Unit 2: Content and Contextual Analysis of Selected Primary Sources;

Identification of the Historical Importance of the Text; and Examination of the

Author’s Main Argument and Point of View

Unit 2.1 Excerpt from Antonio Pigafetta, Primo Viaggio Intorno Al Mondo, in ”, in E.H. Blair and J.A. Robertson. The
Philippine Islands

Pigafetta's account of the first Easter Sunday Mass in the Philippines is a crucial historical record that describes the
events of that day. Here is a summary of the key points from Pigafetta's account:

1. Arrival in the Philippines: On Saturday, March 16, 1521, Ferdinand Magellan's expedition arrived in the Philippines,
specifically on an island named Zamal (now Samar).

2. Interaction with the Locals: The expedition decided to land on an uninhabited island near Samar to rest and replenish
their supplies. The locals came to them in boats, and the captain-general (Magellan) ordered a peaceful and friendly
exchange with them, offering gifts and receiving food in return.

3. Description of Coconuts: Pigafetta provides a detailed description of coconuts, including their various uses, such as
making wine, oil, vinegar, and even milk.

4. Island Names: The locals shared the names of their islands, with the one they were on called Humunu (now
Homonhon) and the nearby island Zuluan (now Suluan). Pigafetta mentions several other islands as well.

5. Friendship with the Natives: The crew established friendly relations with the local people, who were described as
pleasant and conversable. They exchanged gifts and promised to return with more supplies.

6. Naming of Islands: Pigafetta mentions that they named the islands they encountered as the "archipelago of San
Lazaro," as they were discovered on the Sunday of St. Lazarus.

7. Further Meetings with the Natives: The locals visited the expedition on various occasions, and the captain-general
even showed them the ship's merchandise, including spices, gold, and weaponry. There were some cultural exchanges as
well.

8. Description of a Fall into the Sea: Pigafetta narrates a personal incident where he fell into the sea but was rescued by a
small boat. He attributes his rescue to the Virgin Mary's intervention.

9. Continued Exploration: The expedition continued to explore other islands, including encounters with different
indigenous peoples and rulers, some of whom offered valuable information and resources.

10. Easter Sunday Mass: The most significant event in Pigafetta's account is the celebration of Easter Sunday Mass on
March 31, 1521. The captain-general (Magellan) had a cross erected on a mountain, and the crew, including the local
kings, attended Mass. This is considered the first Catholic Mass in the Philippines.

11. Cultural Observations: Pigafetta describes the customs, clothing, and practices of the local inhabitants, as well as
their religious beliefs, which seemed to involve raising their hands and faces to the sky, referring to their god as "Abba."

12. Gifts and Diplomacy: The expedition engaged in gift-giving and diplomacy with the local rulers, showing them
firearms and artillery to impress them with their technological superiority.

13. Continued Voyage: After the Mass and interactions with the locals, the expedition continued its voyage, visiting
various other islands and trading with different communities.

In the historical context, Pigafetta's account is significant because it provides valuable insights into the early interactions
between Europeans and the indigenous people of the Philippines, as well as the introduction of Christianity to the
archipelago. It also helps establish the location of the first Easter Sunday Mass, which was a pivotal moment in the
history of the Philippines.
Amella's account challenges the commonly accepted historical narrative regarding the location of the first Mass in the
Philippines, which is traditionally associated with Limasawa. Instead, he argues that the first Mass took place in Mazaua,
a deltaic island at the mouth of the Agusan River in Butuan in 1521. His claims are based on an extensive investigation of
primary and secondary historiographic documents, including those sourced from various archives and institutions
around the world.

Amella's arguments include:

1. Primary Source Examination: He scrutinized primary sources such as Antonio Pigafetta and Fransisco Albo's accounts
of Magellan's journey and the first Mass. He couldn't find any mention of the word "Limasawa" in these sources, and
instead, the records pointed to the location as "Mazaua."

2. Historical Maps: Early maps by early cartographers depicted Mazaua as an island beside Butuan, and both were
characterized as islands. Over time, siltation and geologic factors caused these islands to fuse into the Mindanao
mainland.

3. Linguistic Evidence: Amella highlights that only the Butuanon language and its derivative, Tausug, have the word
"masawa," which means "bright light." It was the island's bright light the night before that prompted Magellan to land in
Mazaua.

4. Geological and Archaeological Evidence: The presence of a graben in Butuan, which is a valley-like depression resulting
from the subsidence and fusion of land, supports the theory that islands once existed in the area. In 2001, experts
confirmed that Pinamanculan Hills, near Butuan, was once an island during the 1521 period.

5. Historical Records: Amella cites historical records, including writings by Jesuit superior Fr. Francisco Colin, who
mentioned that the first Mass took place in Butuan. There's also evidence that the Butuan kingdom used gold as
currency and had an extensive trading harbor in the area.

Despite these arguments, it's important to note that the National Historical Institute upholds the Limasawa claim as the
site of the first Mass in the Philippines, and this is the generally accepted account in the Philippines' official history.

Amella's work has sparked a debate over the true location of the first Mass and the historical significance of Butuan. The
Butuan City Heritage Society and the Diocese of Butuan continue to commemorate the first Mass in Butuan, even though
it is not widely acknowledged in the national narrative. The controversy remains a topic of historical and scholarly
discussion in the Philippines.
 Unit 2.2 Juan de Plasencia, Customs of the Tagalogs

This people always had chiefs, called by them datos, who governed them and were captains in their wars, and whom
they obeyed and reverenced. The subject who committed any offense against them, or spoke but a word to their wives
and children, was severely punished.

These chiefs ruled over but few people; sometimes as many as a hundred houses, sometimes even less than thirty. This
tribal gathering is called in Tagalo a barangay. It was inferred that the reason for giving themselves this name arose from
the fact (as they are classed, by their language, among the Malay nations) that when they came to this land, the head of
the barangay, which is a boat, thus called—as is discussed at length in the first chapter of the first ten chapters—became
a dato. And so, even at the present day, it is ascertained that this barangay in its origin was a family of parents and
children, relations and slaves. There were many of these barangays in each town, or, at least, on account of wars, they
did not settle far from one another. They were not, however, subject to one another, except in friendship and
relationship. The chiefs, in their various wars, helped one another with their respective barangays.

In addition to the chiefs, who corresponded to our knights, there were three castes: nobles, commoners, and slaves. The
nobles were the free-born whom they call maharlica. They did not pay tax or tribute to the dato, but must accompany
him in war, at their own expense. The chief offered them beforehand a feast, and afterward they divided the spoils.
Moreover, when the dato went upon the water those whom he summoned rowed for him. If he built a house, they
helped him, and had to be fed for it. The same was true when the whole barangay went to clear up his lands for tillage.
The lands which they inhabited were divided among the whole barangay, especially the irrigated portion, and thus each
one knew his own. No one belonging to another barangay would cultivate them unless after purchase or inheritance.
The lands on the tingues, or mountain-ridges, are not divided, but owned in common by the barangay. Consequently, at
the time of the rice harvest, any individual of any particular barangay, although he may have come from some other
village, if he commences to clear any land may sow it, and no one can compel him to abandon it. There are some villages
(as, for example, Pila de la Laguna) in which these nobles, or maharlicas, paid annually to the dato a hundred gantas of
rice. The reason of this was that, at the time of their settlement there, another chief occupied the lands, which the new
chief, upon his arrival, bought with his own gold; and therefore the members of his barangay paid him for the arable
land, and he divided it, among those whom he saw fit to reward. But now, since the advent of the Spaniards, it is not so
divided.

The chiefs in some villages had also fisheries, with established limits, and sections of the rivers for markets. At these no
one could fish, or trade in the markets, without paying for the privilege, unless he belonged to the chief's barangay or
village.

The commoners are called aliping namamahay. They are married, and serve their master, whether he be a dato or not,
with half of their cultivated lands, as was agreed upon in the beginning. They accompanied him whenever he went
beyond the island, and rowed for him. They live in their own houses, and are lords of their property and gold. Their
children inherit it, and enjoy their property and lands. The children, then, enjoy the rank of their fathers, and they
cannot be made slaves (sa guiguilir) nor can either parents or children be sold. If they should fall by inheritance into the
hands of a son of their master who was going to dwell in another village, they could not be taken from their own village
and carried with him; but they would remain in their native village, doing service there and cultivating the sowed lands.

The slaves are called aliping sa guiguilir. They serve their master in his house and on his cultivated lands, and may be
sold. The master grants them, should he see fit, and providing that he has profited through their industry, a portion of
their harvests, so that they may work faithfully. For these reasons, servants who are born in the house of their master
are rarely, if ever, sold. That is the lot of captives in war, and of those brought up in the harvest fields.

Those to whom a debt was owed transferred the debt to another, thereby themselves making a profit, and reducing the
wretched debtors to a slavery which was not their natural lot. If any person among those who were made slaves (sa
guiguilir)—through war, by the trade of goldsmith, or otherwise—happened to possess any gold beyond the sum that he
had to give his master, he ransomed himself, becoming thus a namamahay, or what we call a commoner. The price of this
ransom was never less than five taels, and from that upwards; and if he gave ten or more taels, as they might agree, he
became wholly free. An amusing ceremony accompanied this custom. After having divided all the trinkets which the
slave possessed, if he maintained a house of his own, they divided even the pots and jars, and if an odd one of these
remained, they broke it; and if a piece of cloth were left, they parted it in the middle.

The difference between the aliping namamahay and the aliping sa guiguilir, should be noted; for, by a confusion of the
two terms, many have been classed as slaves who really are not. The Indians seeing that the alcaldes-mayor do not
understand this, have adopted the custom of taking away the children of the aliping namamahay, making use of them as
they would of the aliping sa guiguilir, as servants in their households, which is illegal, and if the aliping namamahay
should appeal to justice, it is proved that he is an aliping as well as his father and mother before him and no reservation
is made as to whether he is aliping namamahay or atiping sa guiguilir. He is at once considered an alipin, without further
declaration. In this way he becomes a sa guiguilir, and is even sold. Consequently, the alcaldes-mayor should be
instructed to ascertain, when anyone asks for his alipin, to which class he belongs, and to have the answer put in the
document that they give him.

In these three classes, those who are maharlicas on both the father's and mother's side continue to be so forever; and if
it happens that they should become slaves, it is through marriage, as I shall soon explain. If these maharlicas had
children among their slaves, the children and their mothers became free; if one of them had children by the slave-
woman of another, she was compelled, when pregnant, to give her master half of a gold tael, because of her risk of
death, and for her inability to labor during the pregnancy. In such a case half of the child was free—namely, the half
belonging to the father, who supplied the child with food. If he did not do this, he showed that he did not recognize him
as his child, in which case the latter was wholly a slave. If a free woman had children by a slave, they were all free,
provided he were not her husband.

If two persons married, of whom one was a maharlica and the other a slave, whether namamahay or sa guiguilir, the
children were divided: the first, whether male or female, belonged to the father, as did the third and fifth; the second,
the fourth, and the sixth fell to the mother, and so on. In this manner, if the father were free, all those who belonged to
him were free; if he were a slave, all those who belonged to him were slaves; and the same applied to the mother. If
there should not be more than one child he was half free and half slave. The only question here concerned the division,
whether the child were male or female. Those who became slaves fell under the category of servitude which was their
parent's, either namamahay or sa guiguilir. If there were an odd number of children, the odd one was half free and half
slave. I have not been able to ascertain with any certainty when or at what age the division of children was made, for
each one suited himself in this respect. Of these two kinds of slaves the sa guiguilir could be sold, but not the
namamahay and their children, nor could they be transferred. However, they could be transferred from the barangay by
inheritance, provided they remained in the same village.

The maharlicas could not, after marriage, move from one village to another, or from one barangay to another, without
paying a certain fine in gold, as arranged among them. This fine was larger or smaller according to the inclination of the
different villages, running from one to three taels and a banquet to the entire barangay. Failure to pay the fine might
result in a war between the barangay which the person left and the one which he entered. This applied equally to men
and women, except that when one married a woman of another village, the children were afterwards divided equally
between the two barangays. This arrangement kept them obedient to the dato, or chief, which is no longer the case—
because, if the dato is energetic and commands what the religious fathers enjoin him, they soon leave him and go to
other villages and other datos, who endure and protect them and do not order them about. This is the kind of dato that
they now prefer, not him who has the spirit to command. There is a great need of reform in this, for the chiefs are
spiritless and faint-hearted.

Investigations made and sentences passed by the dato must take place in the presence of those of his barangay. If any of
the litigants felt himself aggrieved, an arbiter was unanimously named from another village or barangay, whether he
were a dato or not; since they had for this purpose some persons, known as fair and just men, who were said to give true
judgment according to their customs. If the controversy lay between two chiefs, when they wished to avoid war, they
also convoked judges to act as arbiters; they did the same if the disputants belonged to two different barangays. In this
ceremony they always had to drink, the plaintiff inviting the others.

They had laws by which they condemned to death a man of low birth who insulted the daughter or wife of a chief;
likewise witches, and others of the same class.

They condemned no one to slavery, unless he merited the death-penalty. As for the witches, they killed them, and their
children and accomplices became slaves of the chief, after he had made some recompense to the injured person. All
other offenses were punished by fines in gold, which, if not paid with promptness, exposed the culprit to serve, until the
payment should be made, the person aggrieved, to whom the money was to be paid. This was done in the following
way: Half the cultivated lands and all their produce belonged to the master. The master provided the culprit with food
and clothing, thus enslaving the culprit and his children until such time as he might amass enough money to pay the fine.
If the father should by chance pay his debt, the master then claimed that he had fed and clothed his children, and should
be paid therefor. In this way he kept possession of the children if the payment could not be met. This last was usually the
case, and they remained slaves. If the culprit had some relative or friend who paid for him, he was obliged to render the
latter half his service until he was paid—not, however, service within the house as aliping sa guiguilir, but living
independently, as aliping namamahay. If the creditor were not served in this wise, the culprit had to pay the double of
what was lent him. In this way slaves were made by debt: either sa guiguilir, if they served the master to whom the
judgment applied; or aliping namamahay, if they served the person who lent them wherewith to pay.

In what concerns loans, there was formerly, and is today, an excess of usury, which is a great hindrance to baptism as
well as to confession; for it turns out in the same way as I have showed in the case of the one under judgment, who gives
half of his cultivated lands and profits until he pays the debt. The debtor is condemned to a life of toil; and thus
borrowers become slaves, and after the death of the father the children pay the debt. Not doing so, double the amount
must be paid. This system should and can be reformed.

As for inheritances, the legitimate children of a father and mother inherited equally, except in the case where the father
and mother showed a slight partiality by such gifts as two or three gold taels, or perhaps a jewel.

When the parents gave a dowry to any son, and, when, in order to marry him to a chief's daughter, the dowry was
greater than the sum given the other sons, the excess was not counted in the whole property to be divided. But any
other thing that should have been given to any son, though it might be for some necessity, was taken into consideration
at the time of the partition of the property, unless the parents should declare that such a bestowal was made outside of
the inheritance. If one had had children by two or more legitimate wives, each child received the inheritance and dowry
of his mother, with its increase, and that share of his father's estate which fell to him out of the whole. If a man had a
child by one of his slaves, as well as legitimate children, the former had no share in the inheritance; but the legitimate
children were bound to free the mother, and to give him something—a tael or a slave, if the father were a chief; or if,
finally, anything else were given it was by the unanimous consent of all. If besides his legitimate children, he had also
some son by a free unmarried woman, to whom a dowry was given but who was not considered as a real wife, all these
were classed as natural children, although the child by the unmarried woman should have been begotten after his
marriage. Such children did not inherit equally with the legitimate children, but only the third part. For example, if there
were two children, the legitimate one had two parts, and the one of the inaasava one part. When there were no children
by a legitimate wife, but only children by an unmarried woman, or inaasava, the latter inherited all. If he had a child by a
slave woman, that child received his share as above stated. If there were no legitimate or natural child, or a child by an
inaasava, whether there was a son of a slave woman or not, the inheritance went only to the father or grandparents,
brothers, or nearest relatives of the deceased, who gave to the slave-child as above stated.

In the case of a child by a free married woman, born while she was married, if the husband punished the adulterer this
was considered a dowry; and the child entered with the others into partition in the inheritance. His share equaled the
part left by the father, nothing more. If there were no other sons than he, the children and the nearest relatives inherited
equally with him. But if the adulterer were not punished by the husband of the woman who had the child, the latter was
not considered as his child, nor did he inherit anything. It should be noticed that the offender was not considered
dishonored by the punishment inflicted, nor did the husband leave the woman. By the punishment of the father the
child was fittingly made legitimate.

Adopted children, of whom there are many among them, inherit the double of what was paid for their adoption. For
example, if one gold tael was given that he might be adopted when the first father died, the child was given [in
inheritance] two taels. But if this child should die first, his children do not inherit from the second father, for the
arrangement stops at that point.

This is the danger to which his money is exposed, as well as his being protected as a child. On this account this manner of
adoption common among them is considered lawful.

Dowries are given by the men to the women's parents. If the latter are living, they enjoy the use of it. At their death,
provided the dowry has not been consumed, it is divided like the rest of the estate, equally among the children, except
in case the father should care to bestow something additional upon the daughter. If the wife, at the time of her
marriage, has neither father, mother, nor grandparents, she enjoys her dowry—which, in such a case, belongs to no
other relative or child. It should be noticed that unmarried women can own no property, in land or dowry, for the result
of all their labors accrues to their parents.

In the case of a divorce before the birth of children, if the wife left the husband for the purpose of marrying another, all
her dowry and an equal additional amount fell to the husband; but if she left him, and did not marry another, the dowry
was returned. When the husband left his wife, he lost the half of the dowry, and the other half was returned to him. If he
possessed children at the time of his divorce, the whole dowry and the fine went to the children, and was held for them
by their grandparents or other responsible relatives.

I have also seen another practice in two villages. In one case, upon the death of the wife
who in a year's time had borne no children, the parents returned one-half the dowry to the husband whose wife had
died. In the other case, upon the death of the husband, one-

half the dowry was returned to the relatives of the husband. I have ascertained that this is not a general practice; for
upon inquiry I learned that when this is done it is done through piety, and that all do not do it.

In the matter of marriage dowries which fathers bestow upon their sons when they are about to be married, and half of
which is given immediately, even when they are only children, there is a great deal more complexity. There is a fine
stipulated in the contract, that he who violates it shall pay a certain sum which varies according to the practice of the
village and the affluence of the individual. The fine was heaviest if, upon the death of the parents, the son or daughter
should be unwilling to marry because it had been arranged by his or her parents. In this case the dowry which the
parents had received was returned and nothing more. But if the parents were living, they paid the fine, because it was
assumed that it had been their design to separate the children.

The above is what I have been able to ascertain clearly concerning customs observed among these natives in all this
Laguna and the tingues, and among the entire Tagalo race. The old men say that a dato who did anything contrary to this
would not be esteemed; and, in relating tyrannies which they had committed, some condemned them and adjudged
them wicked.

Others, perchance, may offer a more extended narrative, but leaving aside irrelevant matters concerning government
and justice among them, a summary of the whole truth is contained in the above. I am sending the account in this clear
and concise form because I had received no orders to pursue the work further. Whatever may be decided upon, it is
certainly important that it should be given to the alcal-des-mayor, accompanied by an explanation; for the absurdities
which are to be found in their opinions are indeed pitiable.

May our Lord bestow upon your Lordship His grace and spirit, so that in every step good fortune may be yours; and upon
every occasion may your Lordship deign to consider me your humble servant, to be which would be the greatest
satisfaction and favor that I could receive. Nagcarlán, October 21, 1589.
 Unit 2.3. Declaration of Philippine Independence by Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista

Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista. “Declaration of Philippine Independence”, ratified June 12, 1898, translation by Sulpicio
Guevara

In the town of Cavite-Viejo, Province of Cavite, this 12th day of June 1898: BEFORE ME, Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista,
War Counsellor and Special Delegate designated to proclaim and solemnize this Declaration of Independence by the
Dictatorial Government of the Philippines, pursuant to, and by virtue of, a Decree issued by the Egregious Dictator Don
Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy,

The undersigned assemblage of military chiefs and others of the army who could not attend, as well as the
representatives of the various towns,

Taking into account the fact that the people of this country are already tired of bearing the ominous yoke of Spanish
domination,

Because of arbitrary arrests and abuses of the Civil Guards who cause deaths in connivance with and even under the
express orders of their superior officers who at times would order the shooting of those placed under arrest under the
pretext that they attempted to escape in violation of known Rules and Regulations, which abuses were left unpunished,
and because of unjust deportations of illustrious Filipinos, especially those decreed by General Blanco at the instigation
of the Archbishop and the friars interested in keeping them in ignorance for egoistic and selfish ends, which deportations
were carried out through processes more execrable than those of the Inquisition which every civilized nation repudiates
as a trial without hearing,

Had resolved to start a revolution in August 1896 in order to regain the independence and sovereignty of which the
people had been deprived by Spain through Governor Miguel Lopez de Legazpi who, continuing the course followed by
his predecessor Ferdinand Magellan who landed on the shores of Cebu and occupied said Island by means of a Pact of
Friendship with Chief Tupas, although he was killed in battle that took place in said shores to which battle he was
provoked by Chief Kalipulako of Mactan who suspected his evil designs, landed on the Island of Bohol by entering also
into a Blood Compact with its Chief Sikatuna, with the purpose of later taking by force the Island of Cebu, and because
his successor Tupas did not allow him to occupy it, he went to Manila, the capital, winning likewise the friendship of its
Chiefs Soliman and Lakandula, later taking possession of the city and the whole Archipelago in the name of Spain by
virtue of an order of King Philip II, and with these historical precedents and because in international law the prescription
established by law to legalize the vicious acquisition of private property is not recognized, the legitimacy of such
revolution can not be put in doubt which was calmed but not completely stifled by the pacification proposed by Don
Pedro A. Paterno with Don Emilio Aguinaldo as President of the Republic established in Biak-na-Bato and accepted by
among them being a general amnesty for all deported and convicted persons; that by reason of the non-fulfillment of
some of the terms, after the destruction of the Spanish Squadron by the North American Navy, and bombardment of the
plaza of Cavite, Don Emilio Aguinaldo returned in order to initiate a new revolution and no sooner had he given the
order to rise on the 31st of last month when several towns anticipating the revolution, rose in revolt on the 28th, such
that a Spanish contingent of 178 men, between Imus and Cavite-Viejo, under the command of a major of the Marine
Infantry capitulated, the revolutionary movement spreading like wild fire to other towns of Cavite and the other
provinces of Bataan, Pampanga, Batangas, Bulacan, Laguna, and Morong, some of them with seaports and such was the
success of the victory of our arms, truly marvelous and without equal in the history of colonial revolutions that in the
first mentioned province only the Detachments in Naic and Indang remained to surrender; in the second, all
Detachments had been wiped out; in the third, the resistance of the Spanish forces was localized in the town of San
Fernando where the greater part of them are concentrated, the remainder in Macabebe, Sexmoan, and Guagua; in the
fourth, in the town of Lipa; in the fifth, in the capital and in Calumpit; and in the last two remaining provinces, only in
their respective capitals, and the city of Manila will soon be besieged by our forces as well as the provinces of Nueva
Ecija, Tarlac, Pangasinan, La Union, Zambales, and some others in the Visayas where the revolution at the time of the
pacification and others even before, so that the independence of our country and the revindication of our sovereignty is
assured.

And having as witness to the rectitude of our intentions the Supreme Judge of the Universe, and under the protection of
the Powerful and Humanitarian Nation, the United States of America, we do hereby proclaim and declare solemnly in
the name and by authority of the people of these Philippine Islands,

That they are and have the right to be free and independent; that they have ceased to have any allegiance to the Crown
of Spain; that all political ties between them are and should be completely severed and annulled; and that, like other
free and independent States, they enjoy the full power to make War and Peace, conclude commercial treaties, enter into
alliances, regulate commerce, and do all other acts and things which an Independent State has a right to do,
And imbued with firm confidence in Divine Providence, we hereby mutually bind ourselves to support this Declaration
with our lives, our fortunes, and with our most sacred possession, our Honor.

We recognize, approve, and ratify, with all the orders emanating from the same, the Dictatorship established by Don
Emilio Aguinaldo whom we revere as the Supreme Head of this Nation, which today begins to have a life of its own, in
the conviction that he has been the instrument chosen by God, inspite of his humble origin, to effectuate the redemption
of this unfortunate country as foretold by Dr. Don Jose Rizal in his magnificent verses which he composed in his prison
cell prior to his execution, liberating it from the Yoke of Spanish domination, And in punishment for the impunity with
which the Government sanctioned the commission of abuses by its officials, and for the unjust execution of Rizal and
others who were sacrificed in order to please the insatiable friars in their hydropical thirst for vengeance against and
extermination of all those who oppose their Machiavellian ends, trampling upon the Penal Code of these Islands, and of
those suspected persons arrested by the Chiefs of Detachments at the instigation of the friars, without any form nor
semblance of trial and without any spiritual aid of our sacred Religion; and likewise, and for the same ends, eminent
Filipino priests, Doctor Don Jose Burgos, Don Mariano Gomez, and Don Jacinto Zamora were hanged whose innocent
blood was shed due to the intrigues of these so-called Religious corporations which made the authorities to believe that
the military uprising at the fort of San Felipe in Cavite on the night of January 21, 1872 was instigated by those Filipino
martyrs, thereby impeding the execution of the decree-sentence issued by the Council of State in the appeal in the
administrative case interposed by the secular clergy against the Royal Orders that directed that the parishes under them
within the jurisdiction of this Bishopric be turned over to the Recollects in exchange for those controlled by them in
Mindanao which were to be transferred to the Jesuits, thus revoking them completely and ordering the return of those
parishes, all of which proceedings are on file with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to which they are sent last month of last
year for the issuance of the proper Royal Degree which, in turn, caused the growth of the tree of liberty in this our dear
land that grew more and more through the iniquitous measures of oppression, until the last drop from our chalice of
suffering having been drained, the first spark of revolution broke out in Caloocan, spread out to Santamesa and
continued its course to the adjoining regions of the province where the unequalled heroism of its inhabitants fought a
onesided battle against superior forces of General Blanco and General Polavieja for a period of three months, without
proper arms nor ammunitions, except bolos, pointed bamboos, and arrows.

Moreover, we confer upon our famous Dictator Don Emilio Aguinaldo all the powers necessary to enable him to
discharge the duties of Government, including the prerogatives of granting pardon and amnesty,

And, lastly, it was resolved unanimously that this Nation, already free and independent as of this day, must use the same
flag which up to now is being used, whose design and colors are found described in the attached drawing, the white
triangle signifying the distinctive emblem of the famous Society of the "Katipunan" which by means of its blood compact
inspired the masses to rise in revolution; the three stars, signifying the three principal Islands of this Archipelago-Luzon,
Mindanao, and Panay where this revolutionary movement started; the sun representing the gigantic steps made by the
sons of the country along the path of Progress and Civilization; the eight rays, signifying the eight provinces-Manila,
Cavite, Bulacan, Pampanga, Nueva Ecija, Bataan, Laguna, and Batangas – which declared themselves in a state of war as
soon as the first revolt was initiated; and the colors of Blue, Red, and White, commemorating the flag of the United
States of North America, as a manifestation of our profound gratitude towards this Great Nation for its disinterested
protection which it lent us and continues lending us. And holding up this flag of ours, I present it to the gentlemen here
assembled
 Unit 2: Cavite Incident of 1872: Mutiny or Revolution

The Cavite Incident of 1872, whether it was a mutiny or a revolution, is one of the controversies in Philippine history. The
said event resulted in the growth of nationalism among Filipinos, which unified the movements against Spanish colonial
rule after being colonized by the Spaniards for more than three centuries.

Jose Montero Y Vidal’s version of the Cavite Incident of 1872

With the establishment in Spain of a government less radical than the one that appointed La Torre, the latter was
relieved from his post. His successor, D. Rafael de Izquierdo, assumed control of the government of these islands April 4,
1871. The most eventful episode in his rule was the Cavite revolt of 1872.

The abolition of the privileges enjoyed by the laborers of the Cavite arsenal of exemption from the tribute was, according
to some, the cause of the insurrection. There were, however, other causes.

The Spanish revolution which overthrew a secular throne; the propaganda carried on by an unbridled press against
monarchical principles, attentatory of the most sacred respects towards the dethroned majesty; the democratic and
republican books and pamphlets; the speeches and preachings of the apostles of these new ideas in Spain; the outbursts
of the American publicists and the criminal policy of the senseless Governor whom the Revolutionary government sent
to govern the Philippines, and who put into practice these ideas were the determining circumstances which gave rise,
among certain Filipinos, to the idea of attaining their independence. It was towards this goal that they started to work,
with the powerful assistance of a certain section of the native clergy, who out of spite toward the friars, made common
cause with the enemies of the mother country.

At various times but specially in the beginning of the year 1872, the authorities received anonymous communications
with the information that a great uprising would break out against the Spaniards, the minute the fleet at Cavite left for
the South, and that all would be assassinated, including the friars. But nobody gave importance to these notices. The
conspiracy had been going on since the days of La Torre with utmost secrecy. At times, the principal leaders met either in
the house of the Filipino Spaniard, D. Joaquin Pardo de Tavera, or in that of the native priest, Jacinto Zamora, and these
meetings were usually attended by the curate of Bacoor (Cavite), the soul of the movement, whose energetic character
and immense wealth enabled him to exercise a strong influence,

The garrison of Manila, composed mostly of native soldiers, were involved in this conspiracy, as well as a multitude of
civilians. The plan was for the soldiers to assassinate their officers, the servants, their masters, and the escort of the
Captain-General at Malacañang, to dispose of the governor himself. The friars and other Spaniards were later to have
their turn. The preconcerted signal among the conspirators of Cavite and Manila was the firing of rockets from the walls
of the city. The details having been arranged, it was agreed that the uprising was to break out in the evening of the 20th
of January, 1872. Various circumstances, however, which might well be considered as providential, upset the plans, and
made the conspiracy a dismal failure.

In the district of Sampaloc, the fiesta of the patron saint, the Virgin of Loreto, was being celebrated with pomp and
splendor. On the night of the 20th, fireworks were displayed and rockets fired into the air. Those in Cavite mistook these
for the signal to revolt, and at nine-thirty in the evening of that day two hundred native soldiers under the leadership of
Sergeant La Madrid rose up in arms, assassinated the commander of the fort and wounded his wife.

The military governor of Cavite, D. Fernando Rojas, despatched two Spaniards to inform the Manila authorities of the
uprising but they were met on the way by a group of natives, belonging to the Guias established by La Torre, who put
them instantly to death. At about the same time, an employee of the arsenal, D. Domingo Mijares, left Cavite in a war
vessel for Manila, arriving there at midnight. He informed the commandant of Marine of what had occurred, and this
official immediately relayed the news to Governor Izquierdo.

Early the next morning two regiments, under the command of D. Felipe Ginoves, segundo cabo, left for Cavite on board
the merchant vessels Filipino, Manila, Isabela I and Isabella II. Ginoves demanded rendition and waited the whole day of
the 21st for the rebels to surrender, without ordering the assault of their position in order to avoid unnecessary
shedding of blood. After waiting the whole day in vain for the rendition of the rebels, Ginoves launched an assault
against the latter's position, early in the morning of the 22nd, putting to the sword the majority of the rebels and making
prisoners of the rest. On the same day an official proclamation announced the suppression of the revolt.

As a result of the declarations made by some of the prisoners in which several individuals were pointed out as
instigators, Don Jose Burgos and D. Jacinto Zamora, curates of the Cathedral, D. Mariano Gomez, curate of Bacoor
(Cavite), several other Filipino priests, D. Antonio Maria Regidor, lawyer and Regidor of the Ayuntamiento, D. Joaquin
Pardo de Tavera, Consejero de Administración, Pedro Carillo, Gervasio Sanchez and Jose Mauricio de Leon, lawyer
Enrique Paraiso and Jose and Pio Basa, employees, and Crisanto Reyes, Maximo Paterno and several other Filipinos,
were arrested.

The council of war, which from the beginning took charge of the causes in connection with the Cavite uprising, passed
the sentence of death on forty-one of the rebels. On the 27th of January the Captain-General fixed his “cumplase” on the
sentence. On the 6th of the following month, eleven more were sentenced to death, but the Governor General, by
decree of the day following, commuted this sentence to life imprisonment. On the 8th, the sentence of death was
pronounced on Camerino and ten years imprisonment on eleven individuals of the famous “Guias de la Torre," for the
assassination of the Spaniards who, on the night of January 20th, were sent to Manila to carry news of the uprising.

The same council of the 15th of February, sentenced to die by strangulation the Filipino priests, D. Jose Burgos, D. Jacinto
Zamora and D. Mariano Gomez, and Francisco Saldua; and Maximo Inocencio, Enrique Paraiso and Crisanto de los Reycs
to ten years imprisonment. Early in the morning of the seventeenth of February, an immense multitude appeared on the
field of Bagumbayan to witness the execution of the sentence. The attending force was composed of Filipino troops, and
the batteries of the fort were aimed at the place of execution, ready to fire upon the least sign of uprising. Gomez was
executed first, then Zamora, then Burgos, and lastly, Saldua.

On the 3rd of April, 1872, the Audiencia suspended from the practice of law the following men: D. Jose Basa y Enriquez,
D. Joaquin Pardo de Tavera, D. Antonio Regidor, D. Pedro Carillo, D. Gervasio Sanchez and D. Jose Mauricio de Leon.

Izquierdo had requested the sending to Manila of Spanish troops for the defense of the fort as most of those found here
were natives. In pursuance of Izquierdo’s request, the government, by decree of April 4, 1872, dissolved the native
regiment of artillery and ordered the creation of an artillery force to be composed exclusively of Peninsulares. The latter
arrived in Manila in July, 1872. On the occasion of the arrival of the troops, the Sto. Domingo Church celebrated a special
mass at which high officials of the Government, the religious corporations, and the general public, attended, upon
invitation by the Governor and Captain-General of the Philippines.

Dr. Trinidad H. Pardo de Tavera’s version of the Cavite Incident of 1872

The arrival of General Izquierdo (1871-1873) was the signal for a complete change in the aspect of affairs. The new
governor soon made it clear that his views were different from those of La Torre – that there would be no change in the
established form of government – and he at once announced that he intended to govern the people “with a crucifix in
one hand and a sword in the other.”

His first official act was to prohibit the founding of a school of arts and trades, which was being organized by the efforts
and funds raised by natives of standing in the community, but the founding of which did not tally with the views of the
religious orders. Governor Izquierdo believed that the establishment of the new school was merely a pretext for the
organization of a political club, and he not only did not allow it to be opened but made a public statement accusing the
Filipinos who had charge of the movement. All of those who had offered their support to ex-Governor La Torre were
classed as personas sospechosas (suspects), a term that since that time has been used in the Philippine Islands to
designate any person who refused to servilely obey the wishes and whims of the authorities. The conservative element
in the islands now directed the governmental policy, and the educated Filipinos fell more and more under the
displeasure and suspicion of the governor.

The peace of the colony was broken by a certain incident which, though unimportant in itself, was probably the origin of
the political agitation which, constantly growing for thirty years, culminated in the overthrow of the Spanish sovereignty
in the Philippine Islands. From time immemorial the workmen in the arsenal at Cavite and in the barracks of the artillery
and engineer corps had been exempt from the payment of the tribute tax and from obligation to work certain days each
year on public improvements. General Izquierdo believed the time opportune for abolishing these privileges and ordered
that in the future all such workmen should pay tribute and labor on public improvements. This produced great
dissatisfaction among the workmen affected and the men employed in the arsenal at Cavite went on a strike, but,
yielding to pressure and threats made by the authorities, they subsequently returned to their labors.

The workmen in the Cavite arsenal were all natives of that town and of the neighboring town of San Roque. In a short
while the dissatisfaction and discontent with the government spread all over that section and even the entire troops
became disaffected. On the night of January 20, 1872, there was an uprising among the soldiers in the San Felipe fort, in
Cavite, and the commanding officer and other Spanish officers in charge of the fort were assassinated. Forty marines
attached to the arsenal and 22 artillerymen under Sergeant La Madrid took part in this uprising, and it was believe that
the entire garrison in Cavite was disaffected and probablu implicated. But if the few soldiers who precipitated the attack
believed they would be supported by the bulk of the army and that a general rebellion against Spain would be declared
in the islands, they were deceived. When the news of the uprising was received in Manila, General Izquierdo sent the
commanding general to Cavite, who reinforced the native troops, took possession of the fort, and put the rebels to the
sword. Sergeant La Madrid has been blinded and badly burned by the explosion of a sack of powder and, being unable to
escape, was also cut down. A few of the rebels were captured and taken to Manila and there was no further disturbance
of the peace or insubordination of any kind.

This uprising among the soldiers in Cavite was used as a powerful lever by the Spanish residents and by the friars. During
the time that General La Torre was chief executive in the Philippine Islands the influential Filipinos did not hesitate to
announce their hostility to the religious orders, and the Central Government in Madrid had announced its intention to
deprive the friars in these islands all powers of intervention in matters of civil government and of the direction and
management of the management of the university. Moret, the colonial minister, had drawn up a scheme of reforms by
which he proposed to make a radical change in the colonial system of government which was to harmonize with the
principles for which the revolution 3 in Spain had been fought. It was due to these facts and promises that the Filipinos
had great hopes of an improvement in the affairs of their country, while the friars, on the other hand, feared that their
power in the colony would soon be completely a thing of the past.

The mutiny in Cavite gave the conservative element – that is, those who favored a continuation of the colonial modus
vivendi – an opportunity to represent to the Spanish Government that a vast conspiracy was afoot and organized
throughout the archipelago with the object of destroying the Spanish sovereignty. They stated that the Spanish
Government in Madrid was to blame for the propagation of pernicious doctrines and for the hopes that had been held
out from Madrid to the Filipino people, and also because of the leanings of ex-Governor La Torre and of other public
functionaries who had been sent to the Philippine Islands by the Government that succeeded Queen Isabella. The fall of
the new rulers in Spain within a few days, as well as other occurences, seemed to accentuate the claims made by the
conservative element in the Philippine Islands regarding the peril which threatened Spanish sovereignty in the islands; it
appeared as thought the prophecies were about to be fulfilled. The Madrid authorities were not able to combat public
opinion in that country; no opportunity was given nor time taken to make a thorough investigation of the real facts or
extent of the alleged revolution; the conservative element in the Philippine Islands painted the local condition of affairs
in somber tints; and the Madrid Government came to believe, or at least to suspect, that a scheme was being concocted
throughout the islands to shake off Spanish sovereignty. Consistent with the precedents of their colonial rule, the
repressive measures adopted to quell the supposed insurrection were strict and sudden. No attempt appears to have
been made to ascertain whether or not the innocent suffered with the guilty, and the only end sought appeared to be to
inspire terror in the minds of all by making examples of a certain number, so that none in the future should attempt, nor
even dream of any attempt at secession.

Many of the best known Filipinos were denounced to the military authorities, and they, the sons of Spaniards born in the
islands and men of mixed blood (Spanish and Chinese), as well as the Indians of pure blood, as the Philippine Malays
were called, were persecuted and punished without distinction by the military authorities. Those who dared to oppose
themselves to the friars were punished with special severity; among others may be mentioned the priests Burgos, a half-
blood Spaniard, Zamora, a half-blood Chinaman, and Gomez, a pure-blood Tagalog, who had vigorously opposed the
friars in the litigation over the curacies in the various provinces. The three priests mentioned were condemned to death
by a military court-martial; and Antonio Ma. Regidor, a lawyer and councilman of Manila, Joaquin Pardo de Tavera,
lawyer and member of the administrative council, P. Mendoza, curate of Santa Cruz, Guevarra, curate of Quiapo, the
priests Mariano Sevilla, Feliciano Gomez, Ballesteros, Jose Basa, the lawyers Carillo, Basa, Enriquez, Crisanto Reyes,
Maximo Paterno, and many others were sentenced to life imprisonment on the Marianas Islands. The Government thus
secured its object of terrorizing the Filipino people, but the punishments meted out were not only unjust but were from
every point of view unnecessary, as there had not been the remote intention on the part of anyone to overthrow the
Spanish sovereignty. On the contrary, the attitude of Moret, Labra, Becerra, and other high officials in the Madrid
Government had awakened in the breasts of the Filipinos a lively friendship for the home government, and never had
ties which bound the colony to Spain been as close as they were during the short interval between the arrival of General
La Torre and the time when General Izquierdo, in the name of the home government, was guilty of the atrocities
mentioned above, of which innocent men were made victims.

A careful study of the history and documents of that time brings to light the part which the religious orders played in
that sad drama. One of the results of the so-called revolution of Cavite was to strengthen the power of the friars in the
Philippine Islands in such manner that the Madrid Government, which up to that time had contemplated reducing the
power of the religious orders in these islands, was obliged not only to abandon its intention, but to place a yet greater
measure of official influences at the service of the friars, and from that time they were considered as an important factor
in the preservation of the Spanish sovereignty in the colony. This influence was felt throughout the islands, not only
were the friars taken into the confidence of the Government, but the Filipino people looked upon the religious orders as
their real masters and as the representatives, powerful and unsparing, of the Spanish Kingdom.
But there were other results following upon the unfortunate policy adopted by Governor Izquierdo. Up to that time
there had been no intention of secession from Spain, and the only aspiration of the people was to secure the material
and educational advancement of the country. The Filipino people had never blamed the Spanish nation for the backward
condition in which the islands existed, nor for the injustices committed in the islands by the Spanish officials; but on the
contrary it was the custom to lay all the blame for these things on the individual officers guilty of maladministration, and
no attempt had been made to investigate whether or not the evils under which the islands suffered were due to
fundamental causes. The persecutions which began under Governor Izquierdo were based on the false assumption that
the Filipino people were desirous of independence, and although this was an unfounded accusation, there were many
martyrs to the cause, among whom were found many of the most intelligent and well-to-do people, without distinction
of color or race or nationality, who were sentenced to death, to imprisonment, or were expatriated because they were
believed to aspire to the independence of these islands. The fear which the people felt of the friars and of the
punishments meted out by the Government was exceeded only by the admiration which the Filipino people had for
those who did not hesitate to stand up for the rights of the country. In this manner the persecutions to which the people
were subjected served as a stimulus and an educative force, and from that time the rebellion was nursed in secret and
the passive resistance to the abuses of the official power became greater day by day.

No attempt was made to allay the ill-feeling which existed between the Filipinos and the Spaniards, especially the friars,
caused by the mutiny in Cavite and the cruel manner in which the punishment was meted out. Many years would have
been necessary to heal the wounds felt by the large number of families whose members were made victims of the unjust
sentences of the military court-martial. Nothing was done by the Government to blot out the recollection of these
actions; on the contrary, it appeared to be its policy to continually bring up the memory of these occurrences as a
reminder to the malcontents of what they had to expect; but the only thing accomplished was to increase the popular
discontent. It was from that time that every disagreement between the Spaniards and Filipinos, however trivial, was
given a racial or political character; everytime a friar was insulted or injured in anyway it was claimed to be an act of
hostility to the Spanish nation.

Official Report of Governor Izquierdo on the Cavite Incident of 1872

From the summary of information received – that is, from the declaration made before the fiscal – it seems definite that
the insurrection was motivated and prepared by the native clergy, by the mestizos and native lawyers, and by those
known here as abogadillos. Some are residents of Manila, others from Cavite, and some from the nearby provinces.

The instigators, to carry out their criminal project, protested against the injustice of the government in not paying the
provinces for their tobacco crop, and against the usury that some (officials) practise in (handling) documents that the
Finance department gives crop owners who have to sell them at a loss. They encouraged the rebellion by protesting
what they called the injustice of having obliged the workers in the Cavite arsenal to pay tribute starting January 1 (1872)
and to render personal service, from which they were formerly exempted.

To seduce the native troops they resorted to superstitions with which the indios are so prone to believe; persuading
them that the rest or the clergy who backed the uprising would celebrate daily for its success. Thus the rebellion could
not fail because God was with them; and those who would not revolt they would kill immediately. Taking advantage of
the ignorance of those classes and the propensity of the Indio to steal, they offered (to those who revolted) the wealth
of the Spaniards and of the regular clergy, employment and ranks in the army; and this effect they said that fifteen native
batallions would be created, in which the soldiers who revolted would have jobs as officers and chiefs. The lawyers and
abogadillos would direct the affairs of government, of the administration and of justice.

Up to now it has not been clearly determined if they planned to establish a monarchy or a republic, because the Indios
have no word in their language to describe this different form of government, whose head in Tagalog would be called
hari; but it turns out that they would place at the head of the government a priest; and there were great probabilities –
nay, a certainty – that the head selected would be D. Jose Burgos, or D. Jacinto Zamora, parish priests of S. Pedro of
Manila.

All the Spaniards, including the friars, would be executed except for the women; and their belongings confiscated.
Foreigners would be respected.

This uprising has roots, and with them were affiliated to a great extent the regiments of infantry and artillery, many
civilians and a large number of mestizos, indios and some illustrados from the provinces.

To start the revolution, they planned to set fire to the district of Tondo. Once the fire was set and while the authorities
were busy putting it out, the regiment of artillery with the help of the part of infantry would seize Fort Santiago of this
Capital (they would then) fire cannons to inform the rebels of Cavite (of their success). The rebels in Cavite counted on
the artillery detachment that occupied the fort and on the navy helped by 500 natives led by the pardoned leader
Camerino. This person and his men, located at the town of Bacoor and separated from the fort of San Felipe by a small
arm of the sea, would cross the water and reach the fort where they would find arms and ammunition.

The rebels (in Cavite) made the signals agreed upon by means of lanterns, but the native civilians (in Bacoor) although
they tried it, failed because of the vigilance of the (Spanish) navy that had placed there a gunboat and armed vessels.

Loyalists who went to arrest the parish priest of Bacoor found an abandoned vessel loaded with arms, including carbines
and revolvers.

The uprising should have started in Manila at midnight abetted by those in Cavite, but the rebels of this city went ahead
of time. The civil-military governor of Cavite and the commanders of Regiment 7 took very timely precautions; they
knew how to keep the soldiers loyal (although these had been compromised) and behaved with valor and gallantry,
obliging the rebels to take refuge in the fort of San Felipe.

Such is your Excellency, the plan of the rebels, those who guided them, and the means they counted upon for its
realization. For a long time now, through confidential information and others of a vaguer character, I have been told that
since 1869 – taking advantage of a group that had left behind plans for an uprising, but was not carried out because of
the earthquake of 1862 – there existed in Manila a junta or center that sought and found followers; and that as a pretext
they had established a society for the teaching of arts and trades. Months ago I suspended it indirectly, giving an account
to Your Excellency in my confidential report No. 113 dated August 1, (1871) to which Your Excellency has not yet replied.

It has also been said that this center or junta received inspiration from Madrid, where newspapers of advanced ideas
flourish; to sustain them subscriptions are (locally) solicited; in effect, newspapers such as El Eco Filipino1 were sent here
from Madrid which were distributed by persons now imprisoned, whose articles thundered against everything that can
be found here.

As in the case of my worthy predecessor, I have continuously received anonymous letters, but because I was confident
that I could put down and punish any uprising, I gave no credit (to these reports) in order not to cause alarm; and instead
continued a vigilant watch wherever possible within the limited means at my command. I had everything ready (for any
untoward possibility), taking into account the limited peninsular force which composes the army.
 Unit 3: Cry of Balintawak or Cry of Pugadlawin

Another controversy in Philippine history is the date and location of the start of the Katipunan revolution. The term
“Cry” was translated from the Spanish phrase “el grito de rebellion” which means a call to revolt. In the Philippines, the
phrase was used by Spanish historian Manuel Sastron in his 1897 book entitled, La Insurreccion en Filipinas. Many
historical write-ups have often interchanged the two, the Cry of Balintawak and the Cry of Pugad Lawin. Confusion may
have risen from the interpretations of the locations although both areas historically are located in Caloocan which had a
wider area as a political unit compared to what it is at present.

It was in 1908 that the Philippine Revolution against the Spaniards was first commemorated. In 1911, a monument was
erected (photo above) but later transferred to UP Diliman in 1968 due to some roadwork in its former original location.

In the 60s, Historian Teodoro Agoncillo campaigned for the change in the site of the Cry to Pugad Lawin and the date to
August 23 1896 from August 26. As consequence, President Diosdado Macapagal ordered the change and since then, this
became the prevailing view.

Pio Valenzuela’s Version of the “Cry”

The first place of refuge of Andres Bonifacio, Emilio Jacinto, Procopio Bonifacio, Teodoro Plata, Aguedo del Rosario, and
myself was Balintawak, the first five arriving there on August 19, and I, on August 20, 1896. The first place where some
500 members of the Katipunan met on August 22, 1896, was the house and yard of Apolonio Samson at Kangkong. Aside
from the persons mentioned above, among those who were there were Briccio Pantas, Alejandro Santiago, Ramon
Bernardo, Apolonio Samson, and others. Here, views were only exchanged, and no resolution was debated or adopted. It
was at Pugad Lawin, in the house, store-house, and yard of Juan Ramos, son of Melchora Aquino, where over 1,000
members of the Katipunan met and carried out considerable debate and discussion on August 23, 1896. The discussion
was on whether or not the revolution against the Spanish government should be started on August 29, 1896. Only one
manprotested and fought against a war, and that was Teodoro Plata [Bonifacio’s brother-in-law– Z.] Besides the persons
named above, among those present at this meeting were Enrique Cipriano, Alfonso Pacheco, Tomas Remigio, Sinforoso
San Pedro, and others. After the tumultuous meeting, many of those present tore their cedula certificates and shouted
“Long live the Philippines! Long live the Philippines!”

Santiago Alvarez’ Version of the “Cry”

Sunday, August 23, 1896

As early as 10 o’clock in the morning, at the barn of Kabesang Melchora Aquino –Z.], at a place called Sampalukan, barrio
of Bahay Toro, Katipuneros met together. About 500 of these arrived, ready and eager to join the “Supremo” Andres
Bonifacio and his men...

Monday, August 24, 1896

There were about 1,000 Katipuneros . . . . The “Supremo” decided to hold a meeting inside the big barn. Under his
leadership, the meeting began at 10 o’clock in the morning . . .

It was 12 o’clock noon when the meeting adjourned amidst loud cries of “Long live the Sons of the Country” (Mabuhay
ang mga Anak ng Bayan)!

Gregoria de Jesus’ Version of the “Cry”

The activities of the Katipunan had reached nearly all corners of the Philippine Archipelago, so that when its existence
was discovered and some of the members arrested, we immediately returned to Caloocan. However, as we were closely
watched by the agents of the Spanish authorities, Andres Bonifacio and other katipuneros left the town after some days.
It was then that the uprising began, with the first cry for freedom on August 25, 1896. Meanwhile, I was with my
parents. Through my friends, I learned that the Spanish were coming to arrest me. Immediately, I fled town at eleven
o’clock at night, secretly going through the ricefields to La Loma, with the intention of returning to Manila. I was treated
like an apparition, for, sad to say, in every house where I tried to get a little rest, I was driven away as if the people
therein were frightened for their own lives. Later, I found out that the occupants of the houses which I had visited were
seized and severely punished - and some even exiled. One of them was an uncle of mine whom I had visited on that
night to kiss his hand, and he died in exile.
Guillermo Masangkay’s Version of the “Cry”

Guillermo Masangkay in Gregorio Zaide and Sonia Zaide, Documentary Sources ofPhilippine History

On August 26th [1896 – Z.], a big meeting was held in Balintawak, at the house of Apolonio Samson, then the cabeza of
that barrio of Caloocan. Among those who attended, I remember, were Bonifacio, Emilio Jacinto, Aguedo del Rosario,
Tomas Remigio, Briccio Pantas, Teodoro Plata, Pio Valenzuela, Enrique Pacheco, and Francisco Carreon. They were all
leaders of the Katipunan and composed the board of directors of the organization. Delegates from Bulacan, Cabanatuan,
Cavite, and Morong (now Rizal), were also present.

At about nine o’clock in the morning of August 26, the meeting was opened with Andres Bonifacio presiding and Emilio
Jacinto acting as secretary. The purpose was to discuss when the uprising was to take place. Teodoro Plata [Bonifacio’s
brother-in-law – Z.], Briccio Pantas, and Pio Valenzuela were all opposed to starting the revolution too early. They
reasoned that the people would be in distress if the revolution were started without adequate preparation. Plata was
very forceful in his argument, stating that the uprising could not very well be started without arms and food for the
soldiers. Valenzuela used Rizal’s argument about the rich not siding with the Katipunan organization.

Andres Bonifacio, sensing that he would lose in the discussion then, left the session hall and talked to the people, who
were waiting outside for the result of the meeting of the leaders. He told the people that the leaders were arguing
against starting the revolution early, and appealed to them in a fiery speech in which he said: “You remember the fate of
our countrymen who were shot in Bagumbayan. Should we return now to the towns, the Spaniards will only shoot us.
Our organization has been discovered and we are all marked men. If we don’t start the uprising, the Spaniards will get us
anyway. What then, do you say?”

“Revolt!” the people shouted as one.

Bonifacio then asked the people to give a pledge that they were to revolt. He told them that the sign of slavery of the
Filipinos were (sic) the cedula tax charged each citizen. “If it is true that you are ready to revolt,” Bonifacio saved, “I want
to see you destroy your cedulas. It will be the sign that all of us have declared our severance from the Spaniards.”

With tears in their eyes, the people as one man pulled out their cedulas and tore them to pieces. It was the beginning of
the formal declaration of the separation from Spanish rule. With their cedulas destroyed, they could no longer go back to
their homes because the Spaniards would persecute them, it not for being katipuneros, for having no cedulas. And
people who had no cedulas during those days were severely punished.

When the people’s pledge was obtained by Bonifacio, he returned to the session hall and informed the leaders of what
took place outside. “The people want to revolt, and they have destroyed their cedulas,” Bonifacio said. “So now we have
to start the uprising; otherwise the people by hundreds will be shot.” There was no alternative. The board of directors, in
spite of the protests of Plata, Pantaas, and Valenzuela, voted for the revolution. And when this was decided, the people
outside shouted: “Long live the Philippine Republic!”

I still remember Bonifacio as he appeared that day. Although a mere bodeguero (warehouseman) and earning P25 (Mex.)
a month, he was a cultured man. He always wore an open coat, with black necktie, and black hat. He always carried an
umbrella. At the meeting that morning of August 26, Bonifacio took off his coat and was wearing only his shirt, with
collar and tie. Bonifacio’s hobby was weaving bamboo hats. During his spare time he wove dozens of them and sold
them in Manila. Thus he made extra money.

At about 5 o’clock in the afternoon, while the gathering at Balintawak was celebrating the decision of the Katipunan
leaders to start the uprising, the guards who were up in trees to watch for any possible intruders or the approach of the
enemy, gave the warning that the Spaniards were coming.

Led by Bonifacio, Emilio Jacinto and other leaders of the Katipunan, the men were distributed in strategic positions and
were prepared for the attack of the civil guards. I was with a group stationed on the bank of a small creek, guarding the
places where the Spaniards were to pass in order to reach the meeting place of the katipuneros. Shots were then fired by
the civil guards, and that was the beginning of the fire which later became such a huge conflagration.