Placing leadership within countries and societies

Leadership
2022, Vol. 18(1) 140–161
Ancestral leadership: © The Author(s) 2021

Place-based intergenerational Article reuse guidelines:

leadership sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/17427150211024038
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Dara Kelly
Beedie School of Business, Simon Fraser University, Vancouver,
BC, Canada

Amber Nicholson
Auckland University of Technology, Auckland, New Zealand

Abstract
This article introduces the notion of ancestral leadership that emerges from intergenerational
wisdom at the intersection of people, place and ancestral knowledge. Place is a key component of
collective continuity in ancestral leadership that reinforces identity, belonging and intergenerational
reciprocity. The findings show that places carry leadership legacies and require ongoing maintenance
to ensure genealogies of leadership are available to future generations. Engagement with ancestral
leadership and its practical application is not bound to tribal and cultural contexts. By knowing the
place of someone’s ancestors as a lens into their leadership, one sees structures of accountability
that extends beyond culturally bound contexts, and includes their leadership expressed in pro-
fessional environments. The authors contribute to leadership theory by illuminating how ancestral
legacies of leadership continue to inform contemporary generations of leadership and is transmitted
intergenerationally within frameworks of genealogy.

Keywords
ancestral leadership, indigenous leadership, place-based leadership

Corresponding author:
Dara Kelly, Beedie School of Business, Simon Fraser University, 500 Granville Street, Vancouver, BC V5A 1S6, Canada.
Email: dara_kelly@sfu.ca
Kelly and Nicholson 141

E kore e monehunehu te pumahara We cannot forget

Mo nga momo rangatira o nehe ra
Na ratou i toro te nukuroa o te Moananui-a-Kiwa me
Papa-tu-a-nuku
Ko nga tohu o ratou tapuwae
I kakahutia ki runga i te mata o te whenua
He taonga he tapu, he taonga he tapu, he taonga he tapu
The noble ones of times long past
Who explored the unimaginable expanse of Kiwa’s ocean
And settled her many lands
For their footprints clothe these islands of ours
And their teachings are etched in the soil
A sacred legacy, a treasured inheritance

(Whakataukı as cited by Pita Tipene in Henare et al., 2013: 23)1

Our deepest human sense of belonging is rooted in our connection to place. Transcending boundaries
of time and space, place offers rootedness in a world we work extraordinarily hard to make familiar,
safe and survivable. Yet, despite the power of language, symbolism and story to establish belonging,
what remains an unresolved and under-researched leadership issue is how human ties to place are
carried across generations and sustained through the continuous relationship between ancestors and
their descendants. An intriguing leadership dynamic unfurls where the voices of ancestors and their
descendants overlap, revealing a story of simultaneous continuity and change with each new
generation. At the heart of this ancient dynamic is a complex environment where tradition and
heritage interact with innovation and opportunity to inform how leadership emerges (Tapsell and
Woods, 2008). The opening whakataukı, or proverb, from Maori Nga Puhi leader Sir James Henare
captures the intimacies of place that engage processes of imagination, memory, responsibility,
creation, stability, learning and spirituality. Further, it expresses the importance of those ancestors
who have paved the path for others to follow. As a leadership story, the footprints of the ancestors are
tied to place for eternity. Their names are enshrined in collective memory and their legacies endure
through ongoing threads of genealogy referred to in the Maori language as whakapapa.
Contributing to the theme of community and locality in this special issue ‘Putting leadership in its
place’, we theorise that ancestral leadership is a resilient system of leadership that emerges from the
complexities of kinship structures and informs contemporary leadership practices in all spheres of
life, including the workplace, political arenas or tribal institutions. In this article, we argue that
ancestral wisdom informs how leadership knowledge is passed down and enacted through gen-
erations of Indigenous leaders. In societies that recognise the knowledge held by place, it is the work
of leadership to nurture relationships with place in order to draw on this knowledge. We explore
concrete examples of how Indigenous Maori leaders demonstrate engagement with ancestral
leadership in their day-to-day lives.
What follows is a review of literature situating our theory in extant conversations about leadership
and place, Indigenous ontologies of belonging and emerging Indigenous leadership research. We then
explain our research method for gathering data using oral history to conduct qualitative interviews.
Following, we present the findings that speak to the embodiment of place and genealogies of leadership
and power derived from relationships to land. We then discuss ancestral leadership in which place and
community are intimately tied and inextricably linked, describing intergenerational leadership ethics that
provide a system of accountability through reciprocal obligations to people, place and cosmology.

The agency of place in leadership

The role of place, of where leadership is created, Jackson (2019) argues is often undervalued in
leadership literature. Geographical and anthropological literature has theorised place as a combination
of (1) geographical location; (2) locale; and (3) a sense of emotional attachment (Agnew, 2011;
142 Leadership 18(1)

Jackson, 2019; Ropo et al., 2013). Attachment to place brings about a sense of belonging, purpose
and identity (Carmel and Naveh, 2002; Hirsch, 1995; Hunziker et al., 2007; Morphy, 1995; Ropo
et al., 2013). The geography of physical spaces, coupled with the intangible socio-cultural
processes that create attachment, impact on how leadership emerges from particular places in
particular contexts. Jackson (2019) highlights how the context of a place can shape its prominence
in history, or how catastrophic environmental disasters, at specific locations, can compel lead-
ership response. Hunziker et al. (2007) explain that the functional use of space, when imbued with
personal experiences and collective meanings, is transformed into place. The creation of place is,
therefore, a series of spiritual, cultural and social values and processes that bond people to their
surroundings. Whilst a place-based approach is gaining prominence within mainstream leadership
scholarship (Collinge et al., 2010; Mabey and Freeman, 2010; Ropo et al., 2013), we contend that
place has always been integral to Indigenous leadership. Taking place into the leadership equation,
Jackson argues, may produce greater social cohesion, with local solutions to specific local setting.
In Indigenous thought, concepts of place are derived from cosmology connecting all reality to
a universal process of perpetual emergence (Cajete, 2000; Henare, 2001, 2003; Gladstone, 2015;
Wilson, 2008). As a reflection of cosmology, Indigenous concepts of place are inherently spiritual, in
part because the origins of place are unbounded by time and space, having emerged from an eternal
darkness and into eternal light. It is through the spiritual landscape of creation energies that land,
ecosystems and people evolve (Marsden, 2003). It is also due to this pre-human existence that the
spirituality of place imbues it with agency (Tuck and McKenzie, 2015). The eternal unfolding of
reality is articulated in Indigenous art, language, ceremony, and increasingly, is expressed in In-
digenous business, innovation and entrepreneurial contexts as a driver for the realisation or un-
leashing of unlocked Indigenous potential (Hilton, 2021; Kawharu et al., 2017).
Tuck and McKenzie (2015) argue that to understand place is to see beyond its socially con-
structed meanings to include how place interacts with more-than-human entities. Part of un-
derstanding entails becoming literate in the languages of the land itself. To provide a few concrete
examples, in te reo Maori, the Maori language, there are a range of words that capture place in terms
of their specific context and we offer a brief discussion of three—papakainga, tangata whenua and
manuhiri. Papakainga refers to a village or community and is attributed to notions of home, a base to
which people often return or relate to through kinship ties (Dell, 2017). Papakainga is tangible
evidence of one’s standing in place and belonging (Henare, 1988). Tangata whenua and manuhiri are
interconnected terms and often appear together centred around those who belong to a place and those
who are visiting a place. Tangata whenua refers to the people of the land whose ancestral power and
authority (mana whenua) is recognised due to their longstanding relationships to particular places
(papakainga) and is derived from descent and ancestral ties (mana tupuna) (Henry and Wolfgramm,
2015). Manuhiri refers to the role of the guest of tangata whenua. Both actors within this exchange
relationship fulfil roles within a hospitality framework, whereby giving and receiving hospitality
depends on whose territory or place of descent the relationship unfolds. Tangata whenua and
manuhiri enact the power and agency of place in an ongoing cycle of relational responsibility.
Tewa Indian philosopher and educator Cajete (2016) posits that place, from an Indigenous
perspective, is the spirit of the community. This place is the site where human, natural and spiritual
lives intertwine.

… each Indigenous community is considered a sacred place, a place of living, learning, teaching, healing,
and ritual—a place where the people share the breath of their life and thought (Cajete, 2000: 276).
Kelly and Nicholson 143

In this creative act of place, collective and personal connections develop and the process of be-
longing unfolds. To belong to a place extends beyond human-to-human attachment to one another
and involves fostering relationships with communities, natural landscapes and spiritual ancestors
(Cajete, 1994, 2000). The journey to place is about becoming more whole as an individual through
relationships with all components of being. As Wilson (2008: 80) says,

Identity for Indigenous peoples is grounded in their relationships with the land, with their ancestors who
have returned to the land and with future generations who will come into being on the land. Rather than
viewing ourselves as being in relationship with other people or things, we are the relationships that we
hold and are part of.

In this view, humans are not simply acting as recipients or givers of a transaction but have taken on
the role of conduits within a chain of relationships for eternity. Belonging, thus, nurtures our being
and inspires powerful acts of loyalty, affection, care and reverence for place. Within these
frameworks of accountability, through our research we probe into the role of leadership (among
a host of other actors) that accounts for and responds to the challenges that emerge from place-based
interactions. What is the nature of leadership that will inevitably speak of our actions today to future
generations? What does this mean for leadership if the relational process becomes a place to journey
to belong?
In Maori philosophy, interconnections between concepts such as time and space are often
distinguishable through context rather than as disparate phenomena (Smith, 1999, 2012). It is the
ongoing relationships and histories impressed upon our understandings of time and space that matter
most. By virtue of their ever-unfolding nature over time, the power and agency of place is affirmed as
an entity that creates, reminds, hosts, empowers, responds and receives. Caring for and maintaining
ancestral relationships rests on the community to name, remember and enact stories of belonging
through song, prayer and oral history held in collective memory (Archibald, 2008; Mahuika, 2012).

Theorising Indigenous leadership

We now turn to studies that theorise about Indigenous leadership in a range of global contexts.
Indigenous scholars working in the area of leadership have articulated leadership as a tool for
galvanising change within Indigenous communities and nations, asserting Indigenous identity to
resist pressures to change from outside, overcoming historical inequality or any combination of
those factors (Begay et al., 2007; Warner and Grint, 2006). In early theorising, articulations of
Indigenous leadership capture the triumph of leaders often resisting the pressures of dominant
culture to modernise, assimilate and erase traces of traditions and ancient ways of life. Warner and
Grint (2006: 231) argue that Indigenous leadership is a contextually bound ‘sphere of influence’
wherein the role of individual leaders is to temporarily carry a position of status. Connecting with
dispersed leadership theories, Gladstone and Pepion (2017) argue that traditional Indigenous
Blackfoot leadership tasks are distributed across wider communities and tribes with the aim of
maintaining balance across diverse community member strengths.
Reflecting on the longstanding traditions that underpin contemporary iterations of administrative
and tribal leadership, scholars find that such roles often carry or mirror the cultural functions of
accountability and responsibility that existed for many generations before (Gambrell, 2016;
Gladstone and Pepion, 2017; Kelly, 2017; Rosile et al., 2018; Stewart et al., 2017). While capturing
principles of leadership grounded in the past, Indigenous leadership scholars have had to account for
recent political and legal advances that are shaped by emerging discourses of self-governance,
144 Leadership 18(1)

self-determination and rebuilding Native nations (Begay et al., 2007; Warner and Grint, 2006).
These advances often introduce non-Indigenous actors into the mix of Indigenous institutional and
organisational environments.
Indigenous scholars find that ethics of collectivity and reciprocity continue to inform ways that
Indigenous communities engage in the global market by implementing Indigenous leadership and
governance principles in the boardroom and in day-to-day management practices (Spiller et al.,
2020). Drawing on Maori organisational contexts, Ruwhiu and Cone (2013) find that Maori In-
digenous systems of exchange, collaboration and modes of communication inform a pragmatic
leadership mindset primed for agility and adaptability. Henry and Wolfgramm (2015) argue that
relational leadership is manifested through an embodiment of Maori identity, highlighting the
interaction between Indigenous ways of being and doing. Inherent within this ontological orientation
are spiritual concepts such as mana whenua that captures ancestral power and agency derived from
physical environments (Henry and Wolfgramm, 2015).
Across these studies, a common theme can be found that decentres outdated discourses of
Indigenous cultures and traditions as being static, unchanging and stuck in the past. Impactful
leadership draws on the dynamic aspects of Indigenous cultures to tackle today’s challenges, from
the micro interactions that take place internally, to finding creative approaches to society’s grand
challenges. Tradition and culture offers a competitive edge that is ontologically and epistemo-
logically aligned with Indigenous aspirations and rights (Verbos et al., 2017). While relationships to
place are central to Indigenous ontology and philosophy, and many Indigenous leadership studies
reference place implicitly as an aspect of shared social and cultural experiences, we find a gap exists
in explicating the nuances of how we come to understand contemporary Indigenous leadership
through the wisdom of ancestral voices grounded in place. With a deliberate focus on leadership
links to place that are carried intergenerationally in the everyday lives of Maori leaders, our research
helps to bridge this gap and understand ancestral leadership as simultaneously of the past, present
and future.

Indigenous research methods

In alignment with Indigenous ways of being, Indigenous ways of knowing shaped our approach to
research design. The primary objective of the data collection was to explore Maori leadership
knowledge that is experienced and embedded in ancestral and genealogical histories (Bishop and
Glynn, 1999; Meyer, 2001, 2008). The pathway to understanding leadership in ancestral histories is
through the voices of the ancestors which is expressed in the voices of their descendants (Henare
et al., 2017; Kelly, 2012; Nicholson, 2019). In this research, we rely on Indigenous oral history as
both a method to capture Maori narrative (Lee, 2009) and a methodology to understand and analyse
Maori ancestral leadership (Archibald, 2008; Archibald et al., 2019). These oral histories retain
legacies, bringing ancestors and descendants to life in the present and in perpetuity (Henare et al.,
2013; Kelly, forthcoming). The sharing of such histories and knowledge honours the multi-
dimensional aspect of how participants are in relationship to their families and communities,
and therefore comes with responsibilities about how they determine the knowledge can be used
(Bishop, 2008; George, 2010; Kelly, forthcoming; Mahuika, 2012; Nicholson, 2019).
Our research draws upon the qualitative data collected from the first author’s (2012) master’s
research over a period of 10 months. The first author conducted semi-structured interviews with nine
Maori leaders from three distinct tribal regions in Aotearoa-New Zealand: Te Tai Tokerau, Tainui
and Kahungunu. Eight of the participants are women. All but one participant (given the pseudonym
April Huna) consented to have their name used. Through an oral historical lens, interview
Kelly and Nicholson 145

participants were invited to share their perspectives on leadership oriented around family and
community upbringing. Specific focus was on ways that the values of leadership are learned and
expressed throughout the participants’ lives.
Recognising that Aotearoa-New Zealand houses a diverse population of Maori identities and
histories, we chose to focus our discussion on the hapu (tribal group) of Ngati Hine from Te Tai
Tokerau to contextualise the discussion of ancestral leadership knowledge. Participants of Ngati
Hine were asked to comment on how their ancestress, Hine-a-maru, is remembered and talked about
in the Maori world today. Specifically, participants were asked about whether this ancestral
knowledge influenced their own translations of leadership.

Research access
The research offered in this article is intimately connected to the personal and professional rela-
tionships of both authors with the Dame Mira Szászy Research Centre (DMSRC) of Maori and
Pacific Economic Development at the University of Auckland Business School. The late Associate
Professor Manuka Henare, who at the time was the Director of the Centre was influential in the oral
history reports mentioned below, the first author’s research outlined in this article, both authors’ PhD
research, as well as their life development. Whilst the environment of tertiary education enabled the
authors to be guided by Henare through formal assessment and written learning, it is the lasting
impact of relational and reciprocal learning that Henare encouraged through shared experiences of
time spent together attending meetings, networking and engaging in ongoing debate and discussion.
Henare is now one of the voices of the ancestors whose legacy is heard throughout this article.
The participants were approached to be interviewed for this research upon recommendation by
Henare through the DMSRC. It was through the existing relationships of the DMSRC that facilitated
the first author’s access to the participants. For example, Pita Tipene and Rowena Tana are at the
helm of Te Aho Claims Alliance (TACA), the organisational body representing the treaty claim of
Ngati Hine. The business expertise of research participants spans both public and private sectors
including, but not limited to, accounting, film and television, small business consulting, primary to
post-graduate teaching, organisational management, board and governance representation, national
and tribal politics, hap
u-iwi management and administration, Waitangi Tribunal treaty negotiations
and multi-national corporations.
The DMSRC was commissioned by 200 Maori hapu and iwi claimant groups, including Ngati
Hine, to write three oral history reports for presentation to the Waitangi Tribunal2 for Te Paparahi o
Te Raki regional inquiry WAI 1040 (Henare et al., 2009, 2010, 2013). These reports were influential
in the Stage 1 WAI 1040 report (Waitangi Tribunal, 2014) concluding that Nga Puhi rangatira, tribal
leaders, who signed the Treaty of Waitangi/Tiriti o Waitangi in 1840 did not cede sovereignty. The
reports cover the worldview of Maori from te Tai Tokerau, the Northland region of Aotearoa-New
Zealand, and its spiritual, geographical, social and economic tribal landscapes. The reports include
discussions about Hine-a-maru and Te Ruki Kawiti and the roles they played in the history of Ngati
Hine. Both authors witnessed the treaty processes of Te Paparahi o Te Raki regional inquiry and were
involved in the commissioned oral history reports as researchers at the DMSRC.
In addition to the qualitative interviews, the first author attended events of Ngati Hine tribal
significance in 2010 and 2011 including (1) Te Paparahi o te Raki district hearings where evidence
was presented to the New Zealand Crown in te reo Maori, (2) Ngati Hine Festival where oral
histories were presented in celebration of Hine-a-maru and affirmed through dance, songs and
feasting and (3) Ngati Hine tribal meetings in preparation for treaty hearings. These events were
approached as a form of ethnography where the first author used methods of observation and took
146 Leadership 18(1)

field notes to capture how leadership was expressed in real-time by leaders and the ways that legacies
of ancestors were invoked to shape Maori leadership today.

Oral histories, interviewing the ancestors

Semi-structured interviews were conducted as ‘conversations’ (Kovach, 2009, 2010) with each of
the participants interpreting the questions differently. The interviews were conducted over the phone
and in-person in a range of locations including the participants’ homes, papakainga, places of work
and at the University of Auckland where the first author completed her post-graduate studies. Video
recording was used as the medium for data collection in order to include the physical nature of
interviews such as location, facial expressions, body language and clothing that animate and en-
ergise the narratives being shared. This is seen as a suitable means of data collection that works well
with Indigenous oral tradition as a means of knowledge transfer (Cajete, 2000; Henare, 2003;
Kawharu, 2009; Makokis, 2001; Murton, 2012) and enable life-story narrative to unfold (Shamir
et al., 2005).
Video recording allows the researcher to work with a medium as close to the original interview as
possible. This is important as it is a means to accurately represent the participants in the manner they
chose to represent themselves. Being able to visually revisit their stories reinforces the memory of
energetic and emotional exchanges between researcher and participant, participant and environment,
and adds to the collective memory (Kelly, 2012). In some interviews it was sensed that the par-
ticipant was getting tired and might appreciate the interview reaching a close, which became evident
through their body language, level of concentration and verbal cues. Video allowed for the first
author to revisit experiential factors that influenced the research data. As a means of data gathering,
video captures many of the features of oral tradition that may more accurately portray the detailed
narratives given by participants. However, as with any method of data collection, video recording
has its limitations and would not suffice as a proxy for oral history as it is practised in community
governance settings (Kelly, Forthcoming).
A site visit to the wharenui (ancestral meeting house) named Motatau seen in Figure 1 was one
form of experiential engagement with ancestral leadership by way of the poupou (carved wall post)
of Hine-a-maru in Figure 2. Conducting interviews with living descendants next to the carved
representation of Hine-a-maru brought to life Hine-a-maru as an active participant. Her descendants
spoke to her directly, invoking her legacy and renewing her leadership wisdom. Hine-a-maru was
being interviewed through her descendants. The first author heard interviewees’ accounts of how
experiences in their early lives informed their approaches to leadership in their professional lives.
Listening to the participants share how ancestral leadership feels when they are surrounded by the
voices of their ancestors, one gains a deeper understanding of the salience of leadership purpose that
reflects what is most cherished in their lives—family, community and connection to place.
Therefore, it is relevant to have conducted some interviews in the place where Hine-a-maru settled
500 years ago ‘where the k umara [sweet potato] were bountiful’ (Pita Tipene) as a metaphor for the
future of Ngati Hine.

Hine-a-maru
Although many conversations unfolded about various Maori leadership examples in the process
of conducting the interviews, for the purpose of illuminating a particular ancestral context in detail,
we focus the article on one female ancestress, Hine-a-maru represented as a carving in Figure 2.
Descendants of Ngati Hine trace their whakapapa to Hine-a-maru who lived approximately 500
Kelly and Nicholson 147

otatau Marae (taken by first author, 17 June 2011).

Figure 1. Photograph of M

years ago and founded the tribal lands of the Ngati Hine people. From this ancestral leader, they take
the name Ngati Hine and keep her legacy and leadership alive in their oral history traditions (Henare
et al., 2009). Hine-a-maru is visually represented inside many wharenui throughout Aotearoa-New
Zealand, but is most prominent at M otatau marae, located within Ngati Hine territory. The legacy of
Hine-a-maru is of great importance to ways of understanding what it means to be Ngati Hine. The
collective memory of Hine-a-maru recalls that her tenacious and staunch disposition allowed her to
endure through hardship. Alongside those aspects are strong characteristics of love, caring and
attention to all.

Te Ruki Kawiti
Te Ruki Kawiti is another important ancestor of Ngati Hine. He was a leader of Ngati Hine at the
time of the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi/Tiriti o Waitangi in 1840. Kawiti initially resisted
signing the treaty, which officially introduced British rule, aiming to ‘ensure that the lands of his
people would be left intact so that Ngati Hine would never become landless or homeless, or slaves to
the Pakeha [Europeans]’ (Henare et al., 2013: 141). After pressure from his people, Kawiti re-
luctantly signed. Later, he fought against the British Crown in what is often referred to as the
Northern Wars that challenged the assertion of British sovereignty over Maori land. Te Tangi o
Kawiti 1846 is an oral literature within Ngati Hine seen as a lament, prophesy or legacy where
Kawiti is believed to remind his people of their responsibility to ensure Te Tiriti was honoured and
oppose any failure to uphold its covenants (Henare et al., 2013; Jakeman, 2019). To this day, Te
Tangi o Kawiti is invoked in Ngati Hine challenges with the Crown.
148 Leadership 18(1)

otatau Marae (taken by first author, 17 June 2011).

Figure 2. Photograph of Hine-a-maru carving at M
Kelly and Nicholson 149

Data analysis
Interviews were all conducted and transcribed by the first author in order to facilitate greater familiarity
with the data. A thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke, 2006) was used to analyse the raw data transcripts
alongside the visual cues from the video. Visual thought maps recorded the eight preliminary themes
that emerged from the data with links to illustrative written quotes. These maps broadly consisted of
where participants took their discussion of leadership, key players in their narratives and where they
connected certain ideas together. In the process of coding, a question arose, ‘how does one code
spiritual insights?’ that prompted a return to Maori philosophy around knowledge creation.
The next iteration of analysis produced three main themes: (1) leadership knowledge that is
witnessed or observed; (2) leadership knowledge that is relational; and (3) leadership knowledge that
transcends. These themes correlated with Nga Kete e Toru o te Wananga, the three baskets of
knowledge brought down from the heavens in Maori mythology (Marsden, 2003). The baskets are:
(1) te kete aronui that contains knowledge of what we see; (2) te kete tuauri contains knowledge of
the patterned world, or how things work; and (3) te kete tuatea contains knowledge of the cosmos.
The baskets reflect three layers of human development in terms of what is, how things are and why
they are that way. What is important about connecting emergent themes from the interviews to Nga
Kete e Toru o te Wananga is the multi-dimensional aspect of how Maori leadership is experienced on
a day-to-day basis across all three epistemological dimensions, which allows for more than what is
said to inform the findings. Further, the baskets enabled visibility of deep love and reverence for
ancestors to whom one may not have met, yet knows intimately through whakapapa. In addition to
verbal responses, visual cues from the videos shed insight on how the questions were interpreted.

Findings
We now present findings from the oral history interviews. From interviewing the ancestors, we
illuminate the insights of Maori leaders—physically and spiritually—that bring ancestral leadership
to life. The findings fall into the following broad categories: (1) experiencing leadership in ancestral
places; (2) genealogies of leadership; and (3) mana whenua, ancestral power inherent in physical
landscapes.

Experiencing leadership in ancestral places

Maori leaders spoke about the lifelong experience of engaging and interacting with ancestral
wisdom in ancestral places. When the participants spoke about leadership, they shared more than
their memories of the actions and behaviours of their kin relatives; they spoke about a present-day
spiritual and social interaction with ancestors, place and context. Ngati Hine ancestral leadership is
visually, metaphorically and genealogically preserved in embodied places and ancestral artefacts
such as wharenui where important tribal activities take place. The wharenui are seen as ancestors in
and of themselves with the characteristics of a body that is attributed with sacred being (Kawharu,
2010). The artworks and design of wharenui include poupou and tukutuku (woven panels).
Photographs inside wharenui also represent ancestors and their legacies, and as such are imbued with
agency and spiritual power. These artefacts provide the opportunity for descendants to engage with
ancestors in an ongoing basis, serving as reminders of ancestral lineages derived from both human
and ancient cosmological origins (Tapsell, 2008). It is in these embodied places that the intangible
connection to ancestors can be actively and visibly felt (Salmond, 2017).
150 Leadership 18(1)

The experience of conducting the interview inside of Motatau with Pita Tipene brought his
ancestors to life. He told stories about their leadership legacies and demonstrated how telling and
re-telling their stories keeps their leadership alive. Pita directly refers to his ancestor Kawiti,
whose presence in the M otatau wharenui provides ongoing access to ancestral leadership
knowledge.

I look back at how our grandparents and ancestors led, and there are people portrayed in this very
whare—the likes of Kawiti—who stood for Maori rights….Moving into the future, I think those things
will endure.

Ancestors are also enshrined through naming places of significance. Pita Tipene talks of the naming
of the wharekai, the building where food is prepared and served for large gatherings. He says,

…Mihiwera, who this dining hall up here is named after. She died in 1936 and her name was given to
that building because she looked after guests. There were literally hundreds who regularly came
through this place. The people loved and respected her so much so they gave her name to that building.

Having Mihiwera memorialised on a building carrying her name captures the leadership of a woman
who carried a strong ethic of hospitality and caretaking of guests. The building is a place to go to
experience the essence of her leadership. The practice of bringing contemporary work and or-
ganisational settings into a place that represents not just a human body but a woman’s body,
specifically shifts the quality of dialogue and interactions that occur in that place as compared to
a conventional boardroom or workplace. Embedding leadership within a woman’s womb as an
ancestral place wraps layers of intergenerational knowledge and a feminine dimension of leadership
around typically masculine and rationally driven processes of decision-making, consensus and
conflict management. Maori traditions of oratory learned in the cultural setting of wharenui informs
ways of being and doing leadership that can be transferred into professional contexts. In addition, the
process of conducting business inside of a sacred house signals a deliberate effort to facilitate
dialogue in line with Maori leadership practices—whether it is making business deals, settling
politics or celebrating community achievements.
Lynette Stewart talks about the legacy of Dame Mira Szászy that carries on in the professional
work of nurses as a regional leadership characteristic.

When I think of Mira Szászy, I think of what she was herself, who she was, and really importantly, the
legacy that still lives in the area that she came from up north. I still see it with the beautiful M
aori nurses
up there. There is something that is intrinsic, and her legacy, I’m sure will live on for a long time. Dame
Mira was a solitary woman who achieved much in her own life, but to me, she achieved much, and
continues to achieve much, in the lives of others, who still look to her example, her benefit to all of us
actually, including myself.

Other forms of immaterial ancestral knowledge are passed down through collective memory in-
cluding prayers, songs, proverbs, stories and mythologies that reinforce kinship connections over
time. The messages contained within oral traditions remind descendants about legacies of leadership
in terms of their shared identities and relational ties to land. Maxine Shortland affirms that collective
memory ensures that knowledge passes to future generations but its maintenance requires consistent
effort to keeps the memories alive. She says,
Kelly and Nicholson 151

The reflection of how we talk about her [Hine-a-maru] is in our waiata, in our songs and our stories that
we hand down to everybody…and to each other. It does change depending on wh anau [family] telling the
stories, but the essence of her resiliency—where we’re from, who we are—is very much steadfast.

The experience of leadership in ancestral places concerns how leadership resides in the places where
descendants nurture their legacies. These places can be geographic, architectural, behavioural and
ceremonial.

Genealogies of leadership
The findings in this section demonstrate how the concept of whakapapa is a landscape that represents
a journey to place, a journey to find community, explore legacies of leadership and forge connections
with the places of the ancestors (Cajete, 2016). Whakapapa constitutes much more than kinship and
family ties. Whakapapa literally means to place in layers one upon another and thus entails a deep
understanding of the purpose of something in relation to its true origins (Nicholson, 2019). It
provides a structure for ordering the universe and assigns value based on ties between people,
the natural world and the cosmos (Marsden, 2003; Tapsell, 2008). In the process of turning to
whakapapa as a repository of ancestral wisdom, the participants shared insights about their collective
identities that represent extensions of the self in another time (the past). The participants spoke about
the implications of their actions and behaviours today that may ripple into the future. Looking back,
Maxine Shortland reflects on how resilience became a strong narrative passed on in Ngati Hine
families and it traces to Hine-a-maru:

The thing about Hine-a-maru is she was very strategic. As a long-term visionary, she saw things [that
needed to be done] that were taken on by rangatira. Out of the hardships endured at that time, she
ensured that her family would have more whanau [family], and that they would understand who they are,
where they come from and what things are important for them to sustain and survive.

Lynette Stewart captures the complexity of time in relation to ancestral leadership as an eternal
spiritual and metaphysical reality when she identified the nature of continuity as flowing in both
directions. On the one hand, she is a part of moving a legacy of spiritual leadership forward, while on
the other hand, knowing that she too is humbly part of an eternal cosmology of leadership beyond
both place and time as a living ancestor.

I saw Maori leadership [growing up] that was without a doubt immense - of immense spiritual quality,
and some of those leaders, I know that I will meet in eternity (Lynette Stewart).

Whether they connect to lineages in the near or distant past, we see a continuity of leadership through
time. There were also instances when participants described a process of discovery of their
whakapapa that unearthed ancestral leadership they had not been previously aware of. Pauline
Harris, of Kahungunu descent, reflected on the first time she heard her academic career success
attributed to one of her well-known ancestors Ihaka Whaanga. Sparked by curiosity, she connected
with her ancestor, thus uncovering their shared legacy of kindness and generosity. There is a wealth
of knowledge, known and unknown, in genealogy, and the untapped potential of this resource is
infinite. The participants’ ability to understand lineage through oral history or through experiences of
witnessing leadership in practice by their forebears provides a sense of legitimacy to both the
purpose and function of leadership.
152 Leadership 18(1)

In the interviews, references to whakapapa reflect cultural understandings that in order to know
someone it is important to know the place that they are from, which, by implication is to know their
ancestors (Murton, 2012). It is common for tribal leaders to speak of ancestors in the first person,
invoking and remembering that ancestor in the present (Salmond, 2014). For example, Rowena Tana
says:

I see things that I’m doing are things that my grandmother and I guess all the women of her times would
do as well—looking after the family, the people and making sure they’re alright. When you need to step
up to the mark and show leadership, then you do it, because that’s what we need to do.

When Rowena says, ‘you need to step up’ and ‘that’s what we need to do’, she speaks in the first and
second person, but refers to a collective you and a collective we in both instances. More broadly, she
also observes herself as if she is being observed by her ancestors. In the same interview, Rowena also
spoke about conversations with her grandfather, Sir James Henare, who would make references to
Hine-a-maru and connect his leadership efforts to the broader landscape of Maori leaders who
championed land rights in Te Tai Tokerau. With no separation between oneself, one’s ancestors and
the tribe, these examples demonstrate how leadership is understood across generations. The
construction of events, memories and people, informed by place, reveal an intricate system of
layered, intergenerational leadership. Lynette Stewart comments on how she interprets the process of
translating ancestral leadership:

The reality of who your ancestor or ancestress was, is how one translates that reality from your own
personal knowledge of who they were. It’s up to you how you actually translate that out through your own
life. I won’t try to put into words what my knowledge base is, because should I do so, it could never be
enough. It could never explain what I’ve been taught as a child by my M
aori aunties and my uncle. What I
try to do is try to live it out.

Although the reality of living out the legacy of one’s ancestors is a challenge, the participants felt that
they contribute to a larger story of tribal continuity that provided a framework for shaping the work
of leadership. Participants made reference to their genealogies at a micro level in terms of their
immediate families, but also at meso and macro levels connecting their understandings of leadership
to a universal sense of belonging. It was conveyed that individual identities do not exist in isolation
from the metaphysical, spiritual and cosmological relationships that are part of their family stories
and overall life experiences. At the heart of whakapapa is an ethic of interconnectedness and eternal
continuity, bringing to life the notion of an eternal present. With no separation between past, present
and future, whakapapa can be visually represented as an ever-unfolding spiral in which threads of the
human experience are linked to a unified whole.

Mana whenua: Ancestral power inherent in landscapes

Another aspect of ancestral leadership that resonated throughout the interviews was how the spiritual
power to engage as a leader is legitimated from different sources other than people, one of which is
the land itself. Longstanding existence in one place is important, but equally as important is
recognition of the inherent power and authority of land known as mana whenua. The link between
humans and place is an inherently spiritual one with whenua meaning both land and placenta. The
implication being that the land nurtures and provides all that is needed for life to thrive, just as the
human placenta provides sustenance for human creation (Henare, 2001, 2003). One participant,
Kelly and Nicholson 153

Ella Henry reflects on all human experience coming into the world from our mothers and our
uanuku, or Mother Earth:
eventual journey back to Papat

Hineahuone was the first human [in Maori cosmology]. I think it’s pivotal to the nature of traditional
Maori culture that the first human is a woman. We literally come out of our mother, and go back into our
mother Papatuanuku when we die.

Drawing on the knowledge that involves becoming literate with the language of the land, the role of
tohunga (spiritual leaders) entails honing a particular set of skills that are based on intuition and
being attuned to the sacred.

A tohunga is really somebody who can read the signs. The tohu [sign] is that notion of leadership. You
have a tohunga who is good with war. You have a tohunga who is good with growing k umara. You have
a tohunga who is good at helping babies be born. Those people are your aunts and uncles and they are
the backbone of your community and they keep you safe so that you can one day assume that role. That to
me, is a pretty sustainable leadership process (Ella Henry).

There is a particular intimacy with place that is developed in the sacred leadership of tohunga. At the same
time, relationship with one’s ancestral place may not necessitate being there in person as the only way to
access and engage with its power. Mana whenua is not bounded by geography as the spiritual power of
place extends to the ability to carry that power with you wherever you go. Again, Ella Henry says,

There are Maori who will never go back to the kainga [papak
ainga]. They live in Paris, London, Sydney,
and Auckland and they will never go back to the kainga. But what they are taking with them is the k
ainga
out into their new communities they’re forming.

Mana whenua as interpreted here, is power and authority inherent in landscapes that humans carry by
virtue of collective identities and a sense of belonging to place. Pauline Kingi, of Tainui descent,
described mana whenua in a conversation about her whakapapa recalling the name that she carries,
Kumeroa. The story of Kumeroa details an ancestor whose journey to settle in the place where the Tainui
people continue to live today was harrowing. Yet the experience came to shape a Tainui leadership
whakapapa that is characterised by determination, grit and resilience. Pauline spoke of her professional
life and the experience of obtaining her law degree from Harvard University. She refers to ‘the long hard
struggle’ of both her career and embodying the leadership of Kumeroa as one and the same.

My Maori name is my grandmother’s name, which is Kumeroa. Kumeroa referred to when the people of
Tainui came across from the ocean, overland to the Waikato River. The long, hard struggle to bring the
canoes across from the ocean to the river was called te Kumeroa – the long, hard struggle of Tainui. And
that is my name, and that is my life. So that context introduces you to who I am in terms of my ancestral
background.

Discussion
Many places, many genealogies and divergent views
Place-based ancestral leadership in Maori contexts does raise some tensions that have resulted in
national debates and turmoil concerning inter-tribal cohesion. Questions often arise as to who is
154 Leadership 18(1)

considered tangata whenua and who is manuhiri, especially where tribal territories are overlapping and
people carry multiple genealogies. Does genealogical connection alone determine tangata whenua
status and allow one to speak on their behalf? Do those who reside on the papakainga have a greater
stake in leadership discussions? Whilst one may carry the mana of their whenua when they travel and
settle to live in other countries, there is ongoing debate as to whether they are still able to give efficacy to
such mana in a place that does not recognise the essence of that power. Additionally, where some may
leave the papakainga, their return is not always welcomed or recognised by those who have stayed.
In the process of the ethnographic data collection through witnessing presentations to the
Waitangi Tribunal as well as iwi and hap u negotiations, it was seen that the emotional aspects of such
a heavy process were tangibly felt and reverberated for weeks after. There are sometimes tensions as
Maori can trace their whakapapa to more than one place, invoking different ancestors and different
legacies. This can cause dissention within kinship groups. The settlement negotiation of the WAI
1040 claim was attempting to reconcile the historical injustices of multiple kinship groups, all with
whakapapa to the wider tribal alliance of Nga Puhi. However, as reported by the New Zealand
Herald (Neilson, 2021), ‘In recent years negotiations have been stymied with Governments refusing
to negotiate with the notoriously – divided iwi at hap u level, leading to disputes – including by Ngati
Hine – over who held the negotiating mandate.’
Whilst this dispute may have more to do with the Crown attempting to unite differing injustices in
order to simplify and pragmatise Crown redress, this exemplifies that despite genealogical con-
nections and the same overall purpose of fighting for place, divergent views can still be disruptive.
What is common amongst the claimants is that they are all whanaunga (related) and fighting for
place, but their interpretations of ancestral directives are not necessarily aligned. There are few
leadership studies, if any, that explore these tensions shedding light on an area for future ancestral
leadership research.
In 2019, Ngati Hine officially announced their aspirations to separate themselves from the WAI
1040 claim and launch their own claim to continue to uphold, maintain and exert their mana whenua
and mana t upuna as tangata whenua of Aotearoa-New Zealand (Radio NZ, 2019). The hapu of Ngati
Hine hold fast to the ancestral wisdom of Hine-a-maru and Te Ruku Kawiti. The name Hine honours
the feminine, and a-maru means shelter, power and authority. The name Hine-a-maru indicates that
she provided for her people a sense of protection and safety. Likewise, the legacy of Kawiti, and
specifically Te Tangi o Kawiti ‘not only memorialised the war between hapu and the Crown, but also
guided his people by setting the tone for their resistance and relationship with the Crown going into
the future’ (Downs, 2019: 16).

Intergenerational reciprocity
Often Maori leadership acts in service of a collective good, but few studies view these leadership
processes intergenerationally to provide a temporal and kin-based view together (Ruwhiu and Elkin,
2016). Indigenous scholars from many disciplines have framed the process of relationship and
belonging as dependent on and underpinned by reciprocity, the intangible relationships with and
between the spiritual and natural worlds (Archibald, 2008; Cajete, 2000; Kelly, 2017; Nicholson,
2019; Roberts et al., 1995; Spiller et al., 2011; Wilson, 2008). Returning to the origins of humanity in
Indigenous thought, there is an added layer of reciprocity, which entails not only taking from the
energies that give life to this world but also returning energy through spiritual connection and
ceremony. As a reference point, looking to Nga Kete e Toru, the baskets of knowledge referred to in
the processes of data analysis, metaphorically speaking, the baskets remain full because new
knowledge is continuously created and returned for others to learn from. Reciprocity is not bound by
Kelly and Nicholson 155

time; instead, these life-giving acts create an eternal cycle of intergenerational gifting. Kelly (2017: 85)
explains that, ‘rather than exchange and reciprocity being thought of as closing a loop, conceptually,
the driver of reciprocity is to extend the relationship beyond a two-dimensional circle to that of an
eternal spiral of reciprocity’. One way to ‘pay’ generosity forward across generations is through the
roles and responsibilities of leadership. Strategically, this is how communities maintain existing
relationships and forge new ones through reciprocal gifting (Dell et al., 2018; Henare, 2003; Kelly,
2017; Nicholson, 2019). This orientation guides a set of ethical practices that permeate all aspects of
leadership, including in the realm of labour and professional conduct (Ruwhiu and Elkin, 2016).
Kawharu (2009, 2010) refers to ancestral landscapes as the places that embody the connection
between people and their ecosystems. Because ancestors are seen as the original trustees of the
landscape, and the values of such trusteeship are passed down to guide present and future gen-
erations, this framework enables oral histories to weave together ancestry, knowledge, rituals and
intergenerational obligations of care with the surrounding landscape of ancestral leadership. An-
cestral landscapes provide a system of historical record-keeping as a canvas on which continuity and
change is tracked over time (Kawharu, 2009, 2010). Ancestral landscapes become a source of
identity, power, continuity and spirituality in leadership; with each person a product of community,
genealogy and land simultaneously (Nicholson, 2019).
In leadership, reciprocity provides the structure for social relations that encourage remembrance of
ancestral knowledge. However, reciprocity is laden with obligations and responsibilities that create
complex social ties and are not always harmonious (Tapsell, 2008). Giving back means a conscious
and continuous effort must be made to affirm and reaffirm power and authority by remembering the
places and landscapes that create communities. Language, knowledge, history, ethics, values and
people are all part of reciprocal relationships ensuring that future generations have the freedom and
capabilities to practice their cultural values, to experience ancestral landscapes and to be part of the
natural community. In many cases, participants expressed that ancestral leadership involved leaving
the community for various reasons such as education, personal development or employment, but
reiterated that it was necessary to eventually reconnect in the spirit of reciprocity. Whether that meant
physically returning or finding ways to contribute remotely, how that happened was less defined.
Reciprocity maintains the vitality of the relationships of the human kin group between their ancestors,
the spiritual realm and the natural environment that in turn enhances their mana (Kawharu, 2009).
However, not all reciprocity occurs within perfectly balanced power relationships, nor are gifts
neutral commodities (Henare, 2003). Relationships and how they are symbolically represented in
material terms containing historical and collective memory can tell powerful organisational stories
(Greve and Rao, 2014). One can easily uphold the spirit of reciprocity whilst also enacting revenge,
frugality or spite. The messages that accompany gifts may deviate drastically from the obligation to
gift. Therefore, the wisdom of Lynette Stewart’s words, ‘It’s up to you how you actually translate that
out through your own life’ signal that understanding the principles of ancestral knowledge alone are
not enough; it is also the perception by others of the relationship in totality that counts. A critical
component of leadership as a learning journey is application of knowledge as an uncertain practice
(Ruwhiu and Elkin, 2016). Only through that experience does ancestral wisdom translate into
ancestral leadership through trial and error, mistakes, achievements and imperfect being.

Conclusion
A burgeoning body of literature on Indigenous leadership reflects Indigenous philosophies of
collective wellbeing, the importance of relationality and shared and distributed power and
decision-making. We identified a gap in explicating how we come to understand leadership through
156 Leadership 18(1)

shared genealogies and relationships to the places of our ancestors. The interviews in this research
shed light on that gap. As a contribution to the field of leadership, we demonstrate that ancestral
leadership entails journeying to the places that hold ancestral wisdom. In some cases, ancestral
leadership involved listening to the voices of the ancestors that continue to speak through carvings,
songs and ancestral homes. In other cases, turning to genealogy as a resource for ancestral leadership
reveals insights into the possibility of leadership pasts we did not even know about. Finally, at
a deeper experienced level, the power of ancestral leadership transcends physical place and is a place
that you carry with you no matter where you are.
Recognising that this study is specific to Maori contexts, considering application of some of the
insights to broader international Indigenous contexts, we were left with additional questions that
may be explored in future research about the risks of essentialism or imposing romanticised or over-
simplified notions of who the ancestors were onto a landscape of contemporary complexity. To what
extent is change accounted for? How are processes of human development visible through time in
the realm of ancestral leadership? How much of a margin exists to colour outside the lines that were
drawn so long ago? In the excerpt highlighting the power of mana whenua for tribal members living
overseas, there are other concepts such as ahi kaa that reference the work of those who ‘keep the
home fires burning’ or continuous occupation (Henare et al., 2013). For those who contribute to ahi
kaa, their efforts to ensure continuous connection to place can be at odds with those who benefit from
that shared power in principle but are not contributing to its day-to-day maintenance resulting in
resentment and intra-community tensions. We see the potential for future research to explore some of
these tensions between generations, between tribal groups to deepen ancestral leadership across
these past, present and future domains.
According to this study, place-based intergenerational leadership connotes a way of carrying
wisdom and insights from ancestral voices and understanding how those voices might inform
leadership experiences, values and practices. Future leaders will face leadership challenges that
cannot be anticipated, but by providing a core set of shared principles of leadership grounded in
purpose, place and identity, ancestral leadership calls leaders to account for where their behaviour
and decision-making is derived from. No matter where they practice their leadership, whether it is in
the boardroom, courts of law or managing a bank, the spiritual dimension of ancestral leadership
permeates physical and geographical place. The places where ancestral leadership unfolds is in day-
to-day interactions. Ancestral templates for ethical action provide structures of kin-accountability,
not just to generations alive today but to future descendants. Being accountable to both your
ancestors and your descendants in ancestral leadership enacts the principle of reciprocity as it
captures how Maori leaders nurture or feed legacies that they have inherited (Kelly et al., 2014).
Harnessing the spiritual power from the places of our ancestors is a resource that connects and
sustains leadership through the generations.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declare no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication
of this article.

Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Kelly and Nicholson 157

Dedication
We dedicate this article to Associate Professor Manuka Henare whose legacy lives on through our research and
careers. It is hard to sum up the profound impact Manuka had on both of our lives as a scholar, friend, mentor,
thought leader and kaumatua at the University of Auckland Business School. His invitation into Te Ao Maori,
the Maori world leaves us forever changed.

ORCID iD
Dara Kelly  https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5629-9780

Notes
1. Whakataukı attributed to Nga Puhi leader, Ta Himi Henare (Sir James Henare).
2. The Waitangi Tribunal, as a standing commission of inquiry, investigates Maori claims brought against the
Crown that are in breach of the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi/Tiriti o Waitangi and Treaty principles. Their
findings are not binding, but they do make recommendations to the Crown as to recourses of address.

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Author biographies
Dara Kelly is from the Leq’á:mel First Nation, part of the Stó:lo Coast Salish. She is an Assistant
Professor of Indigenous Business at the Beedie School of Business, SFU and completed her PhD and
Master’s degree at the University of Auckland Business School. She teaches in the Executive MBA
in Indigenous Business and Leadership program. Her research helps fill in gaps in the literature on
economic concepts and practices of Coast Salish peoples and other Indigenous philosophies. She
conducts research using research methodology emerging from Coast Salish philosophy, protocols
and worldview.

Amber Nicholson is from the iwi of Ngaruahine of Taranaki, Aotearoa-New Zealand. She is
a lecturer at the Auckland University of Technology in the Management Department, having
previously worked for ten years as an affiliate of the Mira Szászy Research Centre for Maori and
Pacific Economic Development in both professional and academic capacities. Amber’s research
Kelly and Nicholson 161

explores ways to enhance wellbeing through recognising and honouring the ancestral landscapes in
which business operates.

Appendix
Notation
Ahi kaa Those who keep the home fires burning, continuous occupation
Aotearoa Land of the Long White Cloud: The Maori name given to New
Zealand
Hapu Tribal social units
Iwi Tribal social structures
Kete Basket
Kumara Sweet potato
Mana Spiritual power and authority
Mana t upuna Authority derived from descent and ancestral ties
Mana whenua Ancestral power inherent in physical landscapes
Manuhiri Visitors to a place; guest of tangata whenua
Maori The Indigenous peoples of Aotearoa-New Zealand
Marae Community organisations
Nga Kete e Toru o te Wananga Three baskets of knowledge brought down from the heavens
Pakeha New Zealand European
Papakainga Ancestral home, home village
Papatuanuku Earth
Poupou Carved wall post
Rangatira Leader
Tangata whenua People of the land; those who belong to a place
Te kete aronui Knowledge of what we see
Te kete tuauri Knowledge of the patterned world
Te kete tuatea Knowledge of the cosmos
Te Paparahi o te Raki Inquiry for claim WAI 1040
Te reo Maori Maori language
Te Tai Tokerau Northland region of Aotearoa-New Zealand
Te Tangi o Kawiti The lament/prophesy of Kawiti
Te Tiriti o Waitangi The M aori text of the Treaty of Waitangi 1840
Tohu Signs, indicators
Tohunga Spiritual leader
Tukutuku Woven panels
Whakapapa Genealogical account; ties or layers of descent and affinity
Whakataukı Proverb
Whanau Family units
Whanaunga Relative
Wharekai Building where food is prepared and served
Wharenui Ancestral meeting house
Whenua Land or womb