Institutional Borrowing: The Case of the Chinese Civil Service Examination System in Early

Koryo
Author(s): H. W. Kang
Source: The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 34, No. 1 (Nov., 1974), pp. 109-125
Published by: Association for Asian Studies
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VOL. XXXIV, No. 1 JOURNAL OF ASIAN STUDIES NOVEMBER 1974

Institutional The Case oftheChinese

Borrowing:
CivilServiceExaminationSystemin EarlyKoryo*
H. W. KANG

F OLLOWING the collapse of the old indigenoussocial order, tenth-century

Korea was engaged in innovativeculturalborrowingof a societalscale under
the influenceof the brilliantand mature Chinese civilization.Among the many
institutionsborrowedduring this period, the civil service examinationsystem
(k'o-chi in Chineseand kwago in Korean), introducedin 958 by King Kwangjong
(r. 949-975) of the Koryo Dynasty (918-1392), constitutesperhapsthe most en-
grossingcase of institutionalborrowingin traditionalKorea. Aside fromits long-
rangeconsequencesforKorean societyand culture,thesignificance of thisparticular
instanceof institutionaltransplantationlies in the wholesalemannerin which the
borrowingwas made,adoptingthe systemcompletewithits Confucianexamination
contentas well as its Chinesesystemof writing.Significant too is the factthatthe
proposalforthisinstitutionalborrowingdid notcome froma Korean but theking's
Chineseadvisor,Shuang Chi. It was also to Shuang Chi thatthe youthfulKorean
king entrustedthe role of culturalinnovatorin instituting the examinationsystem.
The far-reaching social and culturalimplicationsof this undertakingand its great
successas a culturalborrowingmake this particularcase a fascinatingsubjectto
study;thatis, when fullyexplored,it may shed lighton the problemsof ongoing
culturalborrowing in Korea today.
The presentstudy,takingintoaccountthesefactors, addressesitselfto certainun-
answeredquestionsregardingtheprocessof thisimportantinstitutional transplanta-
tion. More specifically,
questionsto be raised are: (i) What were the factorsbe-
hind Shuang Chi's appointment as a culturalinnovatorin,earlyKoryo? (2) What
specificmeans did Kwangjong adopt to institutethe Chineseexaminationsystem?
As an earlierstudyhas shown,1the institution of the Chinese civil serviceex-
H. W. Kang is AssociateProfessor of Historyat cial Press, I936)
the Universityof Hawaii. HKC: Han'guk kfimsJng-mun ch''ubo (Seoul:
* An earlierversionof thispaper was presented ChungangUniversity Press,I968)
at the Conferenceon Traditionand Change in KS: Koryo sa (Seoul: Tongbang-hakY6n'-
Korea,held in Seoul, Korea,SeptemberI-6, I969. guso, 1955)
The authoracknowledgeswith gratitudethe as- KSC: Kory6 sa ch6ryo (Tokyo: Gakushfuin
sistancegivenin the courseof preparingthisstudy T6y6bunkaKenkyuijo,i959)
by Mr. Byung Joo Lee, graduatestudentat the SS: Samguk sagi (Tokyo: Gakushfiin T6y6-
University of Hawaii, and the financialassistance bunkaKenkyfijo, I964)
fromthe University's Social Science ResearchIn- TY: Ts'e-fuyuian-kuei(Hong Kong: Chung-
stitutewhich made Mr. Lee's serviceavailable to hua Shu-chii,I960)
me in the summerof I969. WH: Wu-taihui-yao(Shanghai: Commercial
Abbreviations are used for the followingbooks Press,I937)
as below: 1 Kim Yongdok,"Kory6Kwangjong-joui kwag6
CKS. Chosen kinseki s6ran (Keijo: Ch6sen chedo munje (QuestionsConcerningthe Civil Ser-
S6tokufu,I9I9) vice ExaminationSystem during King Kwang-
CMP: Chuingbo munh6npigo (Seoul: Tongguk jong's Reign of Kory6)," ChiungangTaehakkyo
Munhwasa,I964) Nonmun-jip,IV (I955), I41-15I.
CWS: Chiu Wu-taishih (Shanghia: Commer-
109

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 110 H. W. KANG
aminationsystemwas related to Kwangjong's larger aim of consolidatingthe
monarchicalpower, which he undertooksubsequentto the employmentof the
Chineseadviserin 956. The whole scope of Shuang Chi's role under Kwangjong,
however,has yetto come underthe scrutiny of historiansdespiterecognitionof the
historicimportanceof thepoliciesset forthby theking at a timewhen he is known
to have reliedinordinately upon his Chineseadviser'scounsel.The main reasonfor
thisabsenceof scholarlyinquiryis the regrettable silenceof the sourcesconcerning
the part Shuang Chi played in Kwangjong'sreformprogram.Yet, in view of the
veryclose relationshipbetweenthe two men, it is but reasonableto suspectthat
Shuang playedan activerole in theking'scontroversial reformmeasures.There was
afterall no compellingreason,apartfrompurelypoliticalreasons,whythe initiative
for instituting the Chinese examinationsystemshould have come froma foreign
adviserwhen therewas nothingnew about the systemto the mid-tenthcentury
Korean literati.2In view of theovertjealousyand injuredpridefeltby the ranking
officialsof literatibackgroundsurroundingthe king;3 it would seem that some
sound rationalemusthave lain behindthe monarchicaldecisionto abide by foreign
counsel even at the risk of furtherantagonizinghis powerfulofficials. Then, too,
thereis, as will be discussedlater,an undeniableparallelbetweendevelopments in
the Later (Hou) Chou underShih-tsung(954-959) and Koryo under Kwangjong
with respectto the reformmeasuresundertaken,suggestingthat Shuang Chi was
a linkbetweenthetworeforms.4
How does one clarifya shroudedbut unmistakablerole such as Shuang Chi's
in the face of completesilencein the sources?The approachtaken in this study
is an indirectprobe of available but mostlyunexploredcircumstantial evidence
interlaced,when possible,by simpleinferential reasoning.
To beginwith,close scrutiny of the official
titlesconferredupon Shuang Chi in
Later Chou furnishesa few revealingclues to his backgroundhithertounnoticed.
Undoubtedlyhe was a civil officialof literatibackgroundwho in all likelihood
enteredgovernment servicethroughthe civil serviceexamination.5 Second,at some

2 Tracesindicating the Koreanknowledgeof the
Chinesesystemare foundas far back as the year
788 when Silla introducedthe toks6 samp'um-
gwa, a greatlymodifiedformof the k'o-chui,al-
thoughthe attemptultimately seems to have been
a failure.Thereaftera large numberof Korean
studentscontinuedto go to China,manyof them
successfully passingthe Chineseexaminationsthere.
Accordingto one source,some fifty-eight Koreans
held the T'ang chin-shihdegreeand an additional
thirty-one, the Later (Hou) Liang (907-923) and
Later (Hou) T'ang (923-936) degrees.CMP, i84,
ib; KS, 109, 27b-30a. Althoughthe totalnumber
of Korean studentsin China during this period
is not available,in the year 840 alone T'ang de-
portedas manyas I05 Korean studentswhose of-
ficiallyallowed termsof stayhad expired.SS, ii,
Ib.
3KS, 93, 23ab, iab, 7b-8a.
4 ProfessorYi Kibaek took noteof one suspected
area (i.e., the build-upof palace guards) in this
parallel development.See: Yi Kibaek, "Kory6
ch'ogi e iss6so ii Odae waii kwan'gye (Early
Koryo Relationswith Five Dynastiesin China),"
Han'guk Munhwa Y6n'gu-w6n nonch'ong, I
(I960), 83-85.
5 Shuang Chi's literatibackgroundis indicated
by the positionshe held in Later Chou, namely
Wu-sheng-chuin chieh-tu hsuin-kuan(Teng-chou
Regional CommanderyInspector) and Shih-ta-li
p'ing-shih(Probationary JudicialInvestigator
of the
High Courtof Justice),as well as in thecivilpres-
tige titlehe held, Chiang-shih-lang(PrestigeTitle
No. 29, grade gb). KS, 93, 23ab. His appoint-
mentsas Hallim Academicianas well as Exam-
iner in the first three examinationsin Kory6
suggest high literaryaccomplishments induding
probablepossessionof the chin-shihdegree.It is
unlikelythat a Chinese literatiwithouta degree
would indulgein propagationof the examination
systemin Kory6, as Korea then was known to
have amongits officialdom personsexperienced and
knowledgeablein the workingsof the system.Be-
sides, in mid-tenthcenturyChina the two posi-

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INSTITUTIONAL BORROWING IN EARLY KORYO 111
pointin his careerat theWu-sheng-chiin RegionalCommanderyhe was transferred
fromprovincialdutyto the centralgovernment,6 and his officialdutyboth at the
Commanderyand in the capitolwas in the line of judicial investigation, suggesting
his officialinvolvementin a numberof reformmeasuresundertakenby the Later
Chou emperors.Third, the places wherehe and his fatherwere stationedas local
wererespectively,
officials, Teng-chou,thechiefportof entryand trade,and Ch'ing-
chou,the chieflocal administrative centerempoweredwithjurisdiction to deal with
the Koreans.7 As theofficialsof theseplaces,theycould have developedconversance
in dealingwithKoreansand theiraffairs. These findingstakeon moremeaningwhen
relatedto thepoliciesof the Later Chou emperorsunderwhom Shuang Chi served.
From the dynasticinceptionuntil 956 when Shuang leftLater Chou, the two
Chinese emperors,T'ai-tsu (95I-954) and Shih-tsung(954-959), institutedan en-
compassingcentralizationof power which strengthened the imperialauthorityat
the expenseof theindependentprovincialmilitarygovernorswho had been holding
the centralgovernmentat bay since late T'ang.8 The true measurementof their
successin thiscentralizationcan be seen in its cumulativeeffectwhichaccordedthe
thronea degree of power unprecedented in the Five Dynastiesperiod,resulting
ultimatelyin the foundationupon which the Sung establishedthe reunifiedCon-
fucianstate.This momentouschange in the power structure of North China was
effected mainlythroughthreemajor areas of reform:the establishment of a Con-
fuciancentralbureaucracy, the creationof a strongimperialarmypersonallycon-
trolledby the throne,and the aggrandizement of imperialrevenuethroughvarious
financialand economicreforms.
The Confucianbureaucracywas establishedundera policyof open recruitment
of the literatiand theirliberal promotionto positionsof high administrative re-
sponsibility based on individualmerit.The aim was to createan efficient core of
civil officials
which would be devoid of any threatto the imperialauthorityand
tionsShuang Chi held in Later Chou were often Shuang Chi may verywell have been a centrally
filledby degreeholders.For example,in the Five appointedInspectorat Teng-chou and later re-
Dynastiesperiod,one can cite the cases of Chang called to the centralgovernmentas the Judicial
Hang (CWS, I3I, 2b) and Yang Ning-shih(CWS, Investigatorof the High Court of Justice.Wang
128, 4ab). For earlySung examples,see: Kinegawa Gungwu,Structure of Powerin NorthChina dur-
Tsuyoshi,"Sondai saish6ko (A Studyon theState ing the Five Dynasties(StanfordUniversity Press,
Councillorsin Sung)," T6y6shi4enkyfi,XXIV, 4 I963), pp. I77-207; Muronaga Yoshizo, "Godai
(March I966), 6I-63. jidai no gunjuninto bahoin no saiban (Trails in
6 From LaterT'ang through Later Chou, as the the Chfin-hsfin-yiian and Ma-pu-yuanof the Five
successiveemperorsof the period graduallyreas- Dynasties Period)," Toyoshi kenkyji, XXIV, 4
sertedtheirimperialauthority over RegionalCom- (March I966), I6-38.
mandants, centralappointmentsto selectedpositions 7 As evidence
forthisconclusion,
see: TY, 999,
in RegionalCommandery as well as recruitment of 27b-28a;972, I8a; WH,364 and 360; E. 0.
centralbureaucratsfrom provinceswere increas- Reischauer,tr., Ennin's Diary, the Record of a
inglymade as a meansof checkingtheindependent Pilgrimageto China (N. Y.: Ronald Press,I955),
power then exercised by the Regional Com- 839/8/13 (the year839, the 8th monthand thir-
manderies.Frequenttargetsof such appointments teenthday), 840/3/2 and 24 and 4/6 and 847/
werejudicialpositionslike the Hsfin-kuanheld by intercalary
3.
Shuang Chi. The positionof Hsfin-kuanin the 8 With referenceto the policiesof T'ai-tsu and
RegionalCommanderyfollowedin rank those of Shih-tsungof Later Chou, the authorowes much
P'an-kuan and T'ui-kuan. Althoughthe precise to an excellentwork by KuriharaMasuo, Ransei
functionof Hsan-kuan is indeterminable, it (like no k5tei: K6shui no Seiso to sono jidai (Em-
Kuan-ch'a p'an-kuan) seems to have dealt with perorin an Age of Disorder:Shih-tsungof Later
judicial matters.MorohashiTetsuji, Dai Kan-wa Chou and his Age), (Tokyo: D6gensha,i967).
jiten (Tokyo: DaishiikanShoten,I960), IV, 335.

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112 H. W. KANG
ideologicallyconduciveto the advancementof absoluteimperialpower.This policy
markedan innovativedeparturefromthepracticesof the precedingdynastiesunder
which the barely literateSha-t'o Turkish rulers,though to varyingdegreesof
success,erectedat the capital a replicaof theirprovincialgovernments, staffedwith
personalretainersbroughtwith them fromtheiroriginalstrongholds. The major
segmentof theseretainersupon whom the Sha-t'oemperorsreliedwere themselves
ambitiousmilitarymen who, as theirmilitarypowergrew,became a threatto the
throne.
Unlike his predecessors, T'ai-tsu (Kuo Wei) had no regionalbasis of power,
but the factthathe was in controlof the Emperor'sPersonalArmygave him the
necessaryspringboardto found his own dynasty.Not contentwith this inherited
personalarmy,T'ai-tsusubsequently createda new personalarmy(Tien-c/hien-chfin)
withinthe old one, which was to become,under his adopted son Shih-tsung, the
mostformidableemperor'spersonalarmyin theFive Dynastiesperiod.At the time
T'ai-tsuwas vyingforthe thronehe was also bolsteredby the supportof the rank-
ing literatiofficials
with whom he had servedunderthe Later Han emperor;and
followinghis accessionhe gave new stressto the recruitment and promotionof the
scholar-officialgroupin thegovernment.
These far-sightedpolicies were inheritedby the strong-willedand youthful
successorShih-tsungwho gave new impetusto the founder'spoliciesthroughhis
insistenceon upgradingthe qualityof the recruits.Shih-tsung'swell-knownaction
of deletingfromthe list of successfulcandidatestwelvenames of the totalsixteen
on the groundsof insufficient scholarshipillustrateshis zeal to acquire the best-
qualifiedofficials.
The same concernis evinced in his recruitment for the crack
contingentof his personalarmy; he frequentlyreachedout to the regionalcom-
manderiesin searchof the choicestrecruits.He was basicallyinterestedin talent
fortalent'ssake on a nationalscale,not permitting the old practicesof appointment
based on personalrelationsto obstructhis acquisitionof the verybest men. The
civil and militaryofficialsthus handpicked became valuable imperial agents
strategicallyplacedwheretheirabilitiescould bestbe used in carrying out his policies.
The youthfulemperoris also known to,have taken charge of the day-to-day
decisionsof government and to have dischargeda seriesof financialand economic
reformswhich were aimed at increasingrevenuefor the imperialtreasury.Partic-
ularlynoteworthy among Shih-tsung'seconomicmeasureswere those which dealt
with run-awaypeasantsand abandoned lands; they were essentiallydesignedto
reinstatetherunawayfarmerto tax-paying producerstatusand the abandonedlands
into tax-producingfields through provisionsthat redefinedland titles. These
measuresfurtherstrengthened T'ai-tsu'spolicyof creatingnew independentfarms
capable of producingthe additionaltaxes needed fordynasticexpansion.
The enforcement of thesereformmeasuresmoreoverrequiredmuch legal under-
takingin the settlingof disputesand interpreting the letterof the law. The cumula-
tive outcomeof this was the compilationof an updated legal code, the Ta-Chou
hsing-t'ung, completedin Later Chou in 957. As a key officialof the High Court
of Justice,Shuang Chi musthave been involvedin theselegal activities.
The highlightsin the policiesof the two Later Chou emperorsfindparallels
in the reformsinstitutedin Koryo followingKwangjong'semployment of Shuang
Chi. Even thoughothersbesidesShuang,includingknowledgeableKorean envoys

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INSTITUTIONAL BORROWING IN EARLY KORYO 113
sent to the Later Chou court in this period,had probablyenjoyed Kwangjong's
confidence,9 the extentto which the policiesin Koryo duplicated-if not in sub-
stanceat leastin principle-allthreemajorareasof thereforms in Later Chou makes
thelegallyexperiencedChineseconfidant of thekinga particulartargetof suspicion.
Even a cursorylook into the developmentsin Korycounder Kwangjong seems to
pointto theinvolvement ofan intermediary.
The firstobservabledevelopment in Kory6o in thisrespectis theSlave Investigation
Act whichwas promulgatedin thesame yearShuang Chi was employed.The Slave
Act of 956 constitutedthe watershedredirectingKwangjong's policy toward the
consolidationof royal power.10As the prelude to the later purge of the dynastic
Meritorious Subjects(kongsin),the Act was primarilyaddressedto the overbearing
MeritoriousSubjectsof independentmilitaryand financialmeans,particularly those
who were unlawfullyretainingas slaves formerprisonersof war as well as debt-
riddenex-commoners who had sunk into serfdomduringthe turmoilof the Later
Three Kingdoms (892936). Since a retinueof slavesevidentlyconstituted a major
economicsourceforits owner,the Act was an indicationof the monarchicaldrive
to underminethe economicbase of the long-entrenched MeritoriousSubjects by
legallydeprivingthemof a substantialsourceof theirwealth.At the same timethe
economicvalue of the slaves so manumittedwould then be convertedinto tax-
derivingrevenueto fillthecoffer oftheroyaltreasury.
Althoughthe Koryo sa is silenton any part Shuang Chi may have played in
the Slave Investigation Act, it is hard to conceiveof a major economicmeasureof
sweepingpoliticalimplications-particularly one requiringa judicious case-by-case
examinationof the claimant-leavinguninvolveda man who had just recentlyex-
pertizedon legal mattersarisingfromeconomicmeasuresdeployedin Later Chou
for almostthe same purpose.Moreover,that Shuang Chi's winningof the king's
confidencetook place duringthe veryyearthatKwangjong was occupiedas much
with the enforcement of this Act as with the oppositionof the embittered Meri-
toriousSubjectsseemsfurther to implicateShuang'sinvolvement.1'
A closerparallelmay be foundin Kwangjong'seffort to bolsterthe royalguards.
This build-upwas apparentlyintendedto augmenthis militarycapacityin the
wake of repercussions fromthe MeritoriousSubjectsover the slave issue and in
anticipationof the purge subsequentlylaunched in 960. Kwangjong's sedulous
effortsto recruitthe creamof militarycandidatesfromthe provincesalso contains
many elementscorresponding to the build-upof the Tien-chien-chiin undertaken
byShih-tsung in 954.12
Anotherparallel,needless-to-say, is in the institutionof the Chinesecivil service
examinationsystemitself,togetherwith the accompanyingmoves to bureaucratize
the Koryoofficialdom. The introduction of the examinationsystem,the only event

9 Wang Yung, for instance, apparently enjoyed
Kwangjong's confidence as evidenced by his ap-
pointmentas Examiner of the civil service examina-
tions no less than four times during Kwangjong's
reign following his mission to the Later Chou court
in 955. KS, 2, 27a; 73, 13b. Other officialsknown
to have enjoyed the king's confidence, though not
necessarily emissaries to the Chinese court, were
S6 P'il, Ch'oe Chimong, Ch'oe Haenggwi. KSC, 2,
iob-iIa; KS, 93, 13a; 92, iob; Iry6n, Samguk
ytssa, ed. by Ch'oe Nams6n (Seoul: Minjung
S6gwan, 1958), supplement pp. 62-64.
10Kim, op. cit., pp. I45-I46; Yi, op cit., p. 85.
11 KSC, 2, 7ab; KS, 93, 2Iab.
12 Yi, op. cit., p. 84.

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114 H. W. KANG
forwhichtheextantsourcesexplicitly give creditto Shuang Chi, was not an isolated
innovation.As ProfessorTakeda Yukio pointsout,13the use of the Chineseprestige
titlesforcivilofficialsfirstappearsin 958-the yearthe Chineseexaminationsystem
was introduced.These innovationssignifya formalmove towardbureaucratization,
embodyingKwangjong'slargeraim of reorienting themilitary-dominatedofficialdom
towarda civil bureaucracyunder the consolidatedauthorityof the throne.Signif-
icantly,therefore, the borrowedChinesetitleswere at thistimemade applicableex-
clusively to thebureaucraticcivilofficials
in Koryo.
On the basis of the above findingsa few conclusionsmay be drawn regarding
Shuang Chi's functionas a culturalinnovatorin Koryo. It should firstbe noted
thatthea prioriconditionavailingShuangof thisrolewas his breadthof experience
acquired under the Later Chou emperors.In termsof factorsobstructing the de-
velopmentof centralization, mid-tenth centuryKorea sharedenoughelementswith
Later Chou thatthesolutionsinstituted in NorthChina could,withsome modifica-
tion,be made applicableto Koryo.These commonfactorswere: (i) the existence
of strongmilitaryelementswhose possessionof independentpower renderedthem
a potential,ifnotreal,sourceof threatto thecause of absolutemonarchicalauthority;
(2) the existenceof a sizable reservoirof civilian literatiwhose Confucianper-
suasionwas ideallysuitedforthecentralbureaucracy undermonarchicalcontrol;and
(3) the existenceof potentialrevenue-producing groups whose economic value
couldbe readilyconverted intotax-revenue fortheroyaltreasury.
If Shuang Chi's experiencein Later Chou was, then, an a priori condition
availing him of the role of culturalinnovatorunder Kwangjong, his personal
interest in Koryowas a factorin assuringthe king'ssupportwhichin turnpromised
theeffectiveness of his role.As a transplantedforeignadviser,Shuang Chi's interests,
whetherin the formof politicalpoweror materialwealth,could bestbe servedby
the expansionof monarchicalauthority. Unlike rankingnativeofficialsclose to the
king, he had no vested interestin the existingorder which could be adversely
affected by the king'sreforms. It seemsevidentthathe playeda role much broader
in scopethanhitherto assumedin instituting thesereforms.
The second part of this studyconcernsthe processthroughwhich Kwangjong
implementedthe Chinese examinationsat Shuang Chi's suggestion.In this,our
primaryconcernwill be on the processof acculturation relevantto the successful
transplantation of the Chinese systemin early Koryo. The period which will be
investigated hereis fromthe firstthroughthe last examinationunderKwangjong,
whichwas the determinant stagein the acceptanceof the Chinesesystemas a per-
manentinstitution in Koryo.
The firstpointto be examinedis the immediateobjectiveswhichthe innovators
prescribed fortheexamination.The relatively small numberof successfulcandidates
underKwangjongrulesout thepossibility thatthesystemwas deployedas a political
deviceto staffthe government withmen of the king'sown choosing.The introduc-
tionof the Chinesesystemwas not intendedto replacebut to supplementthe exist-
ing recruitment systemof officialswhich had been conventionally maintainedby
means of familyor personalconnectionsand recommendations. If the immediate

13 Takeda Yukio, "Krai shoki no kankai (Of- (OctoberI966), 3I and 43f.

ficialRanksof EarlyKory6)," Chosen gakuh6,XL

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INSTITUTIONAL BORROWING IN EARLY KORYO 115
objectiveof thenew examinationsystemwas dictatedneitherby politicalexpediency
norbythe desireto replacetheexistingsystemof recruitment, it seemsreasonableto
assumethatit was theintrinsicvalue of the Chineseexaminationsystemwhichwas
of principalconcernto its sponsors.This is not to say that the examinationwas
beyondthereachof politicalinfluences. The hard realityof politicsunderwhichthe
sponsorand the examineroperatedwould presumablyhave leftits imprinton the
managementand outcomeof the examination.An attemptwill therefore be made
to examinethesocialbackgroundsand politicalrepresentations of boththeexaminer
and thecandidatesin a givenexaminationto see whatcorrelation existsbetweenthese
and also betweentheseand themajorpoliticaldevelopments of thetime.It is hoped
thatsuch analysismay affordus insightinto the processof culturaltransplantation
in traditional
Korea.
It should be borne in mind that the Koryo sa, our principalsource,listsonly
the names of the examinerand the candidatereceivingthe highestmark in the
letters(chesul) category,and for the remainingcandidates,only the numberof
those successfullypassed in each category.14 However, altogetherthis writerhas
been able to identifythirteencandidates-includingone who was unsuccessful-
fromthe totalof twenty-seven passed in letters,six in classics(myonggyong),and
three'each in divination(pogop) and medicine (uioip), duringthe seventeen-year
period under investigation.15 And thoughbarelyhalf of the successfulcandidates
in lettershave been identified,even for thesethe information is extremely scanty;
in threecases we know onlytheirnames.Consequently,conclusionsdrawn at this
pointcan be but tentative, even thoughone perhapscan findsome consolationin
the factthat those identified,representing the cream of the successfulcandidates,
all belongedto thepolitically
mostimportant letterscategory.
The outcomeof the firstexaminationin 958 disclosesfour importantfeatures
relevantto our search for the immediateobjectivesof the innovators.First,the
familybackgroundsof two successfulcandidates in lettersindicate that these
of thefirstexaminationwerebothdescendants
beneficiaries of the Silla aristocracy."6

14KS, 73, I3ab. comefroma place called "Tae-?" (the secondchar-

15 Ibid.
16 The two successful candidatesof the firstex-
aminationin 958 were Ch'oe S6m and Yu Chin'-
gy6ng.Ch'oe S6m's Silla aristocraticoriginis evi-
dentfromhis surname.The other,thoughthename
itselfdoes not appear in the Koryosa, apparently
was Yu Chin'gy6ng.In the inscriptionon Chin
Kwangin's(i II28-II86) tombstone (dated ii86),
his ancestorChin Kung is said to have passedthe
examination withhonor(kap-kwa) in theHsien-te
?th ycar (the characterfor the year is effaced)
during the reign of King Kwang-? (the sec-
ond characteris effaced).HKC, I76-I77. Since
Hsien-te (954-959) was the Later Chou reign
titleunderShih-tsung, the year in questionmust
have been the Hsien-tefifthyear, the only year
of the Hsien-teperiod in which the examination
was held in Kory6, and King Kwang-? none
otherthanKwang-jong(r. 949-975); hence Chin
Kung was the othersuccessfulcandidate.The in-
scriptionalso saysthatthe Chin clan had "earlier"
acter effaced),which this writerpresumesto be
"Tae-bang",an archaicname forpresentNamwoln,
wherea certainChin clan was among its old local
clans. Ch6sen S6tokufuChusfiin,Kotei Seis6 jit-
stirokuChirishi(RevisedMonographon Geography
in the VeritableRecordof King Sejong) (Keijo:
Konozawa Sh6ten,I938), 20if. The Chin clan of
Namwon claims as its progenitorChin Hamjo, a
state councillorunder King Hy6njong (r. IOO9-
I03I), whose dates are a bit too late to be of
assistancein determining the clan's pre-Kory6so-
cial background.CMP, 53, i2b; KS, 3, 37a; 4,
27b, 32a; 5, ia, i6a. There is, however,another
Yu clan in Kigye (near Ky6ngju), which lists as
its firstsuccessfulcandidateof the kwag6 exam-
ination(date unspecified)the name of Chin'gy6ng.
This writercontendsthatYu Chin'gy6ngand the
other Chin Kung were the same person for the
followingreasons: (I) The characterchin ( )
in both cases is the same; althoughthe second

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116 H. W. KANG
More importantly, one of them,Yu Chin'gyong(Chin K-ung?),was thegrandsonof
a Silla loyalistwho had been degradedfromhis Yuk-tup'um(?) statusto thatof
a non-aristocratic in Koryo as a resultof his loyaltyto the fallenking-
local official
dom. When necessary, then,the examinationcould functionas a vehicleforrestor-
ing to a politicallydefunctformeraristocratic familyits eligibility
forservicein the
centralgovernment.This indicatesa significant shiftin the criteriaof eligibility
requiredforthe centralofficialdom of the infantKoryo Dynasty:the once all-im-
portantcriterion of politicalloyaltywas in effecteclipsedby theexaminationwhich,
as a criterionfor officialrecruitment, was based on competitivesuperiority and
competencein a prescribed bodyof knowledge.The subsequentpurgeof Meritorious
Subjectsby Kwangjong and the introduction of the Chineseprestigetitlesforcivil
officials
at thistime(958) underscore thisshift.
Second,theextremely small numberof successfulcandidatesin each of the three
categories(two in letters,threein classics,and two in divination) suggeststhe
limitedobjectivesof the innovatorsand the greatcare exercisedto ensurethe high
quality of the competitiveexamination.The later careersof the firsttwo chinsa
degreeholders-one eventuallyreachingthe postsof Hallim Academicianand the
ktvagoExaminer,the otherthe Vice-Directorof Kwangmun-won17 -bear out the
highlevelof scholarlycompetencerequiredof theearlyproductsof theexamination
system.Third,Kwangjong fromthe outsetintendedto make the Chineseexamina-
tion systema permanentinstitution, and its promoterstried to renderit as in-
vincibleas possibleby throwingthe whole weightof royal prestigebehind it.18
Fourth,the availableinformation showsno signof resistanceto the new practiceon
thepartof thein-groupof thecentralofficialdom. Ch'oe Siingno,in his post-mortem
criticism of Kwangjong'spolicies,makesa conspicuousexceptionwithrespectto the
institution of the Chinese examinationsystem.19 One can inferfromhis later ac-
ceptanceof appointment to the positionof ExaminerunderS6ngjong20his approval
of the system.A similarlyunstatedendorsement may be foundwithS6 P'il, a state
councillorunderKwangjong,whoseson S6 Hui won a degreein lettersin thesecond
examinationheld in 960.21The reasonsforthe absenceof resistancemay lie, in part,

characters are written differently,1uing ( < ) is

examination, that his son Y6hae had five sons, from
(
probably mistaken for ky6ng .5 ) whose generation on the clan began to prosper
by the copyist
in government service, and that the clan had a
owingto close similarity in the composition
of the branch in Namw6n (this writer has thus far been
two characters. 1y6ng(
If so, the characters unable to obtain the genealogical record of this
clan). CMP, 50, 22a. More importantly, Chin'-
and ky6ng ( ) tJ) are variationsin transliteration gy6ng's grandfather Yu UYisinwas the holder of
-a practicenot uncommonduringthis periodin the Silla Ach'anrank (6th grade) and was demoted
the writingof propernames. (2) If Chin King to the position of hojang in Kigye because of his
was Chin Kyong,thiswritersurmisesfurther that refusal to support the new Kory6 Dynasty when it
it was not a full name,as made out to be in the replaced Silla in 935. CMP, 50, 22a. This suggests
inscription,butrathera givenname-that is, Chin' that the Silla aristocratic dlescendant Chin'gy6ng
gy6ng-fromwhichhis descendantsat some point was a contemporaryof the other Chin Kuing and
apparently adoptedthefirstcharacterChin,fortheir was also young enough to take the examination in
surname-again a commonlyobservablepractice 958, thus rendering further support to the asser-
in the Korean surnamesof thisperiod.If thiswas tion that the two were the same person.
the case, the Chin clan of Namnw6n branchedout 17 KS, 73, I4b-i5a; HKC, I76.
from the Yu clan of Kigye at some point and 18KS, 2, 27b.
adoptedChin forits surname.This is further
sup- 19KS, 93, 2a-22a.
ported by the facts that the Yu clan became a 20 KS, 73, I 4a.
sajokunderKoryo due to Chin'gy6ng'ssuccessful 21 KS, 94, Ia.

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INSTITUTIONAL BORROWING IN EARLY KORYO 117
in the factsthat the implementation of the examinationsystemdid not seriously
impairthe existingsystemof recruitment, and thatthe politicalin-groupaccepted
it as a systemdesirablefortheselectionofcivilofficials.
The second and thirdexaminations,held in 960 and 96I respectively, present
certainnew featuresunobservablein the first.To begin with,thereis a marked
increasein thenumberof successful candidatesin letters-seveneachin bothexamina-
tionsas comparedwithonlytwo in the first.Moreover,duringthe same two years
at least fourpoliticaleventsof major significance took place: (i) the formalization
of fourhierarchically graded colorsof officialgarb which was intendedto lay the
foundationon which the newly envisionedpower configuration was to be struc-
tured;22 (2) the unusual step of using the epithet"imperialcapital" (hwangdo'in
Korean,and huang-tuin Chinese),traditionally reservedforthe Chinesecapital,in
reference to the Koryocapital(hithertoreferred to as "royalcapital,"wanggy6ng);23
(3) the removalof two high-ranking officials-Chunhong, who headed the Depart-
mentof Ministries,24 and Wang Tong, whose officialstandingcan onlybe inferred
fromhis rank ChwasTung(senior 3rd grade) and the royal surnamehe bears (a
recipientof royalgrant?)-as a resultof chargesbroughtagainstthemfor alleged
treasonby a relatively low-ranking whichactionheraldedthe massivepurge
official,
of the MeritoriousSubjectsin 960;25 and (4) the temporarytransferof Kwang-
jong's royalquartersto the residenceof Wang Yuk, his patrilinealsecond cousin
(och'on sukpu), on accountof palace repair,which caused a breakdownof the
channelsof communication with the officialdom duringhis two-yearstay.26
These eventswere withoutdoubt interrelated and may be considereda series
of politicallymotivatedactionspropelledby Kwangjong's desire to tip the scale

22 When
Kwangiongintroducedthe four color
officialgarb in 960, he assignedthe highestgarb
(purple) to officials of the W6nyunrank (senior
5th grade) and above, the next highest(crimson)
to the officialsabove the Chungdan-gy6ng, the
thirdhighest(red) to those above the Tohang-
gyong,and the last and lowest garb (green) to
those above the So-jubu. KS, 72, gb. As it is
evidentin the ch6nsi-kwa(officialstipendscale)
of 976, no servicedistinctionwas applied to the
officialsof the highestgarb whereassuch distinc-
tion was impliedwith respectto the otherthree
garbs (this is implicitin the use of the rank
officialbureaucratization,the implied discrimina-
tion suggeststhe creation of a new order of
authorityin the Koryo officialdom. In this sense
the steptakenby the introduction of thefourcolor
officialgarb was an important move in the trans-
formationof the centralofficialdom into a civil
bureaucracy.KS, 72, Ia; Takeda, op. cit., pp.
33-35; SuematsuYasukazu, "Koiraishoki no ry6-
han ni tsuite (On the Two Services of Early
Kory6)," SeikyuShiso (Tokyo, i964), I, I50-I52.
The same articlealso appearsin the Toyo gakuh6,
XXVI, 2 (SeptemberI953), I-3I.
23 KS, 2, 28a.

Wonyunas the cut-lineforthe highestgroupand 24 KS, 2, 28ab. The titleof Chunhong'sofficial

three civil administrative position titles for the
lowerthreegroups).If the use of the official garb
signifiedparticipation in the conductof govern-
ment,as it must have, the use of the civil posi-
tion titlesas the base cut-linesin the lower three
groups impliesthe exclusionof the militaryof-
ficialsfromsuchparticipation. Sincethesignificance
of the four-fold officialgarb lies in its functional
meaning,theexclusionsuggestsdeprivation of func-
tionalprivilegefor militaryofficers of rank lower
than W6nyun,makingprivilegethe monopolyof
the civil officialsas far as the officialdom below
senior 5th grade is concerned.When considered
in the contextof Kwangjong's larger policy of
positionappearsin the CKS, I, 223. Naebong-s6ng
was the predecessor to Sangs6 tos6ng.SS, 40, 20a.
25 KS, 2, 28ab; 93, iob; Kim, op. cit., p. I46.
One suspectssome causal relationship betweenthe
massive purge of the MeritoriousSubjects,who
were mostlypowerfulgenerals,and the formaliza-
tion of the fourcolor garb by Kwangjong.Being
a partof the king'sschemeto strengthen the royal
power,the new orderof authority symbolizedby
the fourcolor garb systemhad probablybeen re-
sistedby the affectedin-group.
26 Wang Yuk, a brotherof Wang Sin, was
Wang K6n's cousin.KS, i, i8b, i9b.

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118 H. W. KANG
of power in favorof a civil bureaucracy.If this is so, the immediatecause of the
purgemusthave been resistanceon the partof leadershipof the old guard against
thesemoves.The repercussions feltin the aftermathof the purgeapparentlycaused
the king to fearforhis personalsafetywithinthe palace, resultingin his isolation
fromthe officialdom Againstthesecircumstances,
save forhis confidants.27 it would
seem highlyunlikelyforthe politicallyastuteKwangjong to have ignoredthe op-
portunity of using the examinationsto servehis immediateneeds.The factthathe
held theexaminationin two consecutiveyearsunderthe supervision of Shuang Chi,
producingover half his reign'stotalnumberof degreesin letters,and thathe ap-
pointedthe eighteen-year-old S6 Huii, the son of a favoredstatecouncillor,to the
post of AssistantOfficeChiefof the Chancellory(Kwangp'yongwonoerang)28 an
exceptionally choicepositionforan initialappointment-reflect the king'sconscious
promotionof the examinationrecruitsto key positionsof the governmentin the
wake ofthepurge.
If the secondand thirdexaminationsappear taintedby politicalcalculations,the
fourthand fifthwhichwereheld in 964 and 966 respectively, show thatKwangjong
was quick to remedythissituation.This is borneout by the bestowalof degreeson
classics,and divinationin the
a singlecandidatein each of the categoriesof letters,
fourthexamination,and on two candidatesonly,bothin letters,in the fifth.More-
over,coming,as theydid, in the wake of his formalcall for a resumptionof the
contactwith the officialdom,29 the appointment of Korean examinerslent a timely
end to Shuang Chi's monopolyin the threepreviousexaminations-allthe more
timelybecause of the apparentinclinationof the estrangedofficials to look upon
him as the cause of the king'sbehaviorsince 956.30
The Korean examinersCho Ik and Wang Yung, both Hallim Academiciansat
the time of theirappointments, have surnameswhich are not readilyidentifiable
with the Silla aristocracythough their immediateancestorswere undoubtedly
among the well-established elite in the new dynasty.3' Their probablenon-Silla-
aristocraticoriginsnotwithstanding, Cho Ik and Wang Yung, as the Examiners,
passed threecandidatesin the letterscategory,at least two of whom were of Silla
aristocraticb, ckground.Cho Ik's choice,Kim Ch'aek, was a descendantof the ex-
Silla royal clan of Kwangsan (Kwangju)."2 His choice bears special significance
in the light of anotherwell-qualifiedcandidate of probable non-Silla-aristocratic

27 KS, 2, 28b-29a; KSC, 2, gab. such politicalimportanceas to becomea recipient

28 KS, 94, ia. by grantof the royalsurnameWang. There is, in
29 KS, 2, 28b-29a. fact,littleotherdeductionthatcan be drawnfrom
30 KS, 93, 7b-8a. the informationwe have of his family. Since
31 KS, 73, I3ab. In the CMP, Cho Ik's im- Wang Yung was not by blood Wang Kon's im-
mediateancestor,Tam, is said to have been a state mediatedescendant, made to
the princelyreference
councillor.The fact that Tam's name does not him in the Chinesesourceon the occasionof his
appearin the Kory6sa does not in itselfpreclude missionto theLaterChou courtin 955 (WH, 36i)
the possibilitythat he held such a position,as was most probablyowing to the grant of royal
omissionsof this kind are commonin the early surname,just as it was in the case of Wang Sinil
Koryosource.Cho Ik himself,Hallim Academician and others.WH, 360-36I. Wang Sinil was a state
that he was, appears once in the Koryo5 sa in councillorunderWang K6n and his originalsur-
connectionwith his appointmentas Examinerof name was Han. KS, i, I3a; WH, 359.
the kwag5. KS, 73, I3a. Wang Yung's ancestors 32 CMP, 47, 32b; HKC, I32-I33; KS, 2, 29a;
are notidentifiedin thesources.It is possible,how- 73, I3a; 74, 3a.
ever, that his immediateancestorwas a man of

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INSTITUTIONAL BORROWING IN EARLY KORYO 119
origin,Han On'gong (939-Ioo3), who failedin thesame examination, but eventually
rose to the highestpositionof chancellorship in lateryears.83It would thus seem
that the selectionof Kim was of symbolicimportanceas an example befitting
Kwangjong'simmediateobjective.Moreover,Kim may well have been a politically
wiserchoicein view of the inclusionof his immediateancestorsin the old guard.34
It was not a mere coincidence,therefore, that Kim Ch'aek became the firstbenefi-
ciaryof a palace banquetheldby Kwangjongin honorof thesuccessful candidates.35
It is also significantthat the king grantedhim an officialgarb speciallyfor this
occasionin thepresenceof therankingofficials. For, as we recall,it was theintroduc-
tionofthegradedgarbthatoccasionedthepurgein 96o.
The king'sgestureof detente,however,seemsto have fallenshortof reaching
all the rankingofficials.
In the same yearPak Sugyong,probablythe mosthonored
generalthen surviving,died fromanguishover the arrestof his threesons,all of
whom were eminentofficials in the traditionof the familydistinguished forits un-
matchedrecordof servicefor at least threegenerations.36 Nonetheless,the king
continuedin his pursuitof detente,as indicatedby his subsequentinvestiture of
PrinceYu who, togetherwith the old guard,had come underthe suspicionof the
king duringthe purge.37The passage of anotherSilla aristocratic candidate,Ch'oe
Koop, in the fifthexaminationfollowingbut a yearafterthe investiture, is further
evidenceof theking'scontrived thaw.
However,the developments duringtherelatively long intervalof six yearswhich
precededthe resumptionof the examinationin 972, and the resultsof the three
examinationsthatensued,indicatethefailureof themonarchicalattemptto assuage
themuch-maligned old guard.Beginningaround968Kwangjongbecamenotoriously
indulgentin costlyreligiouspursuits, invokingBuddhistdevotionalconvocations and
undertakinga new surge of temple-building.88 The criticalCh'oe Sungno saw
behind such fanaticaldevotionan anxiety-ridden king seekingatonementfor his
cold-bloodedpoliticalcrimes.39 Whateverthe natureof his motives,the king would
tolerateno criticismof his new devotionto Buddhism.His banishmentof the
criticsillustratesthis well.40For example,the much-honored court divinerCh'oe
Chimong,who had been close to the Koryo kings since the formativedays of the
dynasty, was unexpectedly banishedin 970 allegedlyon thegroundsof "ill behavior"
(pullye) at theKwibop Temple to whichthesixty-four-year-old divinerhad travelled
in companyofthekingon a specialtrip.4'
If the banishmentof Ch'oe and othercriticsreflectsKwangjong's reversionto
his earlierclamp-downon the old guard, the factthat the known victimsof the
new wave ofpurgesweremostlyprominent literatiofficials
of Silla aristocraticorigin,
suggeststheentangledcircumstances underwhichthe earlierpolicywas re-invoked.
The excecutionof Ch'oe Haenggwi offerssome illuminationof thesecircumstances.
Ch'oe Haenggwi,son of the eruditeT'ang chin-shihdegreeholderCh'oe Onwi, be-
33 KS, 93, 24b-26a; CMP, 49, i8b. were Kim Chinyuand Kim Sungui.Kim Munbae,
34HKC, I33; TY, 972, i8a; CMP, 47, 32b. Karak sega (Kurye, I933), 22b. The Kory6 sa
35 KSC, 2, gb. makes no mentionof Kim Chinyuand his son,
36 KS, 2, I7b; 88, 7b-8a; 92, i5b-i6a. Sungui,but Monk Hyego's (d. 974) appointment
37 KS, 2, 28b,29b. as National Preceptor(Kuksa) in 968 is in KS,
38 KS, 2, 29b-30a. 2, 29b-30a.
39 KS, 93, 8a, I2b-I3a. 41
KS, 2, 30a; 92, 12b-I3a.
40 Among the criticssubjectedto banishment

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 120 H. W. KANG
came Kwangjong's politicalconfidantafterreturningfrom studyin Wu-yiieh.42
Though the date of his executionis unknown,he last appearsin 967 as the Hallim
Academicianand the Transmitterof Directivesand Special DraftingOfficialin
the Royal Secretariat,43 an indicationthathe continuedto receivethe king's favor
till the eve of the new purge.Withoutspecifying the chargesbroughtagainsthim,
the sourcesrecountonly thathe met his death in a ringexecutionorderedby the
king.44Apartfromhis family'swell-established positionin the old guard,the only
possibleclue affordingus any insightinto his untimelydemise is found in his
singleextantwriting:in it he championsthe cause of the nativeliterarytradition.45
This piece of writingalso revealsthat he was a friendand greatadmirerof the
learnedmonk Kyunyo (923-973),the chiefresidentmonk of the Kwibop Temple,
who was not only an acclaimedcommentatorof Buddhistcanons in native hy-
acngch'al(idu) writingbut also an acknowledgedliterarymasterof native verse,
hyangga(saenaennorae).46 In view of Kyunyo'sown narrowescapefromthepurge,
perhaps,in their common upholdingof the native literarytraditionmay lie a
likelyclue to the cause of Ch'oe Haenggwi's execution.If so, thisis the firstand
only known instancesuggestinga possibleconcernfor the literaryimplications,
especiallyof spreadingthe use of the classical Chinese writingsystemuniderthe
impetusof the Chineseexaminations-thatis, the possibility of eclipsingthe native
hyangch'alwritingsystemand hence also the indigenousliterarytraditionand
thought.
Such was the politicalclimate in 972 when the examinationswere resumed.
The resultsof the threeremainingexaminations, held annually,reflectthe king's
new alienationof the old literatiofficialsof Silla aristocratic
background.Under
the single examinershipof Wang Yung-except for the 972 examinationwhich
had a Co-Examiner,Kim I-the threeexaminationsproducedeight new chinsa
in letters.Of the eight,four are identifiedby name in the sources,and theyall
have surnamesnot readilyidentifiable with the targetof the new purge. One of
themin particular,Yu Pangh6n-the sole candidateon whose familybackground
we have information-serves to illuminatethe probablesociopoliticalbackground
of the new breed of bureaucraticofficialsKwangjong was endeavoringto recruit
throughthe examination.Yu Pangh6n's grandfather was a Silla aristocratwho
defectedto the Later (Hu) Paekche Kingdom,Kory6'schiefrivaluntilits demise
in 936.47His grandfather's positionas a formerenemygeneralevidentlyresultedin
the family'sdemotionin statusunder Koryo: Pangh6n'sfathermanaged to be a
merelocal officialin thesubprefectureof Sunghwa (locatedin formerLater Paekche
territory)followingthe reunification.48 Under Kwangjong, Pangh6n was never-

42 KS, 92, iob. Studyof theGrandPreceptor Kyuny6),"Chungang

43 Iry6n, op. cit., pp. 62 and 64.
44 KS, 92, ib.
45 Iry6n, op. cit., pp. 62-66. For English trans-
lation of the Kyuny6 ch6n (The Biographyof
Kyunyo), see Peter H. Lee, Studies in the
Saenaennorae, Old Korean Poetry, Serie Orientale
Roma XXII (Rome, I959), Appendicespp.
I74.
46 Yang Chaey6n, "Kyuny6 Taesa y6n'gu (A
Taehakkyononmun-jip, IV (I959), 8i-88; Iry6n,
op. cit., pp. 56-68; Peter H. Lee, "The Im-
portance of the Kyuny6 ch6n (I075) in Korean
Buddhism and Literature-Bhadra-ca-i-pranidhdna
in TenthCenturyKorea,"Journalof the American
OrientalSociety,8I-4 (December I96I), 409-4I4.
I49- 47 CKS, I, 265.
48 Ibd.

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INSTITUTIONAL BORROWING IN EARLY KORYO 121
thelessrecommendedas a local candidate for the examinationof 972, and his
successfulpassage gained not only for himselfbut forhis posterity a formalentry
into the new centralbureaucracyin Koryo.49Pangh6n's case again demonstrates,
as did the earliercase of Yu Chin'gyong,the significant functionthe examination
performedin the reinstatement of formeraristocraticfamiliesto politicallyviable
positions.It also testifies
to Kwangjong's politicalastutenessin contrivingthe rise
of new bureaucratic officials
like Panghonwho, in the eyesof the old guard,must
have amountedto politicalanathema.
On the basis of the foregoingdiscussion,a few conclusionsmay be drawnwith
regard to the process of institutionalacculturation.The available data indicate
thatthe innovatorsof the examinationsystemset forthemselvesrelativelymodest
objectives.The small numberof totaldegreesgranted,the deliberatestresson the
letterscategory,and the high qualityof the Examinersand successfulcandidates
all supportthis assessment.Persistentand deliberatecare was also exercisedso as
not to replaceor significantly disruptthe existingchannelsof official
recruitment.50
Neithercan any known degreeholder,for that matter,be tracedto a social class
stigmatizedas the lowbornunder the existingsocial order,indicatingthat the
equalitarianaspect of the Chinese examinationsystemwas compromisedby de-
ferenceto the indigenoussocial structure.
While keepingwithinthe limitationsof a modestgoal, Kwangjong envisioned
certainfixedpoliticalfunctionsto be performedby the examinationsin relation
to his largerpoliticalobjectives.From the standpointof the dynasticdevelopment,
the examinationsystemaffordedhim a timelyand readilyapplicablemeans by
which to effecta much needed change in the old dynasticcriteriafor political
advancement.It is evidentthat the end of an era was near-of the days when
personalloyaltyto the founderwas of the utmostimportanceto the infantdynasty
thenstill locked in triangularrivalryfor the peninsularhegemony.Consequently,
the new orderestablishedfollowingthe removalof the externalthreatfromrival
kingdomsrequiredan updatedset of priorities as new criteriafordynasticpolitical
reward.The Chinese examinationsystem,restingas it did upon individualmerit,
providedthe means Kwangjong had been seekingto activatethis change. In so
doing, Kwangjong was carefulnot to block the conventionalavenues of recruit-
mentfromthe in-group,nor to disruptseriouslythe existingsocial structure.
Kwangjong also viewed the Chinese examinationsystemas an ideal medium
by which to inculcatein the minds of new recruitsthe Confucianstresson an
absolutemonarchicalauthority. For thereis no doubt that Kwangjong after956
was an autocrat,and thathe was deeplyimbuedwiththe Chinesepoliticalideology.
In fact,Kwangjonghad probablysuccumbedto the infectiousness of the autocratic
power wieldedby his Chinesecounterpart even beforethe adventof the examina-
tion systemin Korea; forhe was well-acquaintedwiththe power tacticsdeveloped

49 CKS, I, 265-267; KS, 93, 26ab; 73, I5ab.
50 Most of thenew appointeesunderKwangjong
were recruited through channels other than
that of the examinationsystem.In addition to
Ch'oe Haenggwi and Han 6n'gong, Yu Chin
(KS, 94, 8ab.), Chang Yu (KS, 94, I5b. The
fatherof Chang Y6nu. CMP, 50, 2a.), and Pak
Mi (Pak ssi sonw6n pu, I, I Ia.) appear in the
sources.

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122 H. W. KANG
by the astute and ruthlesslysuccessfulT'ang T'ai-tsung,as evidenced by his
devoutreadingof the Cheng-kuanCheng-yao.5'
Furthermore, given the politicalresourcefulnessof the king, it is not difficult
to see how the Chinese examinationsystemhave affordedhim a readymeans by
whichto implementhis largerpoliticalobjectives.One need only be remindedof
the royalprerogativeof calling an examination;by astutetiming,the king could
eitheraccentuateor reversea given policy.In termsof institutional acculturation,
therecan be littledoubt that the royal prerogatives figuredimportantly in deter-
mining the political functionsof the examinationsanid their ultimateeffecton
the monarchicalpolicy.Still, one must concede that the comparativesuccessand
ease with which the Chinese examinationsystemwas institutedin Koryo is at-
tributableless to the weightof the royalbackingit receivedthan it is to the direct
relevancyit had to the exigenciesof tenth-century Korea.
In the ultimateaim of strengthening the monarchicalpower to the point of
the Chinese-patterned absolute authority,the examinationsystembecame for
Kwangjongthe crucialleverhe needed to activatethe bureaucratization of official-
dom. As a new avenue for civil recruitment, it set in motion,howevermodestly,
the shiftto the new normforthe ideologicaloutlookof officialdom in the central
government. As such, it heraldedboth the rise of the new breed of Confucian-
orientedcivil officialand the decline of the military-oriented aristocratic official,
broadeningin the processthe base of regal supportand power.
Kwangjong also took steps to safeguardthe continuityof the examination
systemthroughthe strategicappointmentof successfulcandidates-at least most
of those whose early careerscan be traced-to positionsin the Kwangmun-won
where theycould generatemaximumfeedbackfor the futuresustenanceof the
system.To this end, Kwangjong had been quick to transferthe operationalre-
sponsibilityof the newlyinnovatedsysteminto nativehands. The admirablyhigh
level at which the borrowedinstitution was managed and subsequentlysustained
by Koreans attestsnot only to the validityof Kwangjong's decisionto make the
transfer but also to the nativecapacityto take on the rigorsinherentin adaptation
ofan alieninstitution.
The capacityto undertakethis task, and to do so successfully, did not and
could not have come about overnight.The crucial prerequisitefor successfulac-
culturationhad been long in the making,and the innovativeking, his able ex-
aminers and candidates were themselvesproductsof the centuries-oldKorean
endeavorto masterthe difficult ChineseConfucianscholarship.Behind the smooth
transplantation of the Chinese civil serviceexaminationsystemwas, therefore,
Korea's immenselysuccessfulmasteryof the Chinese Confucianscholarship(using
the originalChinese texts) by the segmentof Koreans best equipped to ensure
the continuation of thatsuccess.
Yet, notwithstanding thissuccess,one cannothelp but commenton the enormity
of the price that Koreans ultimatelypaid for the taste of such success.It is an
ironictwistof historythat,a millenniumpast the executionof Ch'oe Haenggwi,
who upheld the value of the native literarytradition,modernKoreans are com-
pelled to turnto his Chinesetranslationof Kyunyo'scelebratedpoems forsole re-
51 KS, 2, 26b.

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INSTITUTIONAL BORROWING IN EARLY KORYO 123
maining access to understandinghyangga which Haenggwi called "our poetry
beautifulas embroideredbrocade.""2Who would deny the heavycontribution the
of the Chineseexaminationsystemmade towardthe payment
successfulinstitution
of this exhorbitantprice-paid, no doubt, withoutthe generationof successful
innovatorseven realizingit.

52 Lee, Studiesin . . , op. cit.,p. I64.

GLOSSARY

Ach'an J ?

Chang Hang _ 7

Chang YGaut

Chang Ytu

Cheng-kn;arn
cheng-yao - -

chesul $_

Chiang-snhih-lang

Chin Ilaajjo (-4 &

Chin Kang -1-4-

Chin Kwangin -% %

Chin Kyong gp

Ch' ing-chou 4
+ *Is

chinsa

Chin-shih

Thiu Wu-tai shih s, s ..

Cho Ik

Ch,oe Ci imoX

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 124 H. W. KANG
Hu Paekclie
Ch'oe Haenggwi

cli'oe K66P huang-tu

Cli'oe Nars6n h-ang6o IV -,',7

Ch'oe OlIV71 hyaiigga /,CT J')

Cli'oe S6m Hyeg6

Cli'oe S6ngno Hy6njong

ch6ns 1 -wa idu

Ch5sen gakuh6 Iry6n

Ch5sen kinseki s5ran

Kap-lcwa 44
Ch5sen S6tokufu
Karak sega

Chungang KeiJ6

Chungang Taehakkyo nonmum-jip Kigye

Chngbo munh5n pigc

O Kim Ch'aek

Chungdan-gy6ng
Kim Chinyu
4fc,
Chunhong
Kim I

Chiln-hsUn-y6an Jr
Kim Munbae

Ct,ung-hua Shu-chd
-,q
Kim S,ng6i

Ch5sGin
Kim Yongd5k
Chwasln8 Kincga,a Tsuyoshi

Dai Kan-ja jitcn

k'o-cliu

Daish6',zaii Shoten

D5gen-sha
Kono,a,,,a Sh5ter,

Ennin
alal slioki no lanl(zi

Gakushiin T5y5bunka KenkyUjo i,- K5rai shoki no ry5han ni tsulte )A

Godal jidai no gunjiinin to
bahoin no salban KorY6

Hallim Kor)6 ch'ogi e iss6s5 11 odae

waii kwan'gye

Ran
Kory5 Kwangjong-jo 6i kwag5
cliedo munje 6,
Ran 6n'goiig
_15

Kory5 sa
Han'guk kmsng-mun ch'ubo
Kory6 sa ch5ryo
Han'guk MunhwaY5n'gu-w5a
nonch'ong Kbtel Seis5 jitsuroku chiri shi

hojang
,,uan-clila plar-kuart

Hou Chou
Kuksa

Hou Han
Kuo Wei

Hou Liang
Kurihara Masuo

Hou T'ang Kurye

Hsien-te
kwag

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INSTITUTIONAL BORROWING IN EARLY KORY0.' 125
1,va n g -k Teng-chou

Kwangj ong Tien-chien-cliLn

Kwangju Tohang-gy6n&

Kvangriun-w6n toks6 sanp'um-kwa v t,

Kwangp'y6ng w6noerang I-R lp Tongbang-hak Ybn'guso

Kwangsan J-\ Tongguk Munhwasa

Kx,7ib6p T5y6 gakuh5

Ky5ngju T6y5shi kenkyG --

Kyuny6 4v- Ts'e-fu yiian-kuei

Kyuny6 ch6n T'ui-kuan

Kyuny5 Taesa y5n'gu

Av-i 5i6p

Ma-pu-yUan Wang K6n

Minjung S6gwan
Wang Sin

Morohashi Tetsuji
Wang Sinil

Muronaga Yoshiz5
Wang Tong

myBnggy6ng
Wang Yuk 3F-
Naebong-s5ng 4-

Wang Yung
Namw6n

wanggy5ng
Silla

W6nyuri
S lli

Vu-slieng-cliln
S6 P'll

Wu-sbenS-chUn chleh-tu
So'-jubu hsun-kuan

Sondai saisho- ko ITI /I

S6ngj org Wu-tai,hui-yao

Sueri-,tsu Yasul.azu Wu-),leh

Sung Yang Chaey6n

Sngh%7a Yang Ning-sliil,

Ta-Chou hsing-t'ung 7k elli Yi Kibaek

Tae Y6hae

Tae-bang Yu

taesang Yu

T'ai-tsu Yu Chin

T'ai-tsung Yu Chin'gy6ng
q
Takeda Yukio Yu Pangh5n

Tam Yu Lsin UL
;5
T'ang Yuk-tup'um 111-7

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