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CHANGING ADDRESS FORMS IN CHINESE

BY QING ZHANG

A Case Analysis on the


Sociolinguistic Study Related to
Language, Culture and Society

In Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements of the Course
ENG 101: Language, Culture, and Society

AMAC, CRISTINE O.
BAQUINO, FRANKREED SIME
DAYADAY, LALYN B.
LINO, BONNA MAE T.
MARIAL, REYDEN M.
PABILAR, RHEA JEAN
PODUNAS, KERSTIN KATE E.
VICADA, GRACEZEL M.
INTRODUCTION

This study delves into the recent shifts in the use of address forms in Chinese.
Unlike previous studies that merely associate usage changes with broader societal
shifts, this study interprets alterations in address forms as active contributors to
China's socioeconomic transformation. Drawing data from both anonymous and
participant observations in economically stratified areas of Tianjin, the study explores
how address forms function linguistically to define these spaces as socially and
economically distinct. It reveals that the use of address forms within these spaces
serves creative purposes, influencing interpersonal dynamics and eliciting various
positive emotions associated with service encounters in diverse consumption
environments.

Qing Zhang's research investigates the evolving use of address forms in


Chinese, particularly in the city of Tianjin. By analyzing service encounters in different
socioeconomic spaces, the study reveals how address forms play a creative role in
shaping interpersonal relations and eliciting positive emotions. Zhang's work goes
beyond traditional social dimensions, emphasizing the impact of China's
socioeconomic transformation on linguistic practices, specifically within the Chinese
address system.
The use of address forms in China has changed significantly since the Cultural
Revolution, with the most widely used terms, “tongzhi” and “shifu”, decreasing in
popularity. ‘Tongzhi’ (comrade), originally used to describe people sharing the same
will or interest, became an in-group address form among communist party members
during the Communist Revolution. It was promoted as a general term of address for
all members of society, signaling socialist egalitarianism and solidarity. ‘Shifu’ (master
craftsman), originally used to address senior skilled tradesmen and craftsmen, was
extended to all workers during the Cultural Revolution. It was later used to address
adults, regardless of their occupations. By the early 1990s, shifu had lost its political
connotations and was used as a general term of respect to service personnel and
strangers. Despite their dominance, their usage had significantly decreased,
compared to 96% of all address forms found in the 1980s' Beijing study. The reform
era saw a revival of Miss “xiaojie” and Mr. “xiansheng”, but with semantic shifts. Lee-
Wong's1994 study found that xiaojie and xiansheng, along with forms other than
tongzhi and shifu, accounted for only 10% of spontaneous encounters in Beijing.

This study uses natural conversations in Tianjin, China, to investigate Chinese


address forms. Contrary to other research, this focused only on data gathered from
unplanned interactions during the course of two months in the summer of 2005. In
order to comprehend how socioeconomic distinctions are formed through
consumption, the research focuses on "sites of consumption," which serve customers
from various socioeconomic backgrounds. It does this through the use of participant
observation and anonymity.
BODY

The research carefully examines the nuances of interpersonal communication


in Tianjin, China, emphasizing the various ways people address one another,
especially in contexts related to the purchase of products and services. The study,
which is based on the in-depth observation of 462 cases, reveals changing language
trends in modern Chinese culture by demonstrating a complex web of address forms.
Among the noteworthy observations are the dwindling use of once prevalent phrases
such as "tongzhi" and "shifu," which have been supplanted by a variety of address
forms that reflect changing cultural dynamics.

In addition, the subtle insights obtained from 462 cases are essential to the
investigation as they provide a valuable insight into the linguistic structure of address
forms in Tianjin. According to the classification, there are four main categories of
address terms that are frequently used in consumption spaces: Kinship Terms (K),
which are words that pertain to family relationships; Nin (V), which is a formal version
of "you"; Miss "xiaojie" (M) or Mr. "xiansheng", which are traditional honorifics; and
Server (S), which is a shorthand for the term "fuwuyuan" for service personnel. These
categories provide a thorough grasp of the changing dynamics of interpersonal
interactions in modern Chinese culture, laying the groundwork for additional in-depth
analysis. The analysis that follows explores how these address forms are distributed
among socioeconomic classes and offers insightful information about how the
linguistic landscape of interpersonal interactions is changing.

TABLE 2: Distribution of Address Forms

The shown data in Table 2 outlines the distribution of address forms across
different socioeconomic levels in observed consumption sites, shedding light on
intriguing patterns in linguistic dynamics. Kinship terms (K) are notably predominant in
low-end places, accounting for a substantial 148 instances, suggesting that individuals
in these settings frequently employ familial expressions in their interactions.
Conversely, mid-level (6 instances) and upscale (0 instance) establishments
demonstrate significantly fewer instances of kinship terms, hinting at a divergence in
linguistic choices based on the economic stratum of the consumption site.
Furthermore, the data reveals that the use of the polite form "nin" (V) is more prevalent
in both low-end (63 instances) and upscale (49 intances) places, at least 2 instances
higher compared to mid-level establishments with 47 instances, suggesting that
individuals in these settings tend to employ a more courteous and formal mode of
address. Traditional honorifics, "Miss" and "Mr." (M), emerge as more prevalent in
upscale places (35 instances), reflecting a preference for traditional and formal
address forms in higher-end consumption environments. Lastly, the term "server" (S)
is more commonly utilized in low-end (39 instances) and mid-level places (45
instances), indicative of a pragmatic and service-oriented language choice in these
settings, while being relatively less frequent in upscale establishments.

FIGURE 1: Distribution of Address Forms Across Various Socioeconomic Levels

Providing a comprehensive overview of the distribution of address forms across


various socioeconomic levels, as depicted in Figure 1, finds its complement in Table
2, which presents detailed results of the data. Notably, in the tabulated data in Figure
1, the preeminence of kinship terms (KT) in low-end sites, constituting a substantial
96.1%, stands out starkly against their absence in upscale locations. This stark
contrast suggests that individuals in less affluent settings predominantly employ
familial expressions, cultivating an atmosphere of familiarity and warmth in their
interactions, utilizing terms like "older brother" and "older sister." In contrast, the
resurfacing of traditional forms such as "xiaojie" and "xiansheng" is strikingly evident
in upscale sites, encompassing approximately 95% of instances, with only minimal
occurrences in mid-level establishments. This resurgence points to a revival of formal
address forms associated with politeness and decorum in more affluent settings.
Moreover, the consistent usage of the polite form "Nin" and the term "server" (Fuwu-
yuan) across all three socioeconomic levels, with the former being more prevalent in
both low-end and upscale places, underscores their universal application, indicating a
shared inclination toward courteous language in various consumption contexts.
In the broader context of the study on address forms across different
socioeconomic levels in Tianjin, three distinct patterns emerge, each revealing unique
sociolinguistic nuances. The first pattern, exemplified in 3 examples, delves into how
individuals employ specific terms to express respect and politeness, particularly when
using kinship terms. At a vegetable stand, a man in his fifties addresses a woman in
her thirties as "Da-jie" (elder sister), showcasing politeness beyond age implications.
Further, in a restaurant, a young waiter respectfully uses "Da-ye" (old uncle) when
serving a customer in his sixties, emphasizing the cultural norm of courtesy. And at a
fashion stall, a seller employs "Lao-nainai" (old grandma) to address an elderly
woman, underlining the politeness ingrained in Tianjin's linguistic fabric.

In contrast with the first, the second pattern accentuates the contextual usage
of terms such as "xiaojie" (Miss) and "xiansheng" (Mister) within upscale settings in
Tianjin, presenting a nuanced interplay between linguistic choices and socioeconomic
contexts. These terms, historically restricted due to associations with class and
privilege, are primarily observed in high-end establishments, linking them to affluent
urban consumers. Example to be taken was a female receptionist at an upscale bar
addressing the researcher as "xiaojie" (Miss), illustrating the formal connotations
attached to such terms even in contemporary usage. Meanwhile, another example
features a saleswoman at a high-end shoe store using "xiansheng" (Mister) when
informing a man about the availability of shoes, emphasizing the implicit and context-
dependent nature of these address forms in upscale settings. Ultimately, this pattern
notes that "xiaojie" and "xiansheng" in upscale Tianjin settings serve both formal and,
to some extent, socioeconomic functions. The use of these terms, particularly "Miss,"
has shifted to predominantly fancy establishments, showcasing a decline, potentially
attributed to negative associations.

The third pattern delves into the evolving dynamics of address forms in Tianjin,
particularly focusing on the polite term "nin" (you) and the term "fuwu-yuan" (server).
An example provides a concrete illustration of how "nin" is utilized in a mid-level
department store, where a saleswoman suggests a discounted cashmere sweater to
a female customer, employing polite language. This exemplifies the stability and
traditional nature of "nin" as a respectful form of address across different societal
levels. Moving on to "fuwu-yuan," an example showcases its widespread usage in
restaurants, as a customer requests another bowl of rice using the term. The
background information further highlights the relatively recent adoption of "fuwu-yuan"
as a term for service staff, potentially compensating for the decreased use of "xiaojie"
due to its associations with specific services. These examples collectively underscore
a linguistic shift in how people interact and address each other in Tianjin, portraying
"nin" as a consistent and respectful form and "fuwu-yuan" as a newly prominent term,
especially in service-related contexts.
Building on the insights gained from the examination of language patterns in
Tianjin, particularly the use of kinship terms in low-end settings and the contrasting
dynamics in upscale establishments, the exploration extends to the broader socio-
economic dimensions influencing linguistic practices across diverse contexts in the
city.

In less formal or low-end settings, such as the vegetable stand in the Lasa Road
Market, sellers often employ terms related to family relationships when interacting with
customers. For instance, a seller refers to a customer as "elder sister" (jiejie) while
discussing the price and taste of apples. This usage of kinship terms, like "brother" or
"sister," creates a friendly and familial atmosphere, turning a simple transaction into a
more personalized and engaging interaction. Similarly, an older customer inquires
about the sweetness of mangos, and the seller respectfully addresses her as
"grandma" (nainai), adding a personal touch to the conversation and making the
interaction more polite and inclusive. This friendly and inclusive way of using specific
terms contributes to a positive and communal atmosphere in low-end places in Tianjin.

In the upscale setting of Dunhill, the linguistic interactions at various touchpoints


reflect a highly formal and courteous atmosphere. Take for example, upon the
customer's entrance, the saleswoman not only bows but also greets them with a
Mandarin expression, "Huanying guanglin Dunhill" (Welcome to Dunhill), setting the
tone for a refined shopping experience. Subsequently, while encouraging the customer
to explore freely, the use of "Nin suibian kankan" (Have a look as you please)
emphasizes politeness and the welcoming nature of the store. The assistance with
products further exemplifies the formality, with the saleswoman addressing the
customer as "Xiansheng" (Sir) and offering personalized service, as demonstrated in
the inquiry, "Xiansheng, nin xihuan nei kuan? wo gei nin na chulai shishi" (Sir, which
style do you like? I'll get it out for you to try on). Finally, the courteous farewell, "Man
zou, huanying zai lai" (Walk slowly, come again), not only expresses courtesy but also
extends an invitation for the customer to return, encapsulating the overall polished and
exclusive linguistic practices in this upscale store.

In the comparative analysis of linguistic dynamics between upscale


establishments and the Ports store, another example sheds light on a contrasting
scenario in the latter. The initial greeting, as indicated in the personal observation,
showcased a positive interaction for the narrator upon entering the store. However, an
observable shift occurred when a young woman entered, revealing a noteworthy
instance of exclusionary behavior. The saleswoman failed to acknowledge the
customer's entrance and, when the customer lifted a sweater, responded with a less
polite and direct command, stating, "Bie luan fan, yangzi dou zai nei bianr gua-zhe ne,
ni yao kan shenme wo gei ni na" (Don't make a mess of it, all samples are hung over
there, if you want to see something, I'll get it for you). The tone and language used
suggested annoyance, highlighting a potential disparity in treatment based on the
perceived legitimacy of the customer group. This observation underscores how
linguistic practices can contribute to an inclusive or exclusive atmosphere within
upscale and mid-level retail spaces, further emphasizing the nuanced interplay
between language and socio-economic considerations in consumer interactions.
Interwoven through the linguistic landscapes of Tianjin's diverse consumer
settings, the exploration has uncovered distinct patterns shaping social interactions.
From the familial exchanges in low-end markets to the refined protocols of upscale
establishments, language emerges as a powerful mediator of consumer experiences.
The observed instances of exclusivity in certain upscale stores serve as poignant
reminders of language's nuanced role in delineating social boundaries. These findings
collectively illuminate the complex interplay between language and socio-economic
contexts, underscoring the subtle influences that contribute to the intricate dynamics
within retail environments.

CONCLUSION

In summary, the prevalence of kinship terms in low-end establishments not only


signifies a linguistic preference but unveils the intricate threads of a societal tapestry
woven with familial expressions. This preference, evident in everyday transactions,
contributes to the creation of a friendly and communal atmosphere, emphasizing the
role language plays in shaping interpersonal dynamics. Conversely, the nuanced use
of formal address forms such as "xiaojie" and "xiansheng" in upscale settings
underscores the dynamic interplay between language choices and socioeconomic
contexts. These address forms serve as markers of distinction, reflecting and
reinforcing social boundaries within the retail landscape.

Moreover, the emergence of terms like "fuwu-yuan" (server) and "nin" (you)
reflects a shifting linguistic landscape, particularly in service-related interactions. This
linguistic adaptability showcases language as a tool that responds to contemporary
needs, highlighting its role as a living entity that evolves alongside societal changes.
The reciprocity between address forms and societal structures becomes apparent —
changes in language usage not only reflect but actively participate in the ongoing
construction and reconstruction of social norms.

This research contributes significantly to a holistic understanding of how


language adapts within the dynamic socioeconomic environment of Tianjin's retail
landscape. It illuminates the nuanced ways in which language acts as both a mirror
and a chisel, reflecting and shaping societal values, norms, and interactions. Beyond
a mere reflection, language emerges as a potent tool that actively participates in the
construction and reshaping of community dynamics. As businesses and policymakers
navigate the multifaceted linguistic landscape of contemporary Chinese society, these
insights provide not only a descriptive framework but a foundational understanding for
fostering effective communication and cultural sensitivity. In an evolving linguistic
ecosystem, our findings underscore the intricate relationship between language,
culture, and socioeconomic influences, serving as a springboard for future exploration
into the dynamic interconnections that define our communicative landscapes.

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