Journal of Destination Marketing & Management 11 (2019) 140–149

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Journal of Destination Marketing & Management

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jdmm

Research paper

'Slow down, your movie is too fast': Slow tourism representations in the T
promotional videos of the Douro region (Northern Portugal)
Nieves Losada , Gonçalo Mota
⁎

Escola de Ciências Humanas e Sociais, Universidade de Trás-os-Montes e Alto Douro, Quinta de Prados, 5001-801 Vila Real, Portugal

ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT

Keywords: Slow tourism provides a new approach to contemporary touristic practices by taking into account local popu-
Slow tourism lations, extending the length of stay at the destination, and making the tourist experience more fulfilling. The
Douro region Douro is a rural region that could benefit from slow tourism practices. However, the main tourism activity at the
DMO destination is presently limited largely to all-inclusive cruises packages in the Douro river valley, the terroir of
Promotional videos
the world-renowned port wine. This research first explores the extent to which attributes of slow tourism exist in
Qualitative analysis
the region, particularly in relation to modes of transport, local attractiveness, natural and built heritage, and
interaction with local people. It then investigates how they are represented in promotional videos of the Douro
region produced by the municipalities in conjunction with its DMO. A qualitative analysis of content was
conducted alongside with an in-depth interview. The study takes a multi-method approach by analyzing not only
the content but also the context by drawing upon complementary information provided by the interviewee. The
results obtained testify to the presence of some slow tourism attributes in the videos. However, a clear message is
still missing that could elevate the potential of this region to become a sustainable and slow destination.

1. Introduction and Lumsdon (2010) conceptualize slow travel as an alternative to

Tourism is a significant greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions sector
worldwide (Gössling, 2013). The Davos Declaration, which falls within
the scope of the Second International Conference on Climate Change
and Tourism (UNWTO, 2008), intends to mitigate GHG emissions de-
rived from transport and accommodation related to tourist activities.
From an environmental perspective, air transport and long-haul cruises
account for a large proportion of GHG emissions (Dickinson &
Lumsdon, 2010; Gössling, 2013). The OECD (2016), in its latest report
Tourism, Trends and Policies, advocates the use of sustainable modes of
transport.
In the last few decades, the emergence of low-cost airlines and less
restricted work conditions have resulted in people taking more trips
throughout the year, but of shorter duration (Alegre & Pou, 2003;
Barros & Machado, 2010; Buckley, 2011; Ferrer-Rosell, Martínez-
García, & Coenders, 2014; Fleischer, Peleg, & Rivlin, 2011; Gokovali,
Bahar, & Kozak, 2007; Salmasi, Celidoni, & Procidano, 2012), which
incurs a larger GHG footprint (Fleischer et al., 2011). The concept of
slow travel arises within this context as a response to concerns about
ecological footprints and climate change derived from air travel. Its aim
is to reshape the notion of sustainable destinations (Boley, 2015;
Dickinson, Lumsdon, & Robbins, 2011; Lin, 2017). Dickinson, Robbins,
travel by car or by air, in which individuals travel to their destinations
more slowly over land, stay longer and travel less. Slow travel is an
increasing activity and a 'promising niche' for many European countries
(Euromonitor International, 2007; Fullagar, Markwell, & Wilson,
2012).
As stated in sustainability guidelines, tourism practices involve far
more than simply transport and mobility. In this sense, slow tourism
may be a more accurate term than slow travel and have more positive
connotations (Dickinson, 2015): it goes further than the term 'slow
travel' as it links the traveller's experience with benefits for local sta-
keholders at the destination (Conway & Timms, 2012).
Until now, slow tourism research has been mainly theoretical
(Lumsdon & McGrath, 2011) or focused on the consumer perspective,
particularly factors such as sociodemographics, attitudes and motiva-
tions that affect the choice of slow tourism destinations (Lin, 2017;
Meng & Choi, 2016; Oh, Assaf, & Baloglu, 2016). However, no studies
have focused on how the image of a destination inspires its inter-
pretation as a slow destination. Destination marketing organizations
(DMOs), external information sources responsible for destination pro-
motion, exert considerable influence on the projected destination
image, and consequently on tourists’ decision making (Baloglu &
McCleary, 1999; Beerli & Martín, 2004). Promotional videos are one of

⁎
Corresponding author.
E-mail address: nlosada@utad.pt (N. Losada).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jdmm.2018.12.007
Received 8 August 2018; Received in revised form 11 December 2018; Accepted 31 December 2018
Available online 18 February 2019
2212-571X/ © 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
N. Losada and G. Mota
the most common tools for destination promotion. However, it is not
only the decision- making process that is influenced by media re-
presentations of destinations. Media representations, and in this parti-
cular case promotional videos, also influence tourists' experiences and
practices by creating an audiovisual rhetoric of the tourist experience
that may eventually be mimicked by tourists, thus creating a behaviour
code regarding what to do and how to do it once the destination has
been chosen. Hardeman, Font, and Nawijn (2017) also underline the
power of communication to influence sustainable tourism choices
through appealing messages.
As Kastenholz et al. (2014) point out, slow tourism may be an al-
ternative to the more conventional touristic supply currently operating
in the Douro region (Northern Portugal). In fact, the DMO responsible
for the promotion of the Douro region at the domestic level and in the
neighbouring Spanish territory, Turismo Porto e Norte de Portugal
(TPNP), considers that this region, which has three UNESCO designated
sites, can benefit from sustainable tourism practices (TPNP, 2015). One
of the guiding principles of the DMO states that sustainable tourism
should contribute to the preservation and enhancement of the natural,
economic and social environment of the region (TPNP, 2015). In ad-
dition, according to the OECD (2016), Portugal supports the principles
and practices of sustainability in its tourism strategy. In this sense,
Madureira and Marques (2006) suggest that the promotion strategy for
the Douro region should be based on the natural and cultural features of
this rural destination in opposition to fast-paced urban lifestyles.
Russell, Thomas, and Fredline (2005, p. 80) state that 'the destina-
tion image must be seen through the eyes of the desired market'. The
present research aims to identify how slow tourism-related attributes
are represented in promotional videos of the Douro region produced by
the municipalities and TPNP. In this sense, Markwell, Fullagar, and
Wilson (2012) indicate the benefits of using a slow tourism perspective
when analyzing concrete promotional strategies.
2. Videoentation of destinations by DMOs through promotional
videos
Representations are crucial to the practice of tourism. Destination
marketing is a highly specialized profession that creates distinctive
images that positively affect consumers' imaginaries (Winiwarter,
2008). As Korstanje, (2013) observes, there is no doubt that aesthetics
and images are integral to the growth of the tourist industry. It is
therefore essential to understand contexts in which these images are
produced and negotiated. This question can only be approached from a
theoretical and methodological perspective that is interdisciplinary.
As a touristic promotion tool, media communication influences
perceptions of place, distance, sociability, authenticity and other prior
knowledge that shapes tourist activity (Jansson, 2007), by affecting and
determining destination imaginaries. As an economic activity, tourism
is more than a product or a service: it is a promise of an experience. For
Amirou, Pauget, Lenglet, and Dammak (2011), people consume not
only tangible objects in response to their needs, but also symbols and
images. Through the act of consuming, these symbols and images be-
come the consumed object. Moreover, for these authors, this experience
has its origins in the confluence of perceptions and representations
mediated by imaginaries. This mediation influences the tourist's de-
mand and the destination as 'scenery' for the tourist experience. Given
the intangibility of tourism services, Morgan and Pritchard (2000)
consider that promotion is more important in tourism and leisure than
in other industries. Recognizing this, tourism promotion puts all its
effort into seducing the consumer. Audiovisual promotion is one of the
most powerful seductive tools at the service of tourist agents, from both
public and private institutions.
Media representations go beyond shaping the image of the desti-
nation. They also influence the traveller's decision-making process re-
garding which destination to visit (Hudson, Wang, & Gil, 2011). In this
sense, DMOs have gained importance as official information and
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Journal of Destination Marketing & Management 11 (2019) 140–149
promotion sources for destinations. In recent years, these have been
primarily disseminated through the Internet (Fernández-Cavia,
Marchiori, Haven-Tang, & Cantoni, 2017).
What is communicated and how it is communicated is extremely
important. The creation of promotional images, texts and audiovisual
products should be based on a clear communication strategy that
should avoid defrauding potential visitors. Promotional videos are one
of the most frequently used tools to communicate persuasive messages
through audiovisual sequences. Promotional videos convey knowledge
about the destination and also create a positive and appealing image of
it, constituting an indispensable tool in destination branding and
identity communication (Huertas, Míguez-González, & Lozano-
Monterrubio, 2017).
The relationship between audiovisual representation and re-
production technologies has been closely linked with tourism and mo-
bility practices (Urry & Larsen, 2011). In spite of this close connection
and the aforementioned importance of media representations in the
construction of the destination image, there is a lack of previous re-
search on promotional videos in tourism. Most recent studies have
mainly focused on user- generated content (namely videos) about the
destination that are disseminated through platforms and devices, which
are part of the so-called Web 4.0 (Huertas et al., 2017; Tussyadiah &
Fesenmaier, 2009). Film-induced tourism or on-screen tourism has also
been widely studied (Beeton, 2010; Connell, 2012; Lundberg, Ziakas, &
Morgan, 2018). However, sustainable tourism communication practices
as realized through video have remained overlooked in consumer be-
haviour and in tourist research studies (Prentovic & Batat, 2017). Thus,
official videos produced with the goal of promoting tourism are mostly
ignored in contemporary academic research.
As Huertas et al. (2017, pp. 214–215) underline: 'it is important to
study if destinations are using videos and social media to promote in-
teractivity and visibility and to communicate their identity and brand in
order to generate their desired image among their publics'. Considering
this idea, studies of audiovisual promotional videos, their production
contexts and how these videos communicate the destination's attributes
are needed. This study intends to analyze, from a slow tourism per-
spective, how sustainable practices, which are promoted in TPNP's
Horizon 2015–2020 marketing strategy, are represented in promotional
videos of the Douro region.
3. Slow tourism
Slow tourism was preceded by social movements such as slow food
and slow cities, which appeared in Italy during the 1980s and 1990s.
The core principles and philosophy of these movements rely on ad-
vocating the virtues of the slow and the authentic against an increas-
ingly fast and artificial consumer society. This idea has impregnated a
wide range of fields, spreading across diverse practices from science
research to travel.Slow tourism emerged as the antithesis of mass
tourism and was viewed as potentially sustainable from a social, eco-
nomic and environmental perspective (Conway & Timms, 2010; Oh
et al., 2016). This idea was already present in Krippendorf's (1987) -
add 's seminal work The holiday makers: Understanding the impact of
leisure and travel. In fact, alternative tourism, ecotourism and re-
sponsible tourism all ascribe to the paradigm of sustainable tourism and
aim to explicitly promote its goals (Conway & Timms, 2012; Meng &
Choi, 2016). Timms and Conway (2012, p. 405) describe slow tourism
as an inclusive alternative model that 'encompasses the environmental
sustainability concerns of ecotourism, addresses social and cultural
sustainability interests of community-based tourism and pro-poor
tourism, and advances economic sustainability ideals such as max-
imizing local linkages through agro-tourism'.
Whereas slow travel is only concerned with avoiding the use of
preferred means of travel (air plane and car) by replacing them with
low-carbon modes of transport (train or bus), as Dickinson (2015)
states, slow tourism focuses on the full travel experience, from modes of
N. Losada and G. Mota
transport to activities at the destination (Meng & Choi, 2016; Timms &
Conway, 2012).
Slow tourism encourages travellers to reduce their travel frequency,
increase the length of their stay at the destination, visit fewer attrac-
tions (but more slowly), favor local resources, and focus on short-dis-
tance travelling that relies on more sustainable modes of transport
(Caffyn, 2012; Dickinson & Robbins, 2010; Dickinson et al., 2010).
However, this model has received some criticism, since a lower number
of trips and visits to attractions at the destination would imply a lower
economic impact (Boley, 2015). Nevertheless, Caffyn (2012) states that
when local products and attractions are selected, more of the visitor's
money reaches local businesses rather than larger chain businesses. In
addition, slow tourism constitutes an alternative to tour packages by
promoting independent travel without reliance on intermediaries
(Dickinson & Lumsdon, 2010). Consequently, a positive economic im-
pact should be observed at the destination, stimulating higher incomes
and more employment for the local population.
Timms and Conway (2012) note that remote locations are favour-
able areas to create and promote sustainable alternatives to mass
tourism, such as slow tourism. The promotion of 'slow' destinations
should therefore underline slow ways of arriving at the destination,
encourage travellers to use public transport, promote longer stays,
suggest activities to do at the destination, and guide tourists as to how
they can minimize car travel within the destination through slow ac-
tivities such as walking, cycling or guided walks (Caffyn, 2012).
3.1. Slow tourism motivations
Push factors (related to the desire or need to travel) and pull factors
(related to destination choice attributes) are the two dimensions of
travel motivation formulated by Crompton and Dann (in Crompton,
1979). If it is assumed that a person already has a desire or need to
travel, then one of the most important factors shaping decision-making
about travel is the extent to which the destination's attributes satisfy the
traveller's desires (You, O’Leary, Morrison, & Hong, 2000). Echtner and
Ritchie (1993) affirm that a destination's attributes, whether functional
and tangible or psychological and intangible, contribute to the creation
of the tourist destination image. The image projected by tourist desti-
nations through secondary sources of information is therefore sig-
nificant due to its impact on the decision-making process (Beerli &
Martín, 2004).
Oh et al. (2016) point to revitalization and self-enrichment as the
main internal motivations for slow tourists. Other authors have focused
on different variables, such as sociodemographics or attitudes towards
slow tourism (Lin, 2017; Meng & Choi, 2016). However, studies of pull
factors, the second dimension of travel motivation related to destina-
tion attributes that influence the destination choice, were not found.
In contrast to non-slow tourists, slow tourists are in the first instance
concerned with how to get to the destination. For slow tourists, mode of
transport is a meaningful part of the overall tourist experience and is
equally important as the stay itself. It is built on a clear appropriation of
imaginaries inspired by the romantic ideal of the 19th-century explorer.
However, for mass tourists, the mode of transport is merely a means of
arriving at the destination as quickly as possible. Subsequently, the
promotion of sustainable travel modes that are compatible with slow
tourism principles, such as collective public transport, has become an
important factor in attracting slow tourists. This suggests a need to re-
envision promotional strategies for destinations (Dickinson et al.,
2010). Accordingly, since slow tourism's goal promotes short-haul
travel using modes of transport other than the airplane, proximate
markets are logical targets for marketing. It is worthy of note that
Portugal is developing actions aimed at stimulating domestic demand
(OECD, 2016). Slow tourism also promotes other sustainable ways of
arriving at the destination and/or moving around it, such as water-
based transport, walking and cycling (Caffyn, 2012; Dickinson &
Lumsdon, 2010). Slow modes of water-based travel include ferries,
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Journal of Destination Marketing & Management 11 (2019) 140–149
inland waterway and cargo-ship cruises (with the exception of high-
speed vessels) and small pleasure crafts (except speedboats) (Dickinson
& Lumsdon, 2010). Also, as Dickinson and Lumsdon (2010) indicate,
walking is one of the biggest attractions of slow destinations, while
cycling permits tourists to visit peripheral areas.
Beyond the mode of transport used to reach the destination or move
around it, slow tourism promotes local attractions such as historical and
natural sites, gastronomy, handicrafts, rituals and festivities, and in-
teraction with local people. Rand and Heath (2009) highlight how local
gastronomy contributes greatly to the sustainability of destinations by
enhancing the base of local and regional touristic resources, adding
value to the destination's authenticity, reinforcing the local economy
(both from a tourism and agricultural perspective) and providing in-
frastructure that is respectful to the environment. Hjalager and
Richards (2005) emphasize that given the strong link between gastro-
nomy and identity, it is not surprising that local food is becoming an
important part of destination promotion. Handicrafts, local festivities,
food and beverage production processes, and retail stores with a supply
of local products are also characteristics of slow tourism (Meng & Choi,
2016; Timms & Conway, 2012).
Slow tourists expect more than to 'gaze at' the destination. They are
likely to have more immersive experiences: browsing local markets
slowly, buying from an artisan, interacting actively with local people by
taking part in their daily tasks, enjoying a typical restaurant, taking an
archaeological guided tour, walking or cycling in the surrounding
countryside, or watching wildlife (Caffyn, 2012). The possibility of
interaction with locals and nature, in addition to traditional sight-
seeing, are distinctive elements of slow tourism destinations.
Emphasis on quality over quantity, and also on increasing the length
of stay, can thus attract different market segments, essentially those
with substantial free time, such as retirees (Guiver & McGrath, 2016).
Longer-stay tourists explore more peripheral regions and generate more
positive economic, social and environmental impacts (Barros &
Machado, 2010). In short, slow tourism is an alternative to mass
tourism that meets the needs of a new generation of tourists who are
moved by the search for 'authenticity' in their travel experiences
(Conway & Timms, 2010; Meng & Choi, 2016).
4. Characterization of the Douro region (NUT III)
The Douro region (NUT III) occupies an area of 4100 km2, around
19% of the total land mass of the Northern Portugal (GEPE, 2011), and
includes 19 municipalities (Fig. 1). It is a rural area that has been in a
continuous process of depopulation since the 1960s. The Douro is
characterized by an ageing population, low educational levels, and
deficient transport accessibility (INE, 2016). All these factors make the
transformation of the Douro region into a touristic destination difficult,
according to Mendonça (2011). Nevertheless, the Portugal´s tourism
boom (WTTC, 2018) is increasing the number of visitors in Douro re-
gion, and this could jeopardize the sustainability of the destination.
The Douro region possesses resources that are compatible with slow
tourism practices, such as a diversity of habitats that include two nat-
ural parks and one regional park that boast unique fauna and flora.
There is a waterway that is navigable by cruise boats, sailing boats and
other low-impact vessels, as well as other waterways that are suitable
for non-motorized adventure water sports. Part of the region is con-
nected by a railway, which is not only very important for mobility, but
also for sightseeing. This territory is one of the oldest demarcated wine
regions in the world (since 1756) and is where the world-renowned port
wine is produced. Besides the wine diversity, there is also a variety of
local products such as almonds, olives, chestnuts, oranges, elderberries,
apples and autochthonous cattle breeds, promoting a high-quality local
gastronomy. In terms of cultural heritage, the region offers a great di-
versity of tangible and intangible resources. Finally, walking activities
are supported by the existence of a high number of routes, such as
'Caminho Português Interior de Santiago' (Portuguese Inland Way of St.
N. Losada and G. Mota
Fig. 1. Douro region map.
James), which provides the opportunity for visitors to get to know the
territory slowly.
In addition to a great diversity of natural and cultural resources, this
region has been awarded three UNESCO classifications. Two cultural
world heritage sites: the cultural landscape of the Alto Douro
Vinhateiro (Alto Douro Wine Region) and the prehistoric rock-art site of
Côa Valley; and the Bisalhães black pottery manufacturing process. The
destination provides the essential resources for the development of a
sustainable and alternative model of tourism. However, tourism in the
Douro region is highly gathered around two elements related to the
cultural landscape of Alto Douro Wine Region: river cruises and the
terroir. Cruise tourism in the Douro River is considered a luxury activity
(Gouveia, Rebelo, Lourenço-Gomes, & Guedes, 2017). Wine and land-
scape are understood by Gouveia et al. (2017) to be complementary
features of cruise tourism on the Douro River. Apart from cruise
tourism, Kastenholz et al. (2014, pp. 137–138) recommend slow
tourism initiatives for the touristic development of the Douro region:
'programs oriented for the valorization of the multisensory landscape,
local gastronomy, handicraft and natural and historical-cultural heri-
tage (to hear the bird sounds, the water running, the wind on the trees;
to taste local food; and sightseeing)'.
5. Methodology
The present study is guided by the following question: in the pro-
motional videos of the municipalities of the Douro region (NUT III),
how are the attributes related to practices of slow tourism commu-
nicated and represented?
In order to answer this question, a specific methodology was de-
signed to deal with audiovisual materials. The research method was
qualitative, and consisted of two complementary phases using different
methodological approaches: content analysis and an in-depth interview.
Only seven of the 19 municipalities produced promotional videos in
association with TPNP. The final sample was composed of the totality of
the videos available (Armamar, Carrazeda de Ansiães, Peso da Régua,
Santa Marta de Penaguião, Sernancelhe, Tabuaço, Tarouca), since they
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Journal of Destination Marketing & Management 11 (2019) 140–149
were considered sufficiently representative of the TPNP's communica-
tion strategy for Douro region.
In the first stage, a content analysis was applied to capture the main
topics and content categories, with the purpose of identifying the slow
tourism attributes present in the promotional videos. Attributes were
identified after an extensive review of the theoretical literature on slow
tourism, namely Caffyn (2012), Dickinson and Lumsdon (2010),
Dickinson et al. (2010), Meng and Choi (2016), Rand and Heath (2009),
and Timms and Conway (2012). These attributes were classified into
four directly observable categories: slow modes of transport and des-
tination mobility; local attractiveness; natural and built heritage; and
local people. The categories were selected based on the explicitness of
their representations, thus eliminating the possibility of inducing sub-
jective and ambiguous judgement by the researchers. Bias is one of the
limitations in the study of visual representations due to the polysemic
nature of the audiovisual medium (Bock, Isermann, & Knieper, 2011).
After checking for the existence or absence of the attributes in question,
the way these attributes were represented was analyzed through visual
critical analysis (VCA). This approach brings into question modes of
audiovisual representations as a part of a broader historical and cultural
context (Gilligan, 2006).
In the second stage, the researchers conducted an in-depth interview
with TPNP's chief of operations, Isabel Castro. She acted as a key in-
formant, providing a contextualization of the circumstances sur-
rounding the production of the videos that would otherwise not be
accessible to researchers. These data are not explicit in the audiovisual
materials in question. The use of the interviewing technique overcomes
some of the limitations of visual research, which usually ignores the
circumstances and the process of production, as well as the negotiation
of their research object, as pointed out by Bock et al. (2011, p. 272):
'Analysis of visual content is almost impossible without taking into
account the context in which the visual was produced (…)'. This mul-
tidisciplinary methodological approach takes into account not only the
content, but also the context, through complementary information
provided in the interview.
N. Losada and G. Mota Journal of Destination Marketing & Management 11 (2019) 140–149

6. Results and discussion

6.1. Attributes of slow tourism present in the videos

6.1.1. Slow modes of transport at the destination

It was challenging to find differences between ways of arriving at a
destination versus moving within it. For this reason, the study ap-
proached the analysis of both aspects simultaneously. As for sustainable
means of transport, the presence of the train in some of the videos is
worth noting, although representations of the protagonists arriving at
the destination in this way are scarce. Often, this mode of transport only
appears in the background as just one element in the landscape, without
a direct relation to the protagonists. Nevertheless, these occurrences
were accounted for as they point out the possibility of moving by train
in the region. The bus, however, does not appear in any of the videos.
Dickinson and Robbins (2010) state that the goal of slow tourism is to Fig. 3. Armamar video. Screen capture. With permission of TPNP.
promote short-haul holidays in order to avoid the use of the aeroplane.
Less-polluting collective modes of transport should therefore be pre-
sent, due to their capacity for reaching nearby markets (such as the
domestic market), one of the strategies at the national level (OECD,
2016).
Some other forms of destination mobility that are compatible with
the concept of slow tourism portrayed in the videos are walking, cy-
cling, river cruises, canoeing and sailing. Cruises, canoeing and sailing
are included as these water-based forms of travel are conidered to be
compatible with slow travel by Dickinson and Lumsdon (2010), even
though in some cases the activities do not include disembarkment at the
destination. However, these forms of mobility are incompatible with
other activities presented in the videos, such as the practice of motor
sports (Fig. 2) or car-and-speedboat tours (these forms of water-based
travel are considered to be incompatible with slow travel by Dickinson
& Lumsdon, 2010). It is noteworthy that the car in the Armamar video
appears in 10 out of all 49 of the shots in the video. In other words, one-
fifth of the video gives primacy to the use of a car as a form of trans- Fig. 4. Tabuaço video. Screen capture. With permission of TPNP.
portation and, in one case, as the recurring leitmotif of the whole nar-
rative (Fig. 3).

6.1.2. Local attractiveness

In order to acquire cultural capital, slow tourists opt for destinations
with a strong culinary heritage and distinctive crafts and festivities.
They are willing to be participants in the preparation or production
process, rather than being mere spectators (Timms & Conway, 2012).
Local food, wine and handicrafts are highlighted in all the videos.
Nevertheless, the tourist is not presented as engaging with the artisans
or experiencing the elaboration processes, pointing out the lack of
cultural exchange between visitors and locals. The wine-related ex-
periences, wine-making and wine tasting, are the exceptions. The har-
vest and other aspects of the process of wine-making take place;

Fig. 5. Sernancelhe video. Screen capture. With permission of TPNP.

however, the tourists only taste the wine and visit wine cellars (Fig. 4).
Moreover, some traditional practices occur in the videos, such as the
bread-baking process in Sernancelhe (Fig. 5), or the making of minia-
ture houses in Tabuaço. However, none of the videos contemplate the
possibility for tourists to acquire these local products. In fact, local
shops, fairs and markets are not shown in any of the videos.

6.1.3. Natural and built heritage

Fig. 2. Tarouca video. Screen capture. With permission of TPNP.
Slow tourism is associated with savouring landscapes and atmo-
spheres (Rizzo, Rizzo, & Smerghetto, 2015). Belvederes, historical sites
and museums appear in all the videos. However, the relationship be-
tween humans and nature is always presented in a contemplative
manner. It seems that a sensory immersion of tourists into the natural

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Fig. 6. Carrazeda de Ansiães video. Screen capture. With permission of TPNP. Fig. 8. Carrazeda de Ansiães video. Screen capture. With permission of TPNP.

environment does not exist. Even if embodied experiences of place are

shown in the videos, such as canoeing, climbing and other nature ac-
tivities, they are not performed by the protagonists, but are randomly
inserted into the sequences (Fig. 6).
Non-consumptive nature-based activities, such as bird watching, are
linked to slow tourism (Dickinson & Lumsdon, 2010). The municipality
of Peso da Régua attempts to promote these practices in their videos.
However, the images depict someone who seems to be doing bird-
watching with binoculars standing next to a luxury car, making the
rhetoric of the image ambiguous due to the self-evident incongruity
between practices and typologies of tourism (Fig. 7).

6.1.4. Local people

Deep host-guest interactions are crucial for slow tourists’ self-ful-
filment via the co-creation of meaningful experiences between local
communities and visitors (Kastenholz, Carneiro, Eusébio, & Figueiredo,
2013). Moreover, the level of satisfaction derived from the social con-
tact between visitors and hosts contributes to increasing length of stay
at the destination – one of the main goals of slow tourism – and may
also influence their intention to return (Eusébio & Carneiro, 2012). The
presence of hosts and their interactions with tourists is practically ab-
sent in the videos analyzed. The public spaces are devoid of local
people. The town centres and plazas are empty. Only the tourists oc-
cupy the spaces, projecting a romantic idea of an empty city, devoid of
everyday life, like a museum or scenery waiting for individual's con-
sumption experience (Galí, 2005) (Fig. 8).
Dickinson and Lumsdon (2010) emphasize the need to be careful
with situations of staged authenticity. In the video of Armamar, the
hosts are portrayed in an essentialist way, emulating a tableau vivant in
which they wear folk-inspired costumes and are surrounded by artifacts
Fig. 7. Peso da Régua video. Screen capture. With permission of TPNP.
Fig. 9. Armamar video. Screen capture. With permission of TPNP.
of traditional material culture (Fig. 9).
6.2. Production context
TPNP assumed the executive production of the videos in colla-
boration with the municipalities, which financed the total cost of the
videos through European funding. These were directed by Takemedia,
an audiovisual and multimedia production company based in Portugal
that has an extensive curriculum of promotional videos commissioned
by institutional clients. The idea for each video was developed from a
dialogue between TPNP, the municipality and the production company,
without the collaboration of a consultant or advertising agency in the
creation of the script.
The videos were conceived to be exhibited at the TPNP interactive
tourism stores. These stores have replaced the former (and more
common) tourist offices of almost all the municipalities of the region.
TPNP has prioritized the introduction of a new model of communica-
tions based on information and communications technology (ICT). The
DMO operates in the territory using a franchise model, with the TPNP
acting as the master franchiser. The TPNP has 72 stores across the na-
tional territory, one store in Spain, and a mobile interactive tourism
store. According to the TPNP´s chief of operations, the model of in-
teractive stores linked to a network is globally unique in that it privi-
leges a practice of cross-selling promotion in the stores that encourages
tourists to move throughout the territories: "if you go to the Douro they
give you information about Minho, and in the Minho they give you
information of the Porto metropolitan area and so on…" (Isabel Castro,
personal interview, 6 June 2017).
Isabel Castro stated that these tourism stores needed a video col-
lection. These videos were produced in a record time due to schedule

145
N. Losada and G. Mota
constraints of the 2015 European Funding Programme and the re-
placement of the Douro Tourist Board (the former regional DMO) for
TPNP, which would become the tutelary institution for tourism in the
North of Portugal. These videos met the requirements of the interactive
stores and the communication model of the DMO:
"We have videos for display in interactive MUPIs that cannot exceed
15 s. In view of the fact that they are located on the street, the videos
must be short in order to catch the attention of the pedestrians. Then
we have videos displayed in the interactive desks with an average
duration of forty-five seconds. And finally, the video-wall displays
videos of ninety seconds. All of them are part of the playlist of the
seventy-two stores and accompany us in all promotional actions at
tourism fairs and in the mobile store". (I. Castro, personal interview,
June 6, 2017. Note that MUPI (Mobilier Urban Pour l’Information) is
the French acronym for Informational Street Furniture).
The Internet was also used as a platform for the dissemination of the
videos, through social media and the official websites of the munici-
palities, TPNP and Takemedia.
Isabel Castro emphasized the creation of a 'story behind' with the
purpose of advertising the territory. It does not seek to portray all the
resources and existing products, but the differentiating identities of the
territory with the potential to attract tourists. The three players in-
volved in the creation process contributed their expertise. The pro-
duction company contributed to the technical and aesthetical aspects,
the municipalities shared their local knowledge of the territory, and the
TPNP team developed a global vision of the region. For the TPNP, each
municipality has distinctive and complementary attraction factors that
enriched the overall experience of the tourist in the territory:
"The idea is that the tourist felt familiar with the same guiding
principle for all videos. What we did here was try to catch a territory
that has a common base, which is the Alto Douro Wine Region, but
also has its specificities that we wanted to highlight for tourists to
realize that the Douro is not all the same. There is a matrix that is
the territory´s matrix, which transpires in these videos: the land-
scape and the cultivation of the landscape. The landscape must be
understood as the wealth of the territory that is wine, but also apple,
chestnuts…" (I. Castro, personal interview, June 6, 2017)
The videos are devoid of the use of text. The non-use of voice-over
was due to financial constraints. For the promoters, the subtitles and
translations would have made the product more expensive. Thus they
opted for the absence of text or comment in voice-over, making it
possible for it to be displayed in any geographical situation. As Isabel
Castro explained, "(…) Confronted with the budget, this was the best
solution to reach a wider audience (…)".
Gong and Tung (2017) differentiate between promotional films and
what they call mini-movies. Whereas promotional films focus primarily
on the disclosure of the destination's attributes in a descriptive mode,
mini-movies are short films that blur the line between advertising and
entertainment, making use of cinematic narrative techniques. In these
videos the product or brand message is integrated into the storyline,
which is dramaturgically connected with the narrative. The use of a
narrative rather than an expository device to sell a product creates a
connection with the viewer, who is thus transported into the experi-
ences performed on screen by the protagonists. However, only two of
the seven videos analyzed reflect the mini-movie typology. The rest of
them, follow a conventional expository device often used in promo-
tional films.
The videos of Armamar and Peso da Régua, the only two that pre-
sent a narrative structure distinctive of mini-movies, depict stereo-
typical storylines based on representational conventions of hetero-
normative ideas of romance. The use of narrative devices through video
content adds value to the destinations’ touristic promotion. Viewers are
cognitively and affectively transported through the story to the desti-
nation (Chen, 2015). Narrative persuasive messages could promote and
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Journal of Destination Marketing & Management 11 (2019) 140–149
encourage slow tourism benefits due to this personalization. The ab-
sence of voice-over and the lack of narrative turn instrumental music
into the principal conductor of the editing process. As the music is
present throughout the entire duration of the videos, the structure
comes closer to the style and form of popular music videos, in which the
images and sequences obey the rhythms and tempo of the melodies. The
use of music helps to set the mood and convey the atmosphere of the
place (Hou, Joppe, Choi, & Lin, 2011). All the videos use generic music
that was not originally composed for each video, and which is not
aesthetically related to the musical heritage of the region. It could be
argued that, if the images are ruled by non-diegetic music, this music
should be inspired by the cultural heritage of the territory. Even the use
of diegetic sounds (water, birds, wind) is sparse. The acoustic land-
scapes of places are not considered, and thus there is a failure to convey
a sense of place that is pre-eminent to slow tourism.
As has been noted, the videos do not represent an effective mar-
keting strategy conveying an image of sustainability. Sustainability, as
Matos (2004) states, should undoubtedly be seen as a pillar of the
philosophy of slow tourism. In this sense, the observed lack of co-
herence and contradictory messages transported by the videos, are not
only conditioned by production constraints (budget, time schedule).
Above all, they are mainly caused by how the concept of sustainability
is conceived by the DMO. Moreover, for TPNP, sustainability is, above
all. a matter of actual practices in the territory that must be accom-
plished by the stakeholders involved in the activity, considering that
sustainability in the Douro is yet forthcoming:
"There is a concern with sustainability, but is not sufficiently ela-
borated in order to be communicated to tourists. At this moment, it's
not possible. There is still a lot of work to be done … we call it
'backoffice' work; we are developing it with local businesses, local
agents and mayors. Maybe one day it could be communicated… (I.
Castro, personal interview, June 6, 2017)''.
It should, however, be noted that the sustainability of the destina-
tions is not solely based on the possession of an eco-label granted to
local companies and agents. For Budeanu (2007), sustainability remains
an unexplored dimension in destination marketing. In this regard,
Timms and Conway (2012), p. 407) point out:
"Promoting sustainability is paramount, not only from an environ-
mental perspective, but also culturally, counteracting the loss of
local distinctiveness in relation to idleness, sense of place, and co-
existence through understanding each other's culture and the de-
velopment of common interests between hosts and tourists".
7. Conclusions
This study conducted an analysis of the promotional videos of the
Douro region led by TPNP. The objective was to identify slow tourism
practices and attributes in these videos, given the potential of the
destination to benefit from this type of tourism. The study identified
practices and attributes that are contradictory to slow tourism, such as
unsustainable modes of transport, the absence of meaningful interac-
tions between host and visitors, a lack of sensory immersion in the
landscape, contradictory messages representing outdoor activities,
places devoid of local people, essentialist representations of the host
communities, and a scarcity of local fairs and markets acting as en-
hancers of local economies.
In order to align the audiovisual promotion with the goals of sus-
tainability stated in the strategic marketing plan of the DMO, and also
to fulfil the expectations of Douro to become a slow destination (as has
been proposed by academics) the DMO's promotional strategies must
take into account the following elements. TPNP should promote slow
modes of transport and minimize the use of the car in its advertising
campaigns by, for example: attracting short-haul tourists who use more
sustainable modes of transports such as bus or train; encouraging long-
N. Losada and G. Mota
haul stays by portraying an attractive and diversified supply of itiner-
aries and activities; and promoting activities like walking or cycling, as
well as local attractions and traditions (see also Caffyn, 2012).
In a like manner, as Lowry and Back (2015) point out, it is essential
that slow tourist destinations to develop slow brands that incorporate a
twofold objective. First, they could appeal to market segments already
acquainted with 'slow concepts'. Second, they could encourage local
participation in tourist activities at the destination. However, as in-
dicated by Lowry and Back (2015), destinations should avoid the use of
the term 'slow' because it has potentially negative connotations, espe-
cially the risk of potential visitors interpreting the destination as being
'boring' or 'backward'.
Furthermore, public investment in infrastructure is needed in order
to reinforce the behaviour of slow tourists (Dickinson et al., 2011). In
line with this, and in order to facilitate internal mobility in the territory,
it will be necessary to invest in low-carbon public transport in the
Douro region. In addition, ecovias for cycling and walking could be
implemented.
As Conway and Timms (2010) state, territories with a high degree of
emigration are ideal to attract slow tourists. On that account, tourism
promotion strategies oriented to VFR (visiting friends and relatives) are
considered ideal for the Douro, a region marked by its high migration
rates.
Finally, it should be noted that slow tourism is not a universal re-
commendation for tourist activity. For some authors this type of
tourism is contrary to social equality (a sustainability criterion) due to
the fact that it is often considered to be an elitist kind of tourism
(Cohen, 2002; Timms & Conway, 2012). On the one hand, price dis-
crimination in order to preserve the integrity of the destinations does
not allow the practice of slow tourism to individuals with lower pur-
chasing power, as indicated by Cohen (2002). On the other hand, only
privileged populations with enough free time to travel can access to
these practices, as Lowry and Back (2015) point out. To transcend these
limitations, Timms and Conway (2012) call for a diversified destination
supply in order to attract more heterogeneous markets, ranging from
people seeking a more exclusive rest in small villages and eco-resorts to
backpacker travellers. It should also be noted that the quest for 'au-
thenticity', the main motivation for slow tourism, could detract from
Appendix A
Table A1
Compatible and non-compatible slow tourism attributes.
Source: authors from Dickinson (2015), Meng and Choi (2016), Timms and Conway (2012), Caffyn (2012), Dickinson and Lumsdon (2010), Rizzo et al. (2015)
Compatible with slow tourism
Modes of Transport Train, bus, walking, cycling, water-based (ferries, inland waterway cruises, cargo-ship Airplane, car, water-based (high-speed vessels, speedboats),
cruises, canoes/kayaks and yachts)
Local-related attractiveness Local products and attractions (handicrafts, local gastronomy, local festivities, food- Larger chain business
and-beverage production process, retail stores)
Craft traditions
Walking, cycling or guided tours
Historical and natural sites
Watching wildlife
Natural and built heritage Bird watching, green hotels, savouring landscapes and atmospheres
Interaction with people
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Nieves Losada is a Lecturer in Marketing in the Universidade de Trás-os-Montes e Alto
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Douro. She received her PhD in tourism marketing from Vigo University. She specializes
in destination image and senior tourism
Gonçalo Mota is a researcher at CETRAD-UTAD, Portugal. With a background in an-
thropology and documentary filmmaking at Pompeu Fabra University, his research in-
terests include travel film, moving-image archives, environment studies, tourism image
and media representations.