What you need to know about Charter

Change
JAN 16, 2018 11:01 AM PHT
JODESZ GAVILAN

What is Charter Change?

Also called constitutional reform, Charter Change (Cha-Cha) refers to amendments or

revisions in the 1987 Philippine Constitution.

What are the changes that can be implemented?

Bodies can either propose amendments or revisions to the 1987 Constitution.

Amendments refer to changes that do not affect the overall structure and basic principles of
the Constitution. Revisions are changes that involve alterations in the structure.

For example, changing the provision on the term limit of the President is an amendment
while an overhaul of the government structure to federalism is a revision.

How can the 1987 Philippine Constitution be changed?

The process of changing the Constitution, according to retired Supreme Court (SC) justice
Vicente Mendoza, can be categorized into two stages – the proposal stage and the
ratification stage.

In the first stage, changes are proposed by a Con-Ass or a Constitutional Convention (Con-
Con), or through a People’s Initiative.

Congress, through a vote of three-fourths of all members, can convene into a Con-Ass. This
body can propose both amendments and revisions.

A Con-Con is made up of elected delegates and can propose both amendments and
revisions. Congress, by a vote of two-thirds of its members, can call for an election of its
members.

A People’s Initiative can only propose amendments through a petition of at least 12% of the
total number of registered voters, according to Article XVII of the Constitution. The
process is provided in Republic Act 6735 or the Initiative and Referendum Act.

What’s a more ‘suitable’ method among the 3 ways to propose changes?

For retired SC justice Adolfo Azcuna, one of the framers of the 1987 Philippine
Constitution, “all are suitable.”
“All are suitable, one is not considered as exclusive,” Azcuna told Rappler. “They can be
resorted to as needed so hindi naman na dapat ganito lang (it’s not necessarily just this
way)….They’re all equally good and effective means if pursued properly.”

The dominant move right now is for the Congress to convene into a Con-Ass because,
according to Speaker Pantaleon Alvarez, it is “cheaper and faster .” In fact, on Monday,
January 15, Senator Panfilo Lacson filed Senate Resolution 580 for the Senate to constitute
itself into a component of the bicameral Con-Ass.

While there is no best way to amend the Constitution, UP law professor Dante Gatmaytan
noted that Duterte allies dominate Congress.

“An assembly beholden to the President may not necessarily produce the best document,”
he said. “Any project that involves drafting the fundamental law of the land will benefit
from serious deliberation founded on contending views, not a mere collection of yes men.”

Mendoza, meanwhile, preferred a Con-Con even if the process is costlier, considering the
envisioned end-product of the process – a shift to federalism.

“A change to a federal system is a real paradigm shift in our constitutional order requiring
the calling of a Con-Con, and the expense of holding it in order to have a real representative
assembly of the people to undertake such a momentous change should not deter us from
holding one,” he told Rappler.

“If we can spend billions of pesos on infrastructure projects, we should be willing to spend
a fortune on the infrastructure of government for the nation,” Mendoza added.

But there are two chambers in Congress. How will they vote in a Constituent Assembly?

Unfortunately, Article XVII of the 1987 Philippine Constitution is silent on the manner of
voting. It does not indicate whether the two chambers should vote jointly or separately
during the process of changing the Constitution.

While there are proposals from the House to vote jointly, senators have expectedly opposed
the move. It has become a “unifying issue” among members of the majority and minority
bloc in the Senate. (READ: Joint voting on Cha-Cha? Senate’s problems, plans against it )

Some senators have agreed to convene Congress into a Con-Ass on the condition that the
two houses vote separately. With the nearly 300-member House against the 23-member
Senate, the voice of the Senate would be deemed irrelevant in a joint vote.

“Voting jointly means that the House alone decides the issue because they outnumber the
senators,” Gatmaytan said. “That is why the Senate wants ‘separately’ especially if the
proposal is to make a unicameral Congress.”

He also said that the issue on voting will most likely reach the High Court.

Azcuna, for his part said, “We have still a system under this Constitution that an
interpretation can be made by those implementing it and ultimately by the Supreme Court.”
After the body approves the proposals, what happens now?

Once the proposals are “approved” in the first stage – regardless of whether done through a
Con-Ass or Con-Con – these will be subject to a national plebiscite.

Amendments or revisions are only valid once ratified by a majority of votes, according to
Article XVII of the Constitution.

The schedule of the national plebiscite, to be set by Congress, should be within 60 to 90

days after the body approves the proposal.

According to Mendoza, the period before the national plebiscite is ideally the time
proposals are discussed with the public. This information dissemination would help the
people decide on how to vote.

“There should be a public discussion in the newspapers, in the schools, wherever people
gather,” he said. “The idea is for them to keep talking within that period, that’s the study
period and it’s the duty of the people, as citizens of an independent nation, to study the
proposals very well.”

A national plebiscite is an exercise in the “power of the people” when it comes to the law.

“To change the Constitution, the power is with the people. Not even Congress – Congress
can only propose changes but the change must be done by the people so it is what you call
the constitution of sovereignty. Sovereignty is the highest power of the people to make or
change the law.

What should the public watch out for?

The Constitution is the supreme law of the land and will affect each individual in the
country, including future generations. It is necessary then to keep a close watch over the
Cha-Cha process.

According to Gatmaytan, the public should monitor “every aspect of the amendment
process” and be wary of watered-down and abusive provisions such as those on
accountability of public officials and term limits.

“We should maintain a strong system of checks and balances that prevents the abuse of
political powers,” he explained.

Mendoza, meanwhile, encouraged the people to monitor the proceedings “from the very
start,” particularly the proposal stage, to lead to a “success of constitutional government in
this country.”

“How many times do we have to remind ourselves that eternal vigilance is the price we
have to pay not only for our liberties but to have good government?” he said. “Bad
government is what we get for public indifference to the most important task of writing the
basic document of our nation.”
Mendoza said anyone who is against any proposal should speak up immediately and not
wait until the last minute.

“The point is, if you are opposed to the proposal, doon pa lang sa umpisa ay kontrahin mo
na (oppose it from the very start) by all means available to you,” he said. “Write about
them, oppose them in public assemblies. Do not wait until ratification kasi late na
iyan (because it would be too late.)”

For Azcuna, there is a need to monitor the transitory provisions.

“Every constitution would contain a transitory provision, meaning rules that will apply
between the passage of the new constitution and the full implementation of the new
constitution,” he said. “Iyon ang bantayan dahil baka maraming itatago diyan (That’s
what should be monitored because a lot of provisions may be hidden there).” – With
reports from Sofia Tomacruz/Rappler.com
 Ano ang Charter change?
Paksa: Administrasyon ng Pambansang Pamahalaan

Ang “Cha-Cha” ay pinaikling tawag sa “Charter Change,” o Pagbabago ng ating 1987

Constitution.

Paano ginagawa ang Charter Change?

Puwedeng baguhin ang 1987 Constitution sa pamamagitan ng Constitutional Assembly

(tinatawag na “CON-ASS”), o Constitutional Convention (tinatawag na “CON-CON”) .

Sa CON-ASS: Kongreso ang mismong magtitipon para mag-propose ng pagbabago sa

Constitution. Ibig sabihin- mga Senador at Congressmen at women ang mismong gagawa ng
proposal.

Sa CON-CON naman: Pipili tayo ng representatives o delegates mula sa taumbayan, na

siyang bubuo ng grupo at magpo-propose ng babaguhin sa Constitution.

Kasama sa Con-Con ang kinatawan ng iba’t-ibang sektor ng lipunan- gaya ng academe,

economists, business, labor, urban poor, farmers and fisherfolk, at indigenous peoples.

Sa parehong CON-ASS at CON-CON, pagkatapos gumawa ng proposal ay magkakaroon ng

national plebiscite, kung saan pagbobotohan ng taumbayan kung sang-ayon ba tayo sa mga
gusto nilang baguhin sa Constitution.

Napakahalagan alamin at maki-lahok sa diskusyon ng Cha-Cha.

Ang 1987 Constitution ang pinakamataas na batas, at siyang basehan ng mga

pinakaimportanteng karapatan at kalayaang meron tayo ngayon.

Sigurado: ang anumang pagbabago ay makaka-apekto sa buhay natin.

Ginawa ang 1987 Constitution para labanan ang karahasan, pagsasamantala, at pang-aabuso
ng mga nasa kapangyarihan. Ayon nga sa Supreme Court:

CHARTER CHANGE ANO ITO?

By Marcelo Gado on Tuesday, November 8, 2011 at 3:32 PM

Charter change (Chacha) o pagbabago sa konstitusyon ang diumano’y makakapagpabago sa kalagayan ng

bansa. Panahon na raw para baguhin ang saligang batas ng Pilipinas na binalangkas matapos ang
Rebolusyong EDSA noong 1986. Matatandaang binalangkas ito ng isang constitutional commission na
binubuo ng mga pinili ng gubyerno ni Corazon Aquino at pinagtibay sa isang plebisito ng mamamayan.
Ayon sa mga grupong gustong mabago ang konstitusyon, ang konstitusyong nabuo noong 1987 ay hindi na
raw angkop sa kasalukuyang sitwasyon at dapat nang baguhin para masolusyonan ang dinaranas na
kahirapan ng mamamayan at ang matinding krisis sa lipunan.

Konstitusyon o saligang batas ang tawag sa pinakapundamental na batas ng isang bansa. Dito nagmumula
at ibinabatay ang lahat ng batas at mga patakarang binubuo at ipinatutupad ng gubyerno. Itinatakda ng
konstitusyon ang pampulitika at pang-ekonomyang relasyon ng mga tao at ng mga institusyong panlipunan
tulad ng gubyerno, batasan, hukuman, pulis at militar. Anumang batas na taliwas sa konstitusyon ay
itinuturing na di-konstitusyonal (unconstitutional) at kung gayon ay ilegal. Kaya naman, “legal” at
nakapangyayari ang mga itinatakda ng konstitusyon kahit na ito ay lantarang naglilingkod sa iilan sa
lipunan.

Sinasalamin ng konstitusyon ng Pilipinas ang kaayusang malapyudal at malakolonyal ng Pilipinas. Sa

pamamagitan ng konstitusyon, “legal” na na napaghaharian ng mga panginoong maylupa at kumprador
burgesya ang lipunang Pilipino. Sa pamamagitan ng konstitusyong binalangkas ng mga kinatawan ng
panginoong maylupa at malalaking burgesya kumprador, nagkakaroon ng legal na batayan ang paghahari
ng dayuhan sa bansa at ang pagsasamantala ng mga panginoong maylupa at kumprador burgesya hindi
lamang sa masaganang likas na yaman ng bansa at laluna mula sa mamamayang anakpawis.

Noong 1935 bilang bahagi ng paghahanda ng mga Amerikano sa proyekto nitong “mapagsarili” ang
Pilipinas, nabuo ang konstitusyong naglatag sa mga prinsipyo, institusyon, proseso ng paggugubyerno sa
“malayang republika” ng Pilipinas na ipinagkaloob ng Amerikanong mananakop noong 1946. Mula noon,
halinhinan ang magkakatunggaling paksyon ng lokal na naghaharing uri sa poder pampulitika. Nabuo ang
mga partido pampulitika na binubuo ng mga pulitikong kumakatawan sa interes ng mga panginoong
maylupa at kumprador burgesya. Nagtutunggalian ang mga partidong ito laluna kapag may eleksyon
subalit pinag-iisa sila sa pagyukod at pagsisilbi sa imperyalismong US.

Sinira ni dating pangulong Marcos ang kalakaran ng paghahalinhinan sa poder ng mga naghaharing uri. Sa
pagtatapos ng termino ni Marcos noong 1972 at kasabay nang matinding panlipunang sigalot noong unang
mga taon ng dekada 70, itinuro ni Marcos ang konstitusyong 1935 na diumano’y hindi na raw angkop at
kinakailangan nang baguhin para daw malunasan ang krisis sa ekonomya at sa pulitika. Itinulak ni Marcos
ang pagbabago ng konstitusyon sa pamamagitan ng constitutional convention (ConCon) upang ilatag ang
patuloy nitong paghahari lagpas sa termino nito. Inilusot ng mga tauhan ni Marcos na dominado sa
ConCon ang probisyon para sa deklarasyon ng batas militar. Pinalitan ng konstitusyon ni Marcos ang
elitistang demokrasya at ginawa nitong “legal” ang diktadura. Sa loob ng mahigit isang dekada at kalahati,
ang konstitusyong Marcos ang panuntunan ng legal at ilegal. At siyempre pa, ayon sa konstitusyong
Marcos, legal kapag nasa interes at kapakanan ng mga kroni at kaibigan ng pamilyang Marcos at ilegal
kapag ito ay sumasalungat dito.

Matapos mapabagsak ang diktadurang Marcos sa Pag-aalsang Pebrero noong 1986, itinakwil ang
konstitusyong Marcos at nagbalangkas ng panibagong konstitusyon para isatitik ang diwa ng EDSA o ang
mga ipinaglaban ng mamamayan laban sa diktadurang Marcos. Gayunman, sa pagbubuo pa lamang ng
Constitutional Commission (ConCom), agad nang nabuko ang gubyernong Aquino. Sa kabila ng
pagkaluklok sa poder sa pamamagitan ng militanteng pagkilos ng mamamayan, hinirang nito ang mga
kinatawan ng mga panginoong maylupa at kumprador burges para manguna sa pagbabalangkas ng
diumano’y people power constitution.

Subalit dahil hindi maitatatwa ang mapagpasyang papel ng mamamayan sa pagpapabagsak sa diktadurang
Marcos, pwersado ang gubyernong Aquino na maglagay ng ilang konsesyon o positibong mga probisyon
sa konstitusyong 1987 bilang palamuti sa konstitusyong sa pangkalahatan ay naglilingkod sa mga dayuhan
at sa patuloy na paghahari ng panginoong maylupa at kumprador burges. Kumbaga, maliban sa
diktadurang Marcos, dating gawi pa rin ang kalakarang isinasaad ng konstitusyong 1987.

Kahit mistulang palamuti lamang sa konstitusyon, naging simbulo ang mga positibong probisyon sa
konstitusyon ay nagagamit ng mamamayan para ipagtanggol ang mga demokratikong karapatan at
naisasanggalang sa higit na pagyurak sa pambansang patrimonya at soberanya. Gayunman, ang mga
positibong probisyon tulad ng pagbabawal sa dayuhang base militar at armas nukleyar, probisyon para sa
demokratikong karapatan at kagalingan ng mamamayan, pambansang patrimonya at iba pa ay nananatiling
palamuti at kung tutuusin pa nga ay lantaran pa ngang nilalabag ng gubyerno. Kahit hindi naman
sinusunod at lantarang nilalabag, naging tinik sa lalamunan ng mga papet na gubyerno ang mga positibong
probisyon na ito para sa todo-todong pagtataguyod sa imperyalistang globalisasyon at gera na isinusulong
ng US.

Tulad ni Marcos, isinangkalan din sa mga problema ng bansa ng mga sumunod na gubyerno ang
konstitusyong nabalangkas sa ilalim ni Cory Aquino. Hindi na raw ito angkop kaya kailangan baguhin para
makaahon sa kahirapan ang ekonomya ng bayan. Ganito ang layunin sa likod ng People’s Initiative for
Reform, Modernization and Action (PIRMA) ng gubyernong Ramos at Constitutional Correction for
Development (ConCord) sa panahon ng gubyernong Estrada. Lahat ito ay pakana para iayon ang
konstitusyon sa mas matinding pandarambong ng imperyalismo sa bansa at para sa kapakinabangan ng
mga lokal na naghaharing uri kabilang na ang paksyong nasa poder.

Gayunman, militanteng binigo ng mamamayan ang mga pakanang ito. Mabilis na nalantad ang baluktot na
pakanang baguhin ang konstitusyon 1987 hindi para iwasto ang makadayuhan at maka-panginoong
maylupa na kiling nito. Bagkus, ang PIRMA, Concord at Chacha ay nakatuon pa sa higit na pagpapasahol
sa mga ito.

Ano ang mga nais baguhin sa konstitusyon?

1. pagpapalit sa porma, proseso at sistema ng gubyerno mula sa

sistemang presidential/bicameral/unitary patungong
parliamentary/unicameral/ federal
2. pagtapyas sa iilang positibong probisyon sa kalayaang sibil at
demokratikong karapatan na ipinagwagi ng mamamayan laban sa
diktadurang Marcos at sa bangungot ng batas militar
3. pag-ayon ng konstitusyon ng mga bansa sa idinidikta ng
imperyalismong US na malayang pagpasok ng dayuhang pamumuhunan
at kanilang ganap na pag-aari ng mga lupain at likas na yaman ng bansa
 4. pagsuporta ng Pilipinas sa “gera laban sa terorismo” ng US sa
pagpapahintulot sa muling pagbabalik ng mga base at tropang militar
ng Amerika na siguradong may bitbit na armas-nukleyar

Totoo bang magbubunsod ng pag-unlad sa ekonomya at kabuhayan ng mamamayan ang Cha-Cha?

Lalo pang babagsak at lalala sa halip na umunlad ang ekonomya at umangat ang kabuhayan ng
mamamayan kapag nabago ang konstitusyon. Ayon sa mga mambabatas na nagsusulong ng cha-cha, kapag
natanggal ang mga probisyong balakid sa pagpasok ng dayuhang kapital, dudumugin ang Pilipinas ng mga
dayuhang mamumuhunan at mangangahulugan ito ng trabaho, dagdag na kapital, pagsigla ng ekonomya at
pag-angat sa kabuhayan.

Partikular na target sa kasalukuyang konstitusyon ang mga bahaging kahit paano ay nagtatanggol sa
kapakanan ng lokal na kapital at paggawa. Halimbawa sa Artikulo 12 (Pambansang Ekonomya at
Patrimonya), itinatakda na dapat itaguyod ng Estado ang paggamit ng lokal na lakas paggawa, lokal na
materyales at sariling yaring kalakal. Itinatakda ng konstitusyon na dapat proteksyonan ng gubyerno ang
lokal na negosyo at industriya sa di-pantay na kumpetisyon sa dayuhang pamumuhunan. Tungo dito,
nililimitahan ang pagmamay-ari ng dayuhan sa mga lupa gayundin sa mga larangan ng ekonomya at
lipunan na maaring pagnegosyohan ng dayuhang kapital.

Pero dahil kasabwat ang papet na gubyerno, madaling naiikutan ng dayuhang monopolyo kapitalista ang
mga probisyong nabanggit. Ito pa nga mismo ang naging tuntungan ng mga patakarang globalisasyon ng
papet na gubyerno. Mula noong 1987, ibinukas nang husto ang ekonomya para sa pandarambong ng
dayuhang kapital sa pamamagitan ng mga batas at programang tulad ng Foreign Investments Act ng 1991
at pagliberalisa sa mahahalagang sektor ng ekonomya tulad ng pagmimina at pagbabangko. Sa ilalim ng
probisyong ito, naisulong ang imperyalistang patakaran ng deregulasyon at pribatisasyon tulad ng naganap
sa kuryente at sistema ng tubig sa bansa.

Gayunman, hindi pa rin kuntento dito ang dayuhan at itinutulak pa ang tuluyang pag-alis sa mga
probisyong ito sa konstitusyon kahit hindi naman ito ipinatutupad kung tutuusin. Partikular na nais maalis
ng imperyalismo ang pagbibigay proteksyon sa lokal na industriya at negosyo, kontrol at superbisyon ng
gubyerno sa mga pang-ekonomyang aktibidad, pagbabawal sa 100% pagmamay-ari ng lupa, paglimita sa
pag-aari ng dayuhan hanggang 40% sa mga lokal na negosyo, paglimita ng dayuhang kapital sa mga public
utilities, pagbibigay-tangi (preference) sa lokal na paggawa at materyales, at iba pang ipinapalagay ng
imperyalismo na pumipigil sa dayuhang pamumuhunan. Kapag nabura sa konstitusyon ang mga ito,
dadagsa daw ang dayuhang kapital at malulutas na ang krisis pang-ekonomya ng bansa kasabay sa
pagangat ng kabuhayan ng mamamayan. Pero ang katotohanan ay hindi naman talaga nakapagdulot ng
signipikanteng pag-unlad sa ekonomya ng bansa ang dayuhang pamumuhunan.

Makikita ito sa itinakbo ng ekonomya sa nakaraang mga taon. Lumaki ang dayuhang pamumuhunan sa
nakaraang dalawang dekada subalit patuloy ang pagbagsak ng ekonomya. Patuloy na lumalaki ang kontrol
ng mga dayuhan sa ekonomya ng bansa subalit nanatiling atrasado at umaasa sa import ang lokal na
produksyon. Wala rin namang itong naidulot na pag-abante sa teknolohiya tulad nang madalas na
sinasabing kabutihan ng dayuhang kapital.
Kung may trabaho man nalilikha ang dayuhang pamumuhunan, ang mga ito ay napakaliit kumpara sa dami
ng mga manggagawang nawawalan ng trabaho dahil sa mga nagsasarang lokal na negosyo na nalulugi sa
kawalangkakayahan na makipagkumpitensya sa malalaking dayuhang kapitalista. Bukod dito, ang iilang
trabahong nalilikha sa pagpasok ng dayuhan kapital ay karaniwang panandalian halimbawa kontraktwal at
pleksibleng anyo ng paggawa bukod pa sa barat na pagpapasweldo na kabilang sa mga insentibong
binibigay ng gubyerno sa dayuhang mamumuhunan.

Kung tutuusin, ang ipinapangakong pag-unlad ng kabuhayan sa Chacha ay malaking kasinungalingan sa

simula pa lang. Paano naman kasi, ang estratehiya ng pag-akit sa dayuhang kapital bilang susi sa pag-ahon
sa krisis pang-ekonomya ay napatunayan nang hindi tutuo at sa kabilang banda pa nga ay lalo pang
nagpapalubog sa mamamayan sa kumunoy ng kahirapan. Halimbawa, habang bumabagsak ang antas ng
kabuhayan ng mamamayan at nalulugi ang lokal na maliliit na negosyante, tumitiba naman ng husto ang
dayuhang kapitalista at mga lokal na kasosyo nila sa ating bansa. Mula 1961 hanggang 1998, mahigit $1.1
bilyon ang inilabas na tubo ng mga dayuhang mamumuhunan kabilang na dito ang dibidendo, komisyon at
royalties.

Samantala, pagpipyestahan ng mga dayuhang kapitalista ang masaganang likas na kayamanan ng bansa.
Bukod sa mura at siil na lakas-paggawa, naglalaway ng husto ang dayuhang kapital sa mayamang
kabundukan at karagatan ng bansa kaya itinutulak nila ang 100% pag-aari sa mga ito. Pinagtutubuan din
nito ang mga negosyong tubong lugaw tulad ng tubig, langis at kuryente na monopolisado ng dayuhang
kapital at lokal na kumpradorburges.

6 Ano ang magiging epekto ng Chacha sa mamamayan?

Walang trabaho. Bagsak na kabuhayan. Mataas na presyo ng produkto at serbisyo. Iskwater sa sariling
bayan. Ito ang direktang epekto ng Chacha sa mamamayan.

Lalo pang dadami ang kawalan at kakulangan ng trabaho kapag tuluyan nang inalis ang mga proteksyon sa
lokal na industriya at negosyong tiyak na malulugi at magsasara. Ngayon pa lang ay dinaranas na nang
bansa ang pinakamatinding krisis sa kawalang hanapbuhay. Walang kasing lala ang kalagayan sa empleyo
ng bansa. Sa datos mismo ng gubyerno, tinatayang mahigit 1 sa bawat 10 manggagawa ang walang
trabaho. Mas malala pa dito ang bilang ng mga manggagawa na kulang sa trabaho.

Lalo pang titindi ang dislokasyon ng mga magsasaka, mangingisda at katutubo sa kanayunan na itataboy
ng mga dayuhang magmamay-ari ng mga kabundukan, karagatan at mga lupang ninuno. Lalong titindi ang
konsentrasyon ng lupang agrikultural sa iilan habang ang kalakhan ay makikisaka na lamang at pipiliting
mabuhay sa hambalos na pyudal at malapyudal na pagsasamantala.

Aariin at kokontrolin ng dayuhan ang mga estratehiko at mahahalagang yutilidad ng bansa kapag inalis ang
probisyong naglilimita sa pag-aari ng dayuhan sa mga ito. Kapag monopolisado ng dayuhan ang langis,
tubig at kuryente, wala nang makapipigil sa mga ito para magtakda ng mga arbitraryong pagpipresyo sa
kanilang mga produkto na lubhang kailangan ng mamamayan at negosyo. Negosyong pagkakikitaan na rin
ang pagpapatakbo sa mga batayang serbisyong panlipunan tulad ng kalusugan at edukasyon. Ganap
namang mapapaikot ng dayuhan ang lokal na populasyon bilang siguradong konsyumer ng kanilang
produkto dahil wala nang restriksyon sa kanila para magmay-ari ng masmidya at advertising agencies.
Sa kalaunan, mawawalan na ng kahulugan ang pambansang patrimonya at soberanya. Wala na tayong
matatawag na pambansang ekonomya at ang ekonomya ng bansa ay tuluyang nakakabit sa estribo ng
pandaigdigang kapitalismo na kontrolado ng mga imperyalistang bansa sa pangunguna ng US.

Magluluwal ng matinding ligalig sa lipunan ang matinding kahirapan at pagsasamantalang mararanasan ng

mamamayan na wala nang mapagpipilian kundi lumaban para mabuhay. Subalit ang pakikibakang ito para
mabuhay ay haharapin ng batas militar at mga pasistang instrumento ng panunupil ng isang diktadurang
gubyerno.

Bahagi ng isinasagawang Chacha ang pag-alis ng garantiya para sa kalayaang sibil at demokratikong
karapatan ng mamamayan. Noong 1987, iginiit ng mamamayan ang paglalagay ng mga ito sa konstitusyon
para hindi na maulit ang batas militar. Pinatindi ang mga rekisito sa pagdideklara ng batas militar ang
gubyerno at pinalakas diumano kahit sa papel man lang ang bill of rights o mga demokratikong karapatan
ng mamamayan.

Kailan dapat magkaroon ng Chacha?

Sinasalamin ng anumang konstitusyon ang pamamaraan at proseso ng kaayusang panlipunan sa isang
takdang panahon. Itinatakda dito ang interes ng nangingibabaw na mga uri at ang paraan ng pakikipag-
ugnayan nito sa pinangingibabawang mga uri at sektor ng lipunan. Ang konstitusyon ay masasabing
dokumento ng pansamantalang kaayusang itinatakda ng relasyon at tunggalian ng mga uri sa lipunan sa
isang takdang panahon.

Halimbawa, ang kasalukuyang konstitusyon ay dokumento ng pangangasiwa sa malakolonyal at

malapyudal na kaayusan. Sa saligan, ang konstitusyong ito ay nagsisilbi sa interes ng imperyalismong US
at sa lokal na naghaharing uri — ang malalaking burgesya kumprador at panginoong maylupa na
nangingibabaw at nagsasamantala sa manggagawa, magsasaka, mga propesyonal at maliliit na
negosyanteng Pilipino.

Nagkakaroon ng mga makabuluhang pagbabago sa konstitusyon kapag may mga makabuluhang

pagbabago sa balanse ng pwersa sa relasyon at tunggalian ng mga uri sa lipunan. Halimbawa, sa sandaling
manaig ang mga anakpawis sa lipunan, lalamanin ng konstitusyon ang mithiin ng nakararami sa lipunan
tulad ng tunay na repormang agraryo at pambansang industriyalisasyon na susi sa pag-unlad ng kabuhayan
ng mamamayan at paglaya sa labis na pagsandig sa dayuhan. Sa pagkakataong ito, ang konstitusyon ng
bansa ay magtatadhana ng isang gubyerno ng mamamayan na nagtataguyod ng kasarinlan ng bansa sa
imperyalistang kontrol at naggagarantiya sa karapatan at kalayaang sibil ng kanyang pinaglilingkurang
mamamayan. Subalit ang pagsasatitik nito sa konstitusyon ay kailangang ipaglaban ng mamamayan sa
mga naghaharing uri na siguradong gagawa ng paraan para pigilan ito.

Ang mga pagbabago kung gayon na nagmumula sa hanay ng mga naghaharing uri ay mga pagbabagong
kosmetiko na ang layunin ay linlangin at pigilan ang pagkilos ng mamamayan para sa mapagpasyang
pagbabagong panlipunan. Ang mga pagbabago sa konstitusyon ng naghaharing uri ay para sa mas masinop
pang pagpapagana ng naghaharing sistema o kaya ay nagsisilbi para sa makitid na pansariling interes ng
isang pangkat laban sa iba pang paksyon ng naghaharing uri. Ganito sa esensya ang Chacha —
pagbabagong kosmetiko o panghitsura lang pero mas pagpapasahol pa ng pagsasamantala at pagpapahirap
sa mamamayan para lamang manatiling nakapaghahari at nakikinabang.
Ang makabuluhang chacha o pagbabago sa konstitusyon ay iluluwal ng mga pagbabago sa hanayan ng
mga pwersang nagtutunggali sa lipunan. Samakatuwid, ang makabuluhang charter change ay hindi
magaganap sa kasalukuyang rehimen. Hindi tutuong ang chacha ang makapapagbago ng sistema.

Ang krisis ng lipunang Pilipino ay hindi dahil sa reaksyonaryong katangian ng konstitusyon. Repleksyon
lamang ito ng sistemang pinaglilingkuran ng konstitusyon. Ang ugat ng krisis ay ang pag-iral ng
imperyalismo, pyudalismo at burukrata kapitalismo na sumusuhay sa malakolonyal at malapyudal na
kaayusan ng lipunang Pilipino. Malulutas lamang ang krisis kapag ito ay mapagpasyang nabunot at nagapi
ng mamamayan. Kapag napalaya ang bayan sa kontrol ng imperyalismong US at nalansag ang paghahari
ng mga panginoong maylupa at kumprador burgesya.

kaya sa mga grupong nagsusulong nito magisip-isip kayo!

Consumer Price Index and Inflation Rate

1. Home >
2.
3. Consumer Price Index and Inflation Rate
4.

Summary Inflation Report Consumer Price Index (2018=100): January 2024

Release Date: Tuesday, February 6, 2024

Reference Number: 2024-043

Table A. Year-on-Year Inflation Rates, All Items

In Percent
(2018=100)

Area January 2023 December 2023 January 2024 Year-to-Date*

Philippines

Headline 8.7 3.9 2.8 2.8

Core 7.4 4.4 3.8 3.8

NCR

Headline 8.6 3.5 2.8 2.8

AONCR

Headline 8.7 4.0 2.8 2.8

Source: Philippine Statistics Authority, Retail Price Survey of Commodities for the
Generation of Consumer Price Index
*Year-on-year change of CPI for January 2024 vs. 2023
A. Philippines

1. Headline Inflation

The Philippines’ headline inflation or overall inflation slowed down further to

2.8 percent in January 2024. This is the lowest inflation rate since the 2.3
percent inflation rate recorded in October 2020. Inflation rate was recorded
at 3.9 percent in December 2023, while it was 8.7 percent in January 2023.
(Figure 1, and Tables A, B, 5, and 14)

1.1 Main Drivers to the Downward Trend of the Headline Inflation

The downtrend in the overall inflation in January 2024 was primarily

brought about by the slower annual increment of food and non-alcoholic
beverages at 3.5 percent in January 2024 from 5.4 percent in the previous
month. Also contributing to the downtrend was housing, water, electricity,
gas and other fuels with slower annual increase of 0.7 percent during the
month from 1.5 percent in December 2023.

Lower annual increments were also noted in the indices of the following
commodity groups during the month:
 a. Alcoholic beverages and tobacco, 8.4 percent from 9.0 percent;
b. Clothing and footwear, 3.8 percent from 4.2 percent;
c. Furnishings, household equipment and routine household
maintenance, 3.9 percent from 4.5 percent;
d. Health, 3.3 percent from 3.7 percent;
e. Recreation, sport and culture, 4.0 percent from 4.2 percent;
f. Restaurants and accommodation services, 5.5 percent from 5.6
percent; and
g. Personal care, and miscellaneous goods and services, 4.0 percent
from 4.6 percent.

In addition, annual decreases were noted in the indices of transport at 0.3

percent in January 2024 from 0.4 percent annual increase in the previous
month, and financial services at 0.6 percent annual decrease during the
month from zero percent annual rate in December 2023.

On the contrary, the index of education services exhibited a higher annual

increase of 3.8 percent during the month from an annual increment of 3.5
percent in December 2023.

The index of information and communication remained at its previous

month’s annual rate of 0.5 percent. (Tables 5 and 6)

1.2 Main Contributors to the Headline Inflation

The top three commodity groups contributing to the January 2024 overall
inflation were the following:

a. Food and non-alcoholic beverages with 47.1 percent share or 1.3

percentage points;
b. Restaurants and accommodation services with 18.9 percent share
or 0.5 percentage point; and
c. Alcoholic beverages and tobacco with 6.5 percent share or 0.2
percentage point.

2. Food Inflation

Food inflation at the national level eased to 3.3 percent in January 2024
from 5.5 percent in the previous month. In January 2023, food inflation was
higher at 11.2 percent. (Table 9)

2.1 Main Drivers to the Downward Trend of Food Inflation

The deceleration of food inflation in January 2024 was primarily brought
about by the faster year-on-year decline in the index of vegetables, tubers,
plantains, cooking bananas and pulses at 20.8 percent during the month
from 9.2 percent annual decrease in December 2023. Fish and other
seafood also contributed to the downtrend with a slower inflation rate of 1.2
percent in January 2024 from 4.8 percent in December 2023.

In addition, annual declines were noted in the indices of the following food
groups during the month:

a. Corn, -4.3 percent from -3.5 percent;

b. Oils and fats, -4.3 percent from -3.6 percent;
c. Meat and other parts of slaughtered land animals, -0.7 percent
from 0.2 percent; and
d. Sugar, confectionery and desserts, -1.0 percent from 0.1 percent.

Moreover, lower inflation rates during the month were noted in the following
food items:

a. Flour, bread and other bakery products, pasta products, and other
cereals, 5.6 percent from 6.3 percent;
b. Milk, other dairy products and eggs, 5.6 percent from 7.4 percent;
c. Fruits and nuts, 10.0 percent from 12.2 percent; and
d. Ready-made food and other food products not elsewhere
classified, 4.7 percent from 5.0 percent.

On the contrary, rice inflation increased further to 22.6 percent during the
month from 19.6 percent in December 2023. (Tables 7 and 13)

2.2 Main Contributors to the Food Inflation

Food inflation shared 43.3 percent or 1.2 percentage points to the overall
inflation in January 2024. The food groups with the highest contribution to
the food inflation during the month were the following:

a. Cereals and cereal products, which includes rice, corn, flour,

bread and other bakery products, pasta products, and other cereals, with
111.6 percent share or 3.7 percentage points;
b. Milk, other dairy products and eggs with 9.0 percent share or 0.3
percentage point; and
c. Fruits and nuts with 8.3 percent share or 0.3 percentage point.
(Table 9)

3. Core Inflation
Core inflation, which excludes selected food and energy items, decelerated
to 3.8 percent in January 2024 from 4.4 percent in the previous month. In
January 2023, core inflation was higher at 7.4 percent. (Tables A, 11, and
17)

B. National Capital Region (NCR)

Following the trend at the national level, inflation rate in NCR also
decelerated to 2.8 percent in January 2024 from 3.5 percent in December
2023. In January 2023, inflation rate in the area was recorded at 8.6
percent. (Tables A, 5, and 15)

The lower inflation rate in NCR was mainly influenced by the slower annual
increase in the housing, water, electricity, gas and other fuels index at 3.3
percent in January 2024 from 4.8 percent in the previous month. Also
contributed to the downtrend were the slower annual increases observed in
the food and non-alcoholic beverages at 1.9 percent during the month from
2.8 percent in December 2023, and restaurants and accommodation
services with a year-on-year increase of 4.7 percent in January 2024 from
5.3 percent in the previous month.

Likewise, lower year-on-year mark-ups were noted in the indices of the

following commodity groups during the month:

a. Furnishings, household equipment and routine household

maintenance, 4.3 percent from 5.0 percent;
b. Health, 2.7 percent from 2.9 percent;
c. Transport, 0.2 percent from 0.4 percent;
d. Recreation, sport and culture, 1.9 percent from 2.0 percent; and
e. Personal care, and miscellaneous goods and services, 3.6 percent
from 3.8 percent.

The financial services index recorded an annual decrement of 0.1 percent

during the month from zero percent annual rate in the previous month.

In contrast, higher annual increments in January 2024 were observed in the

indices of alcoholic beverages and tobacco at 6.7 percent from 6.2 percent;
clothing and footwear, 2.4 percent from 2.3 percent; information and
communication, 0.2 percent from 0.1 percent; and education services, 3.9
percent from 3.3 percent. (Tables 5 and 6)

C. Areas Outside NCR (AONCR)

Inflation rate in AONCR, likewise, decelerated to 2.8 percent in January

2024 from 4.0 percent in December 2023. Inflation in the area in January
2023 was higher at 8.7 percent. (Tables A, 5, and 16)

The deceleration of inflation in AONCR was mainly due to the slower

annual increase in the food and non-alcoholic beverages index at 3.7
percent during the month from 5.9 percent in December 2023. Inflation in
the area was also pulled down by the annual declines in the indices of
housing, water, electricity, gas and other fuels at 0.3 percent and transport
at 0.4 percent in January 2024, both from 0.4 percent annual increase in
December 2023.

Moreover, slower annual rates were observed in the indices of the following
commodity groups during the month:

a. Alcoholic beverages and tobacco, 8.7 percent from 9.5 percent;

 b. Clothing and footwear, 4.0 percent from 4.5 percent;
c. Furnishings, household equipment and routine household
maintenance, 3.7 percent from 4.3 percent;
d. Health, 3.4 percent from 3.8 percent;
e. Recreation, sport and culture, 4.4 percent from 4.7 percent;
f. Restaurants and accommodation services, 5.6 percent from 5.8
percent; and
g. Personal care, and miscellaneous goods and services, 4.1 percent
from 4.7 percent.

The financial services index recorded an annual decline of 0.8 percent

during the month from zero percent annual rate in the December 2023,
while the indices of the rest of the commodity groups remained at their
respective previous month’s year-on-year increments. (Tables 5 and 6)

All regions outside NCR recorded slower inflation rates during the month
relative to their respective December 2023 inflation rates. In January 2024,
Region II (Cagayan Valley), for the fourth consecutive month, and Region I
(Ilocos Region) registered the lowest inflation rate at 1.5 percent, while
Region XI (Davao Region) had the highest inflation rate of 4.4 percent.
(Table 6)

Note: CPIs and inflation rates by province and selected city are posted at
the PSA OpenSTAT portal at
https://openstat.psa.gov.ph/PXWeb/pxweb/en/DB/DB__2M__PI__CPI__20
18/?tablelist=true.

CLAIRE DENNIS S. MAPA, PhD

Undersecretary
National Statistician and Civil Registrar General
Inflation rate bumaba sa
2.8 porsiyento noong
Enero
Pebrero 6, 2024

NAGPATULOY pa ang pagbagal ng inflation sa bansa sa pagbaba ng inflation rate sa 2.8

porsiyento noong Enero mula sa 3.9 porsiyento noong Disyembre 2023.

Ito ang pinakamababang naitalang inflation rate ng Philippine Statistics Authority simula
Oktubre 2020. Mula sa Facebook page ng Presidential Communications Office

Inflation rate bagsak sa 2.8%,

mahigit 3-year-low 'dahil sa presyo
ng pagkain'
James Relativo - Philstar.com
February 6, 2024 | 10:27am

MANILA, Philippines — Lalong kumupad ang inflation rate sa pagpasok ng

2024 dahil sa mas makupad na pagtaas ng presyo ng pagkain, ayon sa
Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA).

Sumampa kasi sa 2.8% ang January 2024 inflation rate, mas mabagal pa
kaysa sa naitala noong Disyembre. Malayong-malayo ito sa 8.7% noong
January 2023.

"This is the lowest inflation rate since the 2.3 percent inflation rate recorded
in October 2020," wika ng PSA ngayong Martes.

"The downtrend in the overall inflation in January 2024 was primarily

brought about by the slower annual increment of food and non-alcoholic
beverages at 3.5 percent in January 2024 from 5.4 percent in the previous
month."

Ang datos mula sa pinakabagong inflation report ay pasok sa 2-4% target

ng gobyerno.
Naitala rin ang lower annual increments sa indices ng mga sumusunod na
commodity groups noong naturang buwan:

 Alcoholic beverages and tobacco, 8.4%

 Clothing and footwear, 3.8%
 Furnishings, household equipment and routine household
maintenance, 3.9%
 Health, 3.3%
 Recreation, sport and culture, 4%
 Restaurants and accommodation services, 5.5%
 Personal care, and miscellaneous goods and services, 4%

"Food inflation at the national level eased to 3.3 percent in January 2024
from 5.5 percent in the previous month," dagdag pa ng PSA.

"In January 2023, food inflation was higher at 11.2 percent."

Sa kabila nito, lumobo ang rice inflation mula 19.6% (Disyembre)

patungong 22.6% nitong Enero.

Bumaba rin ang inflation rate sa National Capital Region (NCR) gaya ng sa
buong Pilipinas, mula 3.5% patungong 2.8%. Malayo na ito sa 8.6% noong
Enero 2023.

Lahat ng rehiyon sa labas ng NCR ay nakapagtala ng mas mabagal na

inflation. Cagayan Valley at Ilocos Region ang nakapagtala ng
pinakamababang inflation rate sa 1.5% habang Davao Region naman ang
may pionakamataas sa 4.4%.

Nangyayari ang lahat ng ito matapos ipangako ni Pangulong Ferdinand

"Bongbong" Marcos Jr. na walang magugutom sa ilalim ng kanyang
"Bagong Pilipinas," ito kahit hindi pa rin natutupad ang pangako niyang
P20/kilong bigas mula pa noong 2022 elections.
Inflation eases, but rice-loving Filipinos still
feeling price pressures
FEB 6, 2024 9:15 AM PHT

RALF RIVAS

(1st UPDATE) Filipinos are still feeling the pain of inflation, even though prices of vegetables,
fish, and meat eased in January 2024. The culprit? Rice.

MANILA, Philippines – Prices of goods accelerated at a slower pace for the fourth straight
month in January, as food prices continued to stabilize.

But in a rice-loving country like the Philippines, this downtrend is not easily felt as global
prices of the staple coupled with weather concerns have pushed up domestic prices.

The Philippine Statistics Authority on Tuesday, February 6, reported that the inflation rate
in January eased further to 2.8%, which is well within the government’s target range of 2%
to 4%.

The latest figure is lower than the 3.9% posted in December 2023, and the 8.7%
recorded in January 2023.
 PBBM: Call for Mindanao separation
‘grave violation of Constitution’
By Ruth Abbey Gita-Carlos

February 8, 2024, 7:26 pm

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(File photo)

MANILA – President Ferdinand R. Marcos Jr. on Thursday opposed the call

to separate Mindanao from the Philippines, saying it is a “grave violation of
the Constitution.”

“The new call for a separate Mindanao is doomed to fail, for it is anchored
on a false premise, not to mention a sheer constitutional travesty,” Marcos
said in a speech during the commemoration of the Constitution Day at the
Makati Shangri La.

“I strongly appeal to all concerned to stop this call for a separate Mindanao.
It is a grave violation of the Constitution,” he added.

As the country’s president, Marcos said it is his sworn duty to preserve and
defend the Constitution.

He said he rejects the secession of Mindanao because the Constitution calls

for a “united [and] undivided country.”

He added that even the political leaders from the Bangsamoro

Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) and other parts of
Mindanao are opposed to the idea of separating the region from the entire
country.
“This is because there can be, as in fact there is already, genuine and
effective local autonomy throughout our country, especially in the BARMM,
without compromising our national integrity in the slightest degree,”
Marcos said.

“Hindi ito ang 'Bagong Pilipinas' na ating hinuhubog. Bagkus, ito ay pag-
wasak mismo sa ating bansang Pilipinas (This is not the New Philippines we
are building. Rather, it is the destruction of our country, the Philippines).”

Marcos said he is committed to protecting the national territory, and

emphasized that a “divided public cannot prosper.”

“I’ve said it before and I’ll say it again. Our national territory will not be
diminished, even by one square inch. We will continue to defend from any
threats, external and internal. We will not allow even an iota of suggestion
of its breaking apart,” he said.

“It was unity that made us rise from pandemic challenges and under the
banner of the rule of law, the supremacy of the Constitution, our unity, both
of our people and our territorial domain will continue to fuel our ascent
and the further pursuit of our collective goals and aspirations as a nation,”
Marcos added.

Marcos’ predecessor, former president Rodrigo Duterte, earlier raised the

idea of having a separate and independent Mindanao. (PNA)

EXPLAINER: Why Duterte’s sudden call

for Mindanao independence won’t fly
FEB 16, 2024 9:30 AM PHT

DWIGHT DE LEON

If ever Duterte and his men are really serious about pushing for a separate Mindanao, huge
obstacles await them, from minimal support in southern Philippines, to the government's
promise to use force to stop any attempt to secede

MANILA, Philippines – A couple of days after former president Rodrigo Duterte accused
his successor Ferdinand Marcos Jr. of involvement in the illegal drug trade, the man from
Davao City stepped up his rhetoric by calling for Mindanao’s independence.
“What is at stake now is our future, so we’ll just separate,” Duterte was quoted as saying on
January 30. The former mayor even claimed he had asked his former House speaker –
incumbent Davao del Norte 1st District Representative Pantaleon Alvarez – to gather
signatures in favor of the advocacy.

The government did not take the call sitting down, decrying the proposal that has – at the
same time – baffled critics due to its lack of specifics.

Rappler sums up the gigantic obstacles that advocates of Mindanao secession

are facing to make that vision – if they are really serious about it – a reality.

In the 2006 book Secession: International Law Perspectives, professor Antonello

Tancredi wrote: “International law neither prohibits nor authorizes secession, but simply
acknowledges the result of de facto processes which may lead to the birth of new states.”

There is no manual on successful secessions, and separatists can only learn from the
experience of other countries.

Duterte-era chief presidential legal counsel Salvador Panelo brought up the statehoods of
Singapore and Timor-Leste, but the conditions that paved the way for their independence
are different from the realities in Mindanao.

Singapore, for instance, did not gain independence voluntarily . It was expelled by Malaysia
in 1965, due to irreconcilable differences in ideology and politics.

Timor-Leste, meanwhile, is a case that inspires Duterte, who said on February 7: “My
proposal of a Mindanao secession is a legal process that will be brought to the United
Nations (UN), just like what happened to Timor-Leste.”

Yes, the UN organized a referendum in Timor-Leste in 1999, the watershed vote that
resulted in its independence from Indonesia. But the young nation’s journey of self-
determination was bloody, and its experience does not necessarily bear strong similarities
to that of Mindanao.

While there were state-sanctioned killings that triggered the Moro insurgency in the
southern Philippines, Timor-Leste had to grapple with what numerous scholars believe is a
genocide at the tail-end of the 20th century. The atrocities during that time prompted the
rise and consolidation of pro-independence organizations, which Mindanao does not have
at the moment.
The human rights situation in the Philippines deteriorated in 2020.
President Rodrigo Duterte’s murderous “war on drugs,” ongoing
since he took office in June 2016, continued to target mostly
impoverished Filipinos in urban areas. The police and unidentified
gunmen linked to the police have committed thousands of
extrajudicial executions. The killings increased dramatically during
the Covid-19 lockdown, rising by over 50 percent during April to
July 2020 compared to the previous four months. There has been
almost total impunity for these killings.

In June 2020, the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner

for Human Rights (OHCHR) published a highly critical report on
the human rights situation in the Philippines. In October, the UN
Human Rights Council passed a resolution continuing scrutiny of
the situation in the country for another two years, but without
creating an international investigation.

Threats and attacks, including killings, against left-wing political

activists, environmental activists, community leaders, Indigenous
peoples’ leaders, journalists, lawyers, and others rose in the past
year. The government harassed journalists and media companies,
including through politically motivated prosecutions and other legal
action; a court convicted journalist Maria Ressa of cyber libel in
June, while the government shut down the country’ largest
television network the following month.

In March, the government placed the country under lockdown,

restricting people’s movement to limit the spread of Covid-19, using
the military, as well as the police and local officials, to enforce the
lockdown. Tens of thousands of people were arrested and often
detained in crowded jails and holding centers where they were at
increased risk of contracting the virus. Police and local officials
targeted vulnerable populations, including lesbian, gay, bisexual,
and transgender (LGBT) people and children, and in some cases
using public humiliation and cruel treatment.
Unending “Drug War”

According to official government figures, members of the Philippine

National Police and the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency killed
5,903 individuals during anti-drug operations from July 1, 2016 to
September 30, 2020. This number did not include the deaths of
those killed by unidentified gunmen whom Human Rights Watch
and other rights monitors believe operate in cooperation with local
police and officials. Other sources, such as the UN Office of the High
Commissioner for Human Rights, put the death toll at 8,663,
although domestic human rights groups, including the
government’s Commission on Human Rights, believe the real figure
could be triple the number reported in the OHCHR report.

Based on statistics released by the government through its

#RealNumbersPH, “drug war” killings increased by over 50 percent
during the lockdown months from April to July. Among those
severely affected by the “drug war” violence are children left
behind by the victims. These children are often driven deeper into
poverty, suffer deep psychological distress, often drop out of school
for financial and other reasons, and suffer bullying in their schools
or communities.

The vast majority of “drug war” killings have not been seriously
investigated by the authorities. Only a handful of cases are in
varying stages of investigation by prosecutors. Only one case—the
video recorded murder of 17-year-old Kian delos Santos in August
2017—has resulted in the 2018 conviction of several police officers.

The creation of a committee to investigate cases of police

involvement in killings, originally pledged by the secretary of justice
to the UN Human Rights Council, is of doubtful utility given the
prominent role of key agencies responsible for killings in the
committee’s leadership.

President Duterte continues to encourage the

killings, ordering customs officials in September to kill alleged drug
smugglers. He also regularly denounced and dismissed groups that
criticize the “war on drugs,” accusing them of “weaponizing human
rights.”
Political Killings, Threats, Harassment

On June 4, OHCHR published a report that found “numerous

systematic human rights violations” in the Philippines, among them
the killing of 208 human rights defenders and activists since 2015.
Leftist activists and human rights defenders were key targets of
physical and online attacks. On August 17, unidentified gunmen
shot dead Zara Alvarez, a legal worker for the human rights group
Karapatan, in Bacolod City in the central Philippines. Alvarez’s
killing came a week after peasant leader Randall Echanis was found
dead, apparently tortured, in his home in Quezon City. Alvarez was
the 13th Karapatan member killed during the Duterte
administration.

The attacks against activists occurred in the context of the

government’s campaign against the communist New People’s Army
insurgency. Government and military officials have accused
Karapatan and the other groups in its network of being supporters
of the insurgents in a “red-tagging” campaign that puts them at
heightened risk of attack. The military, national security agencies,
and the police have actively used social media to convey threats that
have resulted in tens of red-tagged people being killed in the past
year.

In September, Facebook took down for “coordinated inauthentic

behavior” dozens of what it called “fake accounts” being used by
state forces to spread government and military propaganda. The
accounts included posts that demonized activists, accusing them of
being communists or communist sympathizers, and, in several
cases, “terrorists.”

In July, Duterte signed a new Anti-Terrorism Law. The law contains

overbroad and vague provisions that the government can use to
unjustly target critics. Among its provisions is the creation of a
government-appointed Anti-Terrorism Council that can designate a
person or a group as a terrorist, making them immediately liable to
be arrested without warrant or charges and be detained for up to 24
days.
Freedom of Media

In June, a court in Manila convicted CEO Maria Ressa of the news

website Rappler of cyber libel, along with Reynaldo Santos Jr., a
former Rappler researcher. The case involved the retroactive
application of the new law to an article that had been published
years earlier.
The case is one of several that Ressa and Rappler face as part of the
government’s campaign of retaliation campaign of
retaliation against media organizations for their reporting on “drug
war” killings and the Duterte presidency. Since 2016, the president
and his supporters on social media have subject Ressa and Rappler
to threats and harassment, including misogynistic attacks online.

In July, the Philippine Congress, in which Duterte controls a large

majority, voted not to extend the franchise of ABS-CBN, the
country’s largest television network. The vote led to the shutdown of
ABS-CBN. ABS-CBN earned the ire of Duterte and his officials who
accused the network, which often criticized the government’s “war
on drugs,” of bias.

The killing of journalists also continued with the murder of radio

broadcaster and online commentator Jobert Bercasio on September
14. Bercasio was the 17th journalist killed during Duterte’s term in
office and the 189th since democracy was restored in the
Philippines in 1986. In December 2019, a Manila court convicted
two of the masterminds and several dozen accomplices for the
2009 Maguindanao Massacre in which a local ruling family
murdered 58 people, including 32 media workers covering a
political campaign. However, nearly 80 suspects remain at large,
with little prospect of them being apprehended.
Death Penalty

The Philippine government began in 2020 to seriously consider

legislation to reinstate the death penalty. The move in Congress
came a week after President Duterte used his State of the Nation
Address in July to call for capital punishment by lethal injection for
drug offenders.

Reinstating the death penalty would violate the Second Optional

Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
(ICCPR), which the Philippines ratified in 2007.
Covid-19

At time of writing, the Philippines had one of the highest recorded

numbers of confirmed Covid-19 cases in Southeast Asia, with
400,000 cases as of mid-November. The Duterte administration’s
response to the Covid-19 pandemic has been led by former military
officers, using police supported by the military, which has resulted
in serious human rights abuses.

Since March 16, the government has imposed varying types of

quarantines and lockdowns to contain the spread of the virus.
Abuses reported include local officials putting curfew violators
in dog cages or exposing them to hours sitting in the summer sun as
a form of punishment. Two children who were arrested after curfew
were put inside a coffin by local officials. In April, three LGBT
people were accosted by authorities for violating curfew. Officials
humiliated them by forcing them to dance and kiss each other in
public. Many people arrested for violating Covid-19 regulations
were thrown into overcrowded detention facilities where social
distancing is impossible, increasing their risk of contracting the
virus.

The C-19 law that President Duterte signed on March 24

criminalizes the spreading of “false information” with up to two
months in prison and a 1 million peso (US$19,600) fine. This law
has been used to censor free speech in cases filed against social
media users, among them journalists, who criticized or even poked
fun at the government’s response.

Reports of domestic violence have risen during lockdown

restrictions. Groups such as UNICEF and Save the Children have
raised alarm about the impact the pandemic and lockdown have on
the welfare of children, particularly concerning child sexual and
physical abuse.
Key International Actors

In October, the UN Human Rights Council passed a resolution that

called for the Philippines to “ensure accountability for human rights
violations and abuses, and in this regard to conduct independent,
full, and transparent investigations and to prosecute all those who
have perpetrated serious crimes, including violations and abuses of
human rights.”
However, instead of establishing an independent international
investigation into the human rights situation in the Philippines, the
resolution granted the government’s request for technical
assistance for a joint UN-Philippines technical assistance program
on human rights to supposedly address the killings. Human Rights
Watch and dozens of other domestic and international groups view
the request, as well as the government’s compromised committee to
review the deaths in the “drug war,” as an attempt to evade UN
scrutiny.

In September, the European Parliament overwhelmingly voted to

adopt a resolution denouncing the “rapidly deteriorating human
rights situation” in the Philippines and called on the Philippines to
abide by its human rights commitment under the European Union’s
General Systems of Preference Plus program that allows the country
to export 6,200 products to EU states without tariff. The resolution
also called for dropping the cases against journalist Maria Ressa
and Senator Leila de Lima, a longtime critic of Duterte who has
been in pretrial detention for more than three years on bogus drug
charges.

The International Criminal Court (ICC) continued its preliminary

examination into alleged crimes against humanity related to the
“drug war” killings. The Philippines withdrew from the court
effective March 17, 2019, but the Office of the Prosecutor has
indicated the court could still pursue crimes committed before that
date, and it will continue to pursue its examination. UN human
rights experts, among them Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial
Killings Agnès Callamard, have urged the ICC to prioritize
completion of its examination.

In September, members of the US Congress introduced

the Philippine Human Rights Act, which seeks to suspend US
defense and security assistance to the Philippines for human rights
abuses until the government undertakes significant reform. In order
to lift the suspension, the US secretary of state would have to certify
that the government had adequately investigated and successfully
prosecuted members of the military and police forces who violated
human rights; withdrawn the military from domestic policing
activity; and established effective protection of trade unionists,
journalists, human rights defenders, and government critics.
The human rights situation in the Philippines remains dire amid
extrajudicial killings, attacks against political activists and
journalists, and abuses committed during the armed conflict with
the 54-year-old communist insurgency. The government has
increasingly constricted democratic space by using the justice
system to target leftist activist groups.

Nonetheless, President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s measured rhetoric

about human rights is a stark contrast to the unabashedly anti-
rights positions of his predecessor, Rodrigo Duterte, whose
catastrophic “war on drugs” killed thousands. In several
international forums, Marcos has affirmed his administration’s
commitment to human rights. The government has likewise begun
engaging more openly with international actors, for example, by
inviting UN human rights experts to the country.

The Philippine government still refuses to cooperate with

the investigation of the International Criminal Court (ICC) into
possible crimes against humanity committed in the context of
Duterte’s “drug war” and when Duterte was mayor of Davao City. In
January 2023, the ICC’s pre-trial chamber authorized the Office of
the Prosecutor to resume its investigation following a request by the
Philippine government to defer the inquiry to national authorities.
The government appealed, contending that the ICC judges erred by
dismissing Manila’s position that the court no longer has
jurisdiction over the situation in the Philippines after its withdrawal
from the court’s founding treaty took effect in March 2019. In July
2023, the ICC appeals chamber confirmed the prosecutor’s
resumption of the investigation, paving the way for the next step
toward justice for the thousands of victims of extrajudicial killings
and their families in the government’s “war on drugs.”
Extrajudicial Killings

Marcos has not ended Duterte’s “drug war.” Law enforcement

officers and their agents continue to conduct raids using the former
president’s orders as justification. The official “drug war” death toll
from July 1, 2016, to May 31, 2022, is 6,252; unidentified gunmen
murdered thousands more. The Philippine government has not
updated its statistics since May 2022.
While the killings have significantly dropped overall since Marcos
took office on June 30, 2022, they have continued. According
to monitoring by the University of the Philippines Third World
Studies Center, more drug-related killings occurred in the first year
of the Marcos administration than in the Duterte administration’s
final year. As of November 15, 471 people have been killed in drug-
related violence under Marcos, perpetrated both by law enforcers
and unidentified assailants. Most of these cases, as with the
previous ones, remain uninvestigated. In Davao City, a hotspot of
drug-related killings according to the University of the Philippines’
data, police have perpetrated most killings.

Many extrajudicial killings have taken place in the context of

political violence, particularly linked to elections. On March 4, ex-
military men stormed the residence of Negros Oriental governor
Roel Degamo and killed him and nine others. A political rival has
been implicated in the massacre, which is the worst incident of
political violence in the Philippines since the Maguindanao
Massacre in 2009.

Journalists have also been targeted, with 4 killed so far under

Marcos, bringing the death toll since 1986, when democracy was
restored, up to 177. The latest fatality reported was Cresenciano
Bunduquin, a broadcaster in Oriental Mindoro province who was
gunned down on May 31. The killing in October 2022 of popular
radio commentator Percy Mabasa remains unsolved.

Insurgency-related killings have noticeably worsened, particularly

on the island of Negros, which has long been a hotbed of the
communist movement. In June, a couple and their two children
were killed by gunmen in Negros Occidental; relatives and
witnesses said the military had earlier accused the couple of
working for the communist New People’s Army (NPA).

The security forces have also killed children during operations. In

August, police shot dead Jemboy Baltazar, 17; witnesses alleged the
police claimed Baltazar had illegal drugs to justify the shooting. Also
in August, a police officer shot dead John Frances Ompad, also 17.
Attacks on Activists, Unionists, and Journalists

Incidents of “red-tagging” by the authorities and government

supporters and pro-government media continued. Getting red-
tagged is often a prelude to physical attack, raising fears among
activists and constricting democratic space. Government actors
have red-tagged activists, unionists, environment defenders,
Indigenous leaders, teachers, students, and journalists.

In May, the hosts of a pro-government TV program accused the

National Union of Journalists of the Philippines and its chair,
Jonathan de Santos, of working with communist insurgents. In
June, several activists and environmental defenders in the northern
Philippines sought protection from the Supreme Court after they
were red-tagged by the military and the police. Some victims of red-
tagging are bringing lawsuits in response: In July, Carol Araullo, a
longtime leftist activist, sued the hosts of a pro-government TV
show for red-tagging her and her family. In September, her son,
journalist Atom Araullo, also brought a case.

In some cases, the red-tagging has turned into “terrorist”-tagging,

with the government using the country’s harsh and overbroad Anti-
Terror Act to target civil society organizations, accusing them of
terrorist financing. In September, the military filed a complaint
against CERNET, a nongovernmental organization (NGO) in the
central Philippines, for allegedly providing funds to the New
People’s Army, a charge the group denied.

The targeting of unions and labor activists was the focus of a high-
level mission of the International Labour Organization in January.
The mission denounced red-tagging and other forms of harassment
against trade unionists. In April, President Marcos signed Executive
Order 23, which promises protection to workers and respect for
their right to organize.

There was some good news, however. Former senator Leila de Lima,
a prominent political prisoner and staunch human rights activist,
was released in November after a court granted her bail in the last
drug case filed against her by the Duterte administration. She was
arrested and detained nearly seven years ago on bogus drug
charges. In September, a Manila court acquitted Nobel Peace Prize
laureate and Rappler CEO Maria Ressa of tax evasion charges,
leaving two cases pending in courts against her and her colleagues.
Enforced Disappearances

Enforced disappearances remain a persistent human rights

violation in the Philippines. Two infamous enforced disappearance
cases—of peasant activist Jonas Burgos in 2007 and two University
of the Philippines students, Karen Empeno and Sherlyn Cadapan, in
2006—remain unresolved.

In January, labor rights activists Dyan Gumanao and Armand

Dayoha were abducted in broad daylight at a port in Cebu City.
They surfaced a few days later and accused the police of kidnapping
them and mistreating them.

In April, activists Gene Roz Jamil “Bazoo” de Jesus and Dexter

Capuyan were allegedly abducted by government operatives in
Taytay, just southeast of Manila. They remain missing.

In September, two environmental activists, Jonila Castro and Jhed

Tamano, went missing. The government later publicly presented
them and claimed that they were NPA fighters who had
surrendered. But the two activists, during a government-organized
press conference, said that the military had abducted them.
Key International Actors

Despite ongoing serious abuses and the lack of accountability, the

Philippines continue to benefit from the European
Union’s Generalised Scheme of Preferences Plus (GSP+), which
grants tariff preferences for exports to the EU market conditioned
on the country’s compliance with 27 rights conventions.

In an April visit to Manila, EU Special Representative for Human

Rights Eamon Gilmore highlighted shortcomings in the Philippines’
compliance with its GSP+ human rights obligations and stressed
that “doing business with the EU means addressing human rights
issues.” Members of the European Parliament also remained highly
critical of the Philippines’ rights record and questioned its eligibility
for the GSP+ program.
In August, EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen visited
Manila and praised the Marcos administration for “improving” the
human rights situation in the country. Von der Leyen announced
the resumption of negotiations for a bilateral free trade agreement,
which had been frozen under Duterte due to human rights abuses.
In November, the EU released a report on the human rights
situation in the Philippines, as required under the GSP+ program,
which highlighted major rights shortcomings and emphasized the
need for progress.

The UN Joint Program (UNJP), created in 2020, has continued to

build the capacity of accountability mechanisms in the country.
Although it has trained law enforcement officers on proper methods
to investigate rights abuses, particularly extrajudicial killings, the
UNJP has had little impact because of the Covid-19 pandemic and
initial lack of cooperation from the Philippine government.

The UNJP’s mandate will end in July 2024. If extended, the

program needs monitoring and reporting mechanisms.

After eight years of negotiations, in April, the United States Biden

administration signed an enhanced cooperation agreement with the
Philippines to fund and provide rapid support to respond to
humanitarian, climate, and “other shared challenges.” In October,
the US and the Philippines held two weeks of military exercises
amid rising tensions with China over the territory of the South
China Sea.
Bangka, tumaob sa Sulu: 6 pasahero, tripulante nailigtas
by Rommel Tabbad February 19, 2024

Nasagip ang anim na pasahero at tripulante sakay ng isang tumaob na

bangka sa Pangutaran Island, Sulu kamakailan.

Sa ulat ng Philippine Coast Guard (PCG), patungo na sana sa Zamboanga

City ang M/B Lorena mula sa Mapun, Tawi-Tawi nang hampasin ng
malakas na hangin at malalaking alon.

Dahil dito, tumaob ang bangka 38 kilometro sa hilagang kanluran ng

nasabing isla nitong Pebrero 17.

Napadaan naman sa lugar ang MV Navios Lumen, isang cargo vessel na

patungo na sana sa Australia, at nailigtas ang anim.

Idinagdag pa ng PCG, maayos na ang kalagayan ng anim na pasahero at

tripulante.

10 pang lalawigan, maaapektuhan ng El Niño sa huling bahagi ng Pebrero

Posibleng maapektuhan ng El Niño phenomenon ang 10 pang probinsya

sa huling bahagi ng Pebrero.

Ipinaliwanag ng Task Force El Niño sa panayam sa telebisyon, nasa 41

probinsya na ang apektado ng El Niño.

Gayunman, sinabi ng Philippine Atmospheric, Geophysical and

Astronomical Services Administration (PAGASA) na hindi pa masyadong
nararanasan ang matinding epekto ng El Niño dahil umiiral pa rin ang
amihan o northeast monsoon na nagdadala ng malamig na hangin.

“Wala pa tayo sa warm and dry season months natin. Mas matindi pa ang
ating mararanasan sa mga susunod na panahon,” pahayag ni PAGASA-
Climatology and Agrometeorology Division officer-in-charge Ana Lisa
Solis.

Nauna nang sinabi ng PAGASA na posible pa ring maranasan ang El Niño

hanggang Marso, Abril at Mayo o hanggang Hunyo.