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PALGRAVE STUDIES IN
COMPARATIVE GLOBAL HISTORY
War and Trade in

Maritime East Asia
Edited by
Mihoko Oka
Palgrave Studies in Comparative Global History
Series Editors
Manuel Perez-Garcia, Shanghai Jiao Tong University, Shanghai, China
Lucio De Sousa, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, Tokyo, Japan
This series proposes a new geography of Global History research
using Asian and Western sources, welcoming quality research and
engaging outstanding scholarship from China, Europe and the Americas.
Promoting academic excellence and critical intellectual analysis, it offers a
rich source of global history research in sub-continental areas of Europe,
Asia (notably China, Japan and the Philippines) and the Americas and
aims to help understand the divergences and convergences between East
and West.
Advisory Board
Patrick O’Brien (London School of Economics)
Anne McCants (Massachusetts Institute of Technology)
Joe McDermott (University of Cambridge)
Pat Manning (Pittsburgh University)
Mihoko Oka (University of Tokyo)
Richard Von Glahn (University of California, Los Angeles)
Bartolomé Yun-Casalilla (Universidad Pablo de Olavide de Sevilla)
Shigeru Akita (Osaka University)
François Gipouloux (CNRS/FMSH)
Carlos Marichal (Colegio de Mexico)
Leonard Blusse (Leiden University)
Antonio Ibarra Romero (Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico,
UNAM)
Giorgio Riello (University of Warwick)
Nakajima Gakusho (Kyushu University)
Liu Beicheng (Tsinghua University)
Li Qingxin (Guangdong Academy of Social Sciences)
Dennis O. Flynn (University of the Pacific)
J. B. Owens (Idaho State University)
More information about this series at

https://link.springer.com/bookseries/15711
Mihoko Oka
Editor
War and Trade

in Maritime East Asia
Editor
Mihoko Oka
School of Interdisciplinary
Information Studies
Historiographical Institute
The University of Tokyo
Tokyo, Japan
ISSN 2662-7965 ISSN 2662-7973 (electronic)

Palgrave Studies in Comparative Global History
ISBN 978-981-16-7368-9 ISBN 978-981-16-7369-6 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7369-6
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Contents
1 Introduction: The Meaning of the East Asian

Maritime History—From a Japanese Perspective 1
Mihoko Oka
2 The Study of Maritime Asian History in Japanese
Schools 9
Momoki Shiro
The Development and Reform of History Education
in Contemporary Japan 9
The History of Maritime Asia and What Hinders Its Study 13
Frameworks and Contents of Maritime Asian History
Teaching 17
References 27
Part I Picturing Actors on the Sea

3 Japanese Daimyōs as Sea Lords in the 15th and 16th
Centuries: Their Involvement in the Japan–Ming
Trade 31
Toshio Kage
Introduction 31
Ships, the Daimyōs and Merchants in Western Japan 32
The Ming Trade of the Western Daimyōs 38
Conclusion 53
References 54
v
vi CONTENTS
4 The Origin of the Namban Trade: The Sea of Private

Traders 59
Mihoko Oka
Introduction: Pinto’s Peregrinação 59
The Life of Mendes Pinto 61
Duarte da Gama and the Turning Point for Portuguese
Trade 64
Pinto and Almeida, Two of Gama’s Crewmen 68
The East Asian Seas as Depicted in Pinto’s Peregrinação 70
Guidance from Chinese and Correspondence
of the Authorities 71
Leaders of Chinese Pirates 73
The Chinese Muslim Called Acem 74
Xavier’s plan to establish a factory in Sakai 75
The Lampacau Port 77
Conclusion 81
References 83
5 The Viceroy and the Portuguese: The Establishment
of Ming Policy Toward Macao 87
James Fujitani
Introduction 87
Context: The Viceroy and the Competition for Control
of Foreign Affairs 88
The Viceroy and the Haidao 92
The Viceroy and the Guangdong navy 97
The Viceroy and the Court 100
Conclusions 102
References 104
6 Edo Period Maps of the Old World: An Analysis
on Their Textual Information of Ports and Trade 107
Akiyoshi Fujita
Introduction 107
Overview of the History of the Field 109
The Current Locations of the Sekaizu 111
Results of the Study 125
Conclusion 132
References 141
CONTENTS vii
Part II The Japanese Invasion of Korea

7 Another Altan Khan in Maritime Asia?: Controversies
on the Revival of Sino–Japanese Tributary Trade
During the Japanese Invasion of Korea 147
Gakusho Nakajima
Introduction 147
The Case of Altan Khan: The First Ming–Japan
Negotiation 149
Argument Against Tribute Trade and Its Logic: The Case
of Peng Yingcan 153
Argument for Tribute Trade and Its Logic: The Case
of Chen Yidian 155
The Proposal for “Visiting Trade” to Japan: Zhang Wei’s
Arguments 158
Sino–Japanese Trade in the Tribute and Private Trade
System 161
Mutual Trade in the Northwest vs. Maritime Trade
in the Southeast 163
Conclusion 168
References 169
8 Bloody Headcount: A Dispute Over Reward
and the Mutiny of the Ming Southern Soldiers
in the First Stage of the Korea War (1592–1595) 173
Wing Kin Puk
The Southern Soldiers 175
Decapitation Accounting 178
North–South Conflict During the Battle of Pyongyang 182
The Shimen Mutiny 189
References 192
9 The Diffusion of Japanese Firearms in the Ming
Dynasty at the End of the Sixteenth Century: From
the Japanese Invasion of Korea to Yang Yinglong’s
Revolt in Bozhou 197
Takashi Kuba
Introduction 197
Firearms of the Japanese and Ming Armies at the Time
of the Japanese Invasion of Korea 200
viii CONTENTS
The Usage of Firearms and Japanese Captives by the Ming

Army During Yang Yinglong’s Revolt 207
Conclusion 214
References 215
10 Repatriation of Korean Captives from Japan After
Toyotomi’s Invasion 221
Hitoshi Yonetani
Introduction 221
Repatriation of Korean Captives 223
Means Used to Search for the Captives 234
Searching for Captives 238
Treatment of Captives After Their Repatriation 240
Conclusion 244
References 246
Index of Historical Materials 249

Index of Names 257
Index of Places 265
Index of Subjects 273
List of Contributors
Akiyoshi Fujita Faculty of International Studies, Tenri University, Tenri,

Japan
James Fujitani The Department of History and Modern Languages,
Azusa Pacific University, Azusa, CA, USA
Toshio Kage Faculty of Intercultural Studies, Nagoya Gakuin Univer-
sity, Nagoya, Japan
Takashi Kuba Seinan-Gakuin University, Fukuoka, Japan
Momoki Shiro Osaka University, Suita, Japan
Gakusho Nakajima Faculty of Humanities, Kyushu University,
Fukuoka, Japan
Mihoko Oka School of Interdisciplinary Information Studies and Histo-
riographical Institute, The University of Tokyo, Tokyo, Japan
Wing Kin Puk Department of History, Chinese University of Hong
Kong, Shatin, Hong Kong
Hitoshi Yonetani Waseda University, Tokyo, Japan
ix
List of Figures
Fig. 6.1 (3) 山国神社異国渡海船路積図 Yamaguni Jinja Ikoku

tokai funaji-seki zu 133
Fig. 6.2 (3) Yamaguni Jinja Ikoku tokai funaji-seki zu Textual
Information 1 134
Fig. 6.3 (3) Yamaguni Jinja Ikoku tokai funaji-seki zu Textual
Information 2 134
Fig. 6.4 (6) 異国之図 Ikoku no zu 135
Fig. 6.5 (6) Ikoku no zu Textual Information 1 136
Fig. 6.6 (6) Ikoku no zu Textual Information 2 136
xi
List of Tables
Table 6.1 Current state/classification of surveyed world maps

with textual information, and relationship with previous
studies 127
Table 6.2 Areas and ports that are mentioned 128
Table 6.3 Import items from Japan to Asian ports mentioned
in the textual information 137
Table 6.4 Export items from Asian ports and Europe to Japan
mentioned in the textual information 138
Table 7.1 The structure of the tribute and private trade system
in the late sixteenth century 164
Table 8.1 Southern Soldiers in the first stage of the Korea War
(1592–1594), in order of appearance in chapter 34
of SS, as of 11 February 1593 178
Table 10.1 Repatriation of the Korean captives 224
xiii
CHAPTER 1
Introduction: The Meaning of the East

Asian Maritime History—From a Japanese
Perspective
Mihoko Oka
In recent years, research on Asian maritime history has become more

active. This book is also the result of an international research project,
“Conflict and Diplomacy in Maritime East Asia During the 16th and 17th
Centuries” (Principal Investigator: Gakusho Nakajima; 2017–2021).
At the beginning of the twenty-first century, under the grand project,
“Maritime Cross-Cultural Exchange in East Asia and the Formation of
Japanese Traditional Culture (2005–2009),” headed by Tsuyoshi Kojima
of the University of Tokyo—the so-called Ningbo project—an organiza-
tion consisting of a large number of researchers was formed in Japan.
Many research books were subsequently published; however, all these
M. Oka (B)
School of Interdisciplinary Information Studies and Historiographical Institute,
The University of Tokyo, Tokyo, Japan
e-mail: mihoko@hi.u-tokyo.ac.jp
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022
M. Oka (ed.), War and Trade in Maritime East Asia,
Palgrave Studies in Comparative Global History,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7369-6_1
2 M. OKA
research books were written in Japanese. Masashi Haneda, who was one
of the project leaders, thought that the maritime research history accumu-
lated in Japan should be introduced to foreign countries and published A
Maritime History of East Asia, in English (Kyoto University Press & APP,
2019), together with his colleagues. The editor of this volume, Mihoko
Oka, was the associate editor of the book. This book is not a collection
of papers by individual researchers but focuses on the work of nearly 40
researchers who collaborated to co-create the most appropriate historical
narrative at the time.
Haneda had already pointed out the problem that historical research in
Japan does not follow the trends of historical research overseas (Haneda
2015).1 The fact that little is known overseas about detailed research
in Japan is not just because of Japan’s unique linguistic difficulties.
According to Haneda, Japanese historical research is “tube-like” and frag-
mented and characterized by the fact that researchers protect their areas
of expertise while being careful not to interfere with the research areas
of adjacent researchers. Such an approach to research is useful for a
deeper understanding of history, but it is a big obstacle to recognizing
the connections and understanding them more widely.
Since Japan is an island country surrounded by the sea, connections
with foreign countries have naturally been formed through the sea. There-
fore, cultural contact with foreign countries, as well as diplomacy, trade,
etc., is basically all maritime history. However, orthodox Japanese history
researchers who study Japan from the inside are sticking to the history
of relations with other countries as seen “from Japan.” There is no
perspective with regards to cross-cultural exchange, but rather it tends
to be entirely focused on the debate about “how foreign cultures were
introduced into Japan and became part of the Japanese culture.” It is
called “Japanese history of foreign relations” in Japan. The researchers
of this “Japanese history of foreign relations” are generally from the
departments of Japanese history at the faculties of letters of famous
universities, and most of them are not good at English and other foreign
languages. They can read Chinese characters that are also used in ancient
Japanese documents, but cannot speak Chinese or Korean. Many of the
researchers of “Japanese history of foreign relations” participated in the
Ningbo project mentioned earlier, along with researchers of Chinese and
1 Haneda Masashi, “Japanese Perspectives on ‘Global History’”, Asian Review of World

Histories 3:2 (July 2015), 219–234.
1 INTRODUCTION: THE MEANING OF THE EAST ASIAN … 3
Korean history (although most of them were Japanese). Researchers of

“Japanese history” and “Oriental history” gathered at conferences to
exchange information on historical records and knowledge from their
respective standpoints, and the volume of mutually stimulated research
developed greatly. Nonetheless, this was “research on the history of
international exchange in Japan” and did not seek foreign researchers
as partners. Under this project, many Japanese researchers traveled to
China and South Korea to hold workshops and conduct research with
local researchers, but their work did not constitute something that could
be termed partnerships. After all, Japanese people were “frightened” or
“hesitant” to have contact with foreigners. I think this is strongly influ-
enced by sakoku (seclusion) during the Edo period. In my case, I work
at a research institute of Japanese history, which has more than 100
researchers, but only two to three colleagues work with me in the section
dealing with historical material related to Japan in foreign languages,
and very few colleagues in other sections think they need international
contact. Compared to them, it can be said that researchers of “Japanese
history of foreign relations” are internationalized in the sense that they
travel abroad and host foreign researchers conducting research in Japan.
The only problem is that they do not speak English or Chinese.
∗ ∗ ∗
One of the trends in the world of historical science is the popularity of

global history. That said, the power of national history is not so much
influenced by the popularity of global history. At least in Japan, national
history is alive and well, and perhaps 90% of history students (Japanese,
Oriental, and Western history) are not interested in countries or regions
other than their subject of specialization. Even in the case of countries
and regions that are adjacent and share political interests, professors do
not recommend studying them together. For example, although “research
on the account books of a merchant of a city in Flanders” would be
highly regarded, if “research on the network of merchants that traversed
the Habsburg Empire” was presented as a prospective research theme
(regardless of whether it can be done or not), the professor and seniors
will say, “you should study something a little less grandiose in scope.”
Studying global history in Japan leads to the risk of breaking the
so-called standard. Zomia research is in the limelight in global history
research, but researchers who are attracted to this trend in global history
4 M. OKA
may also be Zomian people who belong to minorities themselves. They

tend to move out of the framework, because they feel cramped in the
framework of national history, or feel that there is no place for them. The
“global” world is what provides them with a place to be.
In the case of Japan, since the 1970s, researchers who had gone beyond
national history have been accepted in the field of “Japanese history of
foreign relations.” In Tokyo, the center of this field was the “Historio-
graphical Institute (Shiryo-hensanjo)” of the University of Tokyo, which is
also a temple of national history. There, researchers such as Takeo Tanaka,
Shosuke Murai, and Yasunori Arano started a reform movement against
the standards of Japanese history research. One of the reasons why the
reform movement became possible is that the authority of the Histo-
riographical Institute protected them. Many foreign researchers stayed
briefly at the Historiographical Institute to conduct research every year
(and continue to do so). In the past, Ronald Toby and Leonard Blussé,
and more recently Robert Hellyer, Adam Clulow, and others have stayed
for more than a year and have had an impact on the research conducted
by Japanese researchers.
In Osaka, a monthly study group on maritime Asian history was held,
which was originally led by Shiro Momoki, a researcher of Champa
Kingdom in Vietnam, and research on the history of interactions and
minorities in marginal areas mediated by the sea became popular, mainly
among graduate students and young researchers. Compared to the land-
centered empires and kingships, the forces that expanded into the sea
were rather “marginal” (e.g., the Zheng family at the beginning of Qing
China). Although researchers of “Japanese history of foreign relations”
in Tokyo were able to befriend foreign researchers coming to Japan who
were fluent in Japanese, they did not move in the direction of presenting
their research in English. In contrast, the Osaka group actively worked
on oral presentations and papers in English. The results are clear from
Changing Dynamics and Mechanisms of Maritime Asia in Comparative
Perspectives (Palgrave Macmillan 2021) recently published by S. Akita,
S. Momoki & Liu Hong, which is a collection of papers by young and
talented researchers of global history at Osaka University.
The difference between the “Japanese history of foreign relations” of
Tokyo and “research on the history of Asian sea areas” of Osaka may be
derived from whether its foundation is “Japanese history” or “Oriental
history.” It is not easy to incorporate the “Japanese history of foreign rela-
tions,” which is based on “Japanese history,” into global history. In fact,
these are difficulties that are similar to those of crossbreeding different

species of plants. With regard to East Asia in the sixteenth and seven-
teenth centuries, the contributors in the present book share a problem
awareness in terms of using trade and war as subjects to clarify multi-
ethnic, borderless, and multi-layered situations. Although there are many
chapters related to Japan, we try to grasp the interaction between Japan
as a region of East Asia and neighboring countries from a global perspec-
tive, not the “History of Japan.” Here, we depict the fact that the entry
of Europe (especially the Portuguese), which is a characteristic of this
era, brought about certain changes, and also the end of the tributary
system to the Ming Dynasty, and the political changes in neighboring
countries disrupted the relatively peaceful state of the East Asian sea area,
as maintained during the fifteenth century.
∗ ∗ ∗
This book is divided into two parts. One is the state of trade in East
Asia before and after the collapse of the tributary system to the Ming
Dynasty, and the other is the war of aggression in which Toyotomi
Hideyoshi of Japan sent a large number of troops to the Korean Penin-
sula with a view of conquering China at the end of the sixteenth century.
In recent years, the theory that the invasion of Korea by Hideyoshi was
carried out to counter the European expansion has been in the limelight
in Japan (Hirakawa 2018).2 In that sense, the war of aggression can also
be seen as part of Japan’s response in the global arena. Research on the
invasion of Korea from this perspective will likely become active in the
future, including the verification of the validity of this theory.
The conditions of the tributary trade to the Ming Dynasty by the
daimyōs (feudal lords) of western Japan, especially Kyushu, from the latter
half of the fifteenth century to the sixteenth century, are clarified in the
paper of Kage in Part I. Another paper by Kage has clarified the changes
in political and economic trends of Kyushu regarding trade, such as the
fact that the Otomo clan, a Warring States daimyō of Kyushu, engaged in
diplomacy and commerce not only with the Ming Dynasty but also with
the kingships of Southeast Asia, such as Cambodia. In the chapters of this
book, we clarify not only the role of the Otomo clan, but also the trade
forms and shipping activity of other daimyōs, as well as details of the Ming
2 Hirakawa Arata, Sengoku Nihon to Daikokaijidai, Tokyo: Chukoshinsho, 2018.

6 M. OKA
Trade of the Otomo clan. Since the research conducted by Kage is highly
regarded in Japan but has rarely been introduced to an overseas audience,
his contribution here is very meaningful.
Oka analyzes the entry of the Portuguese into the East China Sea
trade of the Wokou (Japanese pirates) around 1550, mainly from histor-
ical material of the Jesuits and the descriptions in Peregrinação by Fernão
Mendes Pinto, which is a famous Portuguese literature. This chapter is
directly linked to her monograph, The Namban Trade (Brill 2021).
The paper by Fujitani has continuity with the events described by Oka.
The Portuguese, who were allowed to settle in Macau in 1557, coop-
erated with the Ming army in repelling pirates along the Chinese coast,
which were still out of control. There are few studies on the relationship
between the Portuguese and the Ming Dynasty when the Portuguese
were allowed to settle in Macau. This is due to the lack of historical
material in Portuguese and of the Jesuits during this period. Fujitani care-
fully analyzed Chinese literature, centered on Ming shi, and succeeded in
describing details that Western scholars in the same field have not been
able to clarify.
Fujita’s paper is a comprehensive study of the world map that details
the areas where Japanese Shuinsen (trading ships licensed by the Toku-
gawa shogunate) sailed in the seventeenth century. It is important to note
that research on world maps was thriving before World War II, but many
of the maps were scattered and lost after the war, and their whereabouts
became unknown. Fujita has confirmed the location of each of these maps
as far as possible and reorganized them by type. These maps are accom-
panied by very detailed lists of products and areas where Japanese ships
sailed, and they provide quite valuable information on intra-Asian trade
in the early seventeenth century.
The second part of the book, the Japanese invasion of Korea, begins
with a paper by Nakajima that analyzes the details of political movements
regarding the Ming-Japan trade in the Ming court before and after the
first invasion. The military actions of Hideyoshi invading Korea, a depen-
dent country of Ming, were an insult to the Ming Court, but on the other
hand, there were court bureaucrats who wanted to revive the Ming-Japan
tributary trade. This is also what Hideyoshi wanted, and the movement
of Hideyoshi’s important vassals that were trying to achieve the revival of
the Ming-Japan trade is also clarified here.
Puk looked at the details of how internal conflicts arose within the
Ming army over military exploits and rewards during the war of aggres-
sion, which in turn led to a large-scale rebellion. This chapter clearly
depicts the destruction of the Japanese army by the Ming army, and at
the same time, it depicts a fierce battle between the Southern soldiers and
the Northern soldiers of Ming over the heads of enemy soldiers, which
was the basis of the rewards system, and it is possible to see a part of the
war that is not necessarily nation against nation.
Kuba clarified that Japanese arquebusiers as well as Japanese captives
acquired during this war of aggression by Ming military commanders were
used to repress the Yang Yinglong’s Revolt (1594–1600) that occurred in
Bozhou, Sichuan. This is an example that concretely reveals the universal
and strange fact that war plays the role of a kind of civilizational exchange,
as well as its tragic reality.
Finally, the paper by Yonetani concerns the repatriation of Korean
captives who were arrested and taken to Japan during the Japanese mili-
tary activities. This paper has already been published in Japanese and
is internationally recognized as an excellent paper, but this time it is
published in English, which is very meaningful in that more readers will
be able to read it. Tokugawa Ieyasu, who became the ruler of Japan after
the death of Hideyoshi and the Battle of Sekigahara (1600), tried to make
peace with Ming and Joseon. The research of Yonetani shows that the Sō
clan of Tsushima played an important role in the repatriation of captives.
It also clarifies in detail the individual names and circumstances of Korean
captives that were in Japan at the beginning of the Edo period. In recent
years, it has become known that these Korean captives were taken to
various parts of the world, and this provides very valuable information
for learning about the continuous global phenomenon caused by the war
that Hideyoshi waged.
In the introduction of this book, apart from this preliminary remark,
we added a paper by Shiro Momoki that focuses on the role that maritime
history could play in history education at Japanese schools. As mentioned
earlier, Momoki is one of the leading researchers in Japanese maritime
history. When I was a graduate student, I was part of a study group in
Osaka that was supervised by Momoki and learned the importance of
having a historical view of Japan from the outside. After that, fortunately,
I was hired by the “temple of Japanese History” in Tokyo. During the
process of establishing my identity as a researcher, I was able to avoid
being buried in national history thanks to my close look at the rebellious
8 M. OKA
spirit of Momoki. Momoki left the research of maritime Asian history

with the publication of A Research Guide to Maritime Asian History.3
He then took on the role of inviting young researchers to the field of
global history and rushed into a reform movement of denouncing “tube-
like” historical research. It is largely due to Momoki’s efforts that research
on maritime Asian history has become established as a research field and
method in Japan. However, it seems that his unwillingness to settle in
a safe place led him to steeper mountains and stormier seas. In other
words, the task of bridging the gap between history research at universi-
ties and the content of history taught in general, as well as in junior high
schools and high schools. Many maritime history researchers take pride
in not using “tube-like” research methods in Japanese history. However,
even so, these researchers have not been able to abandon their obses-
sion with interesting aspects of small events that can be understood only
among themselves. Any research in the field humanities should not just be
a reinterpretation and adoration of the “classics.” If there is no awareness
about contributing to a better present and future of human society, there
is no academic value. I believe that the history of exchanges that people
have been able to carry out continuously across the sea will now serve as
the key to renewing our understanding of the formation of the modern
international community.
3 Momoki Shiro, Yamauchi Shinji, Fujita Kayoko, and Hasuda Takashi, eds. Kaiiki
Ajiashi Kenkyu Nyumon (A Research Guide to Maritime Asian History). Tokyo: Iwanami
Shoten, 2008.
CHAPTER 2
The Study of Maritime Asian History

in Japanese Schools
Momoki Shiro
The Development and Reform of History

Education in Contemporary Japan1
Today, Japanese schools still follow a system of education that was intro-
duced after 1945 in a process known as Postwar Reform.2 Thanks to
substantial economic growth from the 1960s to the 1980s, high school
and university education expanded rapidly, to the extent that currently
1 For more detailed exposition of this subject, see this author’s papers on history
education (Momoki 2015, 2018, 2019).
2 Within the so-called 6–3–3 system, primary school (six years) and middle school
(three years) are stipulated as obligatory, while high school (three years) is not. The
curricula and textbooks of these schools must follow the National Guidelines, while every
university can run teacher qualification programs with the approval of the Ministry of
Education, Culture, Sport, Science, and Technology. The government does not publish
school textbooks, but all titles have to pass a government screening process.
M. Shiro (B)
Osaka University, Suita, Japan

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7369-6_2
10 S. MOMOKI
almost all graduates of middle school enter high school and 50% of
youth enter university or junior college. Along with this expansion, the
competitive nature of entrance examinations intensified, and the belief
that university entrance examination results determine one’s life became
widespread.3 However, from the 1990s, owing to economic stagnation
and the conservatism of the business world, the number of graduate
students, including those awarded a Ph.D., did not increase as expected.
Today, more and more universities have difficulties in filling their under-
graduate and graduate programs, not only because of the sharp decline in
the Japanese birth rate, but also due to insufficient reform of the teaching
system (especially in the humanities and social sciences), which has been
designed purely for Japanese nationals.
In primary and middle schools, history is taught as part of Social
Studies,4 while in high schools, Japanese History and World History,
together with Geography, compose the subject area of Geography and
History. When modern educational systems were imposed upon middle
schools and universities at the beginning of the twentieth century, history
was divided into three subjects/majors, namely National (Japanese)
History, Oriental (Asian) History, and Western (European and American)
History. In the Postwar Reform period, high school Oriental History and
Western History were unified to form a new subject of World History,
but at university level the tripartite system was maintained almost intact.
As education expanded and competition in university entrance exams
increased, history in high schools and for those exams became a matter of
memorizing dates and names mechanically without considering methods
of historical study or their wider implications.5 Most universities, though,
3 Though the number of candidates who are selected through high school achievements,
interviews, and/or presentations are increasing, exams on paper are still regarded as the
authentic path to university. There are two types of university exam, one organized by
National Center for University Entrance Examination (a computer-marked multiple-choice
test), and the other organized by individual universities (including essay tests). Owing to
poor finances and a lack of manpower, more and more universities, including private
universities, rely on the former, regardless of their preferred admission policies.
4 A number of great figures in Japanese history are on the curriculum in primary school,
while a comprehensive history of Japan and some topics of world history that relate to
Japan are taught in middle school.
5 A popular obsession with neutrality and fairness has helped this tendency greatly,
because any abstract concept or big picture can reflect political views, and questions
related to these cannot be marked fairly. Despite the democratic constitution and legal
2 THE STUDY OF MARITIME ASIAN HISTORY IN JAPANESE SCHOOLS 11
have maintained traditional elitist academic methods, in which emphasize

students’ research autonomy. As a result, the laissez-faire undergraduate
education has become ineffective in many universities, to the extent that
the majority of graduates with history majors cannot show any compe-
tence in historical research. Another critical problem is that Japanese
History (national history) and Western History (the universal model that
it is assumed Japan should follow) have been assigned major roles at all
educational levels, while Eastern History (despite its traditional strength
in East Asia and recent development in other regions) has been regarded
as a minor field of study.6
In the 2010s, wide-ranging discussions took place regarding the clash
between conventional systems of education and growing political pressure
for change, which came from ultra-nationalists on the one hand and new
global educational models from the OECD (Organisation for Economic
Co-operation and Development) and other international institutions on
the other. From 2016 onwards, the MEXT (Ministry of Education,
Culture, Sport, Science and Technology) has promulgated new guidelines
for school education, and has also launched a thorough reexamination of
teacher training programs. An entire reform of the ‘Center Exam’7 system
is also planned. All these reforms are designed to offer competence-
oriented education instead of traditional education that is designed to
impart fixed knowledge and skills. The high school guidelines of 2017
(which will be enforced from 2022 onwards) stipulate overall reform for
systems, in which eighteen-year-old students have the right to vote, most Japanese do not
seem to think it necessary for the youth to learn how to make political judgments.
6 In recent years, the number of undergraduate students (and often graduate students)
who major in Asian History has been decreasing sharply in many universities (except
for students who are interested in studying Muslim society), while the Japanese History
major attracts more and more students who are only interested in national topics. The
Western History major continues to attract students who are attracted by ‘elegant’ and/or
‘advanced’ European and North American history. The declining interest in Asian history
among students has various reasons, including frustration about the contrast between a
stagnating Japan and its developing neighbors (which has caused political and cultural
conflict between them) and the total collapse in traditional knowledge that is based on
the learning of Chinese characters and classics.
7 The National Center Test for University Admissions. It has been used by all national
and public as well as many private universities since replacing the Common First-Stage
Examination in 1990. From 2021, the new Common Test for University Admissions is
intended to more broadly test applicants’ abilities with less reliance on the multiple-choice
format.
12 S. MOMOKI
Geography and History, according to which new compulsory subjects of

Geography and Modern and Contemporary History (two credits each)
and new selective subjects of Advanced Geography, Advanced Japanese
History, and Advanced World History (three credits each) will be taught.
In the Modern and Contemporary History module, students are required
to learn how to study history through questions and materials that relate
to major issues of world history (this including Japan), such as moderniza-
tion, popular society, and globalization, in order to consider (to discuss,
to judge, to express opinions about) contemporary issues in historical
contexts, issues such as freedom and control, development and preser-
vation, integration and differentiation, and so forth. Advanced Japanese
History and Advanced World History covers all eras from the Ancient
Period to present, but also stress overall pictures and historical contexts
rather than detailed factual knowledge.8 It appears to be difficult for
conventional exam-oriented textbooks, as well as high school teachers and
university exam question setters, to adapt themselves to this situation.9
8 For a long time, major universities have required candidates to take a Course B
(four credits) of World History and/or Japanese History, for which a huge amount of
memorizing has been thought essential. This is partly so that candidates can be easily
ranked, and partly to allow specialized study (as professors do not teach more general
knowledge in a systematic manner). However, in the reformed entrance exams for new
subjects (advanced histories only have three credits), questions cannot be asked about so
many knowledge. Universities have to make a great effort to rank candidates efficiently if
there is reduced memorization. It is not so easy to mark questions that involve the big
picture or abstract concepts.
9 There are various innovative [Momoki: the term ‘revised’ looks misleading for readers
familiar with Japanese education, in which every textbook must be revised every four
or five years] textbooks for Course A (two credits) of either Japanese History or World
History, but they are seldom used for the preparation of university entrance exams. In
the case of textbooks for Course B, however, many facts are listed within a conventional
historiographical framework. Moreover, either in Japanese History or in World History,
a single textbook has gained an overwhelming market share: this is Expound History (of
Japan and of the World) published by Yamakawa. An English translation of Expound
History of the World has also been published (Hashiba et al. [eds.] 2019). Foreign readers
may be astonished by its insensible historiography and maps regarding Southeast Asia. This
textbook, with its conventional historiography and list of items to memorize, has played
the role of de facto national textbook among all those who have ever taken university
entrance exams. As far as the market for Course B is concerned, innovative texts for
Japanese History (published by Jikkyo Shuppan, Toyko Shoseki, and Shimizu Shoin, for
instance) and World History (by Tokyo Shoseki, Teikoku Shoin, and Jikkyo Shuppan) are
far from successful.
The History of Maritime Asia

and What Hinders Its Study
As will be shown elsewhere in this book, Asian Maritime History research
has advanced greatly since the 1990s,10 keeping pace with global history
research. It has involved specialists from various fields, such as Japan’s
external relationships,11 the East Asian/Eastern Eurasian world, the
Southeast Asian maritime world,12 and so forth. Scholars are often keen
to follow new academic trends in neighboring countries, which in general
have tried to deconstruct the nation-state framework of historical research
and historiography. Historians of maritime Asia have published many
10 The term Asian Maritime History (kaiiki Ahiashi) was first employed by the scholars
who inaugurated the Maritime Asian History Research Group in 2013, including Fujita
Akiyoshi, Yamauchi Shinji, and the current author. General research trends in the field
were introduced in Momoki et al. (2008) and Fujita et al. (2013), while large-scale
pictures of maritime Asia in the second millennium were drawn in Haneda and Oka
(2019). The Minerva Series of World History, a global history series that was launched in
2016, also pays much attention to maritime Asia (Haneda 2016; Akita 2019; Nagahara
2019).
11 A boom in the study of maritime expansion in medieval and early modern Japan took
place between the 1930s and 1945 in major universities in mainland Japan and also in
Taipei under the Japanese rule. After 1945, however, a reaction to militarist expansionism
combined with the dominance of the social sciences (represented by Marxist theory) that
were only interested in the structure of a closed nation and people’s struggle, and research
into Japan’s external relationships was almost forgotten (despite the activities of pioneering
scholars such as Iwao Seiichi and Kobata Atsuhi). It was only in the 1980s that there was
an academic revival led by the younger generation, such as Arano Yasunori and Murai
Shosuke (followed by the next generation, including Hashimoto Yu, Enomoto Wataru,
and Oka Mihoko), this often being stimulated by new academic trends in local history,
such as Ryukyu/Okinawa (led by Takara Kurayoshi). The idea of Hoppo History (history
of the Northern region, including areas outside the national territory of Japan), which
was mainly proposed in Hokkaido, also played an outstanding role. The situation was
not so different for Japan’s academic study of Chinese history and Korean history, except
for the traditionally styled research on overseas Chinese. In the case of Chinese history,
foreign trade and external relationships started to attract Japanese Sinologists of Imperial
China (first the specialists in the Ming–Qing period, including Kishimopto Mio, Ueda
Makoto, and Nakajima Gakusho, then those who were studying earlier periods) only after
the Cultural Revolution ended, when China began to search its past in relation to the era
of Reform and Open-Door Policies.
12 During the decades up to the 1970s, academic study of Southeast Asian history had
begun to include maritime trade and port cities. Scholars such as Wada Hisanori and Ikuta
Shigeru collaborated with those studying Ryukyu history. From the 1980s onwards, Ishii
Yoneo and Sakurai Yumio led many research projects that involved both foreign scholars,
such as Anthony Reid, and young Japanese students, including the present author.
14 S. MOMOKI
works that have deconstructed or relativized conventional methodolog-

ical frameworks, such as nation-states, pre-modern East–West interactions
(a research method that was criticized by both the social sciences and
area studies after World War II), and one-sided European expansion
after the sixteenth century. In terms of location, Japanese academic study
of Maritime Asian History has mainly focused on the seas surrounding
Japan, especially the East China Sea. But many scholars have also been
interested in maritime interactions and port polities in Southeast Asia,
the research of which developed earlier. Research that focuses on the
Indian Ocean (an area that Japanese academia had completely neglected)
has also developed since the 1980s,13 alongside a general expansion in
historical research in South Asia and West Asia. It is noteworthy that
Japanese maritime Asian historical research often tries to combine subjects
that may be defined as maritime in the narrowest sense (such as natural
sea conditions, shipbuilding and navigation, fishing and seafaring people,
maritime trade and pirates, religious and cultural interactions, and so on)
with more general topics relating to lands and continents, in order to set
Asian History in a global context.
In the sphere of education and teacher training programs, however,
Asian Maritime History has barely secured a peripheral position, often
being hindered by the deep-rooted gap between Japanese History and
‘Foreign’ History as fields of study.14 Despite the introduction of specific
topics, such as the thriving trade of medieval Ryukyu and Ainu, and the
history of the Iwami silver mine, which was one of the world’s major silver
mines in the sixteenth century, most of the academic structure of Japanese
History is still independent, and indeed isolated. It is no exaggeration to
say that the academic study of Japanese History and ‘Foreign’ History
have different grammars and vocabularies. Many teachers are attentive to
this gap, because it can cause difficulties for the new high school subjects,
especially Modern and Contemporary History. Coping with recent ultra-
nationalistic revisionism in Japanese and Asian History is also problematic.
13 Pioneering scholars included Yajima Hikoich, who worked on Muslim trade in the
Western Indian Ocean, and Karashima Noboru, who worked on medieval Tamil networks
in South and Southeast Asia.
14 Practical divisions are also problematic. For instance, both Asian history and Japanese
history often quote sources written in classical Chinese, but methodologies for quotation
and translation vary between academic articles and high school textbooks.
Problems mainly come from the highly developed but over-rigid disci-
pline of the study in Japanese History (this often being increased by
a neglect of those who were studying foreign histories). For instance,
among academics and in universities, Japanese History is clearly divided
into four successive phases: Ancient History, Medieval History, Early
Modern History, and Modern and Contemporary History, with histo-
rians who are studying Japan’s international relationships being allocated
a marginal role in every instance. Although the fundamental impact of
international conditions is generally admitted in the Ancient and Modern
and Contemporary phases, all four phases are entirely focused on Japan,
neither taking into account global and regional periods, nor including
discussion about long-term change and continuity beyond traditional
units such as ‘ancient’ and ‘medieval’. This inward-looking approach used
to allow them to accept the Soviet-style comparative way of periodiza-
tion,15 according to which every nation evolved on a uniform path in
different paces. After the decline of Soviet-style Marxist history, which
dominated Japanese academia for more than two decades after 1945,
Japanese historians, especially those who studied the Medieval and Early
Modern phases, became more conservative in making broad compar-
isons with other countries, because of Japan’s seemingly unique political
system. Even today, not many scholars show an interest in comparing
Japanese domestic experiences and systems (kingship, aristocracy, and the
feudal system, for example) with Asian and/or world conditions, although
research into connections with the outside world was already popular,
even during the period of seclusion (sakoku) under the Tokugawa Shogu-
nate. Foreign historians found it difficult to grasp Japanese academic
trends or new conceptions of Japanese History, given the plethora
of specialized studies that were couched in a unique historiographical
language.
The situation has been made worse by the deficiency of Japanese
general education, thanks to which few students chance to study widely
new fields of research (social history, gender history, and ecological
history, for instance). At both high school and university levels, general
topics, such as the nature of science or academic research, or the differ-
ences between and common features among various disciplines, are
15 The Soviet-style which I intend to mean here is the idea that the periodization of a
certain area should be different from the periodization of another area. It is not suitable
for the current trends to think about history that should be aware of global.
16 S. MOMOKI
seldom taught, the focus being instead on intensive memorizing (in high
schools), empirical research of a narrow field (in university history), and
teaching skills in the narrow sense (in teacher training programs). Even
in university liberal arts programs, students spend most of their time
studying the outline of individual disciplines and research topics without
the opportunity to consider general academic trends or compare different
disciplines. Few high school teachers who were trained under such condi-
tions are capable of understanding the full scope of historical research
and general pictures of Japanese History and World History. They cannot
help but teach by rote facts they learned at high school, leavened with a
small amount of new knowledge picked up at university, without consid-
ering the basic discrepancy between Japanese History and World History
(let alone related subjects, such as Geography, Civics, Ethics, and so
forth).
This lack of a general view has caused many specific problems for
Asian Maritime History. The deep-rooted combination of Japanese partic-
ularism and Eurocentrism is so enduring that when teachers and museum
curators try to connect their locality to global history, many of them auto-
matically seek connections with Europe and America. Even in Nagasaki,
where more than two-thirds of trade was conducted by Chinese traders
under the seclusion policy, only the interaction with Dutch and other
European people is remembered. There are still a considerable number of
disproved theories, which derive from research conducted before 1945,
that have still to be corrected in textbooks. Examples are those relating
to Japan’s tribute missions dispatched to the Tang (kentoshi), and the
Ming licensed tribute-trade system, which are treated by teachers as if they
were uniquely experienced by Japan.16 Textbooks pay more attention to
the trade of Japan with Southeast Asia at the end of the sixteenth and
the beginning of the seventeenth centuries, but they still reproduce maps
16 There is another problem created by teacher training programs for middle-school

education, which stress how to teach rather than what to teach. Many students memorize
what they learn, including information that is factually incorrect. In both high schools and
universities, teachers have great difficulty in correcting such firmly embedded misconcep-
tions. An example concerns Ming trade licenses. In middle schools, it is taught that these
were small tallies issued to distinguish Japanese governmental envoys from the notorious
Japanese pirates. More recently, it has been concluded that they were actually an offi-
cial document issued to many foreign envoys to distinguish them from unofficial trading
missions.
that were drawn more than half a century ago (when no Japanese histo-
rians learned local languages or the history of Southeast Asia), without
referring to recent books and other material published by specialists in
Southeast Asian studies (Hasuda 2019). New fields of study, such as
gender, also tend to reproduce conventional frameworks. For example,
scholars were shocked when an excellent guide to Japanese gender history
was published (Kurushima et al. 2015) without any reference to compar-
isons with other countries in the medieval and early modern periods.
Surely it is worth studying such topics as the gender of Japanese ‘pirates’
in the fourteenth to seventeenth centuries, or the impact of seclusion
on the formation of the Ie (family/household) system peculiar to Japan
during the Tokugawa period, isn’t it? Finally, the worldwide reconsid-
eration of modernization and modernity (often leading to reassessment
of the early modern era) that has taken place since the latter half of
the twentieth century has not yet reached new textbooks: conventional
historiography, which emphasizes the stagnant nature of East Asian coun-
tries during the late early modern period, is still dominant. The first text
books issued for the new compulsory subject of Modern and Contempo-
rary History (the screening of which was undertaken by MEXT in 2020),
do not appear to be free from traditional assumptions that there was a
universal model of modernization in East Asia, that all ‘sleeping’ countries
were shocked by the impact of the West, and that Japan alone succeeded
in self-modernizing.
Frameworks and Contents

of Maritime Asian History Teaching
In filling the gap in both research and education between Japanese
History and World History, especially in East Asian terms, Maritime Asian
History is expected to play an important role. It needs to lead the task
of creating an integrated way of study/teaching and understanding of
Asian History in which Japanese History is well positioned, in any period
and field, including those to be covered by Modern and Contemporary
History.
With this goal in mind, Maritime Asian History must shed new light
(either in research or in education) upon such basic topics as the struc-
ture of the Chinese Empire and the Sinosphere, as well as the spatial
frameworks of East Asia and Eastern Eurasia. The major mission is to
upgrade the understanding of tributary relationships. There are currently
18 S. MOMOKI
two interpretations (not only among high school teachers but also among
professional scholars), which are at opposite ends of the spectrum: one
will not accept Japan’s tributary position even in the Tang and Ming
Periods, while the other overemphasizes the effect of China’s tribute–
investiture system upon surrounding countries. Both appear to share a
simplistic image of vassal states and do not take into account the diversity
and flexibility of interstate relationships in the pre-modern Asian world.
This topic is intertwined with the debates around spatial setting.
While some scholarship tends to emphasize the influence of the Chinese
tribute–investiture system upon the policy and world consciousness of
surrounding countries (with the major purpose of criticizing the histo-
riography of Japan, a historiography that has been overemphasizing the
independence of Ancient Japan), Central Eurasian scholarship insists
on the superiority of nomadic peoples over the ideologically arrogant
China.17 These frameworks therefore do not mesh together, and both
pay little attention to Southeast Asia, including the Sinicized Vietnam.
On the contrary, maritime Asianists have been dissatisfied both with too
narrow a framework for East Asia (with many scholars studying only
the three countries of Japan, China, and Korea to satisfy a wider view
beyond national history, but neglecting Southeast Asia, because its civi-
lization did not interest them) and also with the dominance of Central
Eurasian history (which tends to insist on strong political power and
large-scale human networks, often overlooking the viewpoints of the small
and weak). Maritime Asianists can intervene in this debate in fruitful ways.
They have pursued more comprehensive viewpoints, including a compar-
ison between trade in Central Eurasia through oasis cities and that in
Southeast Asia through port polities, as well as Lieberman’s (2003, 2009)
comparison among the countries in the Protected Zone of Eurasia, which
did not suffer invasion from Inner Asian peoples but the Mongols, and
would become the basis of modern nation-states.
Another task for Asian Maritime History is to provide a comprehen-
sive overview of important commodities and their related production and
technologies, such as ceramics, precious metals, and copper coins, the
history of which is so far taught in a fragmentary manner across various
17 Central Eurasian academics are generally indifferent to maritime Asia. Even for the
Mongol Empire, few scholars other than Mukai Masaki and Yokkaichi Yasuhiro (and some
specialists in the Korean peninsula and those in supra-regional cultural interactions) have
studied the maritime world closely.
periods and areas. Another important general topic concerns interregional

Buddhist networks, especially those of Zen sects, which often played
diplomatic and commercial roles.
Based on all the above, popular volumes, new textbooks, and research
guides should be published so that Maritime Asian History becomes
better known. However, this is not all that is necessary. In addition, a
systematically organized university course for future scholars and teachers
is also required, outlining the subject’s general features so they can decide
what to study or teach.
Let me now introduce the outline of a course that focuses on the
maritime area from Northeast to Southeast Asia and from the Ancient
to the Early Modern Periods.18
Eastern Eurasia Seen from the Sea

1. Geographical settings
RQ.1. What are the geographic conditions of the major maritime

regions from the seas to the north of the Island of Japan to
Southeast Asian waters?
2. The first millennium
RQ.2. How did maritime interactions, including trade, develop in

the maritime area of Eastern Eurasia until the Tang Period?
A. From the Han to the Three Kingdoms and Western Jin Periods
(until the third century CE).
B. From Eastern Jin to Southern and Northern Dynasties (fourth
to sixth century CE).
C. Sui-Tang Period (from the end of the sixth to the ninth
centuries).
18 This is an updated version of the skeleton of a semester’s lecture course I taught

from 1994 to 2006. After that, I continued to update it and presented it many times
in my research seminar (so that students could choose suitable research topics) and at
seminars for high school teachers (so they were aware of possible teaching topics). RQ
indicates research questions for students.
20 S. MOMOKI
Related Stories and Topics:
(1) The opening of the ‘Maritime Silk Road’: monsoon, navi-

gation with sailing vessel, port polity, Funan, Oc Eo, Linyi,
Guangzhou, envoy of Andun, the King of Daqin (Rome) sent to
the Eastern Han, major commodities (e.g., gold, jewels, glass orna-
ments, pearl, tortoiseshell, ivory tusk, spices and aromatics, metal
wares); people and country of Wo, toraijin (people from abroad who
settled in ancient Japan).
(2) The formation of the Chinese World Order and the ‘Indi-
anization’ of Southeast Asia: tribute, tribute trade, investiture (to
vassal kings who paid tribute), influence of Chinese civilization
(Chinese characters, Confucianism, and Daoism); ‘Indianization’ of
Southeast Asia (Brahmanism/Hinduism, Buddhism, and Sanskrit).
(3) Buddhist networks: Faxian, Yijing, Zen Buddhism and Tantric
Buddhism, Sri Viajaya, Sailenndra, Borobudur.
(4) Maritime trade and interactions during the Sui-Tang Period:
Melaka (Malacca) Strait, Muslim merchants, dhaw ships, maritime
superintendent and foreigners’ quarters (in Chinese port cities),
Yangzhou; Wo (Japan)’s envoys to the Sui and to the Tang, official
letters, Silla, Parhae.
3. The Song-Yuan Period

RQ.3. How did maritime trade and interactions develop during
the Song-Yuan Period?
IV. What states and people contributed to the development of
maritime trade networks in East Asian seas from the late ninth
to the mid-fourteenth centuries?
V. What commodities were traded there?
VI. What was the position for maritime trade and cultural interac-
tions around the Islands of Japan during the late Heian to the
Kamakura Periods?
(1) Trade boom of China and Southeast Asia after the

late Tang and Five Dynasties: Medieval Warm Climate and
increasing agrarian/handicrafts productivity, economic development

of Jiangnan (lower Yangzi) region and the imperial artery of
the Grand Canal, introduction of Indica-type rice varieties (called
‘Champa rice’ in China, but in Japan ‘Daito mai’ literally means
<Great China rice>) into the deltaic regions in East Asia; Muslim
merchants, dhaw ships, Chinese merchants, junk ships, compass
(for navigation), Guangzhou, Quanzhou, Hangzhou, Mingzhou
(Nongbo), maritime superintendent, Chufanzhi (Accounts of
Barbarians); Champa, Zabaj (Sanfoqi), Kadiri, Singasari, Majapahit,
Chola, the Tamils.
(2) Major commodities of trade: spices and aromatics, pepper,
gharuwood; cotton, silk, Song copper coins, ceramics, cowry shells,
Koryo celadon; sulfur (for gunpowder), gold and silver, swords and
other artifacts, and wood from Japan.
(3) Trade of the Korean Peninsula and the Islands of Japan:
Koryo, military governments; gate of powers (kenmon) in medieval
Japan, samurai and Kamakura Shogunate, Dazaifu, Hakata, Japan-
Song Trade and Japan-Yuan trade, participation of Japan in East
Asian Zen networks, Japan’s monetary economy relying on Song
copper coins; the Fujiwara clan in Hiraizumi, Ezo Island and the
Ainu, the Gusuku Period and state formation in Ryukyu.
(4) The Mongol globalization: Khubilai, subjugation of Koryo,
Mongol Invasions (to Japan, Sakhalin, Yunnan, Burma, Champa,
Dai Viet, Java), Uigur and Muslim merchants, monetary and traffic
systems of the Mongols, maritime rice transportation (of the Yuan),
sunken ship of Shin’an, Marco Polo, Devisement du monde, Ibn
Battuta, Travels of Ibn Battuta, blue and white porcelain, complete
corpus of Buddhist scriptures printed in Koryo.
(5) The fourteenth-century crisis: Little Ice Age, Black Plague,
(early) Japanese pirates, Southern and Northern Dynasties (Japan).
4. The Early Ming System
RQ.4. What maritime policies did the Ming enforce and how did
the surrounding countries respond to them?
G. What policies were enforced by the Ming (from 1368 to the mid-
sixteenth century) regarding maritime trade and piracy.
22 S. MOMOKI
H. How did those policies affect Japan, including its relationship

with the Korean Peninsula? How did Japanese rulers understand
the tribute–investiture system of the Ming?
I. Why and how did the Ryukyu Kingdom prosper?
(1) The early Ming system: Hongwu Emperor, (early) Japanese

pirates, maritime ban (of the Ming), tributary trade, the Yongle
emperor, Ming-style firearms, Zheng He; Melaka (Malacca), Suma
Oriental of Tome Oires, Islamization of Southeast Asia, Ayutthaya,
Majapahit, Dai Viet (the Le Dynasty); Northeast Asian trade, the
Jurchens, skins and hides of land and sea animals, such as martens
and sea otters.
(2) The Korean Peninsula and the Islands of Japan: Choson
Dynasty, deference to China and friendship with China (and control
of the Jurchen), King Sejong, ginseng; cotton and Buddhist scrip-
tures; Southern and Northern Dynasties (Japan), Prince Kaneyoshi,
Muromachi Shogunate, Ashikaga Yoshimitsu, Yuan Daoyi (the state
king of Japan), Japan–Ming (kango) trade, Japan–Korea trade, Zen
Buddhism (‘Five Mountains’ in Kyoto), Hakata, Tsushima (the So
clan), Sanpo (Japanese settlements in Korea); Ryukyu, the King of
Chuzan, Shuri Castle, Fujian merchants and Kume village of trade,
favored tributary trade of Ryukyu (e.g., sulfur, horses, Japanese
swords, Southeast Asian pepper, and Brazil wood), Rekidai Hoan,
Ezogashima (Hokkaido), the Ando clan, Tosaminato, the Ainu.
5. The long sixteenth century (the Age of Great Commerce)
RQ.5. How did the maritime world of Eastern Eurasia change

during the long sixteenth century? What was the position
and role of Japan?
J. During the long sixteenth century, how did the maritime trade of
Ming China develop and how did it influence the Chinese state
and society?
K. How did the trade of the Islands of Japan change in the same
period, in terms of the commodities, forms, and carriers of the
trade?
L. How did different groups of Europeans in Southeast and East

Asia interact during the long seventeenth century? What impact
did they have on local societies in regard to commodities,
technology, and beliefs?
(1) The century of silver: Iwami mine and haifuki refinement tech-
nology (with lead), Ikuno and Sado mines, American silver and the
trade of Manila Galleon, refinement with mercury, (late) Japanese
pirates, Wang Zhi, clandestine trade in which the Portuguese were
involved, hybrid cultures and identities of pirates, popular human
trafficking, lift of the maritime ban (of the Ming), market trade
in Guangdong, opening of Zhangzhou port (Fujian), the burst of
Chinese trade for silver, new economic and taxation system of China
based on silver, commodity production in Jiangnan (lower Yangzi
region) such as cotton, raw silk, and silk fabrics, Jindezhen porcelain
(including five-colored overglaze enamel wares), the huge silver flow
to the Great Wall, troubles caused by ‘Barbarians in the North and
Japanese in the South’.
(2) The entry of European powers into Asian trade: clove,
nutmeg, pepper, the Maluku or Spice Islands (Ternate, the Banda
Islands), cinnamon; Portuguese, Goa, Malacca, Macau, matchlock
guns and mercenaries, Catholic missionaries, Jesuit Society, Fran-
cisco Xavier, Magellan’s voyage, Spanish occupation of the Philip-
pines, Manila, Dutch East India Company (VOC), Batavia, Taiwan,
English East India Company (EIC), missionaries and merchants
who served Asian courts, Matteo Ricci, Xu Guangqi, Faulcon in
Ayuthaya; Columbian Exchange in Asia (e.g., sweet potato, maize,
potato, pumpkin, chili, tobacco, syphilis).
(3) Gunpowder empires in Southeast and East Asia: Muslim
states in maritime Southeast Asia (e.g., Johor, Ace, Banten,
Mataram, Makassar, Brunei, Champa); Theravada Buddhist states
in mainland Southeast Asia (Taunngoo, Ayutthaya, Lan Sang,
Cambodia); civil war of Dai Viet (Tonkin, Cochinchina); the trans-
formation of Japan–Ming trade from the interstate license trade to
clandestine/private one led by daimyos and merchants in Western
Japan, Tanegashima, Sakai, Hirado, Nagasaki, Namban Boeki (trade
24 S. MOMOKI
with Europeans), trade in sulfur, saltpeter and lead, Kirishitan

(Christianized people in Japan), Nihonmachi (Japanese quarters in
Southeast Asian port cities), Portuguese and Japanese mercenary in
Southeast Asian countries, Oda Nobunaga, Toyotomi Hideyoshi,
prohibition of piracy, expeditions to Choson, Spanish plan to
conquer China and Japan? Hideyoshi’s plan to attack Manila?;
Tokugawa Ieyasu, the Edo Shogunate, restoration of diplomatic rela-
tions with Choson, Chosen Tsushin-shi (Choson envoys dispatched
to Japan), vermillion seal trade (syuinsen boeki) of the Tokugawa
government, export commodities (silver and copper) and import
commodities (e.g., raw silk, sugar, deer hides, shark skins); the
conquest of Ryukyu by the Shuimazu clan in Satsuma, the emer-
gence of the Kakizaki [Matumae] clan in Southern Hokkaido as the
dominant power of Ainu trade; Nurhaci, the Manju Empire [Qing],
Hongtaiji, subjugation of Choson).
6. The seventeenth-century crisis and the long eighteenth century
RQ.6. How can the trends of the maritime world in Eastern

Eurasia be understood without the dichotomy between
‘advanced Europe’ and ‘stagnant Asia’?
M. What trade and diplomatic relations of Japan were maintained
where and with whom after the Edo Shogunate enforced
the Seclusion (sakoku) policy? How did the scale and major
commodities of foreign trade change in the following centuries?
N. How did the maritime and trading policies of the Qing Empire
change after the late seventeenth century (not only with Euro-
peans but with Asian countries)? How did they influence Chinese
society and how did Chinese overseas activities develop in the
long eighteenth century?
O. How did market economies in East Asia develop after the
recovery from the seventeenth-century crisis? What was the
position of Southeast Asia?
(1) The seventeenth-century crisis: little ice age, demographic

pressure and ecological crisis, deforestation, monetary crisis, decline
of long-distance trade, harmful effects of Dutch monopoly trade

system on Southeast Asian islands.
(2) Japan’s seclusion: Edicts of Seclusion, prohibition of exit from
the country and Catholic belief, expulsion of Christians and those
who married foreigners, and their offspring, Nagasaki, Deshima
Factory of VOC, Tojin-yashiki (hostel for Chinese merchants),
pankado system of raw silk import, China and Netherland as ‘coun-
tries of trade’, Korea and Ryukyu as ‘countries of communication’,
Tojin Fusetsugaki and Oranda Fusetsugaki (collections of world
news submitted by Chinese merchants and the Dutch Factory); Four
Gates (of foreign relations, namely Nagasaki, Tsushima, Satsuma-
Ryukyu, Ezochi (hokkaido), covering up of Satsuma dominance in
Ryukyu in order to continue tributary trade with China.
(3) Ming–Qing transition in China: Zheng Chenggong, Qing
maritime ban, and the ‘Kangxi deflation’, the Rebellion of Three
Domains.
(4) East Asian segregation, the Great Divergence, and ‘Indus-
trious Revolution’ in the long eighteenth century: strict control
of foreign relations by respective governments, repatriation of
castaways, epidemics and quarantine systems, developing national
consciousness and patriarchal family systems in respective coun-
tries, respective ways in which Christianity was banned, formation of
ethnic cuisines; long-term estimation of population, gross domestic
product and standards of living, demographic pressure, development
of commercialized peasant economy and immigration into peripheral
areas, East Asian ‘Industrious Revolution’, Japan’s national economy
based on national currency system, export of copper, marine prod-
ucts, and Imari porcelain, ‘import substituting industrialization’ of
silk and sugar, hereditary family business and properties under Ie
stem family system; forced production of sugar in Ryukyu, Basho
Ukeoi or contract marked system imposed upon the Ainu; strict
border control of Choson, expansion of Confucianized Yangban
family system; eighteenth-century China’s economic boom supply of
silver and copper to Chinese society via Nagasaki and Guangdong,
large-scale minting of copper coins, exploitation of silver and copper
mines in Yunnan, Burma, and Vietnam by Chinese laborers, drastic
population increase in China, formation of large lineage system,
immigration to peripheral areas (Southwest, Northwest, Northeast,
and Taiwan) and abroad, development of commodity production
26 S. MOMOKI
(such as tea, opium and soy beans), trade and immigration from
the ports of Guangzhou, Teochiu, Amoy, etc., import of marine
products from maritime Asia (sea cucumber, bird’s nests, shark fin,
etc.).
(5) Incorporation of maritime Southeast Asia into modern
world system: cash crop economy in Dutch Java (coffee and sugar)
and Spanish Philippines (sugar and tobacco), EIC, Canton Trade,
Strait Settlements, Singapore, the Anglo-Burma War, opium trade,
the outflow of silver from China; the Chinese Century 1730–1830
in Southeast Asia, agricultural production and mining by Chinese
migrants, Chinese local polities such as Ha Tien and Songkla,
Chinese congsi business organizations and secret societies; new waves
of immigrants from India (e.g., Tamil and Gujarat) and West Asia
(e.g., sa’id from Yemen).
Final Question: What are the merits and demerits of the Seclusion
(sakoku) policy of the Edo Shogunate? Could Japan continue to develop
without seclusion in the global and regional situation that pertained in the
mid-seventeenth century? When did the demerits of seclusion (vis-à-vis
modernizing Europe) become serious?
Since the 1990s, the number of university candidates who have taken
the World History examination has continuously decreased, because
World History has required more, and more disorganized, learning by
rote than Japanese History and Geography. The globalization and ‘Asian-
ization’ of Japanese History is still superficial, while traditional knowledge
of East Asian civilization (once shared by all educated people in Japan),
which was passed on using Chinese characters, has now almost disap-
peared. Against this background, recent politico-historic conflicts have
clearly weakened interest in and understanding of Asian history among
Japanese youth. These trends seem to go against the current of devel-
oping economic ties and exchange among East Asian countries in the
sphere of popular culture (comics, animation films, TV dramas, computer
games, etc.). The situation in neighboring countries does not seem to
be much better, despite initiatives such as the new Korean high school
subject of East Asian History. To change this pessimistic outlook for
global history, Japan’s academics, who have previously emphasized Asian
perspectives, would do well to set forth a new vision of world history
that includes Japan’s position within it. Asian Maritime History could
contribute directly to this by integrating our understanding of Japan and
East/Southeast Asian histories, which will also involve local perspectives,

such as those of Ryukyu/Okinawa, Ezo/Ainu, the regions ringing the
East China Sea, for example.
References
Akita Shigeru, ed. 2019. Globaru-ka no Sekaishi [A World History of Globaliza-
tion]. Minerva Series of World History 3. Kyoto: Minerva Shobo.
Fujita Kayoko, Momoki Shiro, and Anthony Reid, eds. 2013. Offshore Asia,
Maritime Interactions in Eastern Asia before Steamships. Singapore: Institute
of Southeast Asian Studies.
Haneda Masashi, ed. 2016. Chiikishi to sekaishi [Local/Regional History and
World History]. Minerva Series of World History 2. Kyoto: Minerva Shobo.
Haneda Masashi, and Oka Mihoko, eds. 2019. A Maritime History of East Asia.
Kyoto: Kyoto University Press.
Hashiba Yuzuru, Kishimoto Mio, Komatsu Tastuo, and Mizushuima Tsukasa
(supervisions). 2019. World History for High School. Tokyo: Yamakawa
Shuppannsha.
Hasuda Takashi. 2019. Shuinsen boeki-Nanyo nihonmachi chizu no saikento
[Revisiting Maps Concerning the Red Seal Ship Trade and the Japanese
Quarter]. Annual Bulletin of the North East Asian Studies 24: 1–8.
Kurushima Noriko, Nagano Hiroko, and Osa Setsuko, eds. 2015. Rekishi o
yomikaeru: Jenda kara mita Nihonshi [Toward a Different Reading of History:
Japanese History from a Gender Perspective]. Tokyo: Otsuki Shoten.
Lieberman, Victor. 2003 [2009]. Strange Parallels: Southeast Asia in Global
Context, c. 800–1830. vol. 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Momoki Shiro. 2015. In Search of Integrated Education of World and Japanese
Histories in Japanese High Schools and Universities. International Confer-
ence: Researching World History in the Schools; Nationwide and Worldwide:
A Conference of the Alliance for Learning in World History, University of
Pittsburgh, USA, May 8–9.
Momoki Shiro. 2018. History Education in Japanese Senior High Schools and Its
Reform: What Should Be Changed to Help Students ‘Think’ about History.
International History Education Comparative Research Workshop [国際歴史
教育比較研究工作坊], Shanghai, East China Normal University, September
22–23 (proceedings, pp. 167–99).
Momoki Shiro. 2019. The Reform of Entrance Examinations and Teacher Train-
ings in Contemporary Japan. Paper for Panel 1.3, The Role of Universities in
the Reform of High School-Level History Education, 4th AAWH Congress,
Osaka University Nakanoshima Hall, Osaka, January 5.
Momoki Shiro, Yamauchi Shinji, Fujita Kayoko, and Hasuda Takashi, eds.
2008. Kaiiki Ajiashi Kenkyu Nhumon [A Research Guide to Maritime Asian
History]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten.
28 S. MOMOKI
Nagahara Yoko, ed. 2019. Hitobito ga tsunagu sekaishi [World History

Connected by People], Minerva Series of World History, 4. Kyoto: Minerva
Shobo.
PART I
Picturing Actors on the Sea

CHAPTER 3
Japanese Daimyōs as Sea Lords in the 15th

and 16th Centuries: Their Involvement
in the Japan–Ming Trade
Toshio Kage
Introduction
This study examines how the medieval daimyōs (feudal warlords) of
Western Japan came to be involved in diplomatic relations and trade with
the Ming from the mid-fifteenth to the late sixteenth centuries, at a time
when fully centralized authority did not yet exist in Japan. It considers
their economic activities and also the activities of merchants who were
involved in the sea trade.
For Japanese people, foreign countries have always been described as
“overseas” (kaigai), because Japan is an archipelago surrounded by the
sea. Thus, in premodern times, intercourse with foreigners was entirely
dependent on sea routes. Among all overseas countries, China has always
T. Kage (B)
Faculty of Intercultural Studies, Nagoya Gakuin University, Nagoya, Japan

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7369-6_3
32 T. KAGE
had an overwhelming influence on Japan. In ancient times, Japanese polit-

ical authorities dispatched diplomatic missions to Sui and Tang China,
so they could study the political systems of the most powerful country
in East Asia. In addition, the Muromachi Shogunate (Ashikaga regime
1338–1573) started to send envoys to the Ming in order to express their
contributions and engage in trade with the Chinese. However, the Muro-
machi Shogunate began to lose its uniquely centralized authority and
because of several political conflicts was unable to sustain its diplomatic
activities from the middle of the sixteenth century.
Ships, the Daimyōs

and Merchants in Western Japan
Seaborne Activities of the shugo and sengoku daimyōs
The first issue studied here is how people who were primarily land-based
in late medieval Japan made use of large, long-range, ocean-going ships
in their economic activities.
As an example, in 1445, Asō Hiroie, a powerful minor feudal
nobleman (kokujin) of Chikuzen province, sent commissariat rice
(nengumai) from Kyūshū Island to Hyōgo onboard a ship.1 This ship,
which traversed the Inland Sea (Setonaikai) loaded with 200 kokus (1 koku
is equivalent to c.150 kg) of rice, would not have been a trading vessel
that was capable to cross the South China Sea. The Japanese ships that
traveled to China on diplomatic missions in the mid-fifteenth century are
recorded as being large enough to carry 500 kokus at least and the largest
as much as 1800 kokus.2 This point suggests that the lesser aristocracy at
this time was not capable of deploying ships that were large enough to
1 Asō Documents , 50 (Kyūshū Shiryō Sōsho [Kyūshū Historical Documents Library], 17).
2 According to the Boshi Nyūmin-ki, record of the diplomatic mission to the Ming in
1468, the ships for the mission were commandeered from Buzen, Suō, and Bingo. The
smallest was the Yakushi-maru from Kaminoseki in Suō, with a capacity of 500 kokus.
The largest was the Tera-maru from Moji in Buzen, with a capacity of 1800 kokus. In
addition, the Izumi-maru from Moji in Buzen was a huge ship capable of loading 2500
kokus, but was too large for the journey to China. The 1800 kokus Tera-maru was also a
large ship that frequently encountered “difficulties.” This interesting point demonstrates
that in the fifteenth century large ships were not always the best for diplomatic missions
to the Ming crossing the East China Sea.
3 JAPANESE DAIMYŌS AS SEA LORDS … 33
travel abroad. But what about more powerful lords of the shugo daimyō
and sengoku daimyō class?
To take one example, in the early fifteenth century, the shugodai (repre-
sentatives of provincial shugo) of Settsu Province issued a permit called
kasho for a voyage from Kyūshū to Hyōgo to the shugo daimyō Ōtomo
Chikayo in Bungo Province, in order to transport goods belonging to
the Shogunate aboard a large vessel named Kasuga-maru.3 According
to the information shown in the permit, the load capacity of this ship,
which sailed the Inland Sea in 1412, was 1500 kokus.4 This was several
times larger than Asō’s ship mentioned earlier, being equivalent to the
ships sent to the Ming as diplomatic vessels in the mid-fifteenth century.
Details of the ship’s construction are not clear from the document, but it
was likely large enough to cross an open body of water such as the East
China Sea.
Indeed, among the historical documents related to minor lords and
shugo and sengoku daimyōs of Western Japan, there is abundant infor-
mation about the transportation of goods by ships and about the
construction of ships. For example, in the Uwai Kakuken Diary of the
Uwai family, who were based in Miyazaki and controlled Hyūga Province
as retainers of the Shimazu family (shugo and sengoku daimyō) of Satsuma
Province in the mid-sixteenth century, several entries from 1584 to the
following year concern ships, using terms such as funade (departure of
ships), uwanori (soldiers or guards on ships), funa-zosaku (construction
of ships), and funa-iwai (celebration of ships).5 Uwai Satokane, who
entered Miyazaki Castle in 1577 as the jitō-shiki (manager and lord of
manor) of Hyūga and was dispatched by Shimazu after the downfall of the
Itō family’s predecessors in office, placed his father in Shiwasuzaki Castle
in the southeastern suburbs of Miyazaki and started to use the inlet of
Oriusako, situated at the foot of the castle, to build his own ships. When
a new ship was completed, he waited for a favorable tide and inaugurated
3 Ōtomo Documents , 10–11 (Ōita-ken Shiryō [Ōita Prefecture Historical Documents],

26).
4 The use of large vessels in the Inland Sea by the Kyūshū kokujin Asō family and the
shugo daimyō Ōtomo family can both be confirmed several times in historical records.
Regarding their specific activities, see Kage (2012).
5 Historiographical Institute, the University of Tokyo (ed.), Dai Nihon Kokiroku, 5
(vols. 1–3).
34 T. KAGE
it with a celebration called funa-iwai, preparing a banquet for the ship-

wrights. When goods were being loaded or they were going out to sea
battles, the ships were moored in Oriusako boathouses, with their cargoes
and crews embarking (uwanori) there.
A similar description can be found in the Yatsushiro Diaries ,6 which
record the activities of the warlord Sagara, from Higo Province, between
the late 15th and mid-sixteenth centuries. The Sagara family, which
advanced into Yatsushiro (Kumamoto) in the early sixteenth century,
constructed a castle town below Yatsushiro (Furufumoto) Castle and
established a port at Tokubuchi at the mouth of the Kuma River,
where totōsen (ships sanctioned to sail abroad) could dock. According
to the diaries, Sagara Yoshishige built his own ship, the Ichiki-maru,
at Tokubuchi, which faced the Yatsushiro Sea, and when the ship was
completed, he went to see it with his wife.
Members of the feudal and warlord class in Western Japan could
construct and maintain their own ships because most of the shugo domains
west of Ōsaka faced the sea.7 Furthermore, the political mandate by the
Muromachi Shogunate that ships used for diplomatic missions to the
Ming should be guarded by another’s vessels is also thought to have had
a major influence on these noblemen.
For example, according to the Boshi Nyūminki (Voyage to the Ming in
the Year of Earth-Rat), the Shogunate set a regulation that their mission
to China during the Ōnin era (1467–1469) should be guarded on all sides
by vessels prepared by noblemen. In addition to the nobles listed, such as
the Sō, Matsura, Ōtomo, and Ōuchi, this command was also conveyed to
the shugos of Settsu, Harima, Bizen, Bitchū, Bingo, and Aki.
In order to fulfill their duties as required by the Shogunate, the shugo
daimyōs of Western Japan who held domains along the route of the
missions to China needed to provide a system of government not only
on land but also in adjacent sea areas.
In 1493, the shugo daimyō Ōtomo Yoshisuke in Bungo issued a letter
to his retainers concerning the mission to Ming China.8 Ōtomo Yoshisuke
6 Yatsushiro Diaries , Kumamoto Chūsei-shi Kenkyū-kai (ed.), Seichōsha, 1980.

7 When we divide Japan into East and West by Ōsaka, many of the shugo domains
in Eastern Japan such as Kōzuke, Shimotsuke, Kai, Shinano, Hida, Mino, Ōmi, Iga,
Yamashiro, Yamato, and Kawachi are landlocked, while in Western Japan all the domains
except Mimasaka border the sea.
8 Takita Documents , 47 (Ōita-ken Shiryō [Ōita Prefecture Historical Documents], 25).
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
1093
Labio-glosso-laryngeal,
1169
Localized, in nervous diseases,
44
of chronic lead-poisoning,
685
of the insane, general,
176
Spinal spastic,
861
Spinal unilateral,
1165
Stage of, in writers' cramp,
518
Paraplegia, hysterical,
238
in acute myelitis,
817
in nervous diseases,
43
in tumors of spinal cord,
1093
Paraplegic spasm in nervous diseases,
46
Paresis in general paralysis of the insane,
189
and paralysis in multiple neuritis,
1196
Paretic dementia of alcoholism,
633
Paroxysms of epilepsy, characters of,
478
of hystero-epilepsy, characters,
293
304
,
306
of vertigo, characters,
417
Patellar reflex, alterations of, in acute myelitis,
818
in amyotrophic lateral sclerosis,
868
in chorea,
448
in diffuse sclerosis,
888
in disseminated (cerebro-spinal) sclerosis,
875
in epilepsy,
481
in general paralysis of the insane,
195
in hemiplegia,
962
in spastic spinal paralysis,
862
in spinal syphilis,
1025
in tabes dorsalis,
829
835
,
857
858
in tumors of the spinal cord,
1092
significance in diagnosis of hysteria,
265
266
tendon reflex in nervous diseases,
52
Pathogenesis of vaso-motor neuroses,
1251
of infantile spinal paralysis,
1114
Pathological action of alcohol,
586
anatomy of acute alcoholism,
595
Pathology of athetosis,
460
of brain syphilis,
1014
of diseases of cervical sympathetic,
1263
of catalepsy,
334
of chorea,
450
of chronic hydrocephalus,
744
lead-poisoning,
689
of hysteria,
208
of hystero-epilepsy,
291
of insanity,
121
of neuralgia,
1221
of progressive unilateral facial atrophy,
699
of tremor,
431
of tubercular meningitis,
729
of tumors of brain,
1046
of spinal cord,
1096
and morbid anatomy of atrophy of the brain,

995
of general paralysis of the insane,
196
of hæmatoma of the dura mater,
708
of hypertrophy of the brain,
996
of labio-glosso-laryngeal paralysis,
1172
of migraine,
410
of multiple neuritis,
1196
of spina bifida,
759
of unilateral spinal paralysis,
1167
Perforating ulcer of the foot,
1273
Periodic insanity,
150
Periodicity of attacks of migraine,
407
of neuralgias,
1212
Peripheral causes of epilepsy,
475
nerves, diseases of,
1176
injuries of,
1182
nervous system, localization of lesions in,
65
Pernicious anæmia, cerebral symptoms in,
779
Petit mal, symptoms of,

477
Phantom tumors, in hysteria,
288
Phosphorus, use, in neuralgia,
1225
in paralysis agitans,
438
in sequelæ of intracranial hemorrhage,
978
Photophobia in cerebral hyperæmia,
772
Phthisis, influence of alcoholism on production of,
609
of neuralgia,
1218
relation of, to hysteria,
214
to mental diseases,
119
142
Physicians, responsibility of, in the formation of the opium habit,
649
668
Physiognomy of acute alcoholism,
588
of acute simple meningitis,
717
718
of delirium tremens,
628
of labio-glosso-laryngeal paralysis,
1170
of the opium habit,
654
of tubercular meningitis,
725-727
Physiological action of alcohol,
580
Physiology of dreams,
370
of spastic spinal paralysis,
865
of speech,
567
of tabes dorsalis,
840
of the vaso-motor neuroses,

1242
Pia mater, cerebral, chronic inflammation of (chronic cerebral

meningitis),
721
Congestion of,
715
Symptoms, morbid anatomy, and treatment,
716
Inflammation of (acute leptomeningitis),
716
Diagnosis and pathological anatomy,
719
Duration and course,
718
Etiology and synonyms,
716
Prognosis,
720
Symptoms,
717
Treatment,
720
Bleeding in,
720
Counter-irritation, use,
721
Diet in,
721
Morphia, chloral, bromides, etc., use in,
721
Quinia, use in,
721
Pigment-scales and flakes, as a cause of capillary embolism,
988
Pilocarpine, use, in myxœdema,
1273
Piscidia, use, in alcoholism,
645
Pleuræ, disorders of, in chronic alcoholism,
610
Pneumonia, in alcoholism,
609
Points douloureux, in neuralgia,
1213
Poisoning of blood, influence on causation of infantile paralysis,
1151
Polyneuritis,
1195

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War and Trade in Maritime East Asia

War and Trade in

More information about this series at

War and Trade

ISSN 2662-7965 ISSN 2662-7973 (electronic)

Cover illustration: Picture scroll of Japanese Pirates (倭寇図巻/Wako Zukan)

1 Introduction: The Meaning of the East Asian

Part I Picturing Actors on the Sea

4 The Origin of the Namban Trade: The Sea of Private

Part II The Japanese Invasion of Korea

The Usage of Firearms and Japanese Captives by the Ming

Index of Historical Materials 249

Akiyoshi Fujita Faculty of International Studies, Tenri University, Tenri,

Fig. 6.1 (3) 山国神社異国渡海船路積図 Yamaguni Jinja Ikoku

Table 6.1 Current state/classification of surveyed world maps

Introduction: The Meaning of the East

In recent years, research on Asian maritime history has become more

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

1 Haneda Masashi, “Japanese Perspectives on ‘Global History’”, Asian Review of World

Korean history (although most of them were Japanese). Researchers of

One of the trends in the world of historical science is the popularity of

may also be Zomian people who belong to minorities themselves. They

these are difficulties that are similar to those of crossbreeding different

2 Hirakawa Arata, Sengoku Nihon to Daikokaijidai, Tokyo: Chukoshinsho, 2018.

spirit of Momoki. Momoki left the research of maritime Asian history

The Study of Maritime Asian History

The Development and Reform of History

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 9

have maintained traditional elitist academic methods, in which emphasize

Geography and History, according to which new compulsory subjects of

The History of Maritime Asia

works that have deconstructed or relativized conventional methodolog-

16 There is another problem created by teacher training programs for middle-school

Frameworks and Contents

periods and areas. Another important general topic concerns interregional

Eastern Eurasia Seen from the Sea

RQ.1. What are the geographic conditions of the major maritime

2. The first millennium

RQ.2. How did maritime interactions, including trade, develop in

18 This is an updated version of the skeleton of a semester’s lecture course I taught

Related Stories and Topics:

(1) The opening of the ‘Maritime Silk Road’: monsoon, navi-

3. The Song-Yuan Period

Related Stories and Topics:

(1) Trade boom of China and Southeast Asia after the

increasing agrarian/handicrafts productivity, economic development

4. The Early Ming System

H. How did those policies affect Japan, including its relationship

Related Stories and Topics:

(1) The early Ming system: Hongwu Emperor, (early) Japanese

5. The long sixteenth century (the Age of Great Commerce)

RQ.5. How did the maritime world of Eastern Eurasia change

L. How did different groups of Europeans in Southeast and East

Related Stories and Topics:

with Europeans), trade in sulfur, saltpeter and lead, Kirishitan

6. The seventeenth-century crisis and the long eighteenth century

RQ.6. How can the trends of the maritime world in Eastern

Related Stories and Topics:

(1) The seventeenth-century crisis: little ice age, demographic

of long-distance trade, harmful effects of Dutch monopoly trade

East/Southeast Asian histories, which will also involve local perspectives,

Nagahara Yoko, ed. 2019. Hitobito ga tsunagu sekaishi [World History

Picturing Actors on the Sea