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SOCIAL CLASS
Table of contents:
AND
 Assignment
i. Introduction POWER IN PAKISTAN
ii. Int’l importance
THE MIDDLE CLASS
iii. History
iv. Rise of new
middle class
v. Power dynamics
vi. Conclusion
 References Submitted by : Marrium Naz
Roll no. BSAP18F23
 Bibliography
Submitted to: Dr. Muhammad Altaf
Course code: PST-111
Word count: 2450 words
Submitted on: 17-02-2024
Institute of Applied Psychology,
University of the Punjab,
Lahore.
 SOCIAL CLASS AND POWER IN PAKISTAN-MIDDLE CLASS 2

Assignment:
INTRODUCTION
Max Weber stated three independent factors that make his theory of stratification hierarchy: class, status, power, class is
the socio-economic position of a person, status is his prestige and power is his control. Stratification is defined as the
division of something into different layers, Pakistan is also divided into various classes, and national stratification plays
an important role in both economy and power dynamics in the country. This process has given rise to the status-centric
value orientation; the right and wrong accepted by an individual is highly dependent on his status in the society. One
cannot elaborate the political process in the country without knowing the key elements such as society, social structures,
and tribes, hierarchies etc. the society in Pakistan has been divided widely into the elite or upper class, the middle or
working class and the lower class. The elite class is highly categorized on the terms of the wealth, they often have a very
subtle contrast between new money and old money however they own corporates and major sectors of the industry, so
they provide jobs and hence are employers. The lower class us identified as poor, homeless and unemployed, they are
uneducated and often stigmatized by the media. The power dynamics flows from the controlling hands the upper class to
the controlled hands the lower class. But between these two classes is a class that is arbitrary, neither controlling nor
controlled, highly educated, working class, the sandwiched class, middle class, it has high incomes i.e. salaried and high
prestige so contribute to the well-being of a society. The question is middle class this important in the international
landscape?
INTERNATONAL IMPORTANCE
The middle class is increasingly seen as crucial for social stability, addressing societal inequalities, and fostering growth
and development. This recognition is underscored by the examples of China and India, where the expanding middle class
is viewed as pivotal for the countries' future. The importance of the middle class is not a recent phenomenon; Lands (1989)
discusses the early dominance of England due to the English middle class in the 18th and 19th centuries. Recent
perspectives, like Pettinato, Graham, and Birdshall (2000), consider the middle class as fundamental to both market
economy and democracy amidst globalization. Easterly (2001) concludes from a broad analysis that nations with a
substantial middle class tend to experience faster growth, particularly in ethnically homogeneous situations. Aristotle's
(306 BC) quote, referenced by Easterly, emphasizes that the best political community arises from a large middle class,
reducing factions and dissension. The stabilizing role of the middle class emerges from its buffer function between the
lower and upper classes. Easterly (2001) illustrates that a higher income share for the middle class is associated with
increased growth, education, health, and reduced political instability and poverty. A decline in the middle class poses a
potential threat to economic growth and political stability, as indicated by Esteban and Ray (1999), who show more
frequent societal conflict with a weaker middle class. The middle class is increasingly acknowledged for its growing
political influence, tied to its expanding role in the public and services sectors. Moore's (1966) classical work associates
democracy with the middle class, a concept supported by Collier (1999), who finds the middle class allied with lower
classes for inclusive political systems in various democracies. Conversely, instances exist where the middle class aligns
with the upper class, tolerating restricted democracy or even dictatorship.
In Pakistan, this class is usually overlooked but it constitutes about 34.6 % population (according to a study in 2011) or
49% as by a study in recent years, has always been critical to the political, socio-economic and stable growth. Hence this
class is a center of attention in any economic, political discourse, hereby making it a defining aspect of the state’s status,
but the question in context is how economically and politically powerful are these classes especially the middle class?
HISTORY
Delving into the history, the state came into being in august 1947, but the social classes existed before it, and even before
the English colonized the subcontinent, marking a line. In the era of Mughals, the society was classified into various
classes based on the financial stability and royal privileges. The societal structure was pyramidal, the top was the emperor,
then his ministers and then the middle class, composed of traders and merchants, played a significant role in establishing
trade and commerce of the country. Then came the lower class or the slaves, which were bound to work without wages
for their masters. Then in 1857 when the English overthrew the Mughals, the social structure of the subcontinent changed
as well, they introduced new classes like the zameendar, tenants etc., but this only added to the middle class. After
partition, the salaried had a crucial role in the establishing various institutes in the country. As a part of bureaucracy and
 SOCIAL CLASS AND POWER IN PAKISTAN-MIDDLE CLASS 3

its overall importance, the middle class has utilized this to encourage the community to collaborate in constructing a new
state. This strategy engaged diverse segments of the community. Until 1958, Pakistan functioned as a parliamentary
democracy, with business groups being a part of middle class, impacting the government, which was pretty evident cases
like the contribution to Prime Minister Feroz Khan Noon's decision to lift price controls in 1958. However, with Ayub
Khan's dictatorship (1958-1969), the middle class, though initially regretful about the collapse of democracy, tacitly
accepted Ayub's de-politicization of society. The economic growth under Ayub disproportionately benefited the super-
rich, leading to pressure from the working class, supported by segments of the middle class like trade unions, lawyers,
and teachers, resulting in Ayub stepping down in 1969. The 1960s saw the middle class not only involved in political
movements but also advocating for social causes. Examples include the Bhatta Mazdoor Mohaz, formed in 1967 by middle-
class student leadership, and women's associations fighting for women's rights. Despite government attempts to suppress
their activities, these initiatives, supported by the middle class, contributed to a robust civil society in Pakistan. Zulfikar
Ali Bhutto's rule (1971-1977) gained support from the emerging middle class influenced by global socialist movements.
While the lower-middle and middle-middle class supported his progressive policies, the more affluent urban middle class
and elites opposed him due to discomfort with his populist measures. Bhutto's tenure highlighted divisions within the
middle class. During the rule of Zia-ul-Haq (1979-1989), religion was used to validate the dictatorship, gaining support
from a section of the middle class. Zia's economic policies and collaboration with the US during the Afghan jihad further
split the middle class, leading to the rise of basic religious tendencies and militant groups. After death of Zia-ul-Haq in
1989, a decade of democratic rule followed, but General Pervez Musharraf's rise in the early 2000s marked a return to
military dictatorship. His economic reforms expanded the middle class, but actions such as the suspension of the Chief
Justice led to resistance by the middle class. Musharraf's resignation in 2008 highlighted the middle class's hunger for the
rule of law, despite his contributions to economic prosperity. This emerging middle class, different from the old middle
class, played a crucial role in shaping political landscape of Pakistan. The political role of middle class has been elaborated,
but has the middle class maintained its political influence and power in the recent years?
RISE OF NEW MIDDLE CLASS
In Pakistan, the surfacing of new middle class, particularly during administration of Musharraf, marks a significant
departure from the characteristics of the old middle class. This confident and insistent demographic is reshaping the
country's economy, society, and political landscape actively. Urban areas are undergoing rapid transformation with the
development of barricaded communities and alluring shopping malls, while the media has a central role in shaping public
opinions. These changes are accompanied by emerging narratives blending Islamic doctrine, skyscrapers, and luxury
brands, impacted by the Gulf region. Although the beginnings of the new middle class can be track back to the 1960s, it
is their recent upswing in numbers and discernibility that sets them apart. This growth is a result of policy decisions
encouraging utilization of private resources and the development of substantial urban real estate since the late 1990s.
Contrastive to the former educated Western middle class, a distinguished cultural identity based in Islamic and nationalist
values, marking an intended departure from the colonial-era mindset was brought by these newcomers. The end of the
colonial mindset becomes obvious as transitions of power from colonial-era institutions to a generation educated in the
post-partition era. This new middle class includes not only individuals from rural and rural-urban backgrounds but also
salaried professionals, operating as small capitalists in various sectors. This distinction, in terms of economic structure
and interests, leads to activities such as exploiting inflation and engaging in avoiding tax, weakening the power of tax
revenue of the state. While the new middle class has contributed to advancing the rights of women, it exhibits a more
socially conventional viewpoint compared to its predecessor, aligning with Pakistan's broader Islamic resuscitation. The
use of social media has facilitated global interaction, making this class a global pioneer in digitally fueled protest
amplification. The dominance of the middle class as a counter-elite to industrialists and agriculturalists, both in urban and
rural areas, is a remarkable historical development. Previously inoperative during ideological conflicts, this class has
gained prominence due to demographic changes within the country. This emerging middle class seeks to challenge
established power dynamics in Pakistan, aspiring to rise against the ruling elite. Despite conceited tendencies, this class
demonstrates a striking level of awareness about the nation's future. However, it lacks the cumulative vision needed to
deal with underlying structures of inequality in Pakistan. Middle-class politics in the country is criticized for its lack of
intellectual depth and ideological grounding, abandoning previous leftist tendencies. For sustainable progress, the
government needs to address economic fluctuations induced by the electoral cycle, emphasizing policy continuity on
macroeconomics through initiatives like a Charter of the Economy. Middle-class-centric policies, including tax relief, land
reforms, and increased allocation of budget for education and healthcare, should be prioritized. This strategy will
strengthen the growing middle class, positioning Pakistan as a significant consumer market for multinational
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corporations, similar to countries like India and China neighboring it. The state and role of the middle class in Pakistan
are aptly described by the analogy of the car Suzuki Mehran, reflecting the societal hierarchy on the roads. Despite their
status, power, and wealth differences, the Mehrans, representing the middle class, dominate the roads due to their sheer
numbers. So who controls the state, the middle class that comprises 49% population or 47% population of the poor or the
remaining 4% people from the upper class?
POWER DYNAMICS
The power structure of Pakistan is divided into four main classes. Firstly, there is the governing elite, positioned at the
core of the government, including roles such as the Prime Minister and Cabinet members. The second class comprises the
six elites. The third class encompasses the middle class, constituted by professionals like doctors and professors. Lastly,
the masses occupy the final tier, distanced from the central power. This arrangement becomes evident when scrutinizing
the composition of major political parties. The elites, inherited from Colonial India, were originally made by the British
to exert control over the local population. The British Indian Army, for instance, consisted of Indians but often acted
against the interests of the masses. The bureaucracy, deemed the Steel Frame of British power in India, held impact over
locals while remaining loyal to the British. Interestingly, the political landscape in Pakistan reveals that parties claiming
to champion socialist causes, such as the Pakistan People's Party (PPP), were actually formed by landlords, later joined
by industrial elites. Similarly, the Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PML-N) was established by industrial elites in
collaboration with the military elite. The ostensibly justice-oriented Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) was founded by
affluent individuals. Upon gaining power, these parties often appoint elites to key positions, thereby consolidating their
influence. Despite outwardly adhering to party manifestos, once in power, these elites tend to prioritize personal
objectives. As estimated figures would have it, the youth constitute a large part of the middle class approx. 60%. So, the
votes are often directed by the middle class, essentially, none of the people would come to power without harmonizing
with middle class. So what is the contrast between elite and middle class?
The major factor of the contrast between these two classes in undoubtedly wealth/income. The elite in Pakistan is
portrayed as being above the law, deeply rooted in the societal class system, colonial remnants, and autocracy. The middle
class is often a force that resists the elite. However, in Pakistan, historical factors like class structures, colonial influence,
and power dynamics have limited the resistance from the village middle class. Different elite factions from diverse social,
religious, ethnic, economic, and political backgrounds come together to form a cohesive and powerful cartel to monopolize
state and society, manipulating social, cultural, economic, and political orders to their advantage and undermining public
interests. The urban middle class is portrayed as more resistant, challenging the status quo and contributing to societal
changes. The middle class, especially in villages, is often driven by an obsession to join the elite, hindering their ability to
challenge the existing power structures. The elite is depicted as a powerful, interconnected force manipulating various
aspects of society, while the middle class is portrayed as undergoing a transformation, with some segments challenging
the status quo.
So to conclude, Max Weber's stratification theory, which includes class, status, and power as key factors emphasizes
Pakistan's divided society as elite, middle class, and lower class, with a focus on the intricate power dynamics. The
significance of the middle class is explored, drawing parallels with global examples like China and India. Historical context
reveals the evolution of social classes in Pakistan from Mughal times to the colonial era and post-partition. The narrative
shifts to the surfacing of a new middle class during the era of Musharraf, reshaping the economic, societal, and political
landscape. The middle class's social conservatism and political influence are discussed, analyzing its role during various
regimes, from Ayub Khan to Pervez Musharraf. The growing middle class is seen as a counter-elite, challenging
traditional power structures. However, concerns about its lack of progressive vision and intellectual depth are raised. The
summary concludes with an analogy likening the middle class to Suzuki Mehran dominating the roads due to sheer
numbers, raising questions about the true power dynamics in Pakistan, especially in the contrast between upper and
middle classes. The role of the middle class in elections is highlighted, pointing out that political success aligns with
harmonizing with this crucial demographic.
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References:
https://pjss.bzu.edu.pk/index.php/pjss/article/view/932/800
https://www.scribd.com/document/214364297/Social-Classes-in-Pakistan
https://www.jstor.org/stable/23617431
https://www.isas.nus.edu.sg/papers/pakistans-new-middle-class/
https://criterion-quarterly.com/middle-class-empowerment/

Bibliography:
- Weber, M. (1922). Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology.
- Lands, R. (1989). The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some Are So Rich and Some So Poor.
- Birdsall, N., Graham, C., & Pettinato, S. (2000). Stuck in the Tunnel: Is Globalization Muddling the Middle Class?
- Easterly, W. (2001). The Middle Class Consensus and Economic Development.
- Malik, H. (2014). Pakistan: A Hard Country.
- Jalal, A. (1995). Democracy and Authoritarianism in South Asia: A Comparative and Historical Perspective.
- Khan, H. (2005). Historical and Political Roots of Pakistan's Middle Class.
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