psychologist, 15, 28–37.
Referring to any behaviour as “superstitious,” in the context of science, is using loaded terminology,
particularly when attributing this behaviour to a nonhuman species. Such a claim, under normal
circumstances, would require substantial evidence to support it. One should also expect rival hypotheses
to be considered and conclusions to be based on replication of findings. However, sometimes, even the
science of psychology fails its own tests. The case of “superstitious behaviour” demonstrates that
psychology doesn’t always worry about burden of evidence when a “sexy” finding and the reputation of a
well-known psychologist are at stake.
Perhaps because of his notoriety, mainstream psychology has not been horribly critical of B. F. Skinner. In
fact an informal study published by Skinner in 1948 is still cited regularly, even in this text, as a classic
study and as sufficient evidence of superstitious behaviour. However, findings are only as good as the
methods used to obtain them. In his 1948 paper Skinner made informal observations of eight pigeons. He
describes neither his procedures, nor his method for making observations clearly. Schwarz (1989)
summarized Skinner’s study as follows:
Pigeons were first trained to eat grain from a feeder. Then the pigeons were exposed to a procedure
in which the feeder was made available at regular intervals irrespective of what they were doing—
that is, pigeons were not required to do anything to get food. … Skinner’s reasoning in doing this
experiment was roughly this: when food was delivered, the pigeons would certainly be doing
something. They might be strutting about the cage, grooming, flapping their wings, turning around,
pecking at a screw on the wall, etc. While one could not be sure of what the pigeons would be doing
at any particular moment, one could be sure that they would be doing something. When
reinforcement occurred, it would be paired with whatever response the pigeons had just emitted.
Though this response did not produce the reinforcer, the temporal contiguity of
response and reinforce would be sufficient to strengthen (increase the likelihood of) the
behaviour. … Skinner expected that each pigeon would ultimately be engaged in some activity
with a high frequency. And this is what Skinner observed.” (pp. 156–157)
In his report, Skinner failed to describe his procedure for reinforcement nor did he describe the method
used to record pigeon behaviour in sufficient detail for anyone to make a direct replication. Indeed, upon
reading his report, it is impossible to determine to what extent he was systematic in manipulating the
reinforcement schedule or in collecting his data. Because of this lack of detail, readers must depend on his
interpretation of the observations he (presumably) made. Without citing anyone else or offering any
alternative explanations, Skinner simply stated that “The experiment might be said to demonstrate a sort
of superstition. The bird behaves as if there were a causal relation between its behaviour and the
presentation of food, although such a relation is lacking” (p. 171). Then he immediately drew analogies
between his interpretation of the pigeons and human behaviour. Whenever a researcher finds what he was
looking for, readers should be cautious, as should the researcher. Richard Feynman is often quoted as
saying that science is a means of bending over backward to prove ourselves wrong (Feynman, 1985).
Skinner did the opposite. He tried to confirm his expectation with the least amount of evidence. Even
though his report is interesting and should prompt further systematic investigations, it was so informally
conducted (and reported) that a responsible scientist would not draw conclusions prior to replication and
prior to looking for alternative explanations.
Staddon and Simmelhag (1971) were among the responsible scientists who attempted to replicate
Skinner’s study and indeed challenged him. In their report, they provided the details necessary to
replicate. For example, they described their pigeon subjects in some detail. They described the three
schedules of food delivery they used: (1) a response-independent fixed-interval schedule in which the
food magazine was presented at 12-second intervals; (2) a response independent variable-interval
schedule in which the food magazine was presented on the average every 8 seconds; and (3) food was
delivered (reinforcement occurred) for the first key peck 12 seconds or more after the preceding
reinforcement. They developed a formal system of coding pigeon responses which they include in their
publication. They also published their analyses in a systematic fashion, which allowed the reader to see
the pattern in the data that the researchers had seen in the pigeons.
. . . was very much like Skinner’s procedure. The main difference came in the recording of data.
Staddon and Simmelhag established 16 behavioural categories, including wing-flapping, walking,
turning in circles, putting the head in the feeder, raising the beak to the ceiling, and pecking at
one or another part of the chamber. They then observed the pigeons continuously during the
sessions, and classified all the pigeons’ activities into these 16 categories. At the end of each
session they had a record of the frequency with which these different responses occurred, and the
order in which they occurred. Thus their observations were much more detailed and systematic
than Skinner’s” (p. 157).
Based on Skinnerian notions, Staddon and Simmelhag would have anticipated that “at the time of the very
first food delivery the pigeons might be engaged in any one of the 16 responses. … The effect of that first
food delivery would be to increase the frequency of whatever response had preceded it. This in turn would
make it likely that the same response would be occurring when the next food delivery occurred, thus
increasing its frequency still more. Ultimately, we would expect to find each pigeon spending most of its
time engaged in one particular activity—different from one pigeon to the next, but quite reliable from
minute to minute and session to session for each pigeon” (Schwarz, 1989, p. 158). However, that is not
what they found. Staddon and Simmelhag reported “that the ‘superstition’ situation generally produces
two distinct kinds of activity: interim activities that occur at short and intermediate postfood times, and
the terminal response that begins later in the interval and continues until food delivery” (p. 12). All birds
produced the same terminal behaviour pattern, not the random assortment that Skinner reported. Terminal
responses consisted of pecking at the wall above the food hopper, what you would expect if pecking were
a prefeeding behaviour rather than the result of being reinforced (Gardner, 1998, p. 155).
As Schwarz (1989) pointed out, “Though Skinner’s demonstration of superstition has been extremely
influential, it has not been confirmed in subsequent research” (p. 157). On the other hand, other
researchers have confirmed the findings and interpretations of Staddon and Simmelhag, for example,
Fenner (1980), Reberg, Innis, Mann, & Eizenga (1978), and Timberlake and Lucas (1985). Yet
Skinner maintains his notoriety while these others folks do not.
References:
Fenner, D. (1980). The role of contingencies and “principles of behavioural variation” in pigeons
pecking. Journal of the Experimental Analysis of Behaviour, 34, 1–12.
Feynman, R. P. (1985). Surely You're Joking, Mr. Feynman! Adventures of a Curious Character.
New York: Bantam Books.
Gardner, R. A. & Gardner, B. T. (1998). The Structure of Learning: From Sign Stimuli to Sign
Language. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 154-155.
Reberg, D., Innis, N. K., Mann, B., & Eizenga, C. (1978). Superstitious behaviour resulting from
periodic response-independent presentations of food or water. Animal Behaviour, 26, 507–519.
Schwarz, B. (1989). Psychology of Learning and Behaviour, 3rd ed. New York: W. W. Norton &
Company, Inc., 156–158.
Skinner, B. F. (1948). “Superstition” in the pigeon. Journal of Experimental Psychology, 38, 168–
172.
Staddon, J. E. R., & Simmelhag, V. L. (1971). The “superstition” experiment: A reexamination of its
implications for the principles of adaptive behaviour. Psychological Review, 78, 3–43.
Timberlake, W. & Lucas, G. A. (1985). The basis of superstitious behaviour: Chance contingency,
stimulus substitution, or appetitive behaviour. Journal of the Experimental Analysis of Behaviour,
44, 279–299.
Consider this type of learning. A man who calls himself Orpheus tells you that he has the power to make
the sun rise by singing to it. Being, by now, scientifically skeptical, you demand a demonstration of this
environmental control. Orpheus begins to sing at about 5 A.M. and soon the sun rises. He can repeat this
demonstration for you daily, showing that his response is always followed by this change in the
environment. You now suggest another test: omit the singing and see if the sun still comes up. Orpheus
must reject such a test. The consequence of his not singing would surely be the sun’s not rising, and for
the sake of the world, he dare not risk such a dire consequence.
This example can be seen as accidental operant strengthening of a coincidental relationship between
behaviour and reinforcers. The rituals gamblers use in trying to change their luck illustrate their learned
belief that something they were doing caused the dice or cards to fall a certain way. Such accidentally
conditioned responses are called superstitions.
it happened to be followed by hitting a home run. These behaviours often do not easily extinguish because
circumstances provide intermittent reinforcement for them. If a batter goes through a ritual every time he
or she steps to the plate, he or she will, from time to time (about a third of the time, if he or she is a good
hitter) again be reinforced for these actually unrelated behaviours.
When the environmental consequences are vital for an individual or a group, a superstitious response is
extremely resistant to extinction. This is true for two reasons. First, as in the case of Orpheus, the risk
involved in not making the response, if the connection were a causal one, would be greater than the gain in
knowledge from finding out that one’s behaviour was not producing the effect. Second, if the individual
believes the superstition is valid, omitting the “necessary” act might produce other changes in his or her
behaviour that would directly affect the event in question. This is often seen among students who have a
special pen or pair of jeans that they always use for taking final exams. If the pen is lost or the filthy jeans
are thrown out by an exasperated parent, they may indeed do poorly on the exam because of expectation of
failure and distracting thoughts about “their luck running out.”
The development of such superstitions can be demonstrated easily in the laboratory. A hungry pigeon is
confined to a box with a feeding mechanism that automatically dispenses a pellet of food every 15
seconds, regardless of what the pigeon does. Whatever response the pigeon happens to be making when
the food is delivered then becomes a reinforced response, and the probability of its occurrence is
increased. Different stereotyped behaviour patterns are likely to emerge in different subjects—turning
counterclockwise, turning in a circle several times before going to the food dispenser, jerking the head in
one direction, as well as other “bizarre” movements.
Rorey B. was a preschool child of average intelligence who was a “behaviour problem.” He screamed,
fought, disobeyed, and bossed others both at home and school, although he was only four years, eight
months of age. His parents were concerned over this obviously undesirable behaviour that they expected
to get even worse as he got older. “He continually told other children what to do and how to play, and
enforced his demands with punches, kicks, and slaps,” they reported.
Observation of Mrs. B’s interaction with her son revealed three things: (a) she reinforced this undesirable
behaviour with excessive attention; (b) she did not program consequences in a consistent fashion; and (c)
the relationships between the undesirable behaviour and any negative consequences was unclear because
she frequently used lengthy explanations before applying the sanctions.
The behavioural psychologists who consulted with Mrs. B taught her to arrange three types of
contingencies: punishment, extinction, and reward.
Punishment: As soon as Rorey acted aggressively or disobediently, Mrs. B took him to a time-out room
that contained no items of interest to a child. He was told only that he could not stay with the others if
he fought or disobeyed. He was put in the time-out room, without conversation or further explanation,
for a two-minute period (or two minutes from the end of his last cry or tantrum). This punishment
involved the negative stimulus of loss of opportunity for stimulation. It could be removed by
behaving in socially acceptable ways. When the time was up, Rorey was taken back to his regular
activities without comment on the previous episode.
Extinction: Less serious forms of undesirable behaviour were ignored so that they would have no
reinforcing consequences—a contingency.
Positive Reinforcement: Desirable behaviours such as cooperative play and following instructions were
directly praised, and at the end of each period of desirable play, Rorey got some special treats such as
cookies, cold drinks, or a small toy.
To demonstrate the effectiveness of mother as behaviour therapist, the psychologists first observed
Rorey’s behaviour for a period of time—a baseline period—and then instructed Mrs. B to carry out her
behavioural contingency management program. This sequence was repeated a second time. Rorey’s
aggressive and disobedient behaviour was dramatically changed by manipulating their consequences. His
parents and neighbours commented that Rorey behaved like a “different child.” During the first baseline
period, Rorey followed only about 30 percent of instructions given him, but a week later he was following
three-fourths of them. On some days, Rorey never misbehaved at all, even resisting striking back when
another child hit him. As Rorey’s problem behaviour declined, his mother commented more favourably
about him; she felt she was a more effective mother and showed more affectionate concern for her son.
Reference:
Zeilberger, J., Sampen, S., & Sloane, H. (1968). Modification of a child’s problem behaviours in the
home with the mother as therapist. Journal of Applied Behaviour Analysis, 1, 47–53.
Edwin Guthrie is chiefly known for one idea in Behaviourism; the principle of one-trial learning. Guthrie
held that learning was complete – that is, an association between a stimulus and a response was at its
strongest – after only one pairing of the stimulus and response.
The way he set about testing his idea was to use a variant of Thorndike’s puzzle box. Guthrie modified
the box by placing a long, thin rod vertically in it, wired so that each time a cat rubbed against it the door
to the box would spring open, allowing the animal to exit. Guthrie noted that among some 800 cats, each
had a stereotyped way of rubbing the rod, which was repeated trial after trial, even in absence of
reinforcement. He took this as evidence for one-trial learning; the response was full-blown from the first
trial, and it was not modified over trials.
Being a good Behaviourist, Guthrie made careful observations of the laboratory animals. Being a good
Behaviourist, Guthrie stuck to fairly straightforward, objective testing conditions. But being a good
Behaviourist, Guthrie assumed that species-specific behaviour would not play a major role in the
experiment’s outcomes. Like Clark Hull, for example, Guthrie was interested in demonstrating a principle
of learning, regardless of whether it was demonstrated by a cat, rat, chimpanzee, or human. Unfortunately,
cats exhibit a stereotyped greeting response when in the presence of a conspecific (which, for most
domestic cats, includes humans). That is, they rub against their fellow cat as it passes by or, in the case of
greater distances, they rub against a more convenient object, such as a tree, furniture, or Uncle Harry’s leg.
As Guthrie and his laboratory assistants observed the cats, then, it is not remarkable that they all showed
highly stereotyped behaviour; they did what cats do.
Bruce Moore and Susan Studdard illustrated this point in a simple experiment. Cats were placed in puzzle
boxes that had long, thin, vertical rods, but this time rubbing the rods triggered no doors. Moore and
Studdard also varied whether a person was present or not as the cats meandered through the box. They
discovered, quite simply, that when a person was present the bar was rubbed, and when a person was not
Copyright © 2018 Pearson Canada Inc.
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Chapter 6: Learning
present, the bar was not rubbed. As Guthrie observed, the rubbing itself was quite stereotyped, befitting
an innate feline response.
References:
Guthrie, E. R., & Horton, G. P. (1946). Cats in a puzzle box. New York: Rinehart.
Leahey, T. H., & Harris, R. J. (1993). Learning and cognition (3rd. ed.). Englewood Cliffs, NJ:
Prentice Hall.
Moore, B., & Studdard, S. (1979). Professor Guthrie and felis domesticus, or: Tripping over the cat.
Science, 205, 1031–1033.
According to Skinnerian thought, in token economies, when individuals engage in particular behaviours,
they earn tokens (i.e., secondary reinforcers) that can later be traded for primary reinforcers. These tokens
thus serve to reinforce the behaviour that preceded the token. An alternative explanation for why token
economies, and indeed money, work suggests that the tokens feed individuals forward into the next
behaviour, rather than reinforcing backwards. The following excerpt lays out the logic more clearly by
presenting research conducted by Kelleher with several chimpanzees.
“Cowles (1937) and Wolfe (1936) demonstrated that chimpanzees could learn to use poker chips to
operate a vending machine that dispensed grapes, and then learn to pull a lever (much like a Nevada slot
machine lever) to earn poker chips, which they could insert into a slot to operate a vending machine.
Textbooks and teachers often cite this result as a demonstration that the value of money depends on
secondary reinforcement.
“In later experiments, Kelleher (1956, 1957a, 1957b, 1958a, 1958b) replicated and extended Cowles’s
(1937) and Wolfe’s (1936) findings. Basically, Kelleher taught two young male chimpanzees first to get
grapes by operating the vending machine with poker chips, and then to earn poker chips by pressing a
telegraph key. Kelleher next varied the schedules of poker chip reward for key-pressing. When the
chimpanzees were working for poker chips, he lighted a white earning light; when they could spend their
poker chips, he turned off the earning light and lighted a red spending light.
“Time has to be divided into earning periods and spending periods in this experiment. If Kelleher had
allowed the chimpanzees to press the key to earn poker chips and then let them spend each poker chip in
the vending machine as soon as they received it, the demonstration would be much less significant.
Without the division into earning and spending periods, Kelleher’s procedure would only be an example of
a chain of responses starting with a key-press, followed by a poker chip, followed by picking up the chip
and putting it in the slot, followed by receiving a grape. This is practically the same thing as the chains
analyzed by the goal gradient principle for rats in mazes. … The only difference is that chimpanzees have
hands that they can use to manipulate objects so that they can execute chains of movement that are
superficially more complex than the chains of running executed by rats in mazes. Other attempts to
demonstrate [a reinforcing effect of a stimulus] through complex chains of reinforcement schedules in a
Skinner box fail for the same reason (e.g., Jacob & Fantino, 1988). [A discriminative stimulus] can
maintain an earlier link in a chain by feeding forward to the next link without feeding backward to
reinforce the link that it follows.
“By lighting one light to signal working periods and a second light to signal spending periods, Kelleher
produced a much more interesting situation, something much more like a chimpanzee working to earn
poker chips in order to spend them later. Human beings also work during designated times, and spend
during other, quite separate, times. Even street vendors who get paid in coins, transaction by transaction,
normally collect the coins during designated earning times and spend the money later.
“The rate at which Kelleher’s chimpanzees worked at pressing the key depended on the schedule of poker
chip reward. Like many human factory workers, however, they got to a point where each chimpanzee
worked at a stable rate for a given schedule of payment so that it took about the same amount of time,
about 4 hours, each day for them to earn the allotted number of poker chips, about 50 chips, depending on
the condition. Consequently, they could have been working for a stable period of time or for a stable
number of chips. The spending light came on after about the same amount of working time either way.
Note that this is because of the stable rate of working maintained by a stable schedule of reward. …
“Kelleher’s chimpanzees lived in rather boring cages when they were not serving in experiments. The
experimental enclosure was larger and more interesting. At the beginning of the experiment, the
chimpanzees naturally spent a certain amount of time running, jumping, climbing, playing with the
apparatus, and otherwise enjoying the place before they settled down. This period of playfulness before
settling down to work persisted through hundreds of hours of experimental sessions. At the beginning of
each session, the chimpanzees took between 20 and 40 minutes before they pressed the key for the first
time. The next key-press came a little sooner, the next sooner, and so on, faster and faster until they
reached their top speed usually with a spurt at the end of the earning period.
“Kelleher (1958b) reasoned that this pattern of results could be interpreted in either of two ways. First, if
the poker chips acted as secondary rewards, then the pause at the beginning of each session might be the
result of lack of reward. The first chip rewarded the first few responses, which reinforced key-pressing so
that responding increased, which resulted in more rewards, which further increased responding, and so on
until the chimpanzees reached their top speed.
“Perhaps the poker chips acted, instead, as discriminative stimuli. As chips collected in the pile beside the
lever, the steadily growing pile was a kind of clock telling the chimpanzees how close they were coming
to the end of the earning period and the beginning of the spending period with its delicious grapes. At the
beginning of the session with no pile at all, a chimpanzee could see that spending time was a long way
off. Even after accumulating a few chips he could see that grape time was still far away. He might
respond more than he had at the start, but still sluggishly. As the pile grew, he could tell that spending
time was getting closer and this stimulated him to press faster and faster until the end spurt when the pile
was highest. In the secondary reward description, the poker chips act backward to reinforce what the
chimpanzee had done before. In the discriminative stimulus description, the poker chips act forward to
stimulate the next thing the chimpanzee does.
“With this in mind, Kelleher tried the following ingenious test. He put 50 poker chips in the experimental
enclosure before each chimpanzee arrived for his daily session. If the poker chips were acting as response
contingent secondary rewards (Sr), then the chimpanzees would be finding a large heap of free Srs as they
entered the enclosure. The free chips would then reward the beginning laziness and playfulness, and
reward this behaviour at a better rate than key-pressing ever had. If the chips were Srs, the chimpanzees
should take much longer to settle down to work, or they might never settle down to work at all. If the pile
of chips was acting as a discriminative stimulus, however, we would expect just the opposite. The
chimpanzees would arrive to find the clock set ahead telling them that they were near to spending time. If
the chips were [discriminative stimuli] the chimpanzees should begin at the high middle-of-the-session
rate, immediately, and improve them then on as more chips piled up.
“Kelleher’s results were decisive. When the chimpanzees found the pile of free chips, they omitted their
usual 20- to 40-minute period of no responding. They went directly to work pressing the key at a high
rate.
“Kelleher’s experiment tests whether the pile of poker chips acts backward as an Sr to reward the
chimpanzees for pressing the key, or acts forward as [a discriminative stimulus] to stimulate them to press
the key more rapidly. When the chimpanzees got a pile of poker chips for doing nothing, they
immediately started to press the key rapidly as if the pile of chips stimulated them forward to intense
activity rather than rewarding them backward for doing nothing.”
Source of excerpts: Gardner, R. A. & Gardner, B. T. (1998). The Structure of Learning: From Sign
Stimuli to Sign Language. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc., pp. 147–150.
• Education. Behaviour modification has been applied to both classroom management and specific
learning skills, from preschool through university education. For example, disruptive behaviours
such as tantrums, aggressive acts, or leaving one’s seat can be modified effectively with the
proper program. Content skills, such as reading comprehension, mathematics, or spelling, can
also benefit from the application of operant principles.
• Severe mental and behavioural problems. Perhaps the most visible use of behaviour modification
techniques is in the management of mental retardation, schizophrenia, and autism. In these
instances social skills, vocational skills, and self-care can be established either on an institutional
ward or in a private setting.
• Clinical behaviour therapy. Behaviour therapy has grown in popularity over the past several
decades. In many cases (e.g., the treatment of phobias and obsessive-compulsive disorder), it is
the treatment of choice.
• Self-management. Behaviour modification has been used to help people achieve their personal
goals, such as overcoming procrastination, maintaining an exercise program, or relieving mild
phobias.
• Medicine and health care. There are several areas related to medical practice that currently rely on
operant principles. For example, patient compliance in drug-taking can be increased through
appropriate reinforcement, as can stress management or the promotion of healthy lifestyles.
• Community psychology. Behaviour modification techniques have been applied beyond the level
of the individual to the level of the community. Community mental health centres, halfway
houses, and youth organizations often employ behavioural techniques to promote job-skills
training or increase compliance with community programs (e.g., recycling, litter removal,
decreasing vandalism).
• Sports psychology. Behaviour modification has been used to improve athletes’ skills (such as
coordination and execution), to change coaches’ behaviours (such as teaching effective
managerial strategies), to increase motivation and endurance (such as having athletes keep public
records of their fitness training), and to treat athletes’ personal problems (such as a behavioural
therapist might do).
Reference:
Martin, G., & Pear, J. (2007). Behaviour modification: What it is and how to do it (8th ed.).
Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Education.
Approach and avoidance behaviours are typical behaviours that emerge after operant conditioning
procedures. For example, reinforcement (e.g., food) promotes approach behaviours, and punishment (e.g.,
shock) promotes avoidance behaviours. Gray (1987, 1990) has implicated emotional reactions in his
description of two distinct systems that are related to approach and avoidance behaviours: the behavioural
approach system (BAS) and the behavioural inhibition system (BIS). In the BAS, environmental signals
of reward produce positive emotions (e.g., happiness, hope, relief), both of which increase the likelihood
of approach behaviour. In the BIS, environmental signals of punishment produce negative emotions (e.g.,
anxiety, fear), both of which increase the likelihood of avoidance behaviour. Distinct neural pathways
support Gray’s behavioural systems. Specifically, activation of the left frontal lobe is related to
pleasurable feelings and approach behaviour, whereas activation of the right frontal lobe is associated
with unpleasant emotions and avoidance behaviours (Davidson, 1995; Sutton & Davidson, 1997).
References;
Davidson, R. (1995). Cerebral asymmetry, emotion and affective style. In R. J. Davidson & K.
Hugdahl (Eds.) Brain Asymmetry (pp. 361–387). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Gray, J. A. (1987). ThePsychology of Fear and Sstress. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Gray, J. A. (1990). Brain systems that mediate both emotion and cognition. Cognition and Emotion,
4, 269–288.
Ramirez-Amaya, V., & Bermudez-Rattoni, F. (1999). Conditioned enhancement of antibody
production is disrupted by insular cortex and amygdala but not hippocampal lesions. Brain,
Behaviour, & Immunity, 13, 46–60.
Sutton, S. K., & Davidson, R. J. (1997). Prefrontal brain asymmetry: A biological substrate of the
behavioural approach and inhibition systems. Psychological Science, 8, 204–210.
Lecture/Discussion: Punishment
Students often have difficulty distinguishing between negative reinforcement and punishment. These
examples of types of punishment may clarify what it is and when it should be used.
Physical punishment or aversive punishment involves administering a stimulus that evokes discomfort.
Spankings, electric shock, harsh sounds, or pinches would be included in this category. Aversive
punishment its typically used in extreme cases, as it is neither pleasant to administer nor to receive.
Reprimands are strong verbal commands (“No!” “Stop that!” “Bad!”) used when an inappropriate
behaviour is displayed. They are sometimes accompanied by physical or nonverbal reprimands. Timeout
can be exclusionary or nonexclusionary. Exclusionary timeout involves removing an individual for a short
time from a situation that he or she finds reinforcing. Nonexclusionary timeout involves introducing a
stimulus that is less reinforcing. For example, children might be given a “good conduct” badge to wear
while playing in a classroom. If the child becomes disruptive, the badge will be removed, and the child
will be ignored by the teacher and not allowed to play with the others. Finally, response cost involves
removing a specified amount of reinforcement after an undesired behaviour occurs. Parking tickets, bank
fees, or library fines would be examples of this type of punishment.
As the text mentions, to be effective punishment must be swift, certain, and sufficient. Some guidelines
for deciding to use punishment include selecting a specific response to punish (such as spitting out food)
rather than a general category of behaviour (such as not eating or being finicky); maximizing the
conditions for a desirable alternative response and minimizing the conditions for the causes of the
undesirable response; and selecting an effective punisher (i.e., one that can be delivered immediately and
will not be associated with subsequent positive reinforcement).
References:
Martin, G., & Pear, J. (2007). Behaviour modification: What it is and how to do it (8th ed.).
Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Education.
Cases of feral children can be traced back for centuries, at least as far as the celebrated case of Romulus
and Remus. The term feral, in its modern usage, refers to a number of situations: Human children raised
by animals; children surviving in the wilderness; children raised in isolated confinement; or children
raised in confinement with little human contact. Regardless of the circumstances, children reared under
atypical conditions present a unique case of learning.
Carlos Linnaeus first documented cases of feral children based largely on anecdotal evidence. Colourful
figures such as the Hessian wolf-boy (1344), Lithuanian bear-boy (1661), or Irish sheep-boy (1672)
covered both a lot of terrain and much of the animal kingdom, and provided ammunition for thinkers from
Jean-Jacques Rousseau to Francis Gall about the contributions of nature and nurture to human
development. Other notable cases include the Wild Boy of Aveyron, Kaspar Hauser, and Wild Peter. It
wasn’t until the well-known case of the wolf-children of Midnapore, Kamala and Amala, that structured