Exchange Principle

The Exchange Principle can be summarized as ‘whenever two

objects come into contact, a transfer of material will occur’
[20].
From: Biocomposites for High-Performance Applications, 2017

Related terms:

Critical Thinking, Marital Therapy, Criminal Profiling, Justice,

Behavioural Science, Scientific Methods, Fibres, Victimology, Forensic Examiner,

Influencer

Shooting Incident Reconstruction

Bruce R. Moran, in Crime Reconstruction (Second Edition), 2011

Bullet Surface Damage Considerations

Locard's exchange principle can be extended beyond the transfer of trace
evidence such that when two objects come into contact with one another
they may also damage or deform one another. Haag and Haag (2004) have
suggested four basic substrate categories useful in considering the
potential for reconstructive information from impact surfaces that include
(1) unyielding surfaces such as concrete, stone tile, or steel plate; (2)
yielding/malleable surfaces (that can be further subdivided into
homogeneous and nonhomogeneous in their composition) such as sand,
sod, asphalt, wood, sheet metal, or sheetrock; (3) frangible, yielding
surfaces (that can be further subdivided into homogeneous and
nonhomogeneous in their composition, such as cinder block, bricks, or
concrete); and (4) liquid surfaces (a special case of a homogeneous,
yielding surface).

The appearance of surface damage to fired projectiles can add valuable

indicators of the type of surface(s) struck during the bullet's flight and
often supports any trace evidence embedded in or adhering to the bullet's
surface (Rathman, 1987). It is recommended that the examiner be familiar
with the morphology of surface damage to various types of bullets that
have struck common materials. Conducting empirical studies in
controlled conditions with such materials and/or studying the empirical
work reported in the literature will go a long way toward accomplishing
this.

Generally speaking, the relative texture of hard materials such as rough

concrete, asphalt, steel plate, and linoleum will impart their texture to the
bullet surface. For example, a bullet deflecting off rough concrete will
likely exhibit a rough striated textured surface where it has contacted this
material, whereas a bullet deflecting off a smooth steel plate will likely
exhibit a relatively smooth textured surface within the area of contact
(Figure 13.13). A bullet deflecting off a soft forgiving material such as soil,
sand, or sod can exhibit scoring marks in a configuration resembling bow
wave-like patterns similar in appearance to the waves passing around the
bow of a boat termed by Haag and Haag (2004, p. 48) as the bow effect
(Figure 13.14).

Figure 13.13. The surface appearance of this lead bullet suggests that it
struck a smooth surface (linoleum floor) at a shallow angle (10 degrees).

Figure 13.14. The bow wave-like pattern of scoring marks exhibited on

this lead bullet is indicative of deflection off of soft yielding material, such
as sand or soil. This bullet deflected off of dry loose sand at an incident
angle of 10 degrees. Note the granules of sand embedded in the bullet,
which could potentially be further characterized using SEM-EDX analysis.
Tempered glass is a relatively hard smooth surface. A bullet striking an
intact tempered glass window at an angle will likely exhibit a smooth flat
impact damage area oriented at an angle roughly the same as the impact
angle of the bullet. When the first bullet passing through it fractures the
tempered glass, the internal stresses built into the glass will fracture into
numerous small irregularly shaped cubicle sections. The window will
often remain intact while in this condition. A subsequent bullet fired into
the now previously fractured tempered glass window typically exhibits an
irregularly shaped impact damaged area containing a faceted appearance
resembling the irregular texture of the irregularly shaped prefractured
glass surface. This knowledge can provide the reconstructionist with the
order of two bullets striking the same window (Figures 13.15 and 13.16).
More concerning tempered glass as a potential impact surface will be
discussed in a later section of this chapter.

Figure 13.15. Radial fractures surrounding the bullet hole in the center of
this tempered glass automobile window indicate damage from the first
bullet that passed through it. The two remaining bullet holes exhibiting
an absence of radial fractures and surrounded by classic cube/rectangular-
shaped fractures were subsequently produced. However, it is not possible
to sequence them further due to the dynamics of tempered glass fracture
behavior.

Figure 13.16. The three bullets producing the holes in the tempered glass
window in Figure 13.15 exhibit damage revealing the identity of the first
bullet to strike the window. The bullet in the center exhibits powdered
glass embedded in the jacket surface and deformation indicating that it
has struck a smooth, hard surface of the unbroken window. The bullets to
each side struck the window subsequent to the first bullet because they
exhibit powdered glass embedded in very irregular faceted contours
resulting from impact with the prefractured cubicle-shaped glass surface.
Bullets passing through or impacting in a direction orthogonal
(perpendicular) to certain materials with little or no lateral movement
may sometimes have the texture of the impacting surface imparted on
the bullet in the form of an impression (Figure 13.11). For example, a
bullet passing through a metal screen door may exhibit an impression of
the metal screen pattern. The weave pattern of fabric on clothing items,
fabric awnings, and bullet proof vests can be imparted as an impression
on the bullet that strikes these materials. This author has also observed
the impressed patterns of textured plastics in automobiles imprinted on
the surface of bullets.

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An Introduction to Crime Scene
Investigation and Reconstruction*
Brent E. Turvey, Karla Valeria Baltazar, in
Criminal Profiling (Fifth Edition), 2023

Crime reconstruction is based at least in part on a firm understanding of

Locard's exchange principle. As stated by Dr. John Thornton, a practicing
criminalist and a former professor of forensic science at the University of
California (UC) at Berkeley (Thornton, 1997, p. 29):

Forensic scientists have almost universally accepted the Locard Exchange

Principle. This doctrine was enunciated early in the 20th century by
Edmund Locard, the director of the first crime laboratory, in Lyon, France.
Locard's Exchange Principle states that with contact between two items,
there will be an exchange of microscopic material. This certainly includes
fibers, but extends to other microscopic materials such as hair, pollen,
paint, and soil.

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An Introduction to Crime Reconstruction

W. Jerry Chisum, Brent E. Turvey, in
Criminal Profiling (Fourth Edition), 2012

Approaching the reconstruction

There are several different approaches to the problem of reconstruction.
However, the specific approach used by the reconstructionist is not all
that must be considered. Ethics, bias, practice standards, the crime scene
investigation, chain of custody, evidence dynamics, and many other
related issues must be considered. Each shapes and influences the
analytical methods used and the behavioral inferences made. The purpose
of this chapter is to introduce the criminal profiler to the problem of
crime reconstruction and related considerations, to enable an informed
behavioral evidence analysis. Without this foundation, the profiler is
guessing, assuming, or otherwise ineptly fabricating the crime-related
events that are supposed to be analyzed.

Crime reconstruction is based at least in part on a firm understanding of

Locard's exchange principle. As stated by Dr. John Thornton, a practicing
criminalist and a former professor of forensic science at the University of
California (UC) at Berkeley (Thornton, 1997, p. 29):

Forensic scientists have almost universally accepted the Locard Exchange

Principle. This doctrine was enunciated early in the 20th century by
Edmund Locard, the director of the first crime laboratory, in Lyon, France.
Locard's Exchange Principle states that with contact between two items,
there will be an exchange of microscopic material. This certainly includes
fibers, but extends to other microscopic materials such as hair, pollen,
paint, and soil.
By recognizing, documenting, and examining the nature and extent of
evidentiary traces and exchanges in a crime scene, Dr. Locard postulated
that criminals could be traced and later associated with particular
locations, items of evidence, and persons (i.e., victims). He regarded this
postulation as both obvious and ancient, and he likened the recognition
and examination of trace evidence to hunting behavior as old as mankind
(Locard, 1934, p. 7). The prey, for example, in the normal course of
drinking at a watering hole, leaves tracks and spoor and other signs that
betray its presence and direction; the hunter deliberately seeks out this
evidence, picks up the trail, and follows. Every contact leaves a trace that
may be discovered and understood. The detection and identification of
exchanged materials is interpreted to mean that two objects have been in
contact. This is the cause-and-effect principle reversed; the effect is
observed and the cause is concluded. Understanding and accepting this
principle of evidentiary exchange make possible the reconstruction of
contacts between objects and persons. Consequently, the incorporation of
this principle into evidentiary interpretations is perhaps one of the most
important considerations in the reconstruction of crime.

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Behavioral Marital Therapy

Gary R. Birchler, in Encyclopedia of Psychotherapy, 2002

II. Theoretical Bases

BMT has generally been defined as the application of social learning
theory and behavioral exchange principles to the treatment of marital
distress. During the past decade, BMT has expanded to include an analysis
of cognitive and affective variables that influence or control behavior.
Social learning theory posits that interpersonal behavior is determined by
a combination of variables related to what happens in an individual's
social environment and to one's cognitions and perceptions about these
events. Accordingly, as regards marital interaction and satisfaction, the
social or interpersonal environment is a primary determinant. If these
theories suggest that behavior is a function of its antecedents and
consequences and that the perceived quality of a relationship is primarily
a function of the behaviors exchanged between partners, then
interventions designed to promote rewarding (i.e., positively perceived)
behaviors and to reduce or eliminate punishing (i.e., negatively perceived)
behaviors would help improve partners’ satisfaction with the marriage.

Cognitive and perceptual processes have been theorized to mediate

between overt behavioral exchanges. Partners’ personal interpretations or
attributions regarding the occurrence and/or meaning of the behaviors
can be critical regarding their value in the relationship. For example, if a
wife has a desperate fear and prevailing belief that her husband does not
love her, it may be that otherwise positive behaviors emitted by the
husband will not be appropriately recognized by her. Moreover, if his
intended positive value is not received, she may even criticize or discredit
him for offering the behavior. Additionally, affect as experienced by the
partners is theorized to play an important role in controlling both
functional and dysfunctional processes in intimate relationships. For
example, if the husband was neglected emotionally as a child, he may
have learned to experience a disproportionate negative emotional
response when his wife attempts to be more independent and self-
sustaining than is comfortable for him. Helping both partners to discover
and to understand this emotional connection between his family of-origin
upbringing and their marital events may facilitate attitudinal and/or
behavioral changes that can help to improve the situation.

Taking principles of social learning theory toward a theory of therapeutic

change in couple therapy means assessing which attitudes, behaviors, and
related problems constitute the complaints and target variables for
intervention. The goal is to increase the rewarding and to decrease the
punishing behaviors exchanged between partners and to identify and
improve the nature of any cognitive and affective mediating variables that
may influence the occurrence and interpretation of these behaviors.

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A History of Crime Reconstruction

W. Jerry Chisum, Brent E. Turvey, in
Crime Reconstruction (Second Edition), 2011

Questions
1. Define crime reconstruction.
2. Crime reconstruction is synonymous with crime scene processing.
True or false? How so or why not? Explain.

3. Explain Locard's exchange principle. Give an example.

4. Only some of the actions and sequences of events are established in a
crime reconstruction. True or false? Give an example of an action that
can't be established.

5. Who coined the term Kriminalistik and placed a heavy emphasis on

the examination of the various forms of physical evidence by
respectively qualified expert scientists as an indispensable part of the
investigative and forensic process? When?

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Trace Evidence in Crime Reconstruction
Meagan B. Gallagher, John I. Thornton, in
Crime Reconstruction (Second Edition), 2011

Trace evidence transfer: locard revisited

When crime reconstruction was in its infancy, the French forensic
scientist Edmond Locard introduced a concept that has had a profound
influence on trace evidence interpretation. Much of the history of Locard's
exchange principle has been presented by Turvey in the introductory
chapter to this text and will not be repeated here. But a perhaps too
casual translation of Locard's words has led to the generalization that
“every contact leaves a trace.”

That is not exactly what Locard said [what he actually said was that
“sometimes (italics added) the criminal leaves traces at a scene by his
actions. Sometimes (italics added), alternatively, he picked up upon on his
clothes or his body traces of his location or presence”] but that is more or
less how the doctrine has been passed down. Consider the following:
“The basis of this reconstruction and of contact traces was laid down by
Locard (1928)(sic) who stated that when two objects come into contact
there is always a transference of material from each object on to the other
[italics added]” (Nicholls, 1956, p. 39), or “The one statement that perhaps
most clearly epitomizes the pursuits of the [crime reconstructionist] is
that made by Edmond Locard who said ‘every contact leaves a trace.’…
Certainly every contact leaves a trace; it is up to us to detect it [italics
added]” (James et al., 1980, p. xv).

However, we should recognize that Locard's doctrine is, and always has
been, an assumption—plausible enough, but not an immutable law drawn
after a systematic study or experimentation. Locard himself never
postulated the principle, although in his writings he provided numerous
practical examples in support of the concept. The Locard exchange
principle is a useful operational doctrine, but it cannot be reasonably
expected to stand the scrutiny of Daubert or any other rigorous
evaluation. Current thought has crystallized to the point where the
doctrine is viewed as a useful premise, but that any incorporation of the
words “every” or “always” is inappropriate. Common sense tells us that
whereas an angora sweater can be expected to be a rich and productive
source of fibers, a nylon monofilament windbreaker will not. Contact with
a dog may well deliver a profusion of dog hairs. Contact with a snake may
not deliver snake scales. The Locard exchange principle does not take into
consideration issues of persistence; it does not incorporate any clear
understanding of the time frame over which it may operate. In short, the
doctrine may be operative in some situations, but as a practical, realistic
matter it may not be applicable to others. Exchange may or may not take
place, it may occur in only one direction, it may have occurred but the
exchange was not capable of being followed adequately, or evidence may
have fallen off after transfer.
For these reasons, we propose to modify the phrase “every contact leaves
a trace; it is up to us to detect it” to a more realistic and appropriate “if a
contact leaves a trace, it is up to us to detect it.” This terminology places
the responsibility where it belongs and underscores the presiding issue in
trace evidence: recognition of the trace evidence is often more of a
challenge than its subsequent processing. There can be no carping,
however, that exchange often occurs across the contact boundary. Let us
now examine the different possibilities of transfer.

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Social marketing
Sharyn Rundle-Thiele, in Ethical and Social Marketing in Asia, 2015

Exchange
Exchange describes the something that a person has to give up in order to
get the proposed benefit. In the case of healthy eating campaigns, clear
cases of exchange exist when social marketers offer immediate benefits in
the form of food samples, coupons, vouchers, prizes or extra time off
(Carins & Rundle-Thiele, 2014). Exchange can be difficult to detect when
analysing social marketing campaigns. The application of commercial
marketing’s exchange principle in social marketing can be highlighted
using the Team Up social marketing campaign launched by VicHealth in
2013. A consumer who finds a sporting team that needs a player on Team
Up may join the team and exercise once a week. Over time, this increased
level of activity may lead to weight loss resulting from the sustained
higher levels of physical exertion. The act of registering on Team Up may
not deliver an immediate benefit to the consumer, but over time the
benefits (e.g. weight loss) may accrue. The long-term benefits are costly
and time consuming for a social marketer to measure when compared to
the ease a commercial marketer experiences with direct measurement
such as product sales.

A good example of exchange in social marketing is the Road Crew

Campaign that was delivered in the United States to prevent drink driving.
To reduce drink driving, the Road Crew Campaign (Rothschild, Mastin, &
Miller, 2006) introduced luxury taxis that would take people home after a
night out drinking. In exchange for money, the target audience could
enjoy a ride home in a limousine and this led to an outcome of reduced
drink driving. Exchange can be difficult to achieve when the desired
behaviour is to decrease or stop a pre-existing behaviour. Understanding
what the alternatives to the desired behaviour are can provide insight
into what would represent a valuable exchange to the target audience.

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Forensic identification of bast fibres
J. Summerscales, C. Gwinnett, in
Biocomposites for High-Performance Applications, 2017

5.1 Introduction
The use of natural fibres as the reinforcement in composites is the subject
of a number of books [1–8]. The use of bast (stem) fibres in composites is
the subject of a number of reviews by the author [9–13] and others (e.g.
Refs. [14–17]). Bast fibres are grown in the temperate zone (e.g. flax,
hemp, white ramie/China grass) or the tropical zone (e.g. kenaf, green
ramie/rhea, roselle).

There is increasing interest in the use of natural fibres as the

reinforcement for polymer matrix composites. The most common
synthetic reinforcement fibres can be clearly distinguished, within a
manufacturing facility or the component, by colour (carbon, aramid, or
glass are seen as black, gold, or transparent, respectively) and they are
normally supplied as continuous fibre tows. However, plant fibres are
generally coloured from white through to brown (except where dyed for
clothing/furniture uses) dependent on the species and fibre treatments
and are inevitably fibres of finite length. Bast fibres generally have the
best mechanical performance amongst the plant fibres, at relatively high
cost, and are also inherently discontinuous (albeit often long) fibres. This
opens up the opportunity for unscrupulous activity within the supply
chain, especially where the high value fibre may be adulterated by partial
replacement with lower value fibres. A rigorous sampling method would
be required within quality assurance procedures to detect the presence of
cheaper substitutes within the raw materials.

Bast fibres find, or are being proposed for, use in numerous composites
applications including marine vessels (e.g. Araldite which has raced across
the Atlantic Ocean), aircraft interiors (including luggage lockers), and
automotive applications. The inadvertent use of compromised raw
materials could lead to catastrophic failure of the composite below the
design stresses. Any consequent litigation could require forensic
investigation.

There is an extensive literature on the forensic discrimination of textile

fibres, e.g. ASTM D276-12 [18] and Houck [19]. Textile fibres in forensic
science are a form of trace evidence which is part of the broad category
called physical evidence. Physical evidence can be any material but, in a
legal context it refers to materials which may be bought into court and
are formally entered as exhibits. The significance of fibres evidence, and
other physical evidence, is based upon Locard’s Exchange Principle. The
Exchange Principle can be summarized as ‘whenever two objects come
into contact, a transfer of material will occur’ [20]. The type of contact
which occurs and the material transferred are dependent upon the
circumstances of the crime. For example fibres may be transferred from a
suspect’s jumper to a car seat whilst driving. Any fibres evidence found at
a major crime scene is initially treated as relevant, as it may have come
from the offender and therefore link that person with the scene. Further
analysis and comparison of fibres evidence to suspect samples can help to
provide information about events leading up to the crime, at the crime
scene and events after the crime scene. This is known as reconstruction of
the crime scene. Trace evidence has also proven in the past to be very
useful for two other reasons. These are their use as an investigative aid
and their use as associative evidence. Fibres, amongst other trace
evidence types, can provide very good investigative leads as their
characterization may provide information about the source of the fibre
and the object that it was shed from. As associative evidence, fibres can
provide links or relationships between people or between people and
objects after suspects have been identified. For example fibres from a
balaclava can be found in the head hair of the wearer [21].

To provide this information in a criminal case, information about the fibre

evidence is required, such as its microscopical and chemical
characteristics. It is also common for forensic analysts to identify the fibre
type, which helps inform the analysis methods to be used, the possible
source of the fibre and its potential evidential value. Forensic
determination of fibre type may also be necessary to detect counterfeiting
or in policing fair trade programmes, trade embargos, protection of
biodiversity by detection of Convention on International Trade in
Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) and/or for other
reasons.

Although there is a large amount of literature surrounding the

identification of synthetic fibre types, for example [22–28], there is very
little literature directly devoted to the ability to distinguish between the
different bast fibres which may find application as reinforcement fibres
within the composites sector. The principal sources include Menzi and
Bigler [29], Marshall [30], Greaves and Saville [31], and Robertson and
Grieve [32], all published in the previous century. The latter authors
present data for typical dimensions and chemical composition of the key
bast fibres (Table 5.1) but the data does not indicate growth stage and
plant maturity.

Table 5.1. Characteristics of dry natural unprocessed bast fibres

Ultimates Hemi- Wax

Fibre (dia. × length) Cellulose cellulose Pectin Lignin etc.

Flaxb 15– 75% 15% 2.5% 2% 1-1.5

20 μm × 3 mm

Flaxa Length: 1.6– ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

24 mm

Hempb 15– 75% 17% 1% 3.6% 2.8%

50 μm × 0.5–
5.0 mm
 Ultimates Hemi- Wax
Fibre (dia. × length) Cellulose cellulose Pectin Lignin etc.

Hempa Length: 1.0–

34 mm

Juteb 15–25 μm × 1– 71% 13% 0.2% 13% 2.8%

6 mm

Jutea Length: 0.6– ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

5.3 mm

Kenafc ~ 63.5 ± 0.5% 17.6 ± 1.4% ~ 12.7 ± 1.5% 6.2 ±

(raw)

Kenafc ~ 92.0 ± 1.4% 5.2 ± 0.6% ~ 0.5 ± 0.4% 0.5 ±

(bleached)

Ramieb 40– 75% 16% 2% 1% 6%

75 μm × 2.5–
3 mm

Ramiea 13.0– ~ ~ ~ ~ ~
82.7 mm

After Catling and Graysona, 1982 via Robertson and Grieveb [32] or
Jonoobi et al.c [33]

Gordon [34] states that cotton fibres, after scouring and bleaching,
contain nearly 99% cellulose, whereas the bast fibres (specifically those in
Table 5.1) are typically three-quarters cellulose, wood fibres have 40%–
55% cellulose and other plant species and parts have even lower cellulose
contents. As the main chemical entity in bast (and other vegetable) fibres
is cellulose; techniques that would be used to distinguish between
synthetic fibre types are not useful for these natural types [31]. In forensic
examinations of these fibres, the main forms of analysis method are
microscopy based; these are discussed later in this chapter.

Natural fibres from a single plant species can be considerably more

variable than synthetic fibre types, especially given the range of growth
stages, processing, and consequent features (e.g. dimensions, thermal, and
mechanical properties). In forensic analysis, this variation, along with
limited characteristics to identify, means that natural fibres are generally
less evidentially useful than synthetic fibres. This is due to the possibility
of a target fibre having differing characteristics to a control fibre, even if it
has come from the same source. To reach a conclusion, great knowledge
of the breadth of this variation is required; something which is generally
unknown in natural fibre sources and as such leads to weak evidence in
court. Due to the variation in the morphological and mechanical
properties of natural fibres, the focus in forensic analysis is regularly
placed upon the presence and quantification of any colourants in the
natural fibre [35], something which may not be a priority when testing
fibres in composite manufacturing.
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Exchange: Social
Karen S. Cook, in
International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences
(Second Edition)
, 2015

Major Theoretical Formulations: Blau and

Homans
Blau (1964), in his famous book, Exchange and Power in Social Life,
developed a much more extensive treatment of the links between
microlevel social behavior and the groups, organizations, and institutions
it constitutes. A major difference between the perspectives of Homans
and Blau is the latter's recognition of ‘emergent’ processes at more
complex levels of social organization. For Blau, the whole is more than the
sum of its parts. Relationships between the parts or elements of the
structure create emergent processes that evolve from the interaction of
the parts, but are not reducible to properties of the individual elements.
Homans, in contrast, adopted a reductionist orientation to explanation
using exchange principles arguing that many of the ‘laws’ of social
organization could be understood in terms of the behavior of the
interacting parts, typically individuals. For this reason, according to
Homans, psychological principles ultimately laid the foundation for the
laws of elementary social behavior.

While Homans' efforts were aimed at understanding elementary

behavior, Blau's aim was much more macro in focus. He intended to
formulate a theory of social structure and institutions based on a sound
microfoundation. He presented his book on social exchange as a ‘prolog’
to a theory of social structure. The origin of Blau's vision of social
behavior was not behaviorism, as in Homans' case; rather, it was a more
sociological version of microeconomics, which he labeled ‘social exchange
theory,’ borrowing the term from Homans. (For a lengthy critique of
Blau's use of microeconomic reasoning see Heath, 1976, among others.) In
many ways, Blau's work was one of the first major theoretical efforts to
extend the logic of microeconomics to the analysis of social behavior, a
task that much later won Gary Becker the Nobel Prize in Economics.
Homans instead based his analysis of the social behavior he called
‘exchange’ on principles of behavioral analysis derived from the work of
the behaviorists famous at the time he wrote. A major influence on his
theoretical work was the empirical research of B.F. Skinner, his well-
known colleague at Harvard.

Both Homans and Blau addressed indirect exchange processes, though

such processes form a much more significant component of Blau's
theoretical formulation. Homans acknowledged the importance of the
indirect ties that actors have when they are in direct exchange with the
same sets of individuals. For example, employees of the same employer
have indirect exchange relations with each other through their direct
contacts with their employer. Blau extended the analysis of indirect
exchange, acknowledging the role it plays in larger and more complex
collectivities as well as in collective action. In particular, Blau viewed
indirect exchange as the basis for coordinated action in complex social
structures (and the substructures of which they are composed). This
coordination of action through indirect exchange in larger collectivities
necessitates mediation by common values, which can be the focus of
opposition and conflict, especially as the social structures involved
become more complex. Blau discussed group formation, cohesion,
integration, differentiation, opposition, conflict, and dissolution as
significant forces of structural change and stability in complex social
structures. These forces played a major role in his theory of social
exchange as he endeavored to provide a comprehensive microfoundation
for macrosociology. Homans and Blau were both engaged in distinctive
efforts to produce a coherent theoretical alternative to Parsonian
functionalism, the dominant paradigm in sociology until the late l960s.

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Victim Lifestyle Exposure

Brent E. Turvey, Jodi Freeman, in
Forensic Victimology (Second Edition), 2014

Lifestyle Theory
Lifestyle theory (Hindelang, Gottfredson, and Farofalo, 1978) argues that
some people are more prone to victimization because their behavior,
habits, or customs expose them to a greater frequency of contact with
crime and criminals. As Siegal (2007, p. 75) explains, “the basis for
lifestyle theory is that crime is not a random occurrence but rather a
reflection of a person’s lifestyle.” This thinking is consistent with the
principle of homogamy, which suggests that individuals are more exposed
to the possibility of victimization if they frequently associate with, or
come into contact with, members of demographic groups containing a
disproportionate number of criminals.

The author (Turvey) agrees that a victim history of interaction or

involvement with criminals can increase exposure to certain kinds of
harm, and therefore makes harm more likely. For the forensic
victimologist, identifying that history and examining it are necessary
parts of any assessment, as doing so may lead to viable suspects. Consider,
for example, the homicide of Genna Gamble, originally presented in
Turvey (2002; pp. 152–154), provided here in its near entirety. This case
thoroughly highlights the need for an extensive investigation into the
background of the victim and exemplifies the increased exposure that
arises from interaction with offenders:
In this case, Douglas S. Mouser was tried for the murder of 14-year-old
Genna Lynn Gamble, his stepdaughter. Her nude body was found on the
hillside along Dry Creek near Waterford, California, on October 14, 1995
[see Figure 6-3]. She had been strangled to death.

The state theorised, based on the speculations of detectives and an FBI

trained DOJ criminal profiler, Michael J. Prodan, that Doug Mouser first
killed Genna Gamble at their home in Modesto and then drove her body
20–30 minutes away to dispose of it. They felt that this likely occurred
during or after she had taken a shower, explaining her nudity.

The criminal profilers in this case were ultimately allowed to testify on

several pertinent issues, including victimology. The DOJ criminal profiler
testified to the following, as an expert in crime analysis and victimology
(this list is not exclusive):

▪ He is not a forensic scientist, nor does he know what Locard’s

Exchange Principle is.

▪ Crime scene evidence and victimology are important parts of crime

analysis.

▪ He did not review much of the available victim information in forming

his opinions. He was unaware of the fact that her brother had dealt
drugs out of the home, and that she had been spending time with and
dating known sex offenders.

▪ He did not visit the crime scene in forming his opinions.

▪ He reviewed only 15 of the several hundred crime scene and autopsy

photos in forming his opinions.

▪ He did not review Dr. John Thornton’s crime reconstruction of the case
in forming his opinions.

▪ Genna Gamble was a low risk victim.

▪ Genna Gamble was most likely killed by someone who knew her.

▪ Genna Gamble likely first encountered her attacker in her home.

No relevant case facts were offered to support any of the opinions

provided by Special Agent Prodan. In fact, he admitted, rather
surprisingly, to reading very little of the available relevant victimology in
the case, blaming detectives for not providing the material to him.
Ultimately, the basis for his opinions was stated simply as being derived
from his education, training, and experience.

The author then testified to the following, as an expert in crime analysis

and victimology, for the defence (this list is not exclusive):

▪ Examined all the material related to the victim provided by discovery.

▪ Examined all the forensic examinations and reports generated by both

defence and prosecution criminalists.

▪ Reviewed all of the crime scene and autopsy photographs, as well as

the crime scene video.

▪ Visited the crime scene twice—with Dr. John Thornton.

…
▪ Genna Gamble was at high risk of being a victim of violent crime,
owing to the following:

1. The victim was diagnosed with Oppositional Defiant Disorder. She

was characterised by her therapist as exhibiting behaviour that
included the sudden loss of temper, deliberate antagonising of
others, refusal to obey parental instruction, and impulsivity.

2. The victim was known to have a low self-image, which would

make her particularly susceptible to the approaches of certain
types of sex offenders (those that use a con that involves flattery
or the suggestion of acceptance).

3. The victim often spent time at locations socialising with age

inappropriate males, unsupervised by adults (Mall, Camelot &
Funworks).

4. The victim was known to have socialised with a sex offender

whose victim of choice included girls in Genna Gamble’s age
range, that were acquired at locations similar to the types that
Genna Gamble frequented when unsupervised.

5. The victim was thought to have been likely to get into a car with
someone that she knew from Camelot.

6. The victim’s brother, Gerran Gamble, was known to have been

dealing drugs, which he stored at their home.

∗ There are many unexplained sexual aspects to the circumstances of

Genna Gamble’s death, and no evidence of profit or anger motivation in
the crime scene.
Genna Gamble was a teenage girl who, among other lifestyle factors, lived
with a drug dealer and was involved with a convicted sex offender. One
was an environmental factor; the other was an ignorant choice. Each of
these factors increased her exposure to harm from the dangers of a
particular world of criminal activity.

FIGURE 6-3. Hillside disposal scene in the murder of Genna Gamble. Note
the drag trail leading up from the river bottoms and the position of the
body.
She was also seeking treatment and taking medication for Oppositional
Defiant Disorder. She would ignore treatment advice, run away, and
discontinue medication when angry—to intentionally create discord with
her parents. Whether the actual offender was her stepfather or the sex
offender she was seeing, it is hard to image that a harmful synergy
between her home life, her mental health, and her self-destructive
personal habits played no role in her death.

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URL: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/B9780124080843000065

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