~LO~)

OXFORD EARLY CHRISTIAN TEXTS

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The series provides reliable working texts of important early Christian writers
in both Greek and Latin. Each volume contains an introduction, text, and select o
critical apparatus, with English translations en face, and brief explanatory
references.

Titles in the series include:

Priscillian 10
Cyril of Alexandria: Selected Letters
Edited by Lionel R. Wickham
of Avila:
Augustine: De Doctrina Christiana
Edited by R. P. H. Green
Augustine: De Bono Congiugali and De Sancta Virginitate
Edited by P. G. Walsh
The Complete
Maximus the Confessor and his Companions:
Documents from Exile
Edited by Pauline Allen and Bronwen Neil
Works
Leontius of Jerusalem
Against the Monophysites
Testimonies of the Saints and Aporiae
Edited by Patrick T. R. Gray
Sophronius of Jerusalem and Seventh-Century Heresy EDITED AND TRANSLATED BY
The Synodical Letter and Other Documents MARCO CONTI
Edited by Pauline Allen
The Epistles of St Symeon the New Theologian
Edited by H. J. M. Turner
Justin, Philosopher and Martyr
Apologies
Edited by Denis Minns and Paul Parvis

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Preface
The main purpose of this book is to introduce the reader to Priscillian's
literary work. Such purpose may appear to be trite indeed and predictable
for an author who, in the last 100 years, has been the object of countless
articles and sorne in-depth monographs. But if one examines any detailed
bibliography on Priscillian, 1 it will immediately be noticed that, even though
this author left a fairly extended corpus of both genuine and spurious works,
the large majority of the secondary literature concerning him is focused on
his historical position as the founder of the Priscillianist heresy, and the
consequent councils and trials which were held against him, his followers, and
his ideas. In addition, even though the publication of translated classical
and Christian Greek and Latin texts has significantly increased in the last
forty-fifty years, the translation presented here is actually the first that is
complete and readily available for this author. 2
There is no doubt, at this stage, that the historical figure of Priscillian as a
heresiarch, and the nature of his idiosyncratic Christianity as opposed to
1
For a complete bibliography on Priscillian see A. Olivares Guillem, Prisciliano a través del
tiempo: Historia de los estudios sobre el Priscilianismo, Colección Galicia Histórica, Fundación
Pedro Barrié de la Maza (Madrid, 2004), 265-91 (see also pp. 189-92); a bibliography up to
1984 is in: Alberto Ferreiro, The Visigoths in Gaul and Spain A.D. 418-711: A Bibliography
(Leiden, 1988), 197-203. A good select bibliography is in: V. Burrus, The Making of a Heretic:
Gende1; Authority, and the Priscillianist Controversy (Berkeley, 1995), 233-42; see also: M. V.
Escribano Paño, 'Estado actual de los estudios sobre el priscilianismo', in ). Santos and R. Teja
(eds.), El cristianismo: aspectos históricos de su origen y difusión en Hispania: actas del
'symposium' de Vitoria-Gasteiz (25 a 27 de novembre de 1996), Universidad de País Vasco
(Vitoria, 2000), 263-87.
2
The translation by B. Segura Ramos, which includes the tractates and canons but no
spurious work (see Prisciliano, Tratados y cánones, Preámbulo, traducción y notas de B. Segura
Ramos, Biblioteca de visionarios, heterodoxos y marginados 1 (Madrid, 1975)) cannot be
defined as an actual translation, since the author has mostly paraphrased or mistranslated the
original Latin text, often omitting large sections of it. In his doctoral dissertation Goosen has
included a far superior Dutch translation of the tractates and canons: see A. B. ). M. Goosen,
Achtergronden van Priscillianus' christelijke ascese, 2 vols. (Nijmegen, 1976), ii. 270-368. How-
ever, besides the fact that Goosen' s work is a doctoral dissertation which never had a real
diffusion outside highly specialistic libraries, it must be added that, just like the work by Ramos,
it do es not include the translation of any of Priscillian' s spurious works, and in general presents
an approach that is openly partial with regard to asceticism which, according to Goosen, is the
main aspect ofPriscillianism. It must be added that a good translation with a detailed commen-
tary of Tractate V has been produced by A. Orbe (see A. Orbe, 'Heterodoxia del [Priscilliani]
Tractatus Genesis', Hispania Sacra, 33 ( 1981), 285-311), but this work is obviously confined toa
single work of Priscillian, that is, to a quite limited part of his literary production.
Vl Preface

institutional, mainstream Catholicism, have amply obscured his literary

personality, that is, his importance as an original and passionate writer and, at
the same time, his position within the specific context of the Latin Christian
literature of the fourth century.
Now it is quite reasonable that scholars have painstakingly tried to
reconstruct the historical and social context in which Priscillian was
condemned and executed at the end of a controversy that was certainly
sensational and involved popes, emperors, and leading figures of Christianity
such as Ambrose, and later Augustine and Jerome. 3 But this critical approach
has inevitably caused Priscillian the writer to remain hidden behind the
events of his life, so that his works have been often neglected or even ignored
by scholars who have preferred to concentrate on the historical testimonies
on this author rather than on his own literary production.
My impression is that the excessively rigid historical analysis of Priscillian' s
figure should be replaced by a more unbiased and comprehensive approach,
which may take into consideration both his undoubted historical importance
as the founder of a heresy and his literary role as an original Latin writer
with his style, models, and influences. My hope is that my translations and
commentaries will be somehow useful in this regard.
Acknowledgements
1 am deeply grateful to Professor Olivia Remie Constable, Dr Roberta
Baranoski and all the staff at the Medieval Institute of the University of Notre
Dame for their support and generous grant, which enabled me to complete
my work on Priscillian in the best possible academic environment.
I also wish to express my gratefulness to Professor Andrew Louth, Dr Carol
Harrison, Professor Douglas Davies and all the staff at the Department of
Theology in Durham for their constant availability and help in the course of
the last 12 years.
I am also deeply grateful to Stephen Ryle of the School of Classics at the
University of Leeds and Antonio Montes Moreira, bishop of Bragan<;:a-
Miranda, for guiding me throughout my academic career.
Finally I would like to thank Amanda & Charlie Harrison, Roswitha
Wagenknecht and Pierpaolo Andriani for their help and friendship in the
course of my research.

3
For a full treatment of the role of Augustine and Jerome in the Priscillianist controversy
after Priscillian's execution see esp. A. Ferreiro, 'Sexual Depravity, Doctrinal Error, and
Character Assassination in the Fourth Century: Jerome Against the Priscillianists', Studia
Patristica, 28 (1993), 29-38; id., 'Jerome's polemic against Priscillian in his Letter to Ctesiphon
(133,4)', REAug 39.2 (1993 ), 309-32; Burrus, The Making, 103-64.
 Contents

Abbreviations Xl

Introduction 1
The Life of Priscillian
The Condemnation of Priscillian: Heresiarch or Victim of
Ecclesiastical Intolerance? 5
The Works of Priscillian 12
Genuine Works 14
Spurious Works 19
Priscillian the Writer 21
Manuscript Tradition and Editions ofPriscillian's Works 25
Genuine Works 25
Spurious Writings 28

Texts and Translations 31

Genuine Works 33
Tractate I 33
Tractate JI 69
Tractate III 83
Tractate IV 101
Tractate V 107
Tractate VI 117
Tractate VII 133
Tractate VIII 139
Tractate IX 143
Tractate X 145
Tractate XI 159
Canons on the Letters of the Apostle Paul 165
Fragment Quoted in Orosius' Commonitorium 211
Spurious Works 213
On the Trinity of Catholic Faith 213
Prologues of the Monarchians 251
Commentary 259
Select Bibliography 319
Index of Biblical Qoutations 329
Index 337
 Abbreviations

Cf. the Année Philologique for abbreviations of periodicals and series.

ACS F. Rodríguez, 'Concilio I de Zaragoza: Texto Crítico', in
Primiero Concilio Caesaraugustano: MDC aniversario
(Zaragoza, 1981).
Babut, Priscillien E. Ch. Babut, Priscillien et le priscillianisme (Paris, 1909).
Bianco, 'Tematiche' G. M. Bianco, 'Tematiche astrali nei Trattati di Würzburg',
SMSR 13 (1989), 223-34.
Bianco, 'Priscilliano G. M. Bianco, 'Priscilliano e le potestates ventorum', SMSR 16
e el potestates' (1992), 275-88.
Burrus, The Making V. Burrus, The Making of a Heretic: Gende1; Authority, and the
Priscillianist Controversy (Berkeley 1995).
Chadwick, Priscillian H. Chadwick, Priscillian of Avila: The Occult and the
Charismatic in the Early Church (Oxford, 1976).
Chapman, Notes J. Chapman, Notes on the Early History of the Vulgate Gospels
(Oxford, 1908).
CSEL 18 G. Schepss (ed.), Priscilliani quae supersunt maximam partem
nuper detexit adiectisque commentariis criticis et indicibus
primus edidit Georgius Schepss. Accedit Orosii
Commonitorium de errare Priscillianistarum et
Origenistarum, Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum
Latinorum 18 (Vienna, 1889).
Fernandez Ardanaz, S. Fernandez Ardanaz, 'Religiosidad cósmica y simbología
'Religiosidad' pagana en Prisciliano', in A. Gonzalez Blanco and J. M.
Blazquez Martinez (eds.), Cristianismo y aculturación en
tiempos del Imperio Romano, Antigüedad y cristianismo 7
(Murcia, 1990), 207-35.
Jacobs, 'The A. A. Jacobs, 'The Disorder of Books: Priscillian's Canonical
Disorder' Defense of Apocrypha', HThR 93.2 (2000), 135-59.
Mercati, Opere M. G. Mercati, Opere Minori, III, Studi e Testi 78 (Rome, 1937),
508-9.
Morin, 'Traité G. Morin, 'Traité priscillianiste inédit sur la Trinité', in Études,
priscillianiste' textes, découvertes: contributions a la littérature et a l'histoire
des douze premiers siecles, I (Maresdous, 1913), 151-205.
Xll Abbreviations
Olivares Guillem, A. Olivares Guillem, Prisciliano a través del tiempo: historia de
Prisciliano los estudios sobre el Priscilianismo, Colección Galicia Histórica,
Fundación Pedro Barrié de la Maza (Madrid, 2004).
Orbe, 'Doctrina' A. Orbe, 'Doctrina trinitaria del anónimo priscilianista De
Trinitate fidei catholicae', Gregorianum, 49 (1968), 510-62.
se 441 Sulpice Sévere, Croniques, Introduction, texte critique,
traduction et commentaire par G. de Senneville-Grave,
Sources Chrétiennes 441 (Paris, 1999).
Schipper, 'Le drame' R. Schipper, 'Le Drame de !'ame: un exposé de Priscillien
reconsidéré', RSLR 39.1 (2003), 3-22.
Svennung, J. Svennung, 'Annotationes cntrcae ad Tractatus
'Annotationes' Priscillianeos', in Strena Philologica Upsaliensis. Festskrift
tillagnad professor Per Persson (Uppsala, 1922), 137-43.
Veronese, M. Veronese, 'Le citazioni del "De Trinitate" di Ilario nella
'Le citazioni' raccolta attribuita a Priscilliano', VetChr40.1 (2003), 133-57.
M. Veronese, 'Su alcune citazioni classiche nel "corpus"
Veronese, 'Su alcune
citazioni' priscillianista di Würzburg', in Auctores nostri: studi e testi di
letteratura cristiana antica 2 (Bari, 2005), 219-36.
M. Veronese, 'Il digiuno di Giosue: errore di citazione o
Veronese, 'Il
digiuno di corruzione priscillianista?', in Auctores nostri: studi e testi di
Giosue' letteratura cristiana antica 1 (Bari, 2004), 201-14.
Introduction
THE LIFE OF PRISCILLIAN
Priscillian was a noble, highly educated layman who, according to historical
sources, had been initiated into heresy by Mark of Memphis and his pupils
Agape and Helpidius. 1 Contemporary scholarship tends to dismiss these
alleged teachers of Priscillian as a probable invention of his adversaries. 2
It is likely that he began to preach a new, idiosyncratic form of Christianity
in the seventies of the fourth century/ and was able to spread it from the
southern Spanish regions of Baetica and Lusitania to Galicia and Aquitaine. 4
According to Sulpicius Severus, 5 Priscillian created a religious society,
including both laypeople and the clergy, which was characterized by a rigid
form of asceticism with Gnostic or Manichaean leanings. The spreading of
Priscillian's society and ideas alarmed Hyginus, bishop of Corduba, who
informed Hydatius, bishop of Merida, about this threat to the stability of
the Spanish Christian community. Hydatius immediately and vehemently
opposed Priscillian and his followers and caused a series of struggles, until he
was able to have a council summoned in Saragossa on 4 October 380, 6 which
was not attended by Priscillian or any of his supporters. 7 From the acts of the
1
Cf. Sulp. Sev. Chron. 2.46.1-2 PL 20:155; CSEL 1:99; SC 441:332-4. Hydatius, Chron. 13b,
PL 51:875; SC 218:108. Jerome, Epist. 133.4, PL 22:248. There is no precise description ofMark's
or Agape's and Helpidius' heresy in Severus, but the reference to Egypt and the East clearly
suggests Gnosticism or Manichaeism. Cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 20-3.
2
Cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 21-2; Burrus, The Making, 139-140; Babut identifies Agape and
Helpidius with Euchrotia, who was la ter executed with Priscillian in Trier, and her husband: see
Babut, Priscillien, 33-6.
3
Cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 8.
S Chron. 46.3 PL 20:155-6; se 441:334.
4
Cf. ibid. 11-12.
" Acta concilii caesaraugustani, PL 84:315-18. ACS 9-25. It is undoubted that 'the Acts of the
Council of Saragossa as a whole clearly reflect the attitudes of Christians who were disturbed by
Priscillian's influence' (Burrus, The Making, 43). However, in the acts of the council the name
of Priscillian and his followers is not mentioned. Sulpicius Severus, however, reports that a
sentence was pronounced against Priscillian, Helpidius, and the bishops Instantius and
Salvianus in their absence (cf. Chron. 47.1, PL 20:156; SC 441:334). It is impossible to ascertain
whether the condemnation of Priscillian and his followers was included in a lost section of the
Acta, or Severus is inventing this detail to emphasize the hostility towards the Priscillianists.
Priscillian himself confirms that his name or that of his followers was not mentioned at the
Council of Saragossa (cf. Prisc. Tract. JI, 27-30). See also M. V. Escribano Paño, 'Sobre la
pretendita condena nominal dictada por el Concilio de Caesaraugusta del año 380', in ACS
123-33; Burrus, The Making, 25.
7
Cf. Sulp. Sev. Chron. 47.1, PL 20:156; SC 441:334; Prisc. Tract. JI, 32-4.
2 Introduction
8
council it appears that the main concern of the bishops who gathered in
Saragossa regarded the sphere of discipline. They prohibited illicit activities
such as fasts on Sundays, or absences from the church in certain periods of the
year, or meetings in which women associated with strange men. 9 On the other
hand, there was no judgement or condemnation in the sphere of doctrine. It
seems that at this stage the dossier accusing Priscillian as an actual heretic
(Manichaean) was still in progress and was not used in this first council.
After Hydatius returned to his see in Merida, a new controversy burst out.
According to Priscillian's testimony, it was caused by Hydatius' enmity
against his group, and was aggravated by the fact that Hydatius had been
indicted by members of the clergy and laity of his city. 10 Instantius and
Salvianus, two bishops who were Priscillian' s main supporters, 11 tried to
compose this controversy by going to Merida in order to have a confer-
ence with Hydatius. But when they approached the presbytery a crowd of
Hydatius' supporters barred and attacked them, so that they were forced to
leave Merida in haste. 12
Roughly at the same time of the incident in Merida (381), Priscillian was
appointed by Instantius and Salvianus as the new bishop of Avila, whose see
had fallen vacant. 13 At this stage Hydatius appealed to the emperor Gratian,
and obtained from him a rescript that banned all heretics from churches and
cities and every land. 14 It is extremely likely that 'Gratian's pronouncement
authorized Hydatius to identify the guilty parties', 15 so that he could actually
charge Priscilian and his supporters of being Manichaean and ask for their
banishment. At the same time he was able to gain the support of Ambrose,
bishop of Milan.
8
The bishops who gathered in Saragossa were twelve: Fhoebadius of Agen, who probably
presided at the eouneil, Delphinus of Bordeaux, Eutieius, Ampelius, Augentius, Lueius, Ithaeius,
who will beeome later one of the fiereest opponents of Friseillian, Splendonius, Valerius,
Symposius, earterius, a11d Hydatius. Hygi11us, who had bee11 the first to report the aetivity of
Friseillian as a teaeher, was 11ot prese11t at the couneil. ef. ACS II. 18-20; Burrus, The Makmg, 28.
9
For a detailed a11alysis of the judgeme11ts of Saragossa, see: Burrus, The Making, 30-46.
10
ef. Frise. Tract. JI, 110-30. The 11ature of the eharge against Hydatius is unknow11:
ehadwiek supposes that Hydatius might have eohabited with his wife, who had possibly give11
birth to a ehild. ef. ehadwiek, Priscillian, 31.
11
Their sees are unknow11, but it is likely that they were el ose to e01·duba: cf. Se 441:47 4.
12
ef. Frise. Tract. JI, 130-4. Burrus, The Making, 52-3.
13
Sulp. Sev. Chron. 2.47.2, FL 20:156; eSEL 1:100; Se 441:336. ef. ehadwiek, Priscillian, 33.
14
Igitur post multa et foeda certamina Ydacio supplicante elicitur a Gratiano tum imperatore
rescriptum, qua universi haeretici excedere non ecclesiis tantum aut urbibus, sed extra omnes terras
propelli iubebantur. Sulp. Sev. Chron. 2.47.2, FL 20:156; eSEL 1:100; Se 441:336. The hereties
to whom Sulpieius Severus refers in this passage are the Ma11iehaea11s: cf. Burrus, The Making,
50-l.
15
Burrus, The Making, 54.
The LiJe of Priscillian 3
Unwilling to oppose an imperial rescript, Priscillian, Instantius, and Salvi-
anus decided to leave their respective Spanish sees and to make a journey to
Italy with a view to obtaining the support of the bishops of Ro me and Milan,
and pleading their cause before the emperor. 16
On their way to Rome they stopped in Aquitaine, where they were able to
muster considerable local support, especially in the city of Eauze. Then they
moved to Bordeaux, where they hoped to be received by Delphinus, 17 bishop
of that city. But Delphinus showed absolute hostility and refused to meet
them. While in Bordeaux Priscillian and his companions continued their
campaign to gain the support of the Christians of that region, and were
hospitably received by the rich widow Euchrotia on her villa. When they
resumed their journey to Rome, Euchrotia decided to follow them together
with her daughter Procula. 18
According to Sulpicius Severus, Priscillian and his companions first
reached Rome, and later decided to go to Milan. 19 However, scholars tend to
reverse the order of these journeys. 20 In my opinion V. Burrus provides the
most convincing reconstruction of this phase of the controversy. 21 They first
reached Milan, where they sought the support of Ambrose. After the bishop
of Milan had refused to help them they proceeded to Ro me, where Priscillian
submitted a letter to Pope Damasus and asked for a hearing before the
ecclesiastical court in Ro me. 22 The pope, however, declined to receive both
Priscillian and his followers, so that they moved again to Milan in order to
plead their cause before the imperial court. While in Milan they were able,
probably through bribery or by exploiting the enmities that surrounded
Ambrose, to obtain the support ofMacedonius, Gratian's magíster officiorum.
Even though Gratian had initially promulgated a rescript that banished
Priscillian and the bishops of his party from their sees, Macedonius abolished
it with a new one that allowed them to be restored to their churches. 23 At this
stage Priscillian and Instantius decided to return to Spain. 24
16
ef. Sulp. Sev. Chron. 2.48.1, FL 20:156; eSEL 1:101; se 441:336; ehadwiek, Priscillian
p.36-42; Burrus, The Making, 81-94.
17
Delphi11us had bee11 o11e the bishops prese11t at the eou11eil of Saragossa: ef. above 11. 4.
18
ef. Sulp. Sev. Chron. 2.48.1-2, FL 20:156; eSEL 1:101; se 441:336-8. Aeeordi11g to
Sulpieius Severus' aeeou11t, there was a rumour that Froeula, Euehrotia's daughter, had bee11
sedueed or raped by Friseillia11 a11d had la ter aborted with the use of herbs.
19
ef. Sulp. Sev. Chron. 2.48.2, FL 20:156-7; eSEL 1:101; Se 441:338.
2
° Cf. Babut, Priscillien, 153; ehadwiek, Priscillian, 40 and 11. 2.
21
See Burrus, The Making, 84-94.
22
Frise. Tract. JI, 1-198.
23
See Sulp. Sev. Chron. 2.48.2, FL 20:156-7; eSEL 1:101; se 441:338.
24
The seco11d Friseillia11ist bishop, Salvianus, had died while he was in Milan. See Sulp. Sev.
Chron. 2.48.2, PL 20:157; eSEL 1:101; se 441:338.
4 Introduction
In the months following their restoration to their episcopal sees, Priscillian
and Instantius had to face again the opposition of their Spanish colleagues.
Even though there is no information about the activity of Hydatius in this
phase of the controversy, Sulpicius Severus reports how Ithacius, who was one
of the bishops present at Saragossa and Hydatius' most faithful ally, repeat-
edly attempted to resist the restoration of the two heretical bishops.
When through the proconsul Volventius, governor of Lusitania, Priscillian
and his party obtained an order to arrest Ithacius as perturbator ecclesiarum, 25
Ithacius decided to leave Spain and take refuge in Gaul, in the imperial city
of Trier. There he successfully appealed to both Britannus, bishop of the city,
and Gregory, the pretorian prefect, and obtained from the latter a rescript
ordering Priscillian and his entourage to appear in Trier to answer for their
behaviour and doctrine. 26 However, Gregory was notable in his action to gain
the support of the emperor Gratian, who had been initially hostile to Priscil-
lian and his followers. As a consequence Priscillian, who had Macedonius'
patronage, appealed again to the powerful magíster officiorum of Gratian, and
had the trial transferred to Spain. In addition, Ithacius was ordered to appear
at the trial under the custody of imperial officers.
Ithacius, at this stage, decided to elude arrest and stay in Trier while waiting
for the developments of the rebellion of the usurper Maximus Magnus in
Britain. When in 383 Gratian, who was by now preparing to fight Maximus in
Gaul, was finally assassinated in a conspiracy, Maximus took power and
entered Trier as the new emperor. Ithacius was immediately able to direct the
attention of Maximus onto the controversy surrounding Priscillian and his
supporters, and to show them in the most unfavourable light, so that the new
emperor decided to convene a council in Bordeaux in which all the parties
involved should appear. 27
The council probably took place in 384, and proved to be quite hostile to
Priscillian and his episcopal colleague Instantius. No council acts are extant,
but Sulpicius Severus includes in his narrative a brief account of the facts of
Bordeaux. From his testimony it appears that Instantius, who had been
invited to plead his cause first, was not able to clear himself, and was declared
to be unworthy of his episcopate. At this stage Priscillian decided not to face a
trial before bishops who had clearly shown themselves to be hostile to him,
25
Sulp. Sev. Chron. 2.49.1, PL 20:157; CSEL 1:101-2; SC 441:338.
26
See Sulp. Sev. Chron. 2.49.1, PL 20:157; CSEL 1:101-2; SC 441:338. Cf. Chadwick, Priscil-
lian, 40-2; Burrus, The Making, 93.
27
Both Ithacius and Hydatius were present at this council. Cf. Sulp. Sev. Chron. 2.49.2; 2.50.1,
PL 20:157; CSEL 1:102-3; SC 441:338-40. Cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 42-4; Burrus, The Making,
94.
The Condemnation of Priscillian 5
and directly appealed to the emperor Maximus. 28 The bishops in Bordeaux
raised no objection, and the whole matter was transferred to the secular court
in Trier.
Both Martin of Tours and later Ambrose opposed this decision, as
they believed that the exclusion of the heretical bishops from their sees
was a sufficient punishment, whereas they considered the transfer of an
ecclesiastical case to the secular court to be an unheard-of abuse. But
their opposition was ineffective, and both Hydatius and Ithacius followed
Priscillian to Trier as his accusers. After being heard by the prefect Evodius,
Priscillian was convicted as a sorcerer and heretic. At this stage Maximus
decided that Priscillian and his companion should be condemned to death.
A new case was prepared for trial, but Ithacius, who was worried by the
hatred that he was raising in other bishops with his behaviour, decided to
withdraw as Priscillian's accuser. He was promptly replaced by Maximus with
the secular lawyer Patricius. At the end of the trial, which probably occurred
in 385,2 9 Priscillian was beheaded together with the clerics Felicissimus
and Armenius, the pupils Latronianus and Euchrotia, the deacon Aurelius,
and Asarius. The bishop Instantius, who had been condemned in Bordeaux,
was exiled as well as the pupils Tiberianus, Tertullus, Potamius, and John. 30
THE CONDEMNATION OF PRISCILLIAN:
HERESIARCH OR VICTIM OF ECCLESIASTICAL
INTOLERANCE?
In his detailed and thorough monograph on the testimonies and studies
concerning Priscillian and Priscillianism from late antiquity to the present
time, Olivares Guillem 31 has shown how the ideas on the possible reasons
which led to the final condemnation ofPriscillian and his religious movement
have radically changed in the course of the centuries.
In the period between the fourth and the sixth centuries, which includes
the testimonies of Priscillian's contemporaries/ 2 the prevalent idea was that
the bishop of Avila had been rightly accused of being the founder of a new
28
See Sulp. Sev. Chron. 2.49.3, PL 20:157; CSEL 1:102; SC 441:340.
29
For the chronology of Priscillian's final tria! and execution see Chadwick, Priscillian,
132-4.
30
See Sulp. Sev. Chron. 2.50.1-51.1, PL 20:157-8; CSEL 1:103-4; SC 441:340-4; Jerome, De
viris inlustr. 121, PL 23:750B; cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 144-6; Burrus, The Making, 94-101.
31
A. Olivares Guillem, Prisciliano a través del tiempo: historia de los estudios sobre el Priscilian-
ismo, Colección Galicia Histórica, Fundación Pedro Barrié de la Maza (Madrid, 2004).
32
For a complete list of sources and testimonies see ibid. 31-71; 247-8.
6 Introduction
Christian heresy. Even though his execution had been opposed by Ambrose,
Martín of Tours, and other bishops, 33 his condemnation as a heretic was
justified by his unorthodox ideas and doctrines, which showed an obvious
affinity with Gnosticism and Manichaeanism as well as Monarchianism. 34
In the Middle Ages (seventh-fifteenth century) the interest in Priscillian
and his heresy radically diminished, so that only indirect references to this
author and his ideas are detectable in historical sources. 35 The general critica!
approach shows no substantial change in comparison with that of the
previous centuries (fourth-sixth), and the medieval testimonies continue to
see in Priscillian a typical example of a heresiarch.
A renewed and growing interest in the history of the early Church charac-
terizes the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries. 36 The first proper
monographs 37 on Priscillian were published in this period, in addition to
comprehensive works 38 which treated Priscillian and Priscillianism within
the broad context of a general history of the Church. The critica! approach
is consistent with that of the previous centuries in the works by Illyricus,
Baronius, and Tillemont/ 9 but shows a significant change in those by
Arnold40 and de Vries, 41 who reverse Priscillian's position by presenting him
as a victim of ecclesiastical power. In the vision of these scholars, Priscillian
becomes an ascetic who wanted to restare the original purity of Christianity,
and was opposed and finally executed by the Church through its alliance with
secular power. 42 The scholarship on Priscillian retained a similar character in
the nineteenth century, and continued to fluctuate between an absolutory and
a condemning position. 43
33
See Chadwick, Priscillian, 138-9; Babut, Priscillien, 180-1; Burrus, The Making, 96-7.
34
This position is particularly evident in Orosius and Augustine: see Orosius,
Commonitorium de errare Priscillianistarum et Origenistarum, PL 31:1211-16; CSELl8:149-57;
Aug. De haeresibus, 70, PL 42:44; CCSL 46:333-4.
35
See Olivares Guillem, Prisciliano, 75-93.
36
See ibid. 93-122.
37
Anonimo, 'Bachiarius illustratus sive de Priscilliana Haeresi Dissertatio', in Raccolta
d' opuscoli scientifici e flilologici, XXVII (Venice, 1742), 61-157; F. Girvesius, Historia
Priscillianistarum sive de haeresi Priscilliana historica dissertatio (Rome, 1749); P. Th. Cacciari,
Exercitationes in universa opera S. Leoni Magni, JI. De Priscillianistarum haeresi et historia liber
(Rome, 1751 ); S. de Vries, Dissertatio critica de Priscillianistis eorumque fatis, doctrinis et moribus
(Utrecht, 1745).
38
Cf. Matthias Flaccius Illyricus, Ecclesiasticae Centuriae, IV-V (Base!, 1560-2); Caesar
Baronius, Annales Ecclesiastici (Rome, 1588-1607); S. Lenain de Tillemont, Mémoires pour servir
a l'histoire ecclésiastique des six premiers siecles (Paris, 1693-1712); G. Arnold, Unpartheiyische
Kirchen und Ketzer-Historie vom Anfang des Neuen Testaments bis auf das ]ahr Christi 1688
(Frankfurt am Main, 1699-1700).
39
Cf. above n. 38. 4
° Cf. above n. 38. 41
Cf. above n. 37.
42
See Olivares Guillem, Prisciliano, 108-10; 121-2. 43
See ibid. 122-33.
The Condemnation of Priscillian 7
Our knowledge of Priscillian decisively increased in 1886, when Georg
Schepss discovered in the library of the university of Würzburg44 a manu-
script including eleven tractates ascribable to Priscillian, and accurately
edited and published them in 1889. 45 These works, which are mentioned
by Jerome, 46 had been thought to be completely lost since the early Middle
Ages. 47
The first effect of Schepss' crucial discovery was to raise a certain interest in
philologists and historians ofliterature, who began to study Priscillian's texts
and to discuss the problem of their authorship. In addition, it contributed to
the discovery of new works that could be attributed to Priscillian himself or
members of his circle, or la ter followers of his sect. 48
On the other hand, the content of the tractates, which seem to be largely
orthodox and apparently unexceptionable, did not positively contribute to
solve the vexata quaestio of Priscillian' s heresy or orthodoxy. Throughout the
first three decades of the twentieth century scholars continued to be divided
into an absolutory andan accusatory trend. Sorne saw in Priscillian's literary
legacy a further proof of his actual orthodoxy, whereas others attributed the
Würzburg tractates to Priscillian's companion Instantius, and continued to
base their hypotheses on the traditional historical sources written between
the fourth and sixth centuries, which condemned Priscillian as a heretic. 49
E. Ch. Babut, who published in 1909 an extended monograph on Priscillian, 50
is a typical representative of the absolutory trend. He suggests that Priscillian
wanted to spread through Spain a sort of ascetic reform, which was not in
contrast with Christian orthodoxy, as is demonstrated by his extant works.
However, the hostile propaganda of Ithacius 51 and his pamphlet52 were
44
Würzburg, Universitatsbibliothek, Codex M p. Th. q. 3.
·IS G. Schepss (ed.), Priscilliani quae supersunt maximam partem nuper detexit adiectisque
commentariis criticis et indicibus primus edidit Georgius Schepss. Accedit Orosii Commonitorium
de errare Priscillianistarum et Origenistarwn, Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum,
18 (Vienna, 1889).
6
'' Jerome, De viris inlustr. 121, PL 23:750B: Priscillianus, Abilae episcopus, qui factione Hydatii
et Ithacii Treveris a Maximo tyranno caesus est, edidit multa opuscula, de quibus ad nos aliqua
pervenenmt. Cf. also CSEL 18: p. viii.
47
Cf. Olivares Guillem, Prisciliano, 75-93.
48
We will discuss these questions and the different texts attributed to Priscillian in the next
section, 'The Works ofPriscillian'. Cf. also Olivares Guillem, Prisciliano, 138-55.
49
Cf. above, 5-6.
50
E. Ch. Babut, Priscillien et le Priscillianisme (Paris, 1909). Cf. Olivares Guillem, Prisciliano,
165-6.
51
52
Cf. above, 4-5.
According to Babut, Ithacius was the author of an extremely hostile pamphlet which
caused the condemnation of Priscillian's ideas as heretical, and finally his execution as a sor-
cerer. However, there is no historical evidence for the existence of this pamphlet: see Babut,
Priscillien, 28, 33-56.
8 Introduction
successful in causing Priscillian's condemnation as a heretic, and finally his
execution as a sorcerer. The opposing trend is represented by Künstle, 53
Davids, 54 and D'Alés. 55 These authors base their hypotheses on the available
historical sources on Priscillian, which clearly report his heterodoxy. They
suggest that the reliability of such sources is not weakened by the Würzburg
tractates, which both Davids and D'Alés ascribe to Instantius 56 according to
the hypothesis of Morin. 57 Their conclusion is that there is no basis to deny
the historical evidence of Priscillian' s heterodoxy.
From the mid-thirties of the twentieth century to the present time the
scholarship on Priscillian seems to have abandoned the rigid division into
two opposing trends in favour of a more varied approach. The debate on
the supposed heresy or orthodoxy of Priscillian, which showed a typical
theological viewpoint, has made way to different critical trends that go
beyond the problem of Priscillian's doctrinal position and place him within
either a precise political, social, and religious context or a particular historical
milieu. The critical trends which are more centred on the socio-political
context of Priscillianism see it either as an ascetic-monastic movement, 58 or a
movement of social emancipation, 59 or a social phenomenon motivated by
the Celtic ethnical component of Galicia or Tarragona. 60 On the other hand,
53
K. Künstle, Eine Bibliothek der Symbole und theologischer Tractate zur Bekampfung
des Priscillianismus und westgothischen Arianismus aus dem VI. Jahrhundert. Ein Beitrag zur
Geschichte der theologischen Litteratur in Spanien (Mainz, 1900 ); id., Antipriscilliana (Freiburg,
1905).
' J. A. Davids, De Orosio et Sancto Augustino Priscillianistarum adversariis commentatio
51
historica (The Hague, 1930).
55
A. D'Alés, 'Priscillien', RSR 23 (1933), 5-44, 129-175; id., Priscillien et l'Espagne chrétienne
a la fin du IV" siixle (Paris, 1936). Cf. Olivares Guillem, Prisciliano, 169-72.
56
Cf. above, 2-5.
57
See G. Morin, 'Pro Instantio: contre l'attribution a Priscillien des opuscula du manuscrit de
Würzburg', RB 30 (1913), 153-73.
" The most important monograph in this field is that by Goosen: see A. B. J. M. Goosen,
Achtergronden van Priscillianus' christelijke ascese, Diss. (Nijmegen, 1976). See also Olivares
Guillem, Prisciliano, 202-10.
59
See the classic work by Van Dam: R. Van Dam, Leadership and Community in Late Antique
Gaul (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1985); and the recent articles by Fernández Ardanaz and
Bravo: S. Fernández Ardanaz, 'Cuestiones sociales en el cristianismo del siglo IV', in Cristianismo
primitivo y religiones mistéricas (Madrid, 1995); G. Bravo, 'Cristianización y conflictos sociales
en el valle medio del Ebro', in Revisiones de Historia Antigua, III. El cristianismo: aspectos
históricos de su origen y difusión en Hispania (Vitoria, 2000), 29-36. See also Olivares Guillem,
Prisciliano, 210-15.
60
See esp. A. Tranoy, La Galice Ro maine: recherches sur le nord-ouest de la Péninsule ibérique
dans l'antiquité (Paris, 1981); id., 'Contexto histórico del priscilianismo en Galicia en los siglos
IV y V', in Prisciliano y el Priscilianismo, Cuadernos del norte (Oviedo, 1982), 77-81; L. A.
García Moreno, 'Nueva luz sobre la España de las invasiones des principios del siglo V. La
epístola XI de Consesncio a Agustín', in Verbo de Dios y palabras humanas (Pamplona, 1988),
153-74. See also Olivares Guillem, Prisciliano, 215-28.
The Condemnation of Priscillian 9
the critical trends which study Priscillianism on the basis of a thorough
historical analysis of the period see it as an emblema tic historical event result-
ing from the particular political, social, and religious situation of late
antiquity. 61 In recent years a new critical trend has examined Priscillian and
Priscillianism as a specific historiographical motif which shows a precise line
of development through the centuries. 62
Considering Priscillianist scholarship as a whole, I have no difficulty in
agreeing with Olivares Guillem, 63 who maintains that its different critical
trends have equally contributed to the discovery of the numerous facets of
Priscillian and Priscillianism. What seems unacceptable tome is the attempt
on the part of scholars to give a definitive interpretation of Priscillian through
a single viewpoint. How can we actually accept a critical trend that exclusively
sees Priscillian as a perfectly orthodox thinker who was victimized by
ecclesiastical intolerance, when all the historical testimonies of his con-
temporaries point to his heterodoxy? I cautiously suppose that in this
situation both these components must be considered, namely ecclesiastical
intolerance and heterodoxy. How can Priscillianism be reduced to a merely
social movement of opposition to ecclesiastical power, when the remains
of Priscillianist literature reveal a constant theological reflection? Again, I
think that both these components, namely social opposition and theological
reflection, must be taken into account.
In addition, it seems to me that all critical trends are generally inclined to
overlook the actual content of the Priscillianist literary corpus, which sorne-
times appears to offer illuminating clues to the actual nature of Priscillian's
religious movement.
An emblematic case of the often superficial or only partial analysis of
Priscillian's actual writings on the part of scholars concerned with Priscillian-
ism is represented by a passage from the first Würzburg tractate, which reads:
Illud autem, beatissimi sacerdotes, quod idolicas formas, Saturnum Uenerem Mer-
curium Iouem Martem ceterosque deos gentilium protulerunt, etiamsi tam otiosi
ad deum et nulla eruditi per scribturas fide uiueremus, tamen cum adhuc in
61
See the fundamental monographs by Vollmann, Chadwick, Burrus, and Escribano Paño: B.
Vollmann, Studien zum Priszillianismus. Die Forsclnmg, die Quellen, der Fünfzehnte Brief Papst
Leos des Grossen (St. Ottilien, 1965); id., 'Priscillianus', in RE Suppl. XIV (1974), 485-559;
H. Chadwick, Priscillian of Avila: The Occult and the Charismatic in the Early Church (Oxford,
1976); V. Burrus, The Making of a Heretic: Gende1; Authority, and the Priscillianist Controversy
(Berkeley, 1995); M. V. Escribano Paño, Iglesia y Estado en el certamen priscilianista. Causa
Ecclesiae y iudicium publicum, Monografías de Historia Antigua (Zaragoza, 1988). See also
Olivares Guillem, Prisciliano, 228-41.
62
See esp. the definitive monograph by Olivares Guillem: Guillem, Prisciliano, 241-3.
63
Ibid. 250-l.
10 Introduction
conversatione mundialis stultitiae delectaremur, sapientia saeculari licet adhuc
inutiles nobis, haec tamen fidei nostrae aduersa cognouimus et deos gentilium
depraehendentes risimus stultitias saeculares et infelicitates, quorum tamquam ad
ingenii instructionem opera legebamus. 64
Now, this interesting and possibly revealing passage has been recently
examined by three scholars: M. Veronese, S. Fernandez Ardanaz, and
V. Burrus. Veronese, in her analysis ofPriscillian's pagan education, examines
this passage from Tractate I and concludes that Priscillian rejected his former
pagan instruction. She, however, does not take into consideration the fact that
he was still accused of being a pagan, and that his accusers had produced
statues or images of gods belonging to Priscillian: Illud autem, beatissimi
sacerdotes, quod idolicas formas, Saturnum Uenerem Mercurium Iouem
Martem ceterosque deos gentilium protulerunt. 65 Fernandez Ardanaz, in his
article, examines this same passage, but his interpretation is inevitably flawed,
because he uses the translation by Ramos, which is extremely unreliable
and often appears to be a sort of paraphrasis of the original text, instead of
making a fresh examination of the Latin. As a consequence he interprets
the protulerunt of the Latin text as an accusation against the Priscillianists
of making processions of the idols, 66 according to the wrong translation
by Ramos. 67 Only Burrus recognizes the importance of this passage, and
correctly writes:
Having concluded his lengthy discussion of the proper interpretation of animals in
scripture, Priscillian moves on to consider the 'idolatrous images, Saturn, Venus,
Mercury, Jupiter, Mars, and the other gods of the gentiles' that have been 'produced'
in the accusations of his opponents. Priscillian expresses astonishment that 'even in
these things the faithfulness of our profession is questioned'. However, this protest is
preceded by an elaborate set of qualifying da uses that refer to a time when Priscillian
'lived indifferent to God and uninstructed in the faith through the scriptures', 'too k
delight in dealings of mundane foolishness', and-significantly-was educated in
works of classical literature that included allusions to the pagan gods. In this way
Priscillian suggests, but does not explicitly state, that such readings took place only in
64
Tract. 1, 194-200: '[There is] the fact, O most blessed priests, that they produced images of
idols, Saturn, Venus, Mercury, Jupiter, Mars and al! the other gods of the Gentiles, but, even if we
could have been so indifferent to God and could have lived without being instructed in the faith
through the Scriptures, on the other hand, even if we could have had so far pleasure in the
practice of worldly foolishness and beca use of our secular philosophy we could have been so far
useless to ourselves, we, nevertheless, have been able to recognize that those things were con-
trary to our faith, and taking away the gods of the Gentiles, we laughed at their secular stupidity
and wretchedness, and read their works as for the instruction ofthe mind.'
65
Cf. Veronese, 'Su alcune citazioni', 220-1.
66
Cf. Fernandez Ardanaz, 'Religiosidad', 212.
67
B. Segura Ramos, Prisciliano: Tratados y cánones (Preámbulo, traducción y notas de
B. Segura Ramos), Biblioteca de visionarios, heterodoxos y marginados, 1 (Madrid, 1975), 41.
The Condemnation of Priscillian 11
the distant past, and he furthermore insists that even when he read these works, he
'recognized that. these things were against our faith' and both 'disparaged the gods of
the gentiles' and 'laughed at the worldly foolishness and misfortunes of those whose
works we nevertheless read for the sake of education'. Despite his disclaimers, Priscil-
lian seems to be aware that his readings in pagan literature leave him vulnerable to
accusations of idolatry, and his language allows for the possibility that such readings
were not confined to his youth. 68
In my opinion, Burrus' intuitions are accurate and certainly deserve to be
developed further. In the first place, there can be no doubt that Priscillian's
readings in pagan literature were not confined to his youth, if Jerome, a
contemporary of Priscillian, writes: id quid in pueris necessitatis est [i.e. the
study of classicalliterature for their education], crimen in se facere uolunta-
tis.69 If Priscillian had simply read the classics of pagan literature in his years
at school, that would have been perfectly normal, and there would have been
no need to justify it before the beatissimi sacerdotes. 70
At this stage another problem arises: what readings in pagan literature is
Priscillian actually referring to? It is likely, in my opinion, that he is not simply
referring to Homer, Virgil, and other classical textbooks. This seems to be
corroborated by the words sapientia saeculari/ 1 which may point to philo-
sophical texts rather than epic poetry. Was Priscillian interested in philosophy,
and what kind of philosophy? Burrus suggests that Platonism had been left
behind in Priscillian's theological reflection, 72 but I think there is still space
for an investigation on the actual philosophical background of Priscillianism
and the presence ofNeoplatonism in it.
At the beginning of the same passage Priscillian hints at idolicas formas,
Saturnum Uenerem Mercurium Iouem Martem ceterosque deos gentilium/ 3
which his adversaries protulerune4 as evidence of their accusations. Now,
where did Priscillian's adversaries get these idolicas formas? Were they part
of the ornaments of Priscillian's house or a meeting-place of his group?
Why did he still keep idolicas formas, which could be produced by his
adversaries, when a few lines above he clearly says nos quod credimus confit-
emur et scrutantes scripturas speciem daemoniorum respuentes intellegimus,
68
Burrus, The Making, 61-2. Also M. Veronese hints at the second part of this passage in her
article on the classical quotations in the Würzburg treatises; unfortunately she does not analyse
Priscillian's words in detail, but only emphasizes how he is rejecting his previous classical/pagan
education. See Veronese, 'Su ale une citazioni', 221.
69
Jerome, Ep. 21.13.9.
70
See also H. I. Marrou, Histoire de l'éducation dans l'antiquité (Paris, 1948), 425-6; E. J.
Watts, City and School in Late Antique Athens and Alexandria, The Transformation of the
Classical Heritage, 41 (Berkeley, 2006), 6-16.
71
Tract. 1, 197-8.
72
See Burrus, The Making, 75. 73
Tract. I, 194-5. 74
Tract. I, 195.
12 Introduction
sicut scribtum est, altitudinem satanae, scientes sicut apostolus ait, quoniam
nema nos liberauit de corpore mortis huius nisi gratia domini Iesu Christi? 75
I think this is another point that needs to be investigated by scholars. Even
though Priscillian's style appears to be obscure and even ambiguous in this
particular passage, there is no doubt that his adversaries had been able to get
hold of images and statues which could be used as evidence in an accusation
of idolatry.
My conclusion is that the critica! trends which are at the moment con-
cerned with Priscillian and Priscillianism should again concentrate their
attention on the Priscillianist literary corpus, because it still offers many
important indications for further investigations of the actual nature of this
fascinating religious movement.
THE WORKS OF PRISCILLIAN
The works collected under the name of Priscillian and his followers can be
easily divided into three main categories:
(a) genuine works of Priscillian;
(b) spurious works preserved anonymously and misattributed to Priscillian;
and
(e) works from the Priscillianist milieu, which were certainly written after
Priscillian's death.
This volume devoted to the works of Priscillian includes a complete
English translation of his genuine and spurious works. 76 The works
75
Tract. I, 188-92: 'We confess what we believe, and while studying the Scriptures, we reject
the image of the demons and understand, as is written, the depth of Satan, knowing, as the
apostle says, that nobody delivered us from the body of this death but the grace of the Lord Jesus
Christ.'
76
Besides On the Trinity of Catholic Paith and Prologues of the Monarchians, Dekkers (cf. CPL
789) lists under Priscillian's spuria the so-called Pides S. Ambrosii. This short text, included in
the Codex Canonum Ecclesiasticorum et Constitutorum Sanctae Sedis Apostolicae, was originally
published in Migne's Patrología Latina in the Appendix to the works of St Leo the Great (PL
56:582A-B). Later K. Künstle recognized it as a Priscillianist text and edited it in his general
collection of Priscillianist and anti- Priscillianist literature (K. Künstle, Antipriscilliana (Freiburg,
1905), 59-60). A further and final edition was produced by Buchanan in 1907 (E. S. Buchanan,
'The Codex Muratorianus", JTS 8 (1907), 537-45 (542)). D'Ales attributes this text to Priscillian
himself (cf. D'Ales, Priscillien et l'Espagne chrétienne, 121-2), while Fischer (cf. B. Fischer, Vetus
Latina. Die Reste der Altlateinischen Bibel, nach Petrus Sabatier neu gesammelt und herausgegeben
The Works of Priscillian 13
from the Priscillianist milieu will be the object of a projected additional
volume. 77
All together, these works form a considerable and varied corpus, which
includes sorne extremely interesting texts from the literary, historical, and
theological point of view. But if the events in the life of Priscillian and the
historical testimonies about his condemnation and final execution have been
closely examined and analysed by scholars, the same cannot be said about his
literary corpus and that from his milieu, which appear to be a still largely
neglected field of study.
Even though, in his monograph on Priscillianist scholarship through the
centuries, Olivares Guillem explicitly talks about an 'impulso de la filologia' 78
and 'el priscilianismo como tema filologico'/ 9 the amount of philological
and literary studies on the Priscillianist corpus is in fact quite limited.
It seems that historians have not so far been particularly inspired by the
content of the tractates discovered by Schepss, so that they have only
taken into consideration those which include clear historical references
and have bypassed all the others. A similar attitude of limited interest and
attention is shown by philologists and historians of literature, who have
never analysed systematically and in great detail the works of Priscillian. 80
Also, the spurious works and those ascribable to Priscillianist authors,
which were later identified on the basis of Schepss' discovery, have not raised
any particular interest in historians or philologists, and remain largely
unknown.
van der Erzabtei Beuron, I. Liefenmg: Verzeichnis der Sigel für Handschriften und Kirchenschrift-
steller (Freiburg, 1949), 48) and Dekkers ( CPL 789) reject this hypothesis and ascribe it to an
unidentified Priscillianist author. On the other hand, Chadwick absolutely excludes any
relationship of this text with the Priscillianist milieu, so that he does not even mention it in his
monograph. The Creed of Bishop Saint Ambrose is actually composed of three quotations
(Dekkers hints at two in his entry in the CPL) from the first two chapters of Ambrose's De Pide
(cf. De Pide 1.10; 2.19. PL 16:531B, 533B), which constitute 60% of the text. The rest appears to
be a sort of paraphrase of other Ambrosian expressions taken from De Pide and De Spiritu
Sancto. It is undoubted that this text has a sort of subtle Monarchian outlook, but it seems very
difficult to me to identify it as a Priscillianist work. For this reason 1 have not included it among
Priscillian's spurious works.
77
For a complete list of these works see below 'Select Bibliography: Works from the Priscil-
lianist Milieu', 321-3.
78
See Olivares Guillem, Prisciliano, 136-55.
79
!bid. 189-92.
80
The only general and comprehensive discussion of Priscillian's genuine and spurious
works is in Chadwick's monograph (see Chadwick, Priscillian, 57-110), which was published in
1976 and is by now more than thirty years old.
14 Introduction
Genuine Works
(a) The Würzburg Tractates
The eleven tractates discovered by Schepss in 1886 in a manuscript preserved
in the library of the university of Würzburg are undoubtedly the most
significant and interesting works in the entire Priscillianist corpus.
Tractates I-III are passionate defences of the actual orthodoxy of the
Priscillianist movement: they refute the main accusations made against it and
stigmatize the disloyal behaviour of its adversaries. Tractates IV-X constitute a
set of Len ten homilies, 81 which discuss different theological and moral issues
such as the creation of the world (V), the common origin ofboth the Old and
the New Testament from God (VI), the constant fight of Christians against
earthly desires and the power of the devil (X). Tractate XI is a poetical passage
in prose, which leads the tractates to a sort of liturgical conclusion. All
together, they form a consistent and fascinating collection of works which
offer the reader a direct testimony from the Priscillianist religious move-
ment. However, since their publication in 1889, scholars do not seem to have
definitively ascertained whether these tractates openly and sincerely reveal
the actual nature of Priscillianism, or simply defend the movement by avoid-
ing a description of its really controversia! aspects. In my opinion, even
though the tractates allow the reader a few quick glances at sorne aspects of
Priscillianism, they appear in general to be reticent on the nature and actual
organization of this movement.
From the literary and philological point of view, since they have been
transmitted anonymously and the name of Priscillian never occurs in any of
them, the tractates raise a question about their actual authorship. 82 The
original editor, G. Schepss, had no doubt that they were the work of
Priscillian. 83 But his position was challenged by Morin, 84 who denied the
authorship of Priscillian and attributed the entire collection to Instantius,
Priscillian's main supporter and companion. 85
More recently, Vollmann 86 has attributed the eleven Würzburg tractates to
four different authors: in his opinion JI and III are by Priscillian or Instantius,
Jby an anonymous Priscillianist layman or presbyter, 87 IV, VI, IX, and X by a
SI Cf. ibid. 64.
82
See ibid. 62-63 for a serious and insightful discussion on the nature and formation of the
collection of tractates preserved in the Würzburg manuscript.
83
CSEL 18: pp. viii-xi.
"' See Morin, 'Pro Instantio', 153-73.
85
Cf. also above, 8 and nn. 56-7.
86
B. Vollmann, 'Priscillianus', in RE Suppl. XIV (1974), 555-8.
87
Cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 48 and n. l.
The Works of Priscillian 15
third Priscillianist writer, V and VII by a fourth, while VIII has no distinct
Priscillianist features, 88 and XI does not appear to be a tractate but a prayer
for liturgical use. 89 Vollmann's position has been carefully discussed and
op~osed by Chadwick, who has returned to Schepss' initial hypothesis
whKh supposes a single author behind the tractates, that is, Priscillian
himself. 90
In my opinion it is extremely likely that Tractates I, JI, and III are by
the same author. Tractate I is a detailed defence of the orthodoxy of the
Priscillianist group, in which the writer intransigently opposes all forms of
heresy and paganism. It is written in the first person in a pluralis modestiae by
someone who appears to be a leading figure in the movement. I believe that,
with sufficient certainty, this figure can be identified with Priscillian himself. 91
Vollmann's hypothesis 92 of a different authorship seems to be contradicted by
the frequent autobiographical references 93 included in the tractate, which
appear to confirm the description of Priscillian in Sulpicius Severus' Chroni-
con, and would be inappropriate if the tractate had been written by a simple
follower of the Priscillianist group. 94 Tractate JI is the text of the petition to
Damasus, 95 and can only be attributed to Priscillian, who personally appeals
to the bishop of Rome. Tractate III, whose first section is missing, is an
authoritative and detailed discussion of the use of apocryphal writings, a use
which is considered to be acceptable and profitable for Christians, if it is made
with discernment. Again, it seems to me that there is little doubt about the
authorship of this tractate, as only the leader of the group could openly
authorize the use of apocryphal texts among his followers.
Tr~ctates IV-X form a second section, which appears to be a substantially
cons1stent set of Lenten homilies. 96 They discuss various theological and
moral issues, and comment on biblical passages from Genesis, Exodus, and
the Psalms. But if in general 'they tell a mutually consistent story' ,97 their style
seems to be too distant from that of the first three tractates. Even considering
the expected and natural difference between the committed oratorical style
of Tractates I-III and the substantially doctrinal, moral and exegetical stance
of IV-X, my personal impression is that they belong to different authors.
On the basis of stylistic features and rhythm I believe it can be supposed with
88 89 90
Cf. ibid. 66. Cf. ibid. 65. !bid. 63-70.
91
Cf. ibid. 64; Burrus, The Making, 57.
92
Cf. Vollmann, 'Priscillianus', 557-8.
93
See Tract. I, 15-20; 194-200.
94
Cf. also H. Lietzmann, Geschichte der alten Kirche, vol. 4 (Berlín and Leipzig 1944) 62·
Chadwick, Priscillian, 48, n. 1, 49. ' ' '
95
Cf. above, 1 and nn. 1-2.
96
Cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 64-5. 97
!bid. 66.
16 Introduction
98
good probability that IV, VI, and X belong to one author, and V and VII to
another. On the other hand, VIII and IX are seriously mutilated, so that it is
impossible to make a reliable hypothesis on their authorship. Finally, Tractate
XI, which is a sort of prayer with elaborate images and an overtly poetical
language, may be again by Priscillian. (Por a more detailed discussion on
the authorship of the Würzburg tractates cf. the Commentary, below
'Commentaries'.)
From the historical point of view the main question raised by the Würz-
burg tractates is their actual date. My intention is not to discuss in detail a
question which has been debated by scholars since the publication of these
texts, but only to express briefly my point of view about it.
As Burrus has correctly asserted, Tractate I 'has been dated to almost every
stage of the Priscillianist controversy'. 99 According to sorne scholars it was
written before 100 or for the Council of Saragossa; 101 according to others, after
the conflict at Merida, 102 or for the Council of Bordeaux. 103 Now, in this
debate about the dating of Tractate I the main problem is to establish when
the accusations of magic were made for the first time against Priscillian,
beca use in this text he openly defends himself from such accusations, which
he says Ithacius has made against him. 104 The available historical testimonies
explicitly mention an accusation of magic or sorcery only at the trial in Trier
in 384-5, 105 whereas there is no hint of this accusation in the acts of the
council held in Saragossa. Now, since Tractate I is clearly addressed to an
assembly of bishops, it is extremely likely that the accusations of magic were
made for the first time at the Council of Bordeaux (384), whose acts are lost,
and where Ithacius was the main accuser of Priscillian and Instantius. Sorne
scholars, however, have rejected this date, because they suppose that the
98
The author of Tractates VI and X can be easily identified by a characteristic use of a sort
of pleonastic quod, which is not found in the other tractates. Cf. Tract. VI, 162; 185; Tract. X, 58;
also Tract. IV might be attributed to the same author, beca use it does not only present a certain
stylistic similarity with VI and X, but also presents a passage ( Tract. IV, 52-3: conceptione partu
uagitibus cunis omnes naturae nostrae contumelias transcurrerit) which is found in an almost
identical form in Tract. VI, 155-6 (conceptione partu uagitibus cunis omnes naturae nostrae
transcurrens contumelias).
99
Burrus, The Making, 56.
10
° Cf. J. Martin, 'Priscillianus oder Instantius?', HJ 47 (1927), 237-51.
101
Cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 51.
102
Cf. Babut, Priscillien, 143-6; M. Ramos y Loscertales, Prisciliano: Gesta rerum (Salamanca,
1952), ll2-l7; Burrus, The Making, 56-7.
103
Cf. Morin, 'Pro Instantio', 153-73; Vollmann, 'Priscillianus', 558.
104
Cf. Tract. I, 380-6.
105
Is Priscillíanum gemino iudicio auditum conuictumque maleficií nec diffitentem obscenís
se studuisse doctrínis, nocturnos etiam turpium feminarum egisse conuentus nudumque orare
solitum, nocentem pronuntiauit redegitque in custodiam, donec ad principem referret. Sulp. Sev.
Chron. 2.50.3, PL 20:157; CSEL 1:103; SC 441:342.
The Works of Priscillian 17
1
author of the tractate do es not seem to be a bishop, so' that this work should
be dated to the period before Priscillian's ordination as a bishop (381). In my
opinion it is not possible to establish that the author of the tractate is not
a bishop from the content of the work or its 'tone and manner', 106 so that a
dating about the time of the Council of Bordeaux still remain the most
probable or best founded on historical evidence. 107
Tractate JI is the petition addressed by Priscillian and his group to Pope
Damasus, and can be safely dated to immediately after the promulgation of
Gratian's rescript or at the time ofPriscillian's visit to Rome (381-2). Tractate
III, which is a defence of the discerned use of apocryphal writings, may
be dated to 381 as a possible response to Gratian's rescript, but the lack of
any reference to historical events makes its dating extremely difficult and
uncertain.
With regard to Tractates IV-X, I believe it is impossible to suggest any
reliable date. Since they were not written by Priscillian, as I have said above,
but by followers of his group, they might have been written both before and
after Priscillian's death. It is very likely, however, that they belong to the
first phase of Priscillianism (380-430). Finally, Tractate XI, whose authorship
might be attributed to Priscillian himself, contains no historical reference or
specific polemic statement that might suggest a possible date. Anyway,
its liturgical tone and content may imply that it was used as a prayer at the
meetings of the Priscillianists, so that it should date from the beginning of
this religious movement, when its liturgy was fixed: that is, from the
mid-seventies of the fourth century.
(b) Canons on the Letters of the Apostle Paul
This is the only complete work 108 by Priscillian that was known before the
publication of the Würzburg tractates in 1889, and is included in twenty-two
manuscripts of the Vulgate dating from the ninth to the fifteenth century. 109
It consists of ninety short summaries of theological, doctrinal, or moral
arguments taken from the Pauline letters, which are followed by a list of
106
Chadwick, Priscillian, 47.
107
Chadwick has supposed that actual accusations of magic were made against Priscillian
already at the time of the Council of Saragossa (cf. Chadwick, Príscillian, 18-20), but his
argument is based on a generic reference to the possibly magical practice of walking with bare
feet included in the fourth article of the acts of the council ( cf. Acta Concilii Caesaraugustani,
PL 84:315-18. F. Rodríguez, ACS 9-25).
108
The other work by Priscillian lmown befare 1889 is the short fragment quoted in Orosius'
Commonitorium.
109
See also below, 27-8.
18 Introduction
references to the actual Pauline passages that have been consulted and
summarized.
The short summaries are introduced by a preface in which Priscillian
addresses an unnamed carissime, 'who had asked him for a refutation of
interpretations placed u pon the apostle by unidentified heretics' .110 At the end
of his introduction Priscillian states: Roe enim me elaborasse uolo intellegas,
quo fideliter continentiam scripturarum palam facerem nulli existens inimicus et
ut errantium uelocius, sicut postulasti, corrigerentur mentes. 111 This sentence
suggests that this was an important and possibly revealing work in the
Priscillianist corpus, especially in view of the fact that it was a formative
instrument and reference text for the followers of his sect. Unfortunately,
the version of the Canons which is preserved in the extant manuscript was
expurgated and reworked by an unknown bishop called Peregrinus, 112 who
removed all the possible heretical content and ideas from Priscillian's original
version, as he clearly states in his prooemium preceding Priscillian's intro-
duction: Et quia erant ibi plurima ualde necessaria, correctis his quae pravo
sensu posita fuerant alia, ut erant utiliter ordinate, prout oportebat intellegi
iuxta sensum fidei catholicae exemplaui. 113 Even though Peregrinus' attitude
appears to be sympathetic ( erant ibi plurima ualde necessaria), 114 his
reworking of Priscillian's canons must have been substantial, as it is not
possible to detect any heretical hint or clue in them. Chadwick 115 thinks
that an echo of Priscillian's personal experiences can be heard in Canon 46,
which reads: Quia ecclesiastici non debeant oh suam defensionem publica adire
iudicia sed tantum ecclesiastica, nihilque inique iudicare ac duorum uel trium
testimonio rem probare, quia sancti mundum et angelos iudicabunt. 116 This is,
according to Chadwick, a reference to Hydatius and Ithacius, who had
appealed to the emperor Gratian in order to obtain a rescript against the
Priscillianists. In my opinion this reference is too vague, and the idea that a
secular court should not be used for ecclessiastical cases was quite common at
11
° Chadwick, Priscillian, 58.
111
Canones, 44-7: '! want you to understand that 1 did this so that 1 might faithfully manifest
the consistency of the Scriptures, without being adverse to anybody, and the minds of those who
err might be corrected more quickly, as you asked.'.
112
Cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 59-60.
113
Canones, 3-6: 'And since there were many extremely useful things here, after correcting
those which had been presented with a false sense, 1 transcribed the others as they were usefully
arranged, just as it was proper that they were understood according to the sense of Catholic
faith.'
114
Cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 60.
115
Cf. ibid. 61.
116
Canones (n. XLVI) 1-4: 'Why church officers must not go, for their defence, to public
trials but only to the ecclesiastical, and must judge nothing unjustly and must provea case with
the testimony of two or three, [and] why the saints will judge the world and the angels.'
The Works of Priscillian / 19
the time and was shared by Ambrose and Martin of Tours, as we have already
seen.
In their actual state the Canons are a plainly written index of Pauline
arguments without any particular character.
(e) Fragment Quoted in Orosius' Commonitorium
The Commonitorium de errare Priscillianistarum et Origenistarum was
written in Spain by Orosius in 416, after he had spent a period in Hippo
as Augustine's disciple, and had later moved to Palestine to meet Jerome
(414-15). In this short work Orosius quotes few lines from a now lost letter
of Priscillian which, in his opinion, should demonstrate in a clear way
Priscillian's heretical doctrine. However, the language and content of the
passage are obscure and controversia!, and seem to give no precise picture of
Priscillianism. 117 On the other hand, sorne scholars reject the fragment as an
obvious falsification, also considering that Orosius' work was written thirty
years after Priscillian's death, when an anti-Priscillianist literature had already
118
flourished. I have no doubt that this fragment is from a genuine letter of
Priscillian: its obscurity and alleged meaninglessness seem to be due to the
awkward and unskilful way in which Orosius chose and quoted the fragment.
Spurious Works
(a) On the Trinity of Catholic Faith
After the publication of Schepss' edition of Priscillian's genuine works,
scholars began to identify other texts as possibly by Priscillian or members of
his group. This work of identification was done through a comparison of the
language, content, and doctrine of the Würzburg tractates with other
anonymous texts of similar genre and tone. Among those which show a close
affinity with Priscillian's genuine works, the most extended and significant is
the tractate On the Trinity of Catholic Faith. This text was discovered in a
. 1e manuscnpt
smg . o f Laon 119 by C. H. Turner, fellow of Magdalen College,
Oxford, who pointed it out to G. Morin as a text of a certain interest and
worthy of publication. G. Morin was not impressed by it, and submitted a
transcript of the text to T. Zahn, who noticed its manifest similarity with the
117
For a thorough discussion of this fragment see Chadwick, Priscillian, 191-4.
118
The fragment's genuineness is rejected by F. Paret, Priscillianus: Ein Reformator des vierten
fahrhunderts (Würzburg, 1891), 292; Babut, Priscillien, 282; W. Schatz, Studien zur Geschichte
und Vorstellungswelt des frühen abendlandischen Monchtums (Freiburg 1957) 239 n. 4.
119 ) ) '
Laon, Bibliotheque de Laon, 113 (IX century), fos. 1'-13'.
20 Introduction
Würzburg tractates. Morin carefully compared the text with Priscillian's
genuine works, and prepared a detailed synopsis of parallels, which he printed
in the introduction ofhis edition published in 1913. 120
On the Trinity of Catholic Faith is an extended and exhaustive description
of the Priscillianist Trinitarian doctrine, which in the Würzburg tractates is
never systematically expounded. lt shows an evident Monarchian or Sabellian
stance in its insistence on describing the Son as the manifestation of the
Father, or expression of the Father.
With regard to the actual authorship of the text, Morin says that: 'Le De
Trinitate inédit du manuscript de Laon est manifestement une production
issue du milieu priscillianiste de la premiere heure; certains traits induiraient
meme a y voir une oeuvre personnelle de Priscillien'. 121 On the other hand,
Chadwick ascribes the text to a member of the Priscillianist group and openly
excludes Priscillian' s direct paternity. 122 I definitely agree with Chadwick: even
though throughout the text there is a constant use of key Priscillianist words
and biblical quotations, as both Morin and Chadwick have pointed out, 123 the
style and rhythm of the prose as well as its imagery are quite distant, and, in
my opinion, inferior to those of the Würzburg tractates, both those ascribable
to Priscillian himself and those written by other Priscillianists.
(b) Prologues of the Monarchians
The so-called Prologues of the Monarchians are short introductions to each
of the Gospels, which are found in a fair number of manuscripts of Jerome's
Vulgate. They refer, however, to the text of the Vetus Latina, whose traditional
gospel order they follow accordingly, that is: Matthew, John, Luke, Mark.
Scholars had no difficulty in excluding Jerome's paternity of these texts, but
were initially only able to ascribe them to a generic Monarchian milieu dating
from the early phase of the Monarchian controversy about 200 cE. 124 In 1906,
by carefully comparing the Würzburg tractates published by Schepss with the
Prologues, J. Chapman was able to demonstrate that they belonged to the sect
120
See G. Morin, 'Traité priscillianiste inédit sur la Trininité', in Études, textes, découvertes:
contributions a la littérature et a l'histoire des douze premiers siecles, 1 (Maresdous, 1913),
151-205 (Latin text, 178-205).
121
Morin, 'Traité priscillianiste', 177: 'The unedited De Trinitate of the Laon ms. is clearly a
production of the Priscillianist milieu in its earliest days; certain features even incline one to see
in it a work of Priscillian himself.'
122 123
Cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 102. Cf. ibid. 100-1.
124
Cf. E. von Dobschütz, Studien zur Textkritik der Vulgata (Leipzig, 1894), 35-7; P. Corssen,
Monarchianische Prologe zu den vier Evangilien: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Kano115, Texte und
Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Litteratur, 15 (Leipzig, 1896), 5-10. Cf.
Chadwick, Priscillian, 102-9.
Priscillian the Writer 21
of the Priscillianists. 125
1
He emphasized how not only certain typical motifs
of the Priscillianist doctrine, such as an open Monarchianism, the exal-
tation of celibacy, and the free use of apocryphalliterature, are present in all
the Prologues, but also a delibera te use of specific terms and expressions from
the Würzburg tractates. All these similarities have led Chadwick to assert that
it is 'virtually certain that the Prologues emerge from the Priscillianist milieu,
perhaps from the master himself. 126
Now, I have no difficulty in considering the Prologues to be unquestionably
a Priscillianist work, but I would openly reject the hypothesis that they might
have been written by Priscillian himself. Even though Chadwick speaks of the
Prologues' 'awareness of the need to use great reserve and oracular obscurity
in formulating theological statement', the impression that they leave on the
reader is one of extreme stylistic awkwardness and inelegance united to a
sort of popular naivety, which undoubtedly removes them from the density
and profoundity of the Würzburg tractates.
PRISCILLIAN THE WRITER
Any discussion of Priscillian's style and literary personality must inevitably
start from the crucial question of the authorship of the works transmitted
under his name or attributed to him. In the previous sections, I have main-
tained that the anonymous works On the Trinity of Catholic Faith and the so-
called Prologues of the Monarchians, which were attributed by sorne scholars
to Priscillian, are unquestionably spurious works, probably written in the
first years after Priscillian' s death by followers of his sect. On the other hand,
I have accepted the text transmitted under Priscillian's name, that is, the
Canons_on the Letters of the Apostle Paul and the Fragment quoted by Orosius
as genume.
With regard to the eleven anonymous tractates discovered in Würzburg,
which are certainly Priscillian's most important and representative work,
there are two main hypotheses: one suggesting that they were all written
by Priscillian; another considering them to be partly genuine and partly
spurious. I agree with the second hypothesis and, in my opinion, only
Tractates I-III and XI are actually by Priscillian. 127 Therefore my discussion of
his style will be limited to them, and to the Canons on the Letters of the Apostle
Paul and the Fragment quoted by Orosius.
125
J. Chapman, 'Priscillian the Author of the Monarchian Prologues to the Vulgate Gospels',
RB 23 (1906), 335-49; id., Notes on the Early History of the Vulgate Gospels (Oxford, 1908).
126
Cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 109. 127
Cf. above, 15-16.
22 Introduction
As I have already mentioned, Tractate I is an :xtende~ and. d~t~ile~
apología, whose main purpose is to refute the accusatwns whKh Pnsc~lhan s
adversaries made against him and his group. The first model and hterary
parallel which may be pointed out for Priscil~ian's T:actate I is. natur.ally
Tertullian' s Apologeticum. 128 In this work the Afncan wnter finds h1mself m a
very similar situation, as he must oppose certain seriou~ accusations. II_lade
against him and the members of his group, that is, agamst the Chnstla?s.
In order to refute such accusations, he makes use of a very clear standpomt
by saying: Cum ergo propterea oderunt, quía ígnorant, qual.e sít quod oderunt,
cur non liceat eiusmodi illud esse, quod non debeant odzsse? Ita utrumque
ex alterutro redarguimus, et ignorare illos, dum oderunt, et íniuste odisse, dum
ígnorant. 129 Now, after asserting that those.who wa~t to judge and conde~n
Christianity are culpably ignorant about 1t, Tertulhan proceeds to descnbe
clearly the actual customs and rites of the Christians. His def~nce opposes
both the accusations made against the Christians and the 1gnorance of
the pagans about Christianity. But Priscillian's stance appear~ t~ be quite
different. In Priscillian' s Tractate ! 130 there is no clear descnptwn of the
Priscillianist group, its custom, liturgy, or rituals. All the a~c~sations of. the
adversaries of Priscillian are refuted through a large use of b1bhcal quotatwns
and explicit anathemas, but their ignorance is never o~p~s~d .through an
actual and open description of the activities of the Pnscllha~1st gr~~p, a
description which might contribute to dispel the shadows o.f the1.r suspKw?s.
It is not my intention to discuss here the meaning of th1~ attltude, whKh
might be of a certain importan ce in a historical recons~ructwn o~ the events
in Priscillian's career and final condemnation as a heres1arch, but Its effect on
the style of this work. In Tractate I most. of the pol~m~c .te~sion conce?trates
on the passages in which the accusatwns of Pnsolhan s advers~nes are
rejected through an extensive use of biblical examples a~d res~und1~g ana-
themas: this seems to be the exteriority of the work. Behmd th1s, as 1t were,
vivid curtain we receive only glimpses of the actuallife of Priscillian and his
experiences and formation along with hints about the members ofhis group.
128 Another possible parallel is Apuleius' De Magia. The fa~t that both Apule!us and
Priscillian were accused of sorcery and left their written defence agamst such an acc~sat:on puts
them in a very similar psychological situation. Eve~ though the two author~ are qmte d1stant m
style and mentality, their apologies might be certamly compared and exammed from a psycho-
logical point of view.
129 Tert. Apol. 1.5. CCSL 1:85-6; CSEL 69:2; PL 1:309: 'Since people hate, because they are
ignorant of what they hate, why may not the object of their hatred be such t?at they sho~ld not
hate it? So we refute each argument with its opposite: the fact that they are 1gnorant wh1le they
hate, and that they hate unjustly, while they are ignoran t.' . . . . .
IJo This absence of any clear description of the activities of the Pnsnlliamsts IS common to all
the extant Priscillianist writings.
Príscíllían the Wríter
1 23
This most intimate and personal matter is always plunged into a discreet and
seemingly painful atmosphere of uncertainty, as if the author did not want, or
was not entirely ready, to speak of himself or his companions. According to
my very personal impression, I would define Tractate I as a touching example
of literary ambiguity, in which a subtle and sensitive mind discreetly protects
itself.
In Tractate JI Priscillian, in his role as the leader of his religious group,
addresses Pope Damasus by pleading his innocence and that of his com-
panions. At the same time, he makes a rapid report of the main events in the
Priscillianist controversy. Even though he never goes into fine detail, but
rather keeps the historical events in the background by presenting them in a
veiled and blurred forro, in accordance with the standpoint of Tractate I, he is
able to provide an extremely impressive and moving glimpse of his actual
struggles and interior distress, which he always presents with a profound and
sincere humanity. The acts of hostility committed by Hydatius and his party
against Priscillian and his group forro a sort of landscape of the memory, on
which the author places his sincere assertions of innocence and orthodoxy. As
a consequence there results a perfect balance of autobiography and polemical
oratory, which gives Tractate JI a consistent and tight structure, and makes it
Priscillian' s best pie ce of writing.
In Tractates I-II, as we have seen, the writer is compelled by the events of
the controversy to concentra te on a passionate defence against the accusations
and hostil e acts of his enemies, so that he inevitably has to refer to historical
facts, albeit in a veiled and discreet manner. On the other hand, even though
Tractate III may have been written as a response to Gratian's rescript, there is
no hint in it of any precise accusation or legal action, and the opponents of
Priscillian and his movement are always referred to in a vague and indefinite
way. As a consequence the style breaks away from that mix of historical
memoir and polemical oratory which characterized the previous tractates,
and assumes the typical tones of a philosophical debate. Priscillian demon-
strates, with very precise and expressive language, how apocryphalliterature
cannot be dismissed as simply extra-canonical and consequently heretical,
when in the extant canonicalliterature there are abundant references to works
which were not received into the canon. He also admits that heretics have
often maliciously interpolated these texts, so that great discernment is
required from those who read them.
Now, even though in Tractate III there is no open reference to the actual
events of the Priscillianist controversy, I would not say that its apologetical
and polemical stance is much blander that in Tractates I-II. In fact, through
his arguments and opposition to those who want to restrain the overflowing
power of the word of God into a canon, Priscillian refers symbolically to his
24 Introduction
own person and his religious group, whose freedom of expression his enemies
are trying to restrain and reduce to silence. As a consequence, the tight and
rationallanguage of the tractate appears to contain a more profound, symbol-
icallevel, which connects the debate on the use of apocryphal writings to that
on the legitimacy of the Priscillianist movement itself.
Tractate XI is a blessing u pon the faithful in the form and tone of a prayer
in prose. These features remove it completely from the first three tractates
which, with their natural differences, share a clear polemical stance and style.
As a consequence, except for a similar lexical use, it seems difficult to see why
Tractate XI might be coupled with Tractates I-III. However, if we compare it
with the Fragment quoted in Orosius' Commonitorium, it is possible to
observe a very similar linguistic experimentation which demonstrates an
unquestionable affinity between these two writings. In both Tractate XI and
the Fragment it is evident how Priscillian looks for a release from the bonds of
language, which he achieves by using neologisms (cf. apparabilis and the verb
pleno in Tractate XI) 131 and by enlarging and stretching the usual meanings of
words (cf. formalis militiae opus in the Fragment) .132 In the other tractates
neologisms are entirely absent and the possible stretching of the meaning of
words is always secondary, and is never used to indicate a certain, crucial
concept as in the Fragment. In addition to this linguistic experimentation,
Tractate XI shows an impressive imagination and lyricism, which makes it an
extremely fascinating piece of prose within both the Priscillianist corpus and
the literary context of the late fourth century.
According to certain scholars, 133 the Canons on the Letters of the Apostle
Paul and their prologue, which were expurgated and reworked by
Peregrinus, 134 significantly differ in style and syntax from the Würzburg
tractates as well as from the Fragment quoted by Orosius. In analysing their
general literary character, Chadwick asserts: 'If the tractates are the work
of Priscillian, then it is necessary to assume that Peregrinus's activities
included not merely the elimination of heresies but also the clarification of
Priscillian's normal syntax, e.g. by putting main verbs into the indicative
rather than using participles' .135 Personally I believe that Peregrinus sub-
stantially rewrote the text of the canons, which he rendered quite flat and
stylistically undistinguished, but did not heavily manipulate the prologue
introducing the canons, in which he might have simply removed certain
sentences showing a too evident heterodox content or approach. The fact that
the prologue significantly differs in style from the tractates and the Fragment
131
Tract. XI, 32; Tract. XI, 37. 132 Fragment, 6.
133
See Morin, 'Pro Instantio', 153-73; J. Chapman, Notes, 259.
134
Cf. above, 17-19.
135
Chadwick, Priscillian, 49.
Manuscript Tradition and Editionls 25
1
seems to be motivated, and this time with good rea~on, by the prologue's
purpose and genre. It actually appears to be a short letter or accompanying
note to the text, and its addressee may be a young or inexperienced disciple.
This explains why Priscillian, in this work, uses a very plain but clear and
expressive language. At the same time, it is undeniable that the prologue
shows an evident affinity with the generally clear tone and style of Tractate III.
The Fragment quoted by Orosius shows an unquestionable affinity with the
Würzburg tractates and the Canons on the Letters of the Apostle Paul in the use
of characteristic words such as obligatum, 136 dispositiones, 137 chirographum, 138
139
and militia. The fact that all these words are used in Tractates I-III, XI and
the canons, which I have indicated as genuine works of Priscillian, confirms
Orosius' testimony that this fragment was actually written by Priscillian. 140 Its
contents, which are purely theological and philosophical, closely connect it
with Tractates IV-X, and much less with I-III and XI. However, the clear and
tight style of the Fragment openly resembles Tractate III, and seems to be
fairly distant from the involved and sometimes wearisome style of Tractates
IV-X. In my opinion this fragment is extremely interesting not only from the
point of view of contents, but also in consideration of its style. As the only
testimony of a purely philosophical-theological work written by Priscillian, it
demonstrates that the bishop of Avila used a clear and tightly structured style
in his philosophical prose, and not the involved and often obscure one found
in Tractates IV-X and the spurious writings.
MANUSCRIPT TRADITION AND EDITIONS OF
PRISCILLIAN'S WORKS
Genuine Works
(a) The Würzburg Tractates
As I have already mentioned, Jerome described Priscillian as a prolific author
141
who edidit multa opuscula. However, until the late nineteenth century the
136
137
Cf. Fragment, 2; Tract. III, 169.
Cf. Fragment, 2; Tract. I, 2-3; Tract. II, 12; Tract. III, 155; 233; Tract. XI, 40.
138
Fragment, 5; Tract I. 244; Canones (no. XVIII), 2.
139
Fragment, 6; Tract. I, 520.
14
° Cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 192.
141
Jerome, De viris inlustr. 121, PL 23:750B: Priscillianus, Abilae episcopus, qui factione
Hydatii et Ithacii Treveris a Maximo tyranno caesus est, edidit multa opuscu/a, de quibus ad nos
aliqua pervenerunt. Cf. also CSEL 18: p. viii.
26 Introduction
only known extant works by Priscillian were the Canons on the Letters of the
Apostle Paul, included in a fair number of manuscripts of the Vulgate, and the
Fragment quoted by Orosius in his Commonitorium, while the other opuscula
appeared to have vanished completely since the early Middle Ages. This
situation radically changed in 1885, when a young German scholar, Georg
Schepss, was entrusted by the Wiener Akademie der Wissenschaften to study
the patristic manuscripts of the library of the University of Würzburg, and
especially those which were filed under the title 'Incerti auctoris opuscula
patristica'. Among them he discovered a codex including eleven anonymous
tractates ascribable to Priscillian, 142 which he edited and finally published in
1889 in the Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum. 143
The codex, whose shelfmark is M p. Th. q. 3. (olim CXXCII), Universitiits-
bibliothek Würzburg, consists of 1 + 145 leaves in sheep parchment, is sized
213 mm X 137 mm, and is written in twenty-one long lines in uncial script. It
dates from the fifth-sixth century, and is therefore extremely ancient. 144 Lowe
describes it briefly as 'written presumably in Italy, to judge from the script,
and perhaps for sorne pious and noble lady; the colophon on fol. 74v reads:
"Lege felix Amantia (the name erased) cum tuis in Christo Iesu domino
nostro". By the eight century our manuscript must have reached a centre
where Anglo-Saxon script was known. Later it belonged to the Würzburg
Cathedral Library: the shelf-marks "CCXXCII" and "113" are seen on
fol. 1.'145
According to Chadwick the Amantia named in the colophon was probably
'a contemporary of Priscillian rather than a lady of A.D. 500, and like Eucro-
thia she may have been one of the devout women attracted to Priscillianist
teaching and to the master's personality. Since she has associates ("cum tuis"),
perhaps she was a prominent member of one of Priscillian's sororities.' 146
In my opinion it is more plausible that Amantia was a later follower of
Priscillianism, for whom the collection was prepared and assembled as an
instrument of meditation within her sorority, rather than a contemporary
who was personally involved in the events of the controversy. However,
I would not entirely reject Chadwick's hypothesis.
There is no doubt that the original collection of the tractates was assembled
in Galicia. 147 According to Chadwick 148 it la ter travelled to the north of Italy,
where the Würzburg manuscript was probably copied from a Spanish
142
Cf. Olivares Guillem, Prisciliano, 138.
143
CSEL 18.
144
Cf. CSEL 18: p. xiii; H. Thurn, Die Handschriften der Universitiitbibliothek Würzburg:
III. l. Die Pergamenthandschriften der ehemaligen Dombibliothek (Wiesbaden, 1984), 87-8.
145
E. A. Lowe, Codices Latini Antiquiores, vol. 9 (Oxford, 1959), 54, n. 1431.
146
Chadwick, Priscillian, 62. 147
Cf. ibid. 63. 148
Ibid. 63.
. Manu~cript Tradition and Editio7 27
exe~plar: :h1s would explam why the uncial script of the manuscript has a
ty~ICal Itaha~ st~le, as Lowe suggests. 149 In my opinion the Italian origin of
th1s manuscnpt IS very uncertain, especially if we consider that there is no
decisive proof that the uncial used in it is Italian, and Priscillianism actually
never spread .beyond the borders of Spain and Gaul. Therefore I agree with
Thurn, who IS much more cautious with regard to the actual origin of the
Würzburg manuscript. 150
Schepss' edition of the tractates is extremely accurate and precise as a
whole, and its only fault lies in the fact that the editor is sometimes too
faithful. to the manuscript, even when it presents corrupt readings which
are e~sily emendable. The text presented in this volume is basically that
estabhshed by Schepss. The emendations which I made to it are recorded in
the apparatus to the Latin text facing my translation. 151
(b) Canons on the Letters of the Apostle Paul
Priscillia~'s Canons on the Pauline letters are included in twenty-two
manuscnpts of the Vulgate version of the Latin Bible. In his article, 'Étude
sur les origines de la Vulgate en Espagne', D. De Bruyne 152 lists four more
n:-anuscripts, but they either do not include the Canons at all, or present a
d1fferent version which has nothing to do with that by Priscillian. 153
The most important and more ancient of the Canons' codices is the
Cavensis 1 (Cava dei Tirreni, Biblioteca del Monastero), which dates from the
ninth century and was the only one employed by A. Mai for his editio princeps
154
ofthis work. La ter Schepss produced a new edition based on eight manu-
155
scripts, which significantly improved on that by Mai. Two further editions
followed: that by Wordsworth and White, 156 which corrected sorne of the
149
Lowe, Codices Latini Antiquiores, ix. 54, n. 1431.
150
Thurn, Die Handschriften, 87-8.
151
. . In mak"mg my ~men d atl?ns · I al~~ consulted Svennung's clever discussion of Schepss'
edrt10n: J._ Svennung, .A~notatiOnes cntlcae ad Tractatus Priscillianeos', in Strena Philologica
Upsalzensts. Festskrift tzllagnad professor Per Persson (Uppsala, 1922), 137-43. For Tractatus XI r
also consulted the edition by Siffrin, which basically reproduces that by Schepss: L. C. Mohlberg
(ed.), ~tssale Gallzcan~m :'etus (Cod. Vat. PaZ. Lat. 493), in Verbinding mit L. Eizenhófer und
P. ~:~nn, Rerum Ecclesias;I_carum Documenta, series maior, Fontes 3 (Rome 1958), 103-5.
See D. De Bruyne, Etude sur le origines de la Vulgate en Espagne' RB 31 (1914-19)
378-401 (382). ' '
Is3 F . h
. o~ mstance, t e code_x Ambrosianus (Bobiensis) B 48 Sup. (Biblioteca Ambrosiana,
M~la~): hsted by_ De Bruyne, mcludes sorne very short canons entirely different from those by
PnsC!lhan and wJthout any prologue by Peregrinus or Priscillian.
154
A. Mai, Spicilegium Romanum, vol. 9 (Rome, 1843), 744-63.
155
CSEL 18:109-47.
J. Wor~sworth and H. J. White, Nouum Testamentum Domini Nostri Iesu Christi Latine
156
secundum edttwnem Sancti Hieronymi, vol. II,1 (Oxford, 1913), 17-32.
28 Introduction
readings in the Schepss' edition, but used the same manuscripts, and that by
De Bruyne, 157 which employed two more manuscripts, but in general appears
to be inferior to that by Schepss.
On the whole, for my translation I have used the text established by
Schepss, which I have compared with both the Wordsworth-White and De
Bruyne editions. 158
(e) Fragment Quoted in Orosius' Commonitorium
Orosius' Commonitorium de errare Priscillianistarum et Origenistarum is pre-
served in a large number of manuscripts, which have been described in detail
by Daur in the introduction to his recent edition. 159 Among them the most
important are the codex Laudunensis 330 (Laon, Bibl. Mun. 330), which dates
from the eighth century, and the codex Parisinus 2093 (Bibl. Na t. Lat. 2093)
from the thirteenth century. Schepss' edition of Orosius' work 160 is exclusively
based on these two manuscripts and the Benedictine edition of Augustine's
works, 161 while Daur's edition employs seven manuscripts in addition to all
the previous editions. For my translation I have employed both the Schepss
and Daur editions.
Manuscript Tradition and Editions¡ 29
1
(b) The Prologues of the Monarchians
The Prologues of the Monarchians are preserved in more than 100 manuscripts
of the Vulgate version of the Latín Bible, of which the most ancient is the
codex Harleianus (London, British Library, Harl. 1775) dating from the sixth
164
century. The first modern edition of this text was made by Wordsworth
~nd White, ':~o included it in their accurate edition of the Vulgate. 165 An
1mproved ed1t10n based on a larger number of manuscripts was produced a
few years la ter by P. Corssen. 166 The la ter editions by Chapman and Lietzmann
substantially reproduced the Corssen edition, 167 while a definitive edition was
included by De Bruyne in his Préfaces de la Bible latine. 168 For my translation
I have used the edition by De Bruyne as a basis, but have also considered the
very useful notes of the Wordsworth-White edition.

Spurious Works

(a) On the Trinity of Catholic Faith

The most extended and important spurious work in Priscillian's corpus was
edited and published by G. Morin in 1913/ 62 and is preserved in a single
codex from the Municipal Library ofLaon. The manuscript, whose shelfmark
is Laon, Bibl. Mun. 113, consists of 1 + 85 leaves in Caroline script (long
lines), is sized 270 mm x 209 mm, and dates from the ninth century. Morin's
edition is so far the only made for this text, and therefore my translation is
based on it. However, since this text presents numerous corrupted readings,
I have also considered the useful emendations proposed by G. Mercati. 163 164
De Bruyne, Préfaces, 153.
165
J. Wordsworth and H. J. White, Nouum Testamentum Domini Nostri Iesu Christi
Latme secundum editionem Sancti Hieronymi, voL I (Oxford, 1889-98), 15-17 (Matthew),
157
171-3 (Mark), 269-71 (Luke), 485-7 (John).
D. De Bruyne, Préfaces de la Bible latine (Namur, 1920), 224--34. 166
158 P. Corssen, Monarchianische Prologe zu den vier Evangilien: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des
See below, 315-16.
159 Kanons, Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Litteratur 15 (Leipzig
K.-D. Daur (ed.), Aurelii Augustini Opera, XV,3, Corpus Christianorum Series Latina, 1896), 5-10. ' '
voL 49 (Turhout, 1985) 139-49.
Ch~p~an, Notes, 217-22; H. Lietzmann, 'Das Muratorische Fragment und die
167
16
° CSEL 18:151-7 (Frag. 153). monarch1amschen Prologe zu den Evangelien', in Kleine Texte I (1902), repr. ¡11 K. Aland,
161
Aurelius Augustinus, Opera, editio Monachorum Ordinis S. Benedicti e Congregatione Synopsts Quattuor Evangeliorum (Stuttgart, 1964), 547-8.
S. Mauri, tomus VIII, coL 607-10 (Paris, 1688).
De Bruyn~, Pr~(aces, 170-4. While the previous editors employed an average number of
168
162
Morin, 'Traité Priscillianiste', 151-205 (Latin text, 178-205).
163 24 mss. for the1r edltwns, De Bruyne added a few more mss. which often clarified the text:
G. Mercati, Opere Minori, III, Studi e Testi, 78 (Rome, 1937), 508-9.
Prologue on Matthew (5 ms.), on Mark (6 ms.), on Luke (4 ms.), on John (6 ms.).
 1

Texts and Translations


SIGLA
W = Codex M p. th. q. 3., Würzburg, Universitasbibliothek.
Schepss = G. Schepss (ed.), Priscilliani quae supersunt maximam partem nuper detexit
adiectisque commentariis criticis et indicibus primus edidit Georgius Schepss. Accedit
Orosii Commonitorium de errore Priscillianistarum et Origenistarum, CSEL 18
(Vienna, 1889).
Svennung= J. Svennung, 'Annotationes criticae ad Tractatus Priscillianeos', in Strena
Philologica Upsaliensis. Festskrift tillagnad professor Per Persson (Uppsala, 1922),
137-43.
Tractatus I
Priscilliani Liber Apologeticus
Etsi fides nostra nullis uitae offendiculis inpedita securum catholicae disposi-
tionis iter tendens ad deum libera sit, tamen, quia zabolica obtrectatione
pulsata in eo quod percutitur plus probatur, gloriosum nobis uidimus,
beatissimi sacerdotes, ut non redarguente conscientia, quamuis frequentibus
5 libellis locuti fidem nostram hereticorum omnium docmata damnauerimus
et libello fratrum nostrorum Tiberiani, Asarbi et ceterorum, cum quibus
nobis una fides et unus est sensus, cuneta docmata quae contra Christum
uideantur esse damnata sint et probata quae pro Christo, tamen etiam nunc,
quia id uultis, sicut scribtum est parati semper ad confessionem omni poscenti
10 nos rationem de fide et spe quae est in nobis 1 tacere noluimus, quod iubetis.
Etenim confessione repetita licet in oculis uestris sit omne quod uiuimus et
constituti in fidei luce nulla tenebrosae conuersationis2 secreta sectemur, non
abnuimus tamen, ut etiam ignorantibus nos satisfieret, ne quis in nos credens
male alteris inueniabili errore peccaret, non recusantes quin ostenderemus ore
15 quod credebamus in corde. 3 Quamuis enim gloriari in his quae fuimus non
oporteat, tamen non ita obscuro editi ad saeculum loco aut insipientes uocati
sumus, ut fides Christi et eruditio credendi mortem nobis potius adferre
potuerit quam salutem. Ad haec enim, ut ipsi nouistis, peractis omnibus
1
1 Pet 3:15. 2
Cf. Is 9:12. 3
Cf. Rom 10:10.
1
Genuine Works
Tractate I
Priscillian' s Apologetical Book
(Priscilliani Líber Apologeticus)
Collated editions: Priscilliani quae supersunt,
ed. G. Schepss,
CSEL 18 (Vienna, 1889), 3-33
Even though our faith which is hindered by no obstacle and attains the safe
route of catholic order leading to God is free, on the other hand, since it is
afflicted by the calumny of the devil and is more clearly proven to be worthy
in the fact that it is oppressed, we saw that it would have been glorious to us,
most blessed priests-although we condemned the doctrines of all the heret-
ics by declaring our faith in numerous writings, and by the book of our
brothers Tiberianus, Asarbus, and all the others, with whom we share a single
faith and a single opinion, all the doctrines which appeared to be against
Christ were condemned, and those which appeared to be in support of Christ
were praised, now too, nevertheless, since you want this, namely that, as is
written, 'we are always ready to confess to anyone who demands from us the
principies concerning the faith and the hope, which is in us' 1-to decide not
to pass over what you command, as our conscience is irreprehensible. There-
fore, even though all that we lived and established in the light of faith is befo re
your eyes, [and] we pursue no secret 'of dark ways oflife'/ we did not say no
to a repeated confession, so that we might satisfy the ignorant as well, lest
someone, having malicious ideas about the others, might commit an
unforgivable sin against us, as we do not refuse 'to confirm with our mouth
what we believed with our heart' .3 Even though, in fact, it is not opportune to
glory in what we have been, yet we were not taken to the world from such an
obscure place or were called [so] foolish, that the faith in Christ and the
awareness of believing might bring us death instead of salvation. Indeed into
 34 Tractatus I Tractate I 35
humanae uitae experimentis et malorum nostrorum conuersationibus 1
these things, as you yourselves know, after accomplishing all the experiences
20 repudiatis tamquam in portum securae quietis intrauimus. Agnoscentes enim of life and rejecting any indulgence in our evils, we entered as into a harbour
quoniam nema nisi ex aqua et spiritu sancto renatus ascenderet in regna of safe quietness. Knowing that 'nobody, if he has not been born again of
caelorum, 4 castificauimus animas nostras ad obaudiendum fidei per spiritum5 et water and Holy Spirit, will enter the kingdoms of the heavens', 4 'we have
repudiatis prioris uitae desideriis, 6 in quibus erubescebamus/ ad innouatae purified our souls to obey the faith through the Spirit', 5 and after rejecting
iter gratiae simbolum catolicae obseruationis accepimus, quod tenemus, ut 'the former desires of life' 6 'of which we are ashamed'/ we received the sym-
25 intrantes lauacrum, redemptionem corporis nostri, et baptizati in Christo bol of catholic observance leading to the path of renewed grace, which we
induti Christum 8 inanem saeculi gloriam respuentes ipsi uni uitam nostram follow so that, by entering the bath, redemption of our body, and 'being
sicut dedimus dederemus, qui peccatorum remissione concessa passus ipse baptized in Christ and clothed with Christ', 8 we may, after casting off the
pro no bis et redemptionem animis nostris praestitit et salutem. Quis enim est empty glory of the world, give our life, as we have already given it, to the one
qui legens scribturas et unam fidem unum baptisma unum deum 9 credens himself who suffered for us after conceding the remission of sins, and granted
30 hereticorum dogmata stulta non damnet, qui, dum uolunt humanis con- redemption and salvation to our souls. For who is that who, reading the
parare diuina, diuidunt unitam in dei uirtute substantiam et magnitudinem Scriptures and believing 'in one faith, one baptism, one God? does not
Christi tripertito ecclesiae fonte uenerabilem Binionitarum scelere partiuntur, condemn the foolish doctrines of the heretics who, while they want to put
cum scribtum sit: ego sum deus et non est alius praeter me iustus 10 et saluator divine things in the same class with the human, divide the substance united in
non est praeter me, ll et: ego primus et ego posthaec et praeter me non est deus; 12 the power of God and break up the venerable greatness of Christ in the
35 quis sicut ego?13 item alibi: ego sum et ante me non fuit alius, et post me non erit tripartite fountain of the church with the crime of the Binionites, beca use it
similis mihi; ego deus et non est praeter me qui saluos faciat, 14 et iterum Moyse was written: '1 am God and there is no other who is just but me', 10 and 'there
dicente: dominus deus noster deus unus est, 15 et Hieremias ait: hic est deus is no saviour besides me', n and 'I am the first and I am after this and besides
noster nec reputabitur alius absque eum qui inuenit omnem uiam sapientiae me there is no god'; 12 [and] 'who is like me?'; 13 and likewise in another
et dedit eam Iacob puero suo et Istrahel dilecto suo; posthaec in terris uisus est passage: '1 am and befo re me there was no other and after me there shall be no
40 et cum hominibus conuersatus est. 16 lpse est enim qui fuit, est et futurus est et similar tome; I am God and besides me there is nobody who may save'; 14 and
uisus a saeculis uerbum caro factus inhabitauit in nobis 17 et crucifixus deuicta Moses says again: 'The Lord is our God, the only God,' 15 and Jeremiah
morte uitae heres effectus est ac tertia die resurgens factus futuri forma spem declares: 'This is our Lord and no other but him shall be considered, who
nostrac resurrectionis ostendit et ascendens in caelos uenientibus ad se found all the way of wisdom and gave it to Jacob his servant and to Israel his
iter construit totus in patre et pater in ipso, 18 ut manifestaretur quod scribtum beloved; after this he was seen on earth and lived with men'? 16 He is that who
45 est: gloria in excelsis deo et pax hominibus in terra bonae uoluntatis; 19 sicut was, is, and shall be, and appeared as 'the Word' from eternity, 'was made
lohannes ait: tria sunt quae testimonium dicunt in terra: aqua, caro et sanguis flesh, dwelled in us and', 17 after being crucified, since death had been con-
et haec tria in unum sunt, et tria sunt quae testimonium dicunt in caelo: pater, quered, was made heir of life; and by rising on the third day, as he was made
uerbum et spiritus et haec tria unum sunt in Christo Iesu. 20 the type of future, he showed the hope of our resurrection, and by ascending
Et quia uultis nos ire per singula ut quod credimus eloquamur, licet to the heavens he built the path for those who carne to him, while he was 'all
so nostrum sit studere de uobis, tamen, quia secundum institutum dei, qui, cum in the Father and the Father in him', 18 so that what was written might be
operibus quis esset ostenderet, uoluit tamen quis esset a discipulis suis uel manifested: 'Glory to God in the highest and peace on earth to people of good
quis crederetur audire: quia uultis etiam nos uobis probare quod nostis, will;' 19 [and] as John says: 'There are three who testify on earth, the water, the
flesh, and the blood, and these three are in one, and there are three who testify
in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Spirit, and these three are one in
Jesus Christ.' 20
4 5 6 7
Jn 3:5. 1 Pet 1:22. 1 Pet 1:14. Rom 6:21. And since you want us to go through each [argument], so that we may
8 9 10
Gal3:27. Eph 4:5-6. Is 45:21. " Hos 13:14.
12
Is 44:6. 13
Is 44:7. 14
Is 43:10-11.
reveal in words what we believe, even though it is our duty to be solicitous
15
Deut 6:4. 16
Baruch 3:36-8. 17
Jn 1:14. about yo u, however, in view of the fact that according to the principies of God
20
18
Cf. Jn 14: 11. 19
Lk 2:14. 1 Jn 5:8, 7. who, after he showed who he was with his works, wanted all the same to hear
 36 Tractatus I . Tractate I / 37

ueniam petimus si aut adserentes fidem nostram aut distruentes ea, quae ad from his disciples who he was or who he was believed [to be): sin ce yo u also
deprauandas mentes infidelium error insinuat, latius eloquemur. Illorum want us to prove to you what you know, we beg your pardon if either by
55 enim culpa est, qui, dum plura in Christi homines mentiuntur, prolixius nos affirming or by destroying those [ideas) which the error of the infidels intro-
respuere ea, quae sibimet ipsis obiciunt, fecerunt. Anathema enim sit qui duces in order to deprave minds, we will speak quite extensively. Indeed it is
Patripassianae heresis malum credens catholicam fidem uexat, cum scribtum their fault, namely, of those who, while they say many lies against the m en of
sit dicente Petro: tu es Christus, filius dei uiui/ 1 et alibi: qui habet filium, habet Christ, have caused us to refute more profusely those [accusations), which are
uitam, qui non habet filium, non habet uitam, 22 et iterum ipso dicente: ego et actually laid against them. Anathema on [him] who harms the catholic faith
60 pater unum sumus, 23 adque alibi: ego in patre et pater in me; 24 ad cuius rei by believing in the wickedness of the Patripassian heresy, because it was
testimonium accessit etiam in euuangelio daemoniaca confessio dicens: tu es written according to the words of Peter: 'You are the Christ, the Son of the
Christus filius dei; quid uenisti ante tempus perdere nos?25 Quod ideo positum living God,' 21 and in another passage: 'Whoever has the Son has life, whoever
nouimus, non quod daemonum, testimonium deus uellet, sed ut homines ad does not have the Son does not have life,' 22 and again, in the words of [Christ)
7
imaginem et similitudinem dei facti 26 deterioribus tormentis obligarentur/ si himself: 'I and the Father are one, 123 and in another passage: 'I [am] in the
65 ista nescirent, quae etiam daemones confitentur. Nobis autem unus deus pater, Father, and the Father in me'; 24 and as a further testimony to that fact the
ex qua omnia et nos in ipso, et unus dominus Iesus Christus, per quem omnia et demonic confession was added in the gospel, saying: 'You are Christ the Son
nos per ipsum. 28 Ad quorum stultitiam Nouatiana accedit heresis, quasi uero of God; why did yo u come to destroy us befo re the time?' 25 And we know that
crudescente semper errore peccati repetitis baptismatibus purgarentur, cum this was ordained not beca use God wants the testimony of the demons, but in
unum baptisma, unam fidem, unum deum 29 apostolica scriptura testetur et order that men, who are made 'in the image and likeness ofGod', 26 'might be
70 sciamus praeter id quam quod euangelizatum est nobis, nec angelum de caelis si constrained to worse torments' / 7 if they ignored what the demons themselves
aliud dixerit audiendum. 30 Nos autem semel baptizati in Christo relinquentes confessed. 'Por us [there is] one God Father, from whom all things [are] and
ea quae praeterita sunt in priora nos extendentes adprehendere uolumus in qua we in him, and one Lord, Jesus Christ, through whom all things are and we
adprehensi sumus/ 1 quoniam praeter unum Christum Iesum uniti in fide aliut through him.' 28 To their foolishness the Novatian heresy is added, as if, while
quam unius baptismatis praesidium non habemus, scientes quoniam Christus the error of sin constantly grows worse, they may actually be purified with
75 uenit in carne, ut peccatores saluos faceret 32 et redemptos in sese ad perennis repeated baptisms, when the apostolic scripture testifies to 'one baptism, one
uitae instituta repararet. Qui autem negat Iesum Christum in carnem uenisse, faith, one God', 29 and we know that 'except for what has been proclaimed to
hic antechristus est33 et perditio eius non indormiet34 dicente apostolo: qui negat us as the gospel, not even an angel from heaven should be listened to, if he
35
filium nec patrem habet, qui autem confitetur filium et filium et patrem habet. said anything different'. 30 Therefore, since we were baptized once in Christ,
Anethema autem sit doctrina Nicholaitarum partemque cum Sodoma 'leaving behind what is gone, and reaching for what is ahead, we want to seize
80 habeat et Gomora quisque odibilia deo sacrilegia aut instituit aut sequitur. that in which we were seized' / 1 beca use besides one Jesus Christ, we who are
Anethema sit qui legens grifos aquilas asinas elefantas serpentes et bestias united in faith do not have other protection than that of one baptism, know-
superuacuas36 confusibilis obseruantiae uanitate captiuus uelut mysterium ing that 'Christ carne in the flesh to save sinners'/2 and to renovate in himself
diuinae religionis adstruxerit, quorum opera et formarum detestabilitas those who were redeemed for the principies of eterna! life. Indeed 'the one
natura daemoniorum, non diuinarum ueritas gloriarum est. Hi sunt enim who denies that Christ carne in the flesh is the antichrist'/ 3 and 'his destruc-
tion will not be asleep'/ 4 because the apostle says: 'the one who denies the Son
does not have the Father; the one who confesses the Son has both the Son and
the Father'. 35 Anathema on the doctrine of the Nicholaitans, and may who-
ever establishes or practices sacrileges hateful to God share the fa te of Sodom
21 22 23 and Gomorrah. Anathema on that who, being prisoner of the falsity of a
Mt 16:16. 1 Jn 5:12. Jn 10:30.
24
Jn 17:21. 25
Mt 8:29; Mk 1:24. 26
Cf. Gen 1:26. misleading devotion, elected 'griffins, eagles, donkeys, elephants, serpents and
27
Cf. Heb 10:29. 28
1 Cor 8:6.
32
29
Eph 4:5. vile beasts' 36 and arranged [them) as the mystery of a divine religion: their
30 31
Gal1:8-9. Phil3:13, 12. 1 Tim 1:15. works and the abomination of their images is the nature of demons, not the
33 34 35
Cf. 1 Jn 2:22. 2 Pet 2:3. 1 Jn 2:23.
36
Wisdom 11:16; cf. Lev 11:13, 44; Deut 14:12. truth of divine glories. 'They are those whose god is the belly, and whose glory
 38 Tractatus I Tractate I 39

85 quorum deus uenter est et gloria in pudendis eorum; 37 hi sunt qui dubios
. t h e1r
1s . pnvate
. 1
parts; ' 37 t h ey are t h ose wh o ruin the doubtful, and lead to the
euertunt et ad perditionis suae excidia deducunt et sacramentum uocant, downfalls of their perdition, and call sacrament what they ignore to be the
quod secundum scripturas dei perditionis nesciunt esse mysterium, et euntes mystery of perdition according to the Scriptures of God, and 'while going into
in praecipitium/ 8 sicut profeta ait, facti sunt uelut spiritus in pinnis uolatilium a precipice'/ 8 as the prophet says, 'they were rendered as the wind in the
et ideo confundentur ex sacrariis suis39 facti sicut equus et mulus quibus non feathers of birds and, therefore, are confounded by their altars', 39 because
90 est intellectus40 et digni sunt quorum deus Sol sit. Nos autem diuinarum 'they are rendered as the horse and the mule that have no intellect' ,40 and
scripturarum edocti uerbis etsi scimus quia nihil idolum est in hoc mundo, sed deserve to have the sun as their god. But since we are instructed in the words
quae sacrificant daemoniis sacrificant et non deo, 41 elaboramus tamen, ut of the divine Scriptures, although we know that 'an idol is nothing in this
sicut scribtum est intellegentes uersutias sermonum et interpretationes world, and that what [the pagans] sacrifice, they sacrifice to demons and not
parabolarum42 et operantes, quod in deo sumus, nihil in nobis bestiarum to God', 41 yet we do our best so that, as is written, while we understand 'the
95 figura 43 habeat, sed totum Christi dei teneat disciplina, quia nulla com- subtleties of speeches and the interpretations of the parables', 42 and are active
municatio est mensae domini et mensae daemoniorum, 44 luci et tenebris,
45 beca use we are in God, 'the image of the beasts' 43 may have no part in us, but
Christo et Beliae. 46 Sicut et Iohannis de huiusmodi loquens ait: si quis adorat the discipline of God Christ may hold everything, because 'there is no com-
bestiam et imaginem eius, hic accepit notam in fronte sua et in manu sua, 47 et munication between the table of the Lord and the table of the demons', 44
ipse alibi: uidi de mari bestiam ascendentem habentem cornua decem et capita 'between light and darkness', 45 'between Christ and Belias'. 46 As John too,
100 septem et in capitibus eius decem diademata et nomen blasphemiae et erat speaking about similar [issues], says: 'If one worships the beast and its image,
similis pardo et pedes eius sicut ursi et os eius sicut os leonis et dedit ei draco he receives a mark on his forehead and on his hand,' 47 and again, in another
sedem suam et uirtutem suam. 48 Sicut et Daniel de hoc ipso ait: uidebam ecce passage: 'I saw a beast ascending out of the sea, having ten horns and seven
quattuor uenti mittebant in mare magnum et quattuor bestiae ascendebant de heads, and on its heads were ten diadems and the name of blasphemy; and it
mari magnitudine alterutrum se excedentes et prima erat ut lea et pinnae eius ut was similar toa panther, and its feet [were]like a bear's and its mouth like a
105 aquilae et surrexit a terra et supra hominis pedes stetit et cor hominis datum est lion's, and the dragon gave it his place and his power.' 48 As Daniel too, about
ei, et ecce alia bestia similis ursa et una parte stetit et tria latera in ore eius et this [fact] itself says: 'Behold, I saw the four winds rush into the great sea, and
in medio dentium eius et dictum est ei 'surge et manduca carnes multorum', four beasts ascend out of the sea, superior to each other in size; and the first
et ecce alia bestia ut pardus et alae ei quattuor uolucres et quattuor capita bestiae was like a she-lion, and its feathers were like the eagle's: it rose from the
et potestas data est ei, et ecce bestia quarta horribilis et admirabilis et fortis ground and stood on feet of man and a heart of man was given to it; and
110 uehementer et dentes eius ferrei et ungues aerei. 49 Quae omnia posita in behold, there was another beast similar to a bear, and stood on one side, and
uisionibus suis profetae legi ab omnibus uoluerunt et intellecta uitari et ideo, three flanks were in its mouth and between its teeth, and it was said to it: Rise
qui ista cognoscentes quid esset quod legerent non intellexerunt recte, cor and eat the flesh of many; and behold, there was another beast like a panther:
eorum datum est bestiae et carnes deuorabuntur eorum; euanuerunt enim it had four birds as its wings and four heads ofbeasts, and power was given to
in cogitationibus suis et obscuratum est insipiens cor eorum et dicentes se it; and behold, there was a fourth beast, horrible and admirable and extremely
115 esse sapientes stultifacti sunt et inmutauerunt gloriam incorruptibilis dei in strong, and its teeth were of iron and its nails of bronze.' 49 The prophets
similitudinem imaginis corruptibilis hominis et uolucrum et quadripedum et wanted all the things placed in their visions to be read by everybody and to be
serpentium50 et configurantes se prioribus ignorantiae uitae desideriis 51 in ea avoided once they had been understood, and therefore, those who did not
understand correctly these things, although they knew what it was that they
were reading, their heart was given to the beast and their flesh was devoured:
'They became unwise in their reflections and their senseless heart was dark-
ened, and by saying that they were wise they became foolish and exchanged
37
Phil3:19. 38
Cf. Hos 4:14. 39
Cf. Hos 4:13, 19.
the glory of the incorruptible God for a resemblance of an image of a corrupt-
40
Tobit 6:17. 41
1 Cor 10:19-20. 42
Wisdom 8:8; Sirach 39:2. ible man and birds and four-footed beasts and serpents,' 50 and 'by modelling
44 45
43
Cf. Rev 16:2; 19:20. Cf. 1 Cor 10:21.
48
Cf. 2 Cor 6:14. themselves upon the former desires of the ignorance of life' 51 they fell into
46 47
Cf. 2 Cor 6:15. Rev 14:9. Rev 13:1-2.
49 50 51 those things that they did not understand. But 'knowing that the law is
Dan 7:2-7. Rom 1:21-3. 1 Pet 1:14.
 40 Tractatus I Tractate I 41
52 5
1
quae non intellegunt inciderunt. Nos autem scientes quía lex spiritalis est et spiritual' 52 and 'all prophecies need an interpretation', ~ and having as our
omnis profetia interpraetatione indiget, 53 habentes Christum deum in sensu explainer in their meaning Christ God through whom, even 'if we thought
120 demonstratorem, per quem etiam si aliter sentiremus et haec nobis reuelaban- differently, also these things would be revealed to us', 54 we set about 'to serve
tur,54 seruire instituimus iustitiaé 5 domini in sanctificationem, ut, sicut the justice' 55 of the Lord in sanctification, so that, as the prophet says, 'after
profeta ait, eradicatis nominibus Baalim ex ore nostro et exterminatis the names of Baal were uprooted from our mouth' 56 and his designations
appellationibus eorum56 abiciamus a nobis, sicut scriptum est, testamentum banished, we may throw away from us, as is written, 'the covenant which is
57 with the beasts of the field and the birds of the sky and the reptiles of the
quod est cum besteis agri et uolatilibus caeli et reptilibus terrae, agnoscentes
125 quod haec omnia stipendia peccati sunt, quorum finis mors est, gratia autem et earth', 57 recognizing that all these things 'are wages of sin, whose outcome is
pax uita aeterna in Christo Iesu domino nostro. 58 Sicut et Solomon ait: deus death, whereas the grace is peace [and] eternallife in Jesus Christ our Lord'. 58
mihi dedit horum omnium quae sunt scientiam ueram, ut sciam dispositionem As Solomon says too: 'God gave me the true knowledge of all the things that
orbis terrarum et uirtutem aelementorum, initium et consummationem et are, so that 1 may know the arrangement of the world and the power of the
medietatem mensuum, mutationes et diuisiones temporum, anni cursus et elements, the beginning and the conclusion and the middle of months, the
130 stellarum dispositiones, naturas animalium et iras bestiarum, uim uenturum changes and divisions of times, the courses of the year and the arrangements
et cogitationes hominum, differentias arborum et uirtutes radicum, et omnia of the stars, the natures of animals and the rages of beasts, the strength of the
quae sunt absconsa et manifesta cognovi. 59 Sicut et ipse ait: colebant quidam winds and the thoughts of m en, the differences of the trees and the virtues of
errantes muta reptilia et serpentes et bestias superuacuas et misit super illos roots, and 1 learned all that is secret and manifest.' 59 And he says again: 'Sorne
multitudinem mutorum animalium in uindictam, ut scirent quia per quae pec- erred and worshipped dumb reptiles and serpents and vile beasts, and he sent
135 cat quis per haec et torquetur, 60 sicut et Dauid ait: circumdederunt me uituli them a multitude of dumb animals out of revenge, so that they might know
multi, tauri pingues obsederunt me, aperuerunt in me os suum sicut leo rapiens that one is punished with the very things for which he sins;' 60 as David says
et rugiens. 61 Quod legens inpurus scismaticorum sensus aduertat et, si too: 'many calves surrounded me, fat bulls besieged me, they opened at me
conuerti potest et potest non perire, non pereat, quoniam Dauid sanctus non their mouth like a robbing and roaring lion.' 61 And may the impure mind of
tauros timebat aut uitulos, sed sicut scriptum est: aduersarius uester diabolus the schismatics read and consider this and, if it can be converted and can
140 sicut leo rapiens et rugiens circuit quaerens quem transuoret, cui resistite firmes avoid perishing, may it not perish, because the holy David was not afraid of
in fide. 62 Sicut et alibí scriptum est: noli esse leo in domo tua euertens domesti- the bulls or calves, but as is written: 'Your adversary the devillike a robbing
cas tuos; 63 sicut et ibi ait: non te extollas in cogitatione animae tuae uelut taurus, and roaring lion prowled around, looking for someone that he might
64 swallow: so, firm in your faith, resist him.' 62 As is also written in another
ne forte elidatur uirtus tua et per stultitiam folia tua comedat. Sicut et Dauid
ait: lingua mea adhaesit fancibus meis et in puluerem mortis deduxisti me; passage: 'Do not be a lion in your house, driving away your servants;' 63 as it
145 quoniam circumdederunt me canes multi;
65 in quo tamen Dauid sanctus, says here too: 'Do not exalt yourself in the thought of your soullike a bull, so
ut ostenderet quid in superiori exclamatione edixisset, subiecit synagoga that your virtue may not be crushed by any chance, and eat your leaves out of
peccantium obsedit me. 66 Sicut et Esaias ait: canes sunt animae nescientes foolishness.' 64 As David says too: 'My tongue stuck to my jaws and you
satietatem; 67 sic denique et dominus deus noster loquens ad lob profetam brought meto the dust of death, because many dogs surrounded me'; 65 and
dixit: ostende mihi si iam adquiescit tibi leo68 aut monucerus seruiet tibi aut in order to explain what he had declared in his previous exclamation, the
150 dormiet in cubili suo; 69 et alibi ad ipsum deus: tu capies Leosiboram, animas holy David adds: 'the synagogue of the sinners besieged me.' 66 As lsaiah says
too: 'They are dogs who ignore the satiety of soul;' 67 and eventually the Lord
our God too, speaking to the prophet Job, said: 'Show me whether the
54
lion already obeys you willingly,' 68 or 'the unicorn serves you or sleeps in its
53
52
Rom 7:14. 2 Pet 1:20. Phil3:15.
55 56 57
Hos 2:18.
lair'; 69 and in another passage God [said] to him again: 'And will you catch
Cf. Rom 7:18. Hos 2:17.
58
Rom 6:23. 59
Wisdom 7:17-21. food for lions; will you also fill the soul of dragons with fear, so that they may
61
60 Wisdom 11:15-16. Ps 21 (22):13-14 (12-13).
63 64
62 1 Pet 5:8-9. Sirach 4:30. Sirach 6:2-3.
66
65 Ps 21 (22):16-17 (15-16). Ps 21 (22):17 (16).
67 68 69
Is 56:11. Cf. Num 24:9. Job 39:9.
 42 Tractatus I
quoque draconum timare inplebis, ut timeant in cubilibus suis sedentes in siluis
et dolum facientes?/ 0 et iterum alibi ad ipsum dicit dominus: tu adduces dra-
conem in ancistro aut inpones ducatorium in nare eius aut pertundes labia
ipsius et loquetur tibi molliter, ut constituat testamentum tecum et habeas eum
155 in seruum aeternum?; 71 in quo Iob sanctus intellegens loquentem dominum
et uolens etiam nobis intellectum aperire dictorum: quid, inquit, adhuc ego
iudicor, domine, dum corripior et arguor, aut quod, domine, daba responsum
ad talia uerba, cum sim nihil?72 Et tune dominus etiam nobis post futuris
ad intellegendum se opus uerbi tribuens parabulam dicti per se sermonis
160 exposuit dicens: noli, inquid, abalienare iudicium meum nec aestimes me aliter
decreuisse nisi ut tu minus appareas iniustus/ 3 sed suscipe altitudinem et uirt-
utem et claritatem et honorem induere; relinque angelos irae et omnem in te
iniuriosum et superbum extingue; disrumpe a te inpios et absconde in terra et
facies eorum ignominia reple, ut sint sine honore, et tune confiteberis quoniam
165 potens est dextera mea saluare te. Etiam coram te Jera sicut bos factus faenum
manducat, cuius fortitudo in lumbis eius et uirtus in umbilico uentris et cauda
erecta sicut cyparissus et nerui contorti sicut funes et latera eius petrae aereae et
spina illius sicut paries ferreus, et hoc est initium factum a~gelis a~/nlude~d.u~
plasmae meae. 74 Quae tamen omniaa scrutantes scnpturas, beat1Ss1m1
170 sacerdotes, scimus quia propter nos scripta sunt/6 ut, qui bestiarum naturas
dictas in parabolis intellegit, repudians quae sunt saeculi morum in se uitia
castiget, sicut scribtum est in apocalypsi: ecce aquae, quas uidisti ubi sedet
meretrix, populi et turbae sunt et gentes et linguae. 77 Sicut et ibi Iohannis ait:
cecidit cecidit Babylon magna et Jacta est habitatio daemoniorum, quía de ira
175 fornicationis eius biberunt gentes; 78 et ipse ibi: et flebunt plagentes se super illa,
quía cum ipsa fornicati sunt et in deliciis eius uixerunt. 79 Sicut et apos~ol~s ait:
non est uobis conluctatio contra carnem et sanguinem, sed contra prmctpes et
potestates mundi huius rectores harum tenebrarum, aduersus spiritales nequitias
in caelestibus. 80 Sicut et Iohannis ait: uidi de ore draconis et de ore bestiae et de
180 ore pseudoprofetae spiritus tres in mundos sicut ranas et hi sunt spiritus daemo-
niorum, qui facientes signa procedunt ad conturbandos reges orbis terrae. 81
Denique, sicut initiati in Christo prima acceptae fidei rudimenta retinemus,
scimus nos credidisse quod credimus deo et renuntiasse quod renuntiauimus
zabulo et illud esse quod fera dicitur, deum autem esse quod Christus Iesus
a quae tamen omnia] scripsi quaetam en omnia W (ut uidetur) Schepss
70 71 72
Job 38:39-40. Job 40:20-3. Job 39:34.
73
Job 40:3. 74
Job 40:5-14. 75
Cf. Jn 5:39.
76
1 Cor 9:10; Rom 4:24, 23. 77
Rev 17:15.
78 79 80 81
Rev 18:2, 3. Rev 18:9. Eph 6:12. Rev 16:13-14.
Tractate I 43
1
be afraid in their lairs, lying in the woods and planning trickery?'; 70
and in
another passage the Lord says to him again: 'Will you drag the dragon with a
fish-hook or put a harpoon in its nostril, or will you bore through its lips
and will he speak to you softly, so that he may make a covenant with you, and
you may get itas your eternal servant?'; 71 at that the holy Job, understanding
the speech of the Lord and wishing to reveal to us, too, the sense of his words,
says: 'Why do I still judge, O Lord, while I am reproached and blamed, or
what answer will I give to these words, when I am nothing?m Then the Lord,
allocating to us too, who would have come afterwards, the necessity of the
word to understand him, expounded the parable of the speech said through
him, saying: 'Do not', he said, 'set aside my judgement, nor think that I have
decided in any other way than that in which you might appear to be less
unjust'; 73 'but undertake to wear nobleness and virtue and splendour and
honour; leave behind the angels of anger and extinguish all that is wrongful
and arrogant in you; cut off from you the impious and hide [them] in the
earth, and fill their faces with shame, so that they may be without honour;
and now you will confess that my right hand is able to save you. Before you
even the wild beast, as if it is transformed into an ox, eats hay, and its strength
is in its loins and its power in the navel of its belly, and its tail is erected like a
cypress, and its nerves are twisted like ropes, and its flanks are of stone and
bronze, and its spine is like an iron wall, and this is the beginning of my
creation made through the angels to play.' 74 And while 'studying the Scrip-
tures'/5 O most blessed priests, we learn that all those things 'were written for
us' ,76 so that the one who understands the natures of the beasts described in
the parables, by rejecting the things which belong to the customs of the world,
may chastise in himself the vices, as is written in the Apocalypse: 'Here are the
waters which you saw, where the prostitute sits, and are peoples and crowds
and nations and languages.m As John says here too: 'Babylon the great has
fallen, and has become the dwelling of demons, because the nations drank
from the rage of its fornication'; 78 and he says here again: 'And they
weep mourning over her, because they fornicated with her and lived in her
pleasures.' 79 As the apostle says too: 'Your fight is not against flesh and blood,
but against the leaders and the authorities of this world, the rulers of this
darkness, against the spiritual iniquities in the heavenly places.' 80 As John says
too: 'I saw from the mouth of the dragon and from the mouth of the beast
and from the mouth of the false prophet three unclean spirits like frogs, and
these are the spirits of the demons, who proceed to upset the kings of the
world by performing signs.' 81 Therefore, as we preserve the first rudiments
of our received faith after being initiated into Christ, we know that we have
believed, beca use we believe in God, and that we have renounced, because we
renounced the devil, and that this is what is called a wild beast, whereas that
 44 Tractatus I Tractate I 45
1
185 est. Sicut et apostolus ait: nec enim de bubus cura est deo, sed de nobis dicit, is God, beca use he is Jesus Christ. As the apostle says too/The care of God is
quoniam qui arat in spe debet arare et triturans spei suae fructum percipere. 82 ?ot for oxen, but he speaks about us, because whoever ploughs must plough
Nemo ergo nobis intellectum propriae peruersitatis adscribat; unusquisque m hope and gather, by threshing, the fruit of his hope'. 82 Nobody, therefore,
uerbis suis condemnabitur et uerbis suis iustificabitur; 83 nos quod credimus should ascribe to us the concept of his own perversity; 'each one will be
confitemur et scrutantes scripturas84 speciem daemoniorum respuentes intel- condemned by his words and will be justified by his words'; 83 we confess what
190 legimus, sicut scribtum est, altitudinem satanae, 85 scientes sicut apostolus ait: we believe, and while 'studying the Scriptures', 84 we reject the image of the
quoniam nema nos liberauit de corpore mortis huius nisi gratia domini Iesu demons and understand, as is written, 'the depth of Satan', 85 knowing, as
Chisti, 86 quia scribtum est: nisi credideritis, non intellegetis87 et alibi: intellectus the apostle says, that 'nobody delivered us from the body of this death but the
bonus omnibus facientibus eum. 88 grace of the Lord Jesus Christ', 86 beca use it is written: 'If yo u do not believe,
Illud autem, beatissimi sacerdotes, quod idolicas formas, Saturnum you shall not understand', 87 and in another passage: 'All those who value him
195 Uenerem Mercurium Iouem Martem ceterosque deos gentilium protulerunt, have a good intellect'. 88
etiamsi tam otiosi ad deum et nulla eruditi per scribturas fide uiueremus, [There is] the fact, O most blessed priests, that they produced images of
tamen cum adhuc in conuersatione mundialis stultitiae delectaremur sapien- idols, Saturn, Venus, Mercury, Jupiter, Mars, and all the other gods of the
tia saeculari licet adhuc inutiles nobis, haec tamen fidei nostrae aduersa cog- Gentiles, but, even if we could have been so indifferent to God and could have
nouimus et deos gentilium depraehendentes risimus stultitias saeculares et lived without being instructed in the faith through the Scriptures, on the
200 infelicitates, quorum tamquam ad ingenii instructionem opera legebamus. other hand, even if we could have had so far pleasure in the practice of
Sed si etiam in his professionis nostrae fides quaeritur, anathema sit et fiat worldly foolishness and because of our secular philosophy we could have
mensa eorum in laqueum et in scandalum89 his, qui Solem et Lunam Iouem been so far useless to ourselves, we, nevertheless, have been able to recognize
Martem Mercurium Uenerem uel Saturnum omnemque militiam caeli, quos that those things were contrary to our faith, and taking away the gods of the
sibi in caerimoniis sacrorum ritus et ignarus deo gentilium error adsciuit, Gentiles, we laughed at their secular stupidity and wretchedness, and read
205 deos dixerintb et qui eos, cum sint ídola detestanda gehennae digna, their works as for the instruction of the mind. But if in these very professions
uenerantur,C cum scribtum sit: uae illi, qui dicit ligno 'uigila et surge' et lapidi our faith should be required, let them be cursed and 'let their table become a
'exaltare'; 90 pereant cum diis suis, qui dicuntur siue in caelo siue in terra; 91 trap and a stumbling block for those' 89 who called gods the Sun and the
exterminet uitim sensus eorum, 92 sicut scribtum est, aper de silua et singularis Moon, Jupiter, Mars, Mercury, Venus, or Saturn and the entire host of
ferus depascatur eam. 93 No bis autem per gratiam domini Iesu Christi absolutis heaven-whom the rite and the error of the Gentiles, unknown to God,
210 a corpore mortis huius, sicut scribtum est, cadent a latere mille et decem milia received in the ceremonies of the sacrifices-and for those who worshipped
a dextris, 94 ut secundum scribturas, induti armis dei, 95 ascendentes super them, even though they are idols to be abhorred and worthy of the Gehenna,
basiliscum et aspidem conculcemus leonem et draconem, 96 nullae similitudini because it is written: 'Woe to him who says to the wood: Keep watch and rise,
idolicae infelicitatis obnoxii; de quo scribtum est: quid prodest sculptili quía and toa stone: Be roused'; 90 may they perish with their gods, who 'are called
sculptum est? Finxerunt illud conflatile, fantasma mendum et qui plasmauerunt in heaven or on earth'; 91 'may he destroy the vine of their mind', 92 as is
215 illud, confusi sunt supra figmentum suum, surda enim errant idola. 97 Quorum written, 'and may the boar from the wood and each wild animal feed on it'. 93
propterea uel idolorum superstitiones stultae uel formae peccaminum uel And since through the grace of the Lord Jesus Christ we have been released
nomina daemonum uel moresd ostendunture uitiorum, ut intellegentes from the body of this death, as is written, 'a thousand shall fall at your side
~nd ten thousand at your right', 94 so that, according to the Scriptures,
b dixerint] scripsi dixerit W Schepss e uenerantur] scripsi ueneratur W Schepss wearing the armour of God' 95 [and] 'rising over the basilisk and the asp, we
d mores] conieci mors W Schepss e ostenduntur] scripsi ostenditur W Schepss may trample the lion and the dragon under foot', 96 without being subject to
82
1 Cor 9:9-10. 83
Mt 12:37. 84
Cf. Jn 5:39. any resemblance of idolatrous misery, about which it is written: 'What use is
85
Rev 2:24. 86
Rom 7:24-5. 87
Is 7:9. an idol that it should be sculpted? They cast it, a ghost of líes, and those who
88 89 90
Ps 110 (111):10. Rom 11:9. Hab 2:19. fashioned it were confounded over their figures: the idols, in fact, were deaf.' 97
91 92 93
1 Cor 8:5. Ps 79 (80):14 (13). Ps 79 (80):14 (13).
94
Ps 90 (91):7. 95
Eph 6:11; cf. Rom 13:12. Therefore, the foolish superstitions of the idols or the forms of sins or the
96
Ps 90(91):13. 97
Hab 2:18. names of demons or the ways of vices are revealed, so that, understanding
 46 Tractatus I Tractate I / 47

tenebras desideremus lucem domini et exclamantes 'scitote gentes, nobiscum the darkness, we may desire the light of the Lord and, exclaiming: 'Know, yo u
99
deus', 98 disrumpamus uincula eorum et proiciamus a no bis iugum ipsorum nec peoples: God is with us,' 98 'we may break their bonds and throw their yoke
100
220 in Aegyptiorum, sicut scribtum est, studiis polluamur, quoniam dominus away from us' ,99 and 'may not', as is written, 'be defiled with the passions of
101
deridebit eos et dominus subsannabit eos; de quibus Iohannis principem the Egyptians', 100 beca use the Lord will mock them and 'the Lord willlaugh at
102
idolicae infelicitatis ostendens ait: ex septem est et octauus in perditione ibit, them', 101 about whom John, showing the chief of the idolatrous wretchedness,
de quibus et Solomon ait: non semines in sulcis iniquitatis et non met~s il.la in says: 'It is from seven and the eighth will go to destruction,' 102 [and] Solomon
septuplum; 103 sic enim et ipse alibi: ante hominem uita et mors, aqua et tgms; ad says: 'Do not sow in the furrows of iniquity and do not reap from them a
104 Hi .sunt enim septem p~store.~ et .acto m.ors~! sevenfold crop'; 103 and so he says again in another passage: 'Life and death are
225 quod uult porrigat manum.
hominum, secundum quod scnbtum est operantes m film diffidentzae.
105
before man, water and fire: let him reach for whatever he wants.' 104 These are,
Nobis autem uiuere Christus est, uita Christus est, fides Christus est, scientes in fact, 'the seven shepherds and the eight hites of men' 105 who, as is written,
quod chrisma habemus a sancto et non corruptibilibu~ .ar~ento et a.uro 'are at work among the children of disobedience' .106 But for us to live is
redempti sumus de uana nostra conuersatione paternae tradttwms, sed pretwso Christ, life is Christ, faith is Christ, knowing that we have the chrism from
107
230 sanguine quasi agni incontaminati et inmaculati Iesu Christi; in quo consti- the Holy [Spirit] and 'were not ransomed from our vain use of paternal
tutos nema nos depraedatur secundum philosofiam mundi et non secundum traditions with corruptible gold or silver, but with the precious blood ofJesus
Christum. 108 Fingant enim sibi Saturni aureum saeculum qui diligunt aurum: Christ, like that of apure and spotless lamb'; 107 and since we are confirmed in
109
nobis diuina sapientia omni aura et argento et pretiosior lapide pretioso est, him, 'nobody [among us] is robbed according to the philosophy of this world
dicant deum suum Solero quibus gehennae ignis habitatio est et eius se con- and not according to Christ' .108 Let those who love gold crea te for themselves
235 fiteantur elementum, qui deum Christum nolunt sibi esse principium: nobis a golden age of Saturn: for us 'divine wisdom is more precious than all gold
omnia quae sub sole sunt uana sunt et praesumptio peruersi spiritus, sciente~ and silver and precious stone'; 109 let those whose only dwelling is the fire of
eum cum mundo esse periturum; confiteantur in malis suis deum Lunam qm Gehenna say that their God is the sun, and let those who do not want God
circumducti om ni uento doctrinae, u o dies tempora et annos et menses obseru- Christ to be their principie confess to be the element [of the sun]: for us all
are111 disponunt; dicant sibi deum Martem qui adultero sibi Marte placuerunt things that are under the sun are vain and an expectation of a perverted spirit,
240 et concupiscentiae carnis addicti fornicationibus obligantur, et facti uelut knowing that the [Sun] will perish with the world; let those who, 'being
aeramentum sonans aut cymbalum tinniens 112 deurn suum 1ouem m . d'Kent brought about by every wind of doctrine', uo prescribe 'to observe days, times,
patre suo sicut ille auctore perituri: nobis autem deus Christus Iesus est, qui, years, and months'u 1 confess the moon to be their god in their misfortunes;
cum mortui essemus delictis, conuiuificauit nos, u 3 donans no bis omnia delicta et let those who enjoyed the adulterous Mars and, being devoted to the con-
delens quod aduersus nos erat chirographum quod erat decretis cont:arium: et cupiscence of flesh, are chained to their fornications say that their god is
245 tulit illud de medio adfigens cruci; principatus et potestates transduxtt fiductal- Mars; and after they have become like 'a resonant bronze and or a tinkling
iter, triumphans eos in semetipso.u 4 Qui enim daemonia talia colunt, s~miles cymbal', 112 let them consider Jupiter to be their God, as they will perish
diis suis percutientur gladio domini et nescientes uerum patrem et Chnstum because of their father like him, through his agency: our God is Jesus Christ
deum dei filium símiles idolis suis facti apparebunt, sicut scribtum est: pater who, 'since we were dead because of our crimes, revived us together', 113
super filium, filius super patrem, nurus super socrum, socrus super nurum et 'remitting all our crimes and destroying the record which was against us and
250 inimici hominis domestici eius.us Colant Mercurium deum qui terrenorum was contrary to what he had decreed, and removed it by fixing it to the cross;
thensaurorum tiniantes sacculos adquirentes caduceum eius uenerantur aut and he confidently held up the rulers and authorities to public mockery,
triumphing over them in himself.u 4 Indeed those who worship such demons
will be struck like their gods with the sword of the Lord, and ignoring the true
Father and the God Christ, Son of God, will appear to have become like their
101
98
Is 8:9, 1O.
99
Ps 2:3. 100
Ezek 20:7. Ps 2:4.
105
idols, as is written: 'father over son, son over father, daughter-in-law over
102 103
Sirach 7:3. 104
Sirach 15:17. Mic5:5.
Rev 17:11. 109 mother-in-law, mother-in-law over daughter-in-law, and those ofhis house-
106
Eph 2:2. 107
1 Pet 1:18-19. 108
Col2:8. Cf. Prov 16:16.
110 111
Cf. Gal4:10. 112
1 Cor 13:1.
113
Eph 2:5. hold are the enemies of a man.'m Let those who, gaining tinkling sacks of
Eph 4:14.
114
Col2:13-15.
115
Lk 12:53; Mt 10:35, 36. earthly treasures, venera te his caduceus or his sack worship Mercury as a god:
 48 Tractatus I
116
sacculum: nos requirimus thensauros in caelis absconsos et inuisos, quos nec
erugo adpraehendit nec tinia corrumpit, 117 scientes quoniam diues non intrauit
in regna caelorum, 118 sicut scribtum est: age nunc, diuites, plangite ululan tes
255 super miserias uestras quae superueniunt diuitiis uestris; putruerunt et tiniau-
erunt uestes uestrae; aurum uestrum et argentum uestrum, quod reposuistis, in
nouissimis diebus eruginabit et erugo eorum in testimonium uobis erit et come-
det carnes uestras sicut ignis. 119 Nos autem scimus quia deus elegit pauperes
mundi diuites fidei heredes regni. 120 Uenerem autem uelut deum uenerentur
260 qui operantur turpitudines et reciprocam mercedem erroris secundum quod
oportet expectant: nos autem respicientes in Abraham patrem nostrum et in
Sarram parturientem, nos eclesia matre editi et sapientia obstetricante
producti tendimus ad consummationem sanctorum, in opus ministerii, in
aedificationem corporis Christi, donec occurramus omnes in unitatem fidei et
265 agnitionem filii dei in uirum perfectum in mensuram aetatis plenitudinis
Christi. 121 Et quamuis ad haec nemo idoneus sit, nostrum tamen potentem
scimus deum, quoniam qui promisit potens est et facere; 122 ipse enim dixit:
quis sperauit in domino et confusus est, permansit in mandatis illius et derelictus
est?123 Anathema sit qui Saclam Nebroel Samael Belzebuth Nasbodeum
270 Beliam omnesque tales, quia daemones sunt, infelici caerimoniarum sancti-
ficatione uenerantur aut dicunt esse uenerandos, quos omnes, sicut in
scripturis dei legimus, contempta daemoniacae sapientiae adseueratione
damnamus; in quaslibet enim se species formas nuncupationes zabolus
inmutet, scimus quia nihil aliut potest esse quam zabolus, et siue Abaddon
275 hebreice siue Apolleon grece siue latine Exterminans nuncupetur, 124 siue bestia
habens septem capita et decem cornua 125 siue serpens ponatur aut draco,
scimus quia zabolus est et secundum principem aeris huius spiritus qui oper-
atur in filiis diffidentiae, in quibus et nos omnes conuersati sumus aliquando in
desideriis carnis nostrae et facientes uoluntates carnis et cogitationum; 126 de quo
280 scribtum est in apocalypsi: et proiectus est de caelo draco magnus, serpens
antiquus qui uocatur zabolus satanas, qui seduxit orbem uniuersum et proiectus
est in terram et angeli eius cum eo proiecti sunt. 127 Et ideo qui talibus credunt
uel qui tali se actore sanctificant natura fili irae et perditionis ambulantes in
tenebris, non mirum est, si in se imaginem dei et similitudinem denegantes et
285 facti zabolo símiles in uitiis facturam hominis daemonibus adscribunt, de
quibus bene apostolus ait: animalis, inquid, hamo non percipit ea quae sunt
spiritus dei; nec enim potest; stultitiae enim illi est et non potest diiudicare;
116 117 118
Cf. Mt 6:20. Cf. Mt 6:19. Mt 19:23.
119 120 121
Jas 5:1-3. Jas 2:5. Eph 4:12-13.
122
Rom 4:21. 123
Sirach 2:11-12 (10-11).
124
Rev 9:11. 125
Rev 13:11. 126
Eph 2:2-3. 127
Rev 12:9.
Tractate I 49
we look for 'the new treasures hidden in heaven' 116
1
and iilvisible; which 'rust
does not attack nor moth corrupts', 117 knowing that 'a rich person did not
en ter the kingdoms of the heavens', lls as is written: 'Come on now, yo u rich
people, weep and wail over your miseries which befall your wealth; your
clothes have putrefied and are moth-eaten; your gold and your silver, which
you laid up, will rust in the last days, and their rust will be evidence against
you and will eat your flesh like fire.' 119 We know indeed that 'God has chosen
the poor of the world, rich in faith, as the heirs of his kingdom'. 120 Let those
who commit vile actions and expect the recurring reward of their error,
according to what is necessary, worship Venus as their god: we looking at the
example of our father Abraham and Sarah in labour, we being generated by
the mother Church and brought to life by wisdom as our midwife, take part
in 'the perfection of saints for the work of ministry, for the construction of
the body of Christ, until all of us run together to the unity of the faith and the
knowledge of the Son of God, to the perfected man, to the measure of the age
of fullness of Christ'. 121 And even though nobody is suitable for these things,
we nevertheless know that our God is able, because he who promised 'is able
122
to do too'; he said: 'Who hoped in the Lord and was baffled? Who per-
severed in his commandments and was abandoned?' 123 Let those who
worship with a wretched sanctification of ceremonies Saclas, Nebroel, Samael,
Belzebub, Nasbodeus, Beliar, and all the others like them, because they are
demons, and say that they are to be worshipped, be anathema; and all these, as
we read in the Scriptures of God, we condemn, despising the perseveran ce of
demonic cleverness; in whatever guises, forms, names the devil may change,
we know that he cannot be anything else but the devil, and 'whether he is
called Abaddon in Hebrew, or Apollon in Greek, or the Exterminator in
124
Latin', or 'the beast having seven heads and ten horns', 125 or is considered
to be a snake or a dragon, we know that he is the devil and is 'in favour
of the leader of the air of this spirit, who is at work among the children of
disobedience, among whom we also lived once in the desires of our flesh and
complying with the will of flesh and thoughts'; 126 and about him it is written
in the Apocalypse: 'The great dragon was thrown clown from heaven, the
ancient serpent who is called the devil and Satan, who seduced the entire
world and was thrown clown to earth, and his angels were thrown clown with
127
him.' And therefore, it is not amazing if those who believe in such things or
devote themselves to such a protector, that is, to the nature of the son of rage,
and walk in the darkness of perdition, after denying in themselves the image
and likeness of God, and becoming similar to the devil in their vices, attribute
the creation of man to the demons, about whom the apostle says correctly:
'The sensual man does not receive those things which are spirit of God, nor
can he, for it is foolishness to him and he cannot discern; but he who is
 50 Tractatus I . . . . Tr~c~ate I /. 51
128
spiritualis autem disiudicat omnia, ipse autem a nemine disiudicatur, et si cut 128
spmtual d1scerns everythmg, and he 1s JUdged by nobody;' andas is written:
scribtum est: qui carnis sunt quae carnis sunt sapiunt, qui uero spiritus quae 'Those who are of flesh understand the things which are of the flesh, but those
290 sunt spiritus, et prudentia carnis mors est, prudentia autem spiritus uita et ~f the spirit the things which are of the spirit, and the knowledge of the flesh
pax. 129 Ac si uolunt scire, quid de singulis quae scribta sunt sentiamus, recte 1s death, the knowledge of the spirit is life and peace.' 129
talibus cum Adam terreno et fera facto tenebrosae uitae unita cognatio est, ~nd if they want to know what we think about each of the things that were
sicut scribtum est: qualis terrenus, tales et terreni, qualis caelestis, tales et cae- wntten: they have a close relationship with the earthly Adam, who was given
lestes.130 Digni sunt quos in forma Caín et Lamec 131 Euua parturiuerit/ quae by the beast to a dark life, as is written: 'As is the man of earth, so are those
295 Jacta fuerat mater omnium uiuentium, adulterata in deum et zabolicae seduc- who are of earth, andas is the heavenly man, so are those who are heavenly.' 130
tioni consentiens Saclam sibi daemonem et deum dixerit et maritum, sicut They are worthy that Eve brought them to light in the form of Caín and
131
scribtum est in profeta: ecce iudicium ad matrem uestram iudicate, quia haec Lamech, s?e who had been made the mother of all the living, and was
non est uxor mea nec ego sum uir eius et auferam fornicationem illius a facie seduced agamst God and through the seduction of the devil received the
plebis meae et moecationem eius a medio mamillarum eius; 132 item ibi: et ~emon Sac.las and call~d him God and husband, as is written in the prophet:
300 auferam uestimenta mea et linteamina mea, ut non cooperiat turpitudinem Judge the Judgment g1ven to your mother, because this is not my wife nor I
suam, et denudaba spurcitiam eius in conspectu amatorum ipsius; 133 et in am her husband, and I will take away her fornication from the face of my
Hieremia increpans dominus Hierusalem, quae facta est seruiens cum filiis people and her adultery from between her breasts'; 132 and in the same manner
suis, dicit ad eam: quomodo dicis, non sum polluta et post Bahal non abii? Ecce here: 'I will take away my clothes and my linen, lest it may cover her shame-
respice in multitudine uias tuas et uide, ubi non fornicata sis. 134 Et Ezechiel ait: fulness, and will disclose her filthiness before her lovers'; 133 and in Jeremiah
305 haec dicit dominus 'radix tua de terra Canaam, pater tuus Amorreus et mater the Lord, reproaching Jerusalem, which has become a slave with its children
tua Cetthea'; 135 sicut et alibí: nocti adsimilaui matrem uestram, similis est plebs says to her: 'How can you say: I was not defiled and did not go after Baal;
mea non habenti scientiam. 136 Sicut et in euangelio talibus dicit deus: uos estis Look now, in the multitude, at your ways and see where you did not
134
fili zabuli et patrem zabulum habetis. 137 Nos autem non ita didicimus Chris- fornicate.' And Ezekiel says: 'This says the Lord: Your root is from the land
tum, 138 sed in illo edocti, sicut est ueritas in Iesu, 139 intellegimus quoniam lex of Canaan, your father was an Amorite and your mother a Hittite;' 135 as in
310 spiritalis est, nos autem carnales uenundati sub peccato/ 40 et spiritalibus spirita- a~o:her passage too: 'I made your mother similar to the night, my people is
lia conparantes elaboramus, ut sicut portauimus imaginem eius qui de limo s1mllar to that who was no knowledge.' 136 As in the gospel, too, God says to
est, 141 cum uicti delictis ambulabamus in uitia/ 42 ita portemus imaginem eius such persons: 'You are children of the devil and have the devil as your
137
qui est de cae lo, 143 et deponentes secundum priorem conuersationem ueterem father.' 'We certainly did not learn Christ in this way', 138 but since 'we were
hominem, qui corrumpitur secundum desideria erroris, renouemur in spiritu instructed in him, as the truth is in Jesus', 139 we understand that 'the law is
315 mentís nostrae induentes nouum hominem, qui secundum deum creatus est sp~r~tual, a~d we ?ave been sold as carnal under sin', 140 and by comparing
in sanctitate et iustitia et ueritate. 144 Scimus enim et nouimus quoniam dei spmtual thmgs w1th spiritual things we do our best so that, 'as we bore the
figmentum sumus in operibus bonis, quae praeparauit deus, ut in illis image of him who is of mud', 141 when 'we, being defeated by our crimes
. . ) 142 ' )
ambulemus; 145 sicut et Moyses ait: fecit deus hominem ad imaginem et wa lked m VICes , so we may bear the image of him who is from heaven'; 143
similitudinem suam et inspirauit in faciem eius inspiramentum uitae et factus and 'by putting away, behind our former way of life, the old man, who is
320 est horno in anima m uiuam, 146 et scimus, quoniam Euua, quae seducta est et corrup:ed accor~ing to the desires of error, we may be renewed in the spirit of
our mmd, weanng the new man, who was created according to God in
holiness, justice, and truth' .144 We know, in fact, and learnt that 'we are a
creation of God in the good works which God prepared, so that we might
f parturiuerit] scripsi cum Svennung, p. 138. parturiens W Schepss 145
walk in them'; as Moses says too: 'God made man in his image and likeness,
128
1 Cor 2:14-15. 129
Rom 8:5-6. 130
1 Cor 15:48. 131
Cf. Gen 4:24. and breathed into his face the breath of life, and the man was transformed
146
132
Hos 2:2. m Hos 2:9-10. 134
Jer 2:23, 20. 135
Ezek 16:3, 45. into a living soul,' and we know that Eve, 'who was seduced and made a
136 137 138 139
Hos 4:5-6. Jn 8:44. Cf. Eph 4:20. Cf. Eph 4:20-1.
140 141 142
Rom 7:14. 1 Cor 15:49. Cf. Eph 2:5; Col2:13.
144 145 146
143
1 Cor 15:49. Eph 4:22-4. Eph 2:10. Gen 1:26, 27; 2:7.
 52 Tractatus I Tractate I 53
Jacta est in praeuaricatione, saluabitur per filiorum procreatione, si permanserit
1
transgressor, will be saved through childbearing, if she stays in faith', 147 and

in fide, 147 et recognoscens quod ex uiro suo sumpta est, et pariens filias in
tristitia ad uirum eius erit conuersio illius; 148 sicut scribtum est in profeta:
propter hoc ecce ego, dicit dominus, concludam uiam matris uestrae sudibus et
325 non aedificabo iter eius et semitas suas non inueniet; persequetur amatores suos
et non conprehendet eos et dicet 'iba et reuertar ad uirum meum priorem quía
melius mihi tune erat quam modo'. 149 In quo nos intellegentes, liberati sicut
. . • . 150
scribtum est ab utero matris nostrae nec adqutescentes carm et sanguzm,
elaboramus et sicut eramus serui peccati in mortem, ita serui iustitiae sumus ad
330 iustitiam, 151 scientes quía etsi is qui a foris est hamo noster corrumpitur, sed qui
in tus est renouatur152 et, sicut primus hamo de terra de limo, 153 ita manifestata
sunt opera carnis, quae sunt adulteria fornicatio inmunditia inpudicitia luxuria
idolatría ueneficia inimicitiae contentiones emulationes irae rixae dissensiones
154
hereses inuidiae homicidia ebrietates comisationes et his similia. Inter quae
335 Saclas et Nebroel daemones partem ínter suos habeant; nam locum ínter
pudica et religiosa non quaerant. Ac sicut secundus hamo de caelo 155 caelestis,
ita manifesta sunt opera spiritus, quae sunt caritas gaudium pax patientia
longanimitas bonitas mansuetudo fides continentia castitas benignitas et
157
dilectio; 156 in qua Christus apparens deus templum suum esse noS dixit et
340 in eo, quod in nobis ipse sibi fecerat, habitare in nobis uoluit, sicut et profeta
Iob ait: manus tuae finxerunt et fecerunt me; posthaec demutans deiecisti me;
memor esto quoniam de luto finctum a terra iterum reuocasti me et sicut lac
me mulsisti et coagolasti sicut caseum; pelle et carne me induisti, ossa et
neruos disposuisti; uitam uero et misericordiam posuisti aput me et uisitatio tua
345 custodiuit spiritum meum. 158
Et ideo repetito semper sermone: anathema sit qui negat Iesum Christum in
carne uenisse, 159 quía hic antechristus est; anathema sit qui negat Christum
Iesum deum dei filium crucifixum pro nobis, dicente profeta: hic peccata
nostra portat et pro no bis dolet, 160 et iterum Paulus nihil se aliut scire testatur
350 nisi Iesum Christum et hunc crucifixum; 161 anathema sit qui negat clauis
adfixum uel aceto potatum uel felle dominum deum nostrum, cum ipse
162
dixerit ad discentes suos: mitte manus in fissuras plagarum manum mearum;
et scribtum in euangelio legimus: et acceperunt spungiam plenam aceta et
felle et potauerunt eum et dixit 'consummatum est'. 163 Quae omnia secundum
147
1 Tim 2:14--15. 148
Gen 3:16. 149
Hos 2:6-7.
15
° Cf. Gal1:15, 16. 151
recognizing that she was taken from man and 'bringing forth children in
~orrow: her submission will be to her husband'; 148 as is written in the prophet:
For th1s reason, behold, the Lord says, I will stop the way of your mother with
thorns, and will not build her path, and she will not find her trails; she will
follow after her lovers but will not catch them and will say: I will go and
return to my former husband, because it was better with me then than
149
now.' And since we understand this, after being freed, as is written, 'from
the womb of our mother and not giving assent to flesh and blood'/ 50 we do
our best, and as 'we were slaves of sin in death, so we are slaves of justice for
'151 k . h '
• •
JUStlce , nowmg t at even though the one who is our outer man is cor-
rupted, the one who is inside is renewed' 152 and, as 'the first man was from
153
earth, from mud', so 'the works of the flesh have been manifested, which
are ~~ulteries, forn_ication.' filthiness, licentiousness, lust, idolatry, sorcery,
enm1t1es, quarrels, Jealous1es, rages, brawls, discords, heresies, envíes, mur-
ders, drunkenness, bacchanals, and others similar to these'. 154 And among
them may the demons Saclas and Nebroel take their part among their [fol-
lowers]; in fact, they do not loo k for a place in what is chaste and pious. And
as 'the second man from heaven' 155 is heavenly, so 'the works of the spirit are
manifest, which are charity, joy, peace, patience, long-suffering, goodness,
156
kindness, and love'; in which Christ, appearing to be God, said that 'we are
157
his temple', and wanted to live in us in the place that he made for him
inside us, as the prophet Job says too: 'Your hands fashioned and made me;
after that, changing your mind, you threw me off; remember that, after mak-
ing me with mud, you called me back to earth, and like milk you mixed me
with honey, and curdled me like cheese; you clothed me with skin and flesh,
and arranged my bones and sinews; you actually laid life and merey in me,
and your sight preserved my spirit.' 158 And therefore, with a constantly
repeated sentence: let the one who denies that 'Jesus Christ carne in the
159
flesh' be anathema, because he is the antichrist; and let the one who denies
that our God Jesus Christ, Son of God, was crucified for us, be anathema,
because the prophet say: 'He bore our sins and is in pain for us,' 160 and again
Paul testifies that 'he knows nothing except Jesus Christ and him crucified'; 161
let the one who denies that the Lord our God was fastened with nails or was
given vinegar or gall be anathema, because he himself said to his disciples:
'Put your hands in the clefts of the wounds of my hands'; 162 and we read that
in the gospel it is written: 'And they too k a sponge full of vinegar and gall and

154
Cf. Rom 6:16, 18.
155
152
2 Cor 4:16. held it to him to drink, and he said: It is finished.' 163 And according to their
153
1 Cor 15:47. Gal 5:19-21. 1 Cor 15:47.
157
custom the schismatics and the heretics, by interpolating the Scriptures and
156
Gal5:19, 22-23. Cf. 1 Cor 3:16, 17; 6:19; 2 Cor 6:16.
158 159 160
Job 10:8-12. Cf. Jn 20:25, 27. Is 53:4.
161 162 163
1 Cor 2:2. Cf. Jn 20:25, 27. Jn 19:29-30.
 Tractatus I Tractate I 55
54 1
355
institutum suum scismatici uel heretici interpolantes scribturas et sens~~ bringing the concepts of their wretchedness into the divine words, mingled
infelicitatis suae diuinis sermonibus inserentes falsa ueris .et catho~lClS all these things: the false ones with the genuine, and the lies with the uni-
mendacia miscuerunt. Anathema sit qui Manetem et opera ems doctnnas versal [truths]. Let the one who does not condemn Mani and his works,
adque instituta non damnat; cuius peculiarite~ tu~pitudines ?ersequentes doctrines, and institutions be anathema; and since we particularly persecute
gladio, si fieri posset, ad inferos mitte:emu~ ac .sl qmd est deter.ms geh~nn~6: his ignominies with our sword, if it were possible, we would send them into
360
tormentoque peruigili, ubi neque igms extmguttur ~eque uermts. emo:ttu.r... hell or, if it exists, to a place worse than Gehenna and a constantly watchful
Quorum diuino iudicio ut inpuritas non la~e~et, et1.am saeculanbus mdlCns torment, where 'neither the fire is ever quenched nor the worm di es'. 164
mala prodita sunt. Extra enim ea quae erratlClS sens1bus adse~entes S~lem ~t And since their impurity was not hidden from the divine judgement, their
Lunam rectores orbis terrarum deos putauerunt, cum sc:1?tum s1~ qutd iniquities were reported to secular courts as well. Indeed, besides the fact that
lucidius sole et hic deficiee 65 ita infelicium sacrilegio mm st~l:1t1~s ampharunt, they declare with wrong beliefs that the sun and the moon are the rulers of
365
ut obpressas caecitate mentes, quo nefarius obligare~t, ~ehgwsms cons.ecrare the world, they considered them to be gods, even though it is written: 'What is
se dicerent. Anathema sit qui Nicolaitarum formcatwnes et mult1moda brighter than the sun and it will fail': 165 therefore they amplified the nonsense
ostensa in scribturis cum discipulis et doctoribus suis daemonia non damnat of their wretched sacrileges to such an extent that they said that they con-
uel qui eorum opera sectantur. Pereant qui Ofitarum in se ~erfidiam recepe- secrated in a more religious way their minds oppressed by blindness, with the
runt et fili uiperarum facti similem sibi deum suum et dor~u~um c?nfitentur. consequence that they made them guilty in an even more impious manner.
370
Et quia longum est ire per singula, omnes hereses, quas s1b1 hommes me~te Let those who do not condemn the fornications of the Nicholaites and the
corrupti166 et naufragi a fide 167 uel ex canonicis scripturis uel ~x apocnfis various demons shown in the Scriptures with their disciples and teachers, or
fabricarunt supra ea quae scripta sunt, unus aduersus alte~um mflatu.s pro who pursue their work, be anathema. May those, who received in themselves
alio, et quidquid aut Saturnina heresis induxit aut Nouat1a?a protul~~ aut the perfidy of the Ophites and, having beco me children of the vipers, confess
Bas il ide docente monstrauit aut Arriana collegit aut Patrepass1ana erudnt aut as their god and lord one that is similar to them, perish. And since it takes
. . B b .
Homuncionita mentita est aut Catafriga persuasit aut arnpmt or onta: long to go through each of them, we condemn with a mouth that believes in
375
catolico et deo Christo credenti ore cum omnibus, qui haec sequ_unt~r. aut the universal God Christ all the heresies, which people that 'are corrupted
docent aut uoluerint adserere, damnamus, quorum dogmata om.ma dl~m~­ in their mind' 166 and 'are shipwrecked from their faith' 167 assembled from
rum apud nos luce dissoluimus, non quod sufficientes simus cogttare altqutd the canonical Scriptures or the apocryphal on the basis of what is written,
. d iffi . . d
nobis tamquam ex nobis ipsts, se su ctentta nostra ex eo es .
t 168 . while they were swollen with anger against each other in defence of sorne
380
Inter quae tamen nouum dictum et non dicam facto, s~d relatw~e dam- e:. doctrine. [We condemn] all that the Saturnine heresy assumed, or the
bile nec ullo ante hoc heretico auctore prolatum sacnlegn nefas m aures Novatian produced or showed according to the teaching of Basilides, or the
~~stras legens Itacius induxit magicis praecantationibus primitiuorum fr~c~ Arian brought together, or the Patripassian taught, or the Homuncionite lied,
tuum u el expiari u el consecrari oportere gustatus unguentun:que. maledlC~l or the Cataphrygian prompted, or the Borborite appropriated, together with
Soli et Lunae, cum quibus deficiet, consecrandum: quod qm ~~~lt prot.uht all those who pursue or teach or wanted to declare these things; and we
385
credidit fecit habuit induxit, non solum anathema maranatha, sed et1am destroyed all their doctrines with the light of the divine testimonies in us, 'not
beca use we are competent to think anything as by ourselves, but [beca use]
our competence is from God'. 168
However, among these things Ithacius, reading it to our ears, made an
extraordinary accusation, which I will not say deserves to be damned as a fact
in itself, but also as a report, since it is a crime of sacrilege which had never
been proposed by any heretical author before, namely that the eating of the
first-fruits must be purified and consecrated with magic enchantments, and
the unguent is to be consecrated to the sun of curse and the moon, with which
164 165
Sirach 17:30.
166
2 Tim 3:8. it will fail: the one who read, proposed, believed, made, had, and put forward
Is 66:24.
167
1 Tim 1:19.
168
2 Cor 3:5.
169
1 Cor 16:22. this not only 'must be anathema maranatha', 169 but is also to be persecuted
 Tractate I
56
Tractatus I 1 57

with a sword, because it is written: 'You shall not permit sorcerers to live.' 170
gladio persequendus est, quoniam scriptum est: malefi~os non ~inetis uiuere.
170

Therefore let them have for themselves the impious inventions of the heretics
Sibi itaque habeant adinuentiones hereticorum nefanas. et d1gna_s gehennae
and their interpretations worthy of Gehenna, let them keep for themselves the
interpraetationes, sibi teneant scismaticorum calum_mae ~ultmolas uol-
desires, longing for many, of the slander of the schismatics: nobody will tear
untates: tabernaculum Christi dei et templum quod est m nob1s nemo conuel-
up the tabernacle of Christ God and the temple that is in us. When they read
let. Illi legentes scriptura~ saxeum cor~eum_lapideu~ ?eum_ putent: no~is in
390
omni scriptura, sicut scnptum est, umcorms est deus, nob1s petra Chnstus:
7 the Scriptures, they think that God is of rock, horn, or stone, but for us, in all
the Scriptures, 'the unicorn is God', 171 for us the rock is Christ, for us the
nobis lapis angularis lesus, nobis hominum horno Christus. Illi tamquam fih
cornerstone is Jesus, for us Christ is the man of men. Let them believe, as
perditionis et zaboli credant s~ zaboli i~bre saturari: n~bis om_nipotens 1~3eus
children of the devil and perdition, that they are sated by the rain of the devil:
est, 172 qui aduocat aquam mans et spargtt eam super facrem to~rus ~er~ae et
'for us it is God who makes all things,' 172 'who summons water from the sea
pluuiam matutini et serotini inbris indulget. ~ Et si u?lunt infel_Kes 1ps1 nosse,
17
395 and pours it on the surface of the whole world' 173 and 'grants the pouring of
qualis sit deus eorum cui credunt: ipse est, siCut scnbtum est m profeta, Jera
the morning and evening rain' .174 And if these wretches want to know who is
quae sub omni arbore dormit secundum siluam et papyro~ et butomo~; i~se
175

their god in whom they believe: he is, as is written in the prophet, 'a wild beast
est secundum quod scribtum est in Iob dicente do_min~: m gyr~ ~entru_m erus
that sleeps under every tree by the wood, the papyrus, and the sedge'; 175 he is
ti mor, uiscera eius aspedes aereae et uinculum erus srcut myntrs lapts;. n~n
such, according to what is written in Job in the words of the Lord that 'terror
transiet eum spiritus; 176 in aesternutatione eius adaperietur splendo~; o~ult erus
400 is around his teeth, his bowels are asps of bronze and his band like a emery
símiles Lucífero; de ore eius exeunt lampades ardentes et globus t?ms; ~ares
stone; the air will not pass through it'; 176 'at his sneezing his splendour will be
eius efflant fumum furnacis ignis ardentis; flammae carbon~m amma er~s et
thrown open; his eyes similar to the morning-star; out of his mouth burning
incendia de lingua eius procedunt; in callo eius conmoratu: urrtus et ante rll~m
lamps come and a globe of fire; his nostrils blow the smoke of a furnace of
praecurrit perditio; 177 ipse est, sicut et alibi profeta ait, qut reputat petram srcut
burning fire; flames of coals are his soul and fires proceed from his tongue; his
stipulam et inridet terrae motum; cubile eius est sodes acutae ~t omne aur~m
405 power stays in his neck and perdition runs before him'; 177 he is such, as the
quod est sicut mare tamquam lutum sub ipso est; feruere fac~t pontum _srcut
prophet also says in another passage, that 'he considers a rock as stubble and
aeneum et fretum sicut speculum aestimat, tartarum uero abysst srcut captruun:
laughs at an earthquake; his lair is sharp thorns and all the gold which is like
aeternale- non est factum quicquam simile illi in terra quod inludatur ab angelts
the sea is like mud under him; he makes the deep boil like a cauldron of
meis; om~em excelsum uidet et ipse est rex omnium quae in aquis sunt. Nobis
178
179
b~onze and re?ards a strait as a mirror, and the infernal regions of the abyss as
autem deus Christus Iesus est qui dixit: omne meum est quod est sub cael0
410 h1s eternal pnsoner; on earth there is nothing made like him that is mocked
et testis fidelis primogenitus ex mortuis 180 in medio candelabrorum aureorum
by my angels; he sees every high thing and he is the king of all that is in the
similis filio hominis apparuit uestitus tunica talari et praecinctus ad _ubera z~na
waters' .178 But our God is Jesus Christ who said: 'All that is under the sky is
aurea et capilli capitis eius albi tamquam lana et tamquam mx et, sKut
mine;' 179 and appeared as 'the faithful witness, the firstborn among the
scriptum est, oculi eius tamquam flamma ignis et pedes eius símiles ~eramento
dead', 180 and 'similar, in the midst of the golden lampstands, to the Son of
turino eiecto furnace et uox eius sicut uox aquarum multarum et m dextera
415 Man, clothed with a tunic reaching the ankles and girded at his breasts with a
manu sua tenet stellas septem et de ore eius exit gladius ex utraque parte ac~tus
181 golden sash; and the hair ofhis head was white as wool andas snow and' as is
et facies eius sicut sollucens in uirtute sua. Hic est qui _habet claues mortts et
written, 'his eyes were like the flame of fire and his feet like a fine bronze ;aken
inferni; 182 hic est cuius nomen in calculo nouo albo scnbtum est, quod nema
out of the furnace, and his voice like the voice of many waters, and in his right
habet nisi qui accepit. 183 Si enim scismaticis non faci~~s scan~al~m, q~od
hand he held seven stars, and from his mouth carne a sword sharp on both
nomen deus in calculo nouo legimus inscribtum, qm m omm httera sme
420 edges, and his face was like a sun shining in its power'. 181 He is the one who
hebrea siue latina siue graeca in omne quod uidetur aut dicitur rex regum et
'has the keys of death and he11'; 182 he is the one 'whose name is written in the
new white stone that nobody has except the one who received it' .183 Indeed if
170 171 Cf. Num 23:22. 172
Am 5:8.
173
Cf. Joel 2:23. we are not a motive of scandal beca use of the schismatics, we read the name
Ex 22:18. 177
174
Job 5:10.
175 Job 40:16. 176 Job 41, 5-7. Job 41:9-13. 'God' engraved on the new stone, since in every letter, both Hebrew and Latin
180
179 Cf. Jn 16:15. Rev 1:5; Co\1:18.
178
Job 41:20-25.
182 Rev 1:18. 183
and Greek, [and] in all that appears or is said, 'he is the king ofkings and the
181 Rev 1:13-16. Rev 2:17.
 Tractate I / 59
58 Tractatus I
lord of lords'; 184 and even though the title of the cross is set in those lan-
dominorum dominus est; 184 in quibus linguis etsi titulus crucis ponitur, guages, yet the divine testimony to God is written down in the prophets as
diuinum tamen deo testimonium litteratur sicut et in profetis dei; in quo well, and therefore Jeremiah wept in his lamentations by writing in the char-
Hieremias proposito hebreicae litterae caractere fleuit in planctibus, Dauid acter of Hebrew letters, [and] David exulted in the Psalms, 'so that at the
425
exultauit in psalmis, ut in nomine Iesu omne genu curuetur caelestium et name of Jesus every knee might bend of those in heaven and on earth and in
185
terrestrium et inferorum et omnis lingua confiteatur deo. Ipse est enim de quo
186
the un~erworld, and all tongues might confess God'. 185 He is the one about
scribtum est: uicit leo de tribu Iuda; sed nobis leo non est deus, sed who~ 1t was_written: 'The lion of the tribe of Judah has conquered';186 but
187
sicut scribtum est 'quid dulcius melle et quid fortius leone'? Ipse est de 188
quo ?od 1s not a hon to us but, as is written: 'what is sweeter than honey and what
scribtum est: ceruus amicitiae et pullus gratiarum sermonetur tibi; sed 1s st~onger ~han the lion?' 187 He is the one about whom it was written: 'A deer
430
nobis non est deus ceruus aut pullus, sed sicut scribtum est: priusquam dicas of fnendsh1p anda foal of graces shall converse with you'; 188 But God is not a
domine domine, dicit ecce adsum/ 89 et sicut alibí: ex ore lactantium praeparasti deer or a foal to us but, as is written, 'before you may say: Lord lord he says·
laudem; 190 ipse est qui, sicut scriptum est in profeta, solus potens est colligere H ere I am,'189. a~~~
· an~ther passage too: 'Out of the mouth ofbabies
' '
you have·
uinculum Pliadae et Orionis septa res erare, 191 sciens demutationem firmamenti prepared pra1se : he 1s the only one who, as is written in the prophet 'is able
et distruens rotam geniturae reparatione baptismatis diem nostrae natiuitatis to conne~t the bond of the Pleiades and to open the barrier of Orion' / 91 [and]
435
euicit; ipse est cuius nomen dedit in mari uiam et in fluctibus semitam by kno:vmg the c?anging of the firmament and destroying the wheel of
193
firmissimam, 192 cuius nomini uictum camini cessit incendium. Quem etiam ge~eratwn he regamed the day of our birth through the renewal of baptism;
Balaam idolorum cultor et daemonum in infelicitatis suae testimonium pro- he 1s the one whose name 'made a way in the sea and the most stable path in
fetauit dicens: exiet horno ex semine luda et dominabitur gentium multarum ; ' at whose name the fire of the furnace was conquered and
th e waves '192
et exaltabitur regnum eius; dominus enim deus adduxit eum ex Aegypto; sicut d'
cea~e · 193 An d. even Balaam the worshipper of idols and demons, in the
honor unicorni cornua eius, comedet gentes inimicorum suorum et cubitos testlmony ofh1s wretchedness, prophesied him, saying: 'Aman will come out
440
eorum emedullauit et iaculis suis concutiet inimicos et conquiescens refrigera- of the seed of Juda_h and will rule over many nations, and his kingdom will be
bitur sicut leo et sicut catulus leonis; quis suscitauit eum? Qui benedicunt eum exalted; the Lord, mdeed, led him out of Egypt; his horns are like the honour
194
benedicti sunt et qui maledicunt eum maledicti sunt. Cuius quamuis uerba of the unicorn, he will devour the nations of his enemies, and has taken the
propter id, quod erat ipse ínter iustorum profetias, nemo susciperet, tamen m~rrow out of_their elbows, and will strike the enemies with his javelins and,
445
prohiberi ab scripturis domini et id damnari scribtura nefas duxit, quidquid b~mg a\rest, w11l be refreshed like a lion and like a whelp oflions; who roused
etiam in huiusmodi ad dei Christi testimonium profetarunt, sicut scribtum h1m up. Those who bless him are blessed, and those who curse him are
195
est: cum sit tímida nequitia, dat testimonium deo condemnata, et alibi: credes cursed ·>194 Even t h ough nobody received his words, because he was between
196
quía unus deus est; hoc et daemonia faciunt et perhorrescunt. Et si scire the prophecies of the righteous, the Scripture, nevertheless considered the
desiderant, quod est nomen quod in omnem uirtutem et in omnem linguam fact that this might be withheld from the Scriptures of th: Lord and con-
450
potentiae suae opus tribuit, hoc est quod est Christus Iesus, sicut scribtum est: derr,med to be wrong: whatever they prophesied, even in this manner as a
~e~tm~ony ~f God ~~~ ist, :gives, being condemned, testimony to God, 'since
5
aurum adque argentum non est mihi; quid autem habeo, hoc do tibi; in nomine
Iesu surge et ambula; 197 sicut et alibí: ego sum, dominus deus, hoc est Imqu_Ity 1s tlmorous , as 1s written; and in another passage: 'You believe that
198
nomen meum; gloriam meam alteri non dabo; et alibi dicente Iohanne: et
uestimentum eius erat asparsum sanguine et uocabatur nomen eius uerbum
Go? 1s ?ne; even the demons do so and shudder.' 196 And ifthey desire to know
whiCh IS the name_ t~at sho':ed the work of his power in every virtue and in
dei; 199 et alibi: ecce uirgo in utero accipiet et pariet filium et uocabitur nomen every language, th1s 1s what IS Jesus Christ, as is written: 'I have neither silver
455
no: gold, but what I have I give to you: in the name of Jesus rise and walk,'197
as m another passage too: 'I am the Lord God, this is my name· I will not give
187
my glor_r to ano:her'; 198 and in another passage John says: 'A~d his garment
186
185 Phil2:10-11. Rev 5:5. Judg 14:18. was hspnnkled w1th , blood and. his
. name was called Word of God'·199
, an d m ·
184
1 Tim 6:15. 190 191
.
188 189 Cf. Is 58:9. Ps 8:3 (2). Job 38:31.
Prov 5:19. 194 anot er passage: Behold, a v1rgm wlll conceive in the womb and will bring
193 Cf. Dan 3:34,43. Num 24:7-9.
192
Wisdom 14:3.
195 Wisdom 17:10.
196 Jas 2:19. 197
Acts 3:6. forth a son and his name will be called Emmanuel, which is translated as
199
198
Is 42:8; 48:11. Rev 19:13.
 60 Tractatus I Tractate I ¡ 61
1
eius Immanuel quod interpraetatur nobiscum deus. ° Conuertere itaque ali- "God with us".' 200 Therefore be converted now at last, wretched schismatics,
20

quando, infelix scismatice, conuertere et nomen domini, quod omnis etiam be converted and greatly fear the name of the Lord, which even the entire
ferarum et bestiarum natura timuit, expauesce, quia scribtura est: oportet nature of wild animals and beasts dreaded, because it is written: 'Certainly
quidem scandala esse, sed uae illi, per quem Jacta Juerint,l _ utinam eni"'! ~2~;
01
there must be stumbling-blocks, but woe to the one through whom they will
happen'; 201 'would that you were either hot or cold, but because you are
460 callidus esses aut Jrigidus, sed quoniam tepidus es, euomens ab ore domrm;
sed, sicut scribtum est, console tibi et paenitentiam age et eme tibi aurum igne lukewarm, you will be vomited out of the mouth of the Lord'; 202 but, as is
probatum, 203 ut id quod ipse emeris factus tamquam _aurum expur?atum ~gne, written, 'comfort yourself and repent and buy from me gold refined with
scribatur in te nomen domini quod est Iesus, cum m ea quae ag1s paemtens fire'/ 03 so that what you have personally bought, after becoming like gold
nomen domini saluatoris, quia per ipsum saluatus fueris, ostendis, quia purified with fire, may be inscribed in yo u as the name of the Lord which is
scribtum est: et appellabitur nomen eius Iesus, quia hic est qui saluabit Jesus, when you, repenting, will show the name of the Lord Saviour in what
465 205 d" .
omnem populum, 204 et intellege parabolas et obscuros sermones et 1~twnes you do, as you were saved through him, because it is written: 'And his name
prudentium et obscuritates, quia potens est qui dixit: cum conuersu~ m~em­ will be called Jesus, for he is the one who will save all people'; 204 and under-
ueris, tune saluus eris,Z 06 quoniam deus noster id quod multiJane ac stand 'the parables and the obscure expressions' 205 and the expressions of the
multis modis207 saluans ab initio populum suum patribus nostris in opere wise and their obscurities, because the one who said 'When you have turned
and mourned, then you will be saved' 206 is powerful, since he who is called
470 monstrauit, ueniens in carnero ostendit in nomine appellatus Iesus. Si quis
autem aliter sentit, portabit iudicium, quicumque ille; illis enim, sicut ab Jesus revealed in his name, by coming in the flesh, what our God 'variously
infelicibus dicitur, masculofemina putetur deus: no bis autem et in masculis et and in many ways' 207 had showed in his works, by saving from the beginning
in feminis dei spiritus est, sicut scribtum est: Jecit deus hominem ad imaginem his people thanks to our fathers. However, if someone thinks differently, he
208
et similitudinem suam, masculum et Jeminam; Jecit eos et benedixit eos sicut will take on the sentence, whoever he may be; God indeed is considered by
209
them to be hermaphrodite, as he is said to be by the wretched [heretics], but
475 et de ipso apostolus ait: Christus dei uirtus et dei sapientia; cuius cum simus
uiri et ipse uir et caput nostrum/ 10 desponsatos nos in fide exhibiturum se for us the Spirit of God is both in the males and in the females, as is written:
apostolus uni uiro castam nos uirginem211 repromisit, quia non est masculus 'God made the human being in his image and likeness, male and female; he
neque Jemina, sed omnes unum sumus in Christo Iesu. Illis erg~ confusio
212
made them and blessed them'; 208 as the apostle said about that too: 'Christ is
sit omne quod legerint, nobis eruditio intellegere quod scnbtum est the power of God and the wisdom of God'; 209 and 'since we are his men, he is
480 uimque uiuentis scire uerbi. Opus non erratico et carnis sensu confusibili~us
our man and head'; 210 [and] the apostle, 'after marrying us in faith, promised
carnalium luxuriarum typis diuini sermonis aestimare naturam, sed sKut that he would have presented us to one husband as a chaste virgin',Z 11 'because
scribtum est, inuisibilia dei a creatura mundi per ea quae Jacta sunt posse there is no male and female, but we are all one in Jesus Christ'. 212 Therefore let
214
cognosci. 213 Hi sunt enim qui carnis maculatam tunicam portantes diuini all that they may read be confusion, we have the instruction to understand
215
sermonis gratiam in libídines transtulerunt et dominationes spernunt, what is written and to know the strength of the living Word. It is necessary
485 dignitates blasfemant, profetationes contemnunt, resurrectionem ~egant,
not to value the nature of the divine word through the misleading sense of the
sicut scribtum est: magis magisque post carnis uoluntates euntes pretatem flesh [or] the false images of carnal dissoluteness, but, as is written, 'the
contemnunt audacia praedurati et propter unanimitatem, quia ignorant, invisible [characters] of God, since the creation of the world, can be under-
217
non metuunt blasphemare, 216 quibus perditio non indormiet. Nobis autem stood through the things he has made'. 213 In fact, they are those who, wearing
scientibus quoniam non est aliut nomen praeter Christum Iesum sub caelo 'the defiled tunic of flesh' ,214 brought the grace of the divine word into their
lusts and 'despise authorities', 215 curse dignities, scorn prophecies, and deny
resurrection; as is written: 'Running more and more after the will of the flesh,
they despise piety as they are hardened by boldness; and in unanimity,
200 Is 7:14; Mt 1:23. 201
Mt 18:7.
202 Rev 3:15-16. 203
Rev 3:19, 18. because they ignore, they are not afraid to blaspheme'; 216 'but their destruc-
204 Mt 1:21. 205
Sirach 39:2.
206
Is 30:15. 207
Heb 1:1. tion will not be asleep'. 217 And since we know that 'no other name but Jesus
208
Gen 1:27-8. 209
1 Cor 1:24.
21
° Cf. 1 Cor 11:3; Eph 5:23.
213
211 2 Cor 11:2. 212
Gal3:28. Rom 1:20.
217
214
Cf. Jude 23. 215
Pet 2:10.
216 Pet 2:10. Pet 2:3.
 62 Tractatus I
490 218
da tu m hominibus, in qua oporteat saluos fieri, neque Armaziel neque Mari-
ame neque Ioel neque Balsamus neque Barbilon deus est, sed Christus Iesus
de quo scribtum est: et adorent eum omnes angeli dei, et ipse est qui facit
angelos suos spiritus et ministros suos ignem urentem 219 et omnia in omnibus
adinpletur, 220 et ipse est semen quod repromissum est dispositum per angelos in
221
49S manu mediatoris; ipse est qui est super omnem principatum et potestatem et
uirtutem et dominationem et supra omnem nomen quod nominatur non solum
in hoc saeculo, sed etiam in futuro; 222 ipse est deus noster nec alius reputabitur
absque eum, 223 quig est caput super omnem eclesiam, 224 quae est corpus ipsius et
plenitude eius, qui omnia et in omnibus adinpletur. 225 Siue autem Paulus siue
soo Apollo siue Cejas siue mundus siue uita siue mors siue praesentia siue futura:
omnia nostra; nos autem Christi, Christus autem dei. 226
Et haec est omnium nostrum una sententia, ut, siue profetae seu apostoli
seu angeli quid dictum a quoquam nomine proferatur, si Christum, deum
profetat aut praedicat et secundum Moysen et profetas et euuangelia
sos mundialia uitia condemnans deum loquitur, si catholicae fidei consentit,
amplectimur; si autem, quod nefas est, Iesum deum negat et dissentiens
Moysi euuangeliis uel profetis infelicium, quod non licet, dogmatum
sacrilegia persuadit, neque profeta neque apostolus neque angelus, etiamsi
sibi nomen praeferat sanctum, sed tamquam anathema a nobis habetur et
S10 refuga, sicut scribtum est quía nema in spiritu sancto dicit anathema Iesu
et nema nisi in spiritu sancto, loquitur dominum Iesum; 227 sicut et Iohannes ait:
omnis spiritus qui confitetur Christum Iesum in carnem uenisse, de deo est
et omnis spiritus qui soluit Iesum, de deo non est et hic est antechristus; 228 sicut
et ipse alibi: qui non confitentur Christum Iesum in carne uenisse, hi sunt
229
S15 seductores et antechristi. Sicut et Hiesu Naue profeta domini et dux in
Istrahel apparente sibi angelo non solae apparentiae, sed uerborum confes-
sionibus credens exclamauit ad angelum: noster es aut aduersariorum~ 30 Et
ille, ut fides sermonibus illius haberetur, principem se militiae domin? 31 esse
confessus est et sic factum est, ut Iesus qui nihil aliud extra deum crederet
520 tune sermonibus angeli loquentis ad se fidem daret, cum esse se ille de militia
domini non negasset. Sicut et Iohanni apostolo in apocalypsi, cum loquentem
ad se angelum adorare uellet, ostensum est deum non angelos adorandum
dicente angelo ad ipsum: ne feceris, Iohannis; conseruus enim tuus sum et
fratrum tuorum qui habent testimonium; Iesum deum uero adora! testimonium
g qui] scripsi quis W Schepss
218 219 220 221
Acts 4:12. Gal3:19. Heb 1:6-7.
222 223 224
Eph 1:21. Baruch 3:36. Eph 1:22.
226 227 228
1 Cor 3:22-3. 1 Cor 12:3. 1 Jn 4:2-3.
230 231
Josh 5:13. Josh 5:14.
Tractate I
63
1
Christ is given to men under heaven, in which we shouljbe saved' 21s ne"th
A ·1 . , 1 er
1 rn:-az1e nor Maname nor Ioel nor Balsamus nor Barbilon are God but Jesus
1 ~hnst about whom it is written: 'And let all God's angels worship hi:U, and he
1s the one who makes his angels spirits and his servants burning fires >219 and
220
'fills all in all'; he is 'the seed that was promised [and] set through a~gels ·
t~e hand of a m~d~ator'; 221 'he is the one who is above all rule and power a~~
Vlrtue and d~mmwn and above every name that is named not only in this
age, but also m the future'; 222 'he is our God and no other but h 1"m ·11 b
1 "d d' 223 , h . w1 e
cons1 .ere ; w o 1s the head over the en tire church'; 224 'which is his bod
and h1s fullne~s that fills all in all'. 'Whether Paul or Apollos or Cephas ~ 0
225
the world or hfe or death or the present or the future: they all belong to us
and we to Christ, and Christ to God. ' 226 '
_And this is the one sentence of us all, namely that we embrace all that is
sa1d by any name of prophet or apostle or angel, if he prophesies Christ God
or preaches and, condemning the vices of the world according to Moses and
the ~rophets .and the gospels, proclaims God, if he consents to catholic faith;
but 1f he demes God Jesus, which is a damnable crime, and, dissenting from
Mose~ and th~ g~spels or the prophets, proposes the sacrileges of wretched
doctnnes, whiCh 1s unlawful, even if he puts forward a holy name, he is not
regarded by us as a prophet or an apostle or an angel, but as an anathema and
an apostate, as is :vritten, 'because nobody in the Holy Spirit pronounces an
anat~.~~a on Chnst and n,obody, e~c~pt in the Holy Spirit, proclaims the Lord
Jesus, ~s John says too: Every spmt that confesses that Jesus Christ carne in
the fles~ 1s from God, and every spirit that undoes Christ is not from God
228
and he 1s the antichrist'; as he says in another passage too: 'Those who d;
not confess that Jesus Christ carne in the flesh are deceivers and antichrists.'229
As also Joshu~ ofNun, p~o~het of the Lord and leader oflsrael, when an angel
appeared to h1U:, not behevmg the apparition only, but also the testimonies of
the :vords, excla1med to the angel: 'Are you ours, or of our adversaries?'23o And
he, m order that faith might be given to his words, confessed to be 'a com-
ma~der of th.e army of the Lord', 231 and so it happened that Joshua, who
beheved ~othmg else but God, gave himself faith, then, through the words of
the speakmg a.ngel, when he did not deny that he was from the army of the
Lord. As also m :he Apocalypse it was shown to the apostle John, when he
wante? to worsh1p an angel who was speaking to him, that God must be
worsh1pped and not the angels, as the angel said to him: 'Do not do that
!ohn; I am yo_ur fellow servant and of your brothers who hold the testimony;
mdeed worsh1p God Jesus! The testimony of Jesus is the spirit of the prophecy
Eph 1:23.
225
Eph 1:23.
229
2 Jn 7.
 64 Tractatus I Tractate I 65
232 sicut et Eseias ait: neque nuntius neque
525 autem Iesu spiritus est et profetiae; as we11 ,;232 as Isa1a
. h says too: 'Nelt
. h er a messenger nor an/ angel, but the Lord
angelus, sed ipse dominus ueniet et saluos nos faciet. 233 himself will come and save us. ' 233

Si qui autem inflati sunt nihil scientes et extra quattor euangelia quintum
aliquod euangelium uel fingunt uel confitentur, cur hoc ad nostram, qui
talium respuimus infelicitates, profertur inuidiam? Hi sunt enim in quibus
530 deus saeculi huius excaecauit sensus infidelium, ut non resplandeat in illis inlu-
minatio euuangelii gloriae Christi qui est imago dei, 234 et ueniat super eum
omnis ira domini, 235 qui hoc aut scribit in titulis aut confitetur aut credit. Nos
autem uenerabilis eclesiae dei per symbolum corpus ingressi indissolubilem
fidem uno fonte tripertito rigatam in quattor euangeliorum dispositione cog-
535 nouimus, nullum alium deum esse credentes nisi Christum deum dei filium,
qui pro nobis crucifixus in nomine suo baptismum remissionis ostendit,
praedestinans a principio saeculi in profetia electos su os, 236 ex quibus Christus
secundum carnero sicut et generatio domini in euuangelio per eos disposita
et edicta retinentur,h per quos profetans se dominus aduentus sui iter praesti-
540 tit, sicut scribtum est: effundam de spiritu meo super omnem carnem et profe-
tabunt filii et filiae eorum et iuuenes eorum uisa uidebunt et senes somnia
somniabunt, et quidem super seruos et ancillas meas effundam de spiritu meo et
daba prodigia in caelo sursum et signa deorsum; sol conuertetur in tenebris et
luna in sanguinem, priusquam ueniat dies magnus domini; et erit: quicumque
545 inuocauerit nomen domini saluus erit. 237 In quo et nos non desperamus loqui
de eo, quía nullíus prohibens aut intercipiens spiritum certo profetiae fine
conclusit, sed ut orones qui credent eum libere de eo loquerentur indulsit;
sicut et in eunangelio scribtum est: benedictus deus qui uisitauit et fecit
redemptionem plebis suae et erexit cornum in domo Dauid, sicut locutus est per
550 os sanctorum suorum prophetarum qui ab aeuo sunt, 238 sicut et Tobi profeta ait
ad filium suum: nos fili profetarum sumus; Noe profeta fuit, Abraham Isac et
Iacob et omnes patres nostri qui ab initio saeculi profetauerunt, 239 sicut et ludas
apostolus ait: profetauit de his septimus ab Adam Enoc dicens: 'ecce uenit
dominus in sanctis milibus suis facere iudicium',2 40 sicut et apostolus nulli
555 loquendi de deo iter claudens cum ad plebes quibus praedicabat scriberet:
potestis, inquid, singuli quique profetare, ut omnes discant et omnes exhor-
tentur;241 sed et alibí: spiritus profetarum profetis subiecti sunt, 242 ut qui deo
h retinentur] scripsi retinetur W Schepss
232 233
Rev 19:10. Is 35:4.
234 235 236
2 Cor 4:4. Cf. 1 Thess 2:16. Cf. Mk 13:27.
237 238 239
Acts 2:17-21; Joel2:28-32. Lk 1:68-70. Tobit 4:13.
240 241 242
Jude 14-15. 1 Cor 14:31. 1 Cor 14:32.
However, if those who are proud without knowing anything imagine and
confess a fifth gospel besides the four gospels, why is this presented as an
accusation against us, who reject the miseries of such people? They are, in
fact, those 'in whom the god of this world blinded their infidels' minds,
lest the illumination of the gospel of the glory of Christ, who is the image of
God, might shine in them'; 234 and 'may the entire wrath of the Lord', who
writes this in titles or confesses or believes it, 'come over them'. 235 By pro-
ceeding as the body of the venerable church through the symbol of baptism
we knew in the arrangement of the four gospels the indissoluble faith
watered by the one tripartite fountain, believing that there is no other God
but Christ God, Son of God, who was crucified for us and showed the
baptism of forgiveness in his name, predestining in prophecy, from the
beginning of the world, 'his elect', 236 by whom Christ in the flesh and
the generation of the Lord described and proclaimed through them in the
gospel are trusted, and through whom the Lord prophesied himself and
presented the course of his advent, as is written: 'I will pour out from my
Spirit on all flesh, and their sons and daughters will prophesy, and their
youths will see visions and the old will dream dreams, and certainly on my
slaves and maidservants I will pour out from my Spirit, and will make prodi-
gies in the heaven above and signs below; the sun will be turned to darkness
and the moon to blood, before the great day of the Lord may come; and it will
be: whoever invokes the name of the Lord will be saved.' 237 And in this we
do not despair of speaking about him either, because without preventing or
stopping the spirit of anybody he concluded with the certain end of the
prophecy, but in order that all those who believe him might speak of him
freely, he showed kindness; as is written in the gospel too: 'Blessed be the Lord
who visited and redeemed his people, and erected a horn in the house of
David, as he spoke through the mouth of his holy prophets who are from an
238
old age;' as also the prophet Tobías says to his son: 'We are sons of prophets;
Noah was a prophet, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob and all our fathers who
prophesied from the beginning of the world'; 239 as the apostle Jude says too:
'Enoch the seventh of them from Adam prophesied, saying: Behold, the Lord
comes to pass judgement on his holy thousands'; 240 and the apostle, without
stopping the way to anybody who wanted to speak about God, when he wrote
to the people to whom he was preaching, said: 'You can prophesy one by one,
so that all may learn and all may be exhorted'; 241 and in another passage too:
'The spirits of prophets are subject to the prophets'/ 42 so that he who trusts
 66 Tractatus I
Christo crederet profetandi de deo desperationem in eo quod omnibus suis
promiserat non haberet.
560 Et ideo, beatissimi sacerdotes, si satisfactum, damnatis heresibus et
dogmatibus et fidei expedita adsertione/ et deo putatis et uobis, dantes
testimonium ueritati inuidia nos maliuolae obtrectationis absoluite et
referentes ad fratres uestros ea quae maledicorum sunt uerbis uexata sanate,
quoniam fructus uitae est probari ab his qui fidem ueri expetunt, non qui sub
565 nomine religiosorum domesticas inimicitias persequuntur.
i adsertione] scripsi cum Svennung, p. 140-1. abseratione W Schepss
Tractate I 67
1
in Christ God may have no despair of prophesying abbut God, in what he
had promised to all his faithful.
And therefore, most blessed priests, if yo u think that we have given satis-
faction to God and to you with our condemnation of the heresies and their
doctrines, and our ready assertion of faith, absolve us from the accusations of
our malevolent detractors by testifying to the truth, and repair what have
been damaged by the words of the slanderers by making a full report to your
brothers, because the fruit of life is to be approved by those who sincerely
aspire to faith, and not by those who pursue internal enmities under the name
of religion.

Tractatus II
Priscilliani Liber ad
Damasum Episcopum
Etsi catholica fides dati per deum symboli iter possidens credendi gloriam
potius expetit quam loquendi, quoniam quae ueritate sui enixa sunt inter-
praetandi ingenium non requirunt, dicente apostolo: contentiones legis
deuita, 1 tamen temporis necessitate cogente, quam nobis inrogata per Hyda-
5 tium episcopum inposuit iniuria, licet semper patientiae partes secuti simus
fueritque in studio sustinere potius aliquem quam mouere, gratulamur sic
rerum uenisse rationem, ut apud te, qui senior omnium nostrum es et ad
apostolicae sedis gloriam uitae experimentis nutritus beato Petro exhortatore
uenisti, quod credimus et loquamur, 2 adinplentes apud te apostolici sermonis
3
10 fidem dicentis: carde creditur ad iustitiam, ore autem confessio fit ad salutem.
4
In quo et nos, baptizati in Christo Christum induentes, et fidem ueri
multiplici quidem dispositione sublimem sed unita unius dei potestate
uenerabilem, sicut corde credimus, ita ad omnium salutem qui falsiloquio
sermonum in scandalum missi sunt confitemur. Nam cum ante conplures
15 annos uiui lauacri regeneratione reparati et sordentes saecularium actuum
tenebras respuentes totos nos dedissemus deo, legentes quod qui quemquam
5
amplius quam deum diligeret discipulus eius esse non posset, alii nostrum
iam in eclesiis electi deo, alii uita elaborantes ut eligeremur, catholicae pacis
sequebamur quietem: uerum cum repente siue necessaria redargutione siue
20 aemulatione uitae seu nouissimi temporis potestate orirentur contentiones,
nos caritatem Christi dei optantes et pacem etsi conscientia confidebamus,
1 2
Cf. 2 Cor 4:13.
3
Rom 10:10. " Gal3:27.
5
Lk 14:26.
Titus 3:9.
1
Tractate II
Pricillian' s Book to Bishop Damasus
( Priscilliani Líber ad Damasum Episcopum)
Collated editions: Priscilliani quae supersunt,
ed. G. Schepss, CSEL 18 (Vienna, 1889), 34-43.
Even though catholic faith, possessing the way of the symbol given through
God, exacts the glory of believing more than that of speaking, beca use what
was produced by its truth does not require ingenuity of interpretation, as the
apostle says: 'Avoid the quarrels of the law,' 1 yet since we are oppressed by the
straits of the present time, which the insulting accusation proposed by Bishop
Hydatius inflicted on us, although we always pursued a position of patience
and our policy was to support rather than expelling anybody, we give thanks
that the circumstances of our case carne in this manner, that is, in your hands,
as yo u are the chief of us all and, being nourished with the experiences of life,
carne to the glory of the apostolic see at the exhortation of the blessed Peter,
and 'this we believe and shall speak' ,2 fulfilling in yo u the faith of the apostolic
words that say: 'One is believed through the heart for justice, but confession is
made with the mouth for salvation.' 3 And in this we too, 'being baptized in
Christ [and] wearing Christ' ,4 as we believe with our heart the faith of truth,
which is sublime indeed in its manifold ordinance and venerable in the united
authority of the one God, so for the salvation of all we denounce those who
were sent to be a stumbling-block with the mendacity of their words. In fact,
since for several years we had entirely given ourselves to God, being renewed
with the regeneration of the living bath and rejecting the sordid darkness of
worldly activities, and since we read that whoever loves somebody more than
God 'cannot be his disciple' ,5 while sorne of us had already been elected at the
service of God in the church, and others exerted themselves in life so that
we might be elected, we pursued the quietness of catholic peace; but since
disputes were arising because of an immediate and inevitable reproof, or an
enmity in the way of life or the power of the end of time, although we chose
the charity of Christ God and confided in peace in our conscience, yet we
 70 Tractatus JI
timebamus tamen, ne quid, sicut factum est, contentio animorum faceret
quod pax eclesiastica non teneret. Deo tamen qui unus et in omnibus uerus
est ínter haec gratias, quod nullus e nostris qui libellum tradidimus usque
25 in hoc tempus uel accusatorem reprehensibilis adhuc uitae potuit habere
uel iudicem, licet obtrectari non semper nocentium sit, sed sit aliquotiens
quietorum. Denique in conuentu episcopali qui Caesaraugustae fuit nemo e
nostris reus factus tenetur, nemo accusatus, nemo conuictus, nemo damnatus
est, nullum nomini nostro uel proposito uel uitae crimen obiectum est, nemo
30 ut euocaretur non dicam necessitatem sed nec sollicitudinem habuit. Datum
nescio quod ab Hydatio ibi commonitorium est quod uelut agendae uitae
poneret disciplinam: nemo illic nostrum ínter illa repraehensus tua potis-
simum epistula contra inprobos praeualente, in qua iuxta euangelica iussa
praeceperas, ne quid in absentes et inauditos decerneretur. Nos tamen, etsi
35 absentes ibi fuimus, semper hoc in eclesiis et admonuimus et admonemus, ut
inprobi mores et indecentia instituta uiuendi uel quae contra Christi dei
fidem pugnant probabilis et Christianae uitae amore damnentur, nec prohi-
bere si quis contemptis parentibus liberis facultatibus dignitate et adhuc et
anima sua deum malluerit amare quam saeculum, nec spem ueniae tollere
40 his, qui, si ea quae prima sunt non quaeunt, uel in mediis tertiisque consis-
tunt, quoniam multis mansionibus apud deum patrem positis, 6 si fides symboli
incorrupta teneatur, teneri debere propositam nobis in Christo spem, etiamsi
adinplendi perfecti operis non habeant facultatem/ sequentes apostolum
Paulum, qui aliis secundum imperium praecipere, alias secundum ueniam
45 admonere, alias sine auctoritate praecepti consilio informare se dixit, ut omnes
lucrifaceret8 qui ad Christi fidem diuersa misericordiae uocatione uenissent.
Fidem uero sicut accepimus, ita et tenemus et tradimus, crecientes 'unum
deum patrem omnipotentem', sicut scribtum est: ex qua omnia et nos per
ipsum, 9 'et unum dominum Iesum Christum', sicut scribtum est: per quem
so omnia et nos per ipsum, 10 'natum ex Maria uirgine ex spiritu sancto', sicut
scribtum est: ecce uirgo accipiet in u tero et pariet filium et uocabitis nomen eius
Emmanuel quod interpraetatur nobiscum deus, 11 et iterum de eo: spiritus sanc-
tus ueniet in te et uirtus altissimi obumbrauit te ideoque et quod nascetur
sanctum uocabitur filius dei/ 2 'passum sub Pontio Pilato, crucifixum', sicut
6 7 8 fore also the holy [child] who is being born will be called Son of God, ' 12 [ and j
Cf. Jn 14:2. Cf. Rom 7:18. Cf. 1 Cor 7:6; 9:19; 1 Tim 1:1.
9
1 Cor 8:6. 10
1 Cor 8:6. 11
Is 7:14; Mt 1:23.
Tractate JI 71
1
were afraid that the dispute among the people might duse, as actually
happened, something that ecclesiastic peace could not keep in check. In these
circumstances we, nevertheless, thank God who is one and true in all things,
beca use none of us who submitted the petition could hitherto have an accuser
or a judge for a life so far reprehensible, even though to be disparaged is not
always of the guilty but sometimes is of the prudent as well. Therefore, in the
Episco~al Council which occurred in Saragossa none of us was made a party
to a smt and held, none was accused, none was found guilty, none was con-
demned, no crime was ascribed to our name, intention, or way of life, none
had-I would not say the necessity, but even the concern to be summoned.
There I do not know what instruction was presented by Hydatius, which
should set a sort of statute for the way of life to be pursued: none of us was
reprimanded there in that situation, while your letter, in which you com-
~anded ac_cording to the precepts of the gospel that nothing should be
Judged agamst those who are absent and not questioned yet, particularly
prevailed against the iniquitous. But even though we were not there, we
always advised and advise this in the church, in order that the practices of the
iniquitous and the indecent ways of life which fight against the faith of Christ
God may be condemned by the charity of our laudable and Christian life,
namely that we must not hinder those who, after disregarding their parents
through their free choice, preferred to love God so far with their dignity and
thei~ soul rather than the world, and that we must not take the hope of
forg1veness away from those who, if they are not able to [attain J those things
which are first, are still staying on the second and the third, because 'many
dwelling places were set up by God', 6 if the faith of the symbol is kept incor-
rupt; [therefore] they must retain the hope offered to us in Christ, even
though 'they have no ability to accomplish the perfect work'/ following the
apostle_ Paul who said that 'he instructed sorne according to his command,
admomshed others according to his forgiveness, and formed others with his
advice without the authority of the precept', 8 so that all those who carne to
the faith of Christ with different vocations of merey might have a profit.
Indeed as we received the faith, so we also keep and transmit it, believing in
one God, the Father almighty, 'from whom'-as is written-'all things are
9
and we through him', and in one Lord, Jesus Christ, 'through whom'-as is
written-'all things are and we through him'/ 0 who was born of the Virgin
Mary through the Holy Spirit, as is written: 'Look, the virgin shall conceive in
her womb and bear a son, and you shall call his name Emmanuel which
means, "God with us",'ll and again about him: 'The Holy Spirit will come
u pon yo u and the power of the most high has overshadowed yo u, and there-
12
Lk 1:35. who suffered under Pontius PiZate, was crucified as is written: 'And he will be
 72 Tractatus JI Tractate JI 73

55 scribtum est: et ínter iniquos deputabitur, 13 'sepultum, tertia die resurrexisse', ascribed among the iniquitous,' 13 was buried, on the third Jay rose again, as
14
sicut scribtum est in profetis: sustinete me in diem resurrectionis meae is written in the prophets: 'Support me on the day of my resurrection,' 14
'ascendisse in caelos, sedere ad dexteram dei patris omnipotentis', sicut ascended into the heavens, is seated at the right hand of God, the Father
scriptum est: ecce uidi caelos apertos et filium hominis sedentem ad dexteram almighty, as is written: 'Look, I have seen the heavens opened and the Son of
dei, 15 'in de uenturum et iudicaturum de uiuis et mortuis', sicut scribtum est: Man sitting at the right hand of God,' 15 whence he will come and judge the
6
60 sic ueniet quemadmodum uidistis illum euntem in caelum/ 'crecientes in living and the dead, as is written: 'So he will come in the way as you saw him
sanctam eclesiam, sanctum spiritum, baptismum salutare', sicut scribtum going into heaven,' 16 [and] we believe in the Holy Church, the Holy Spirit, the
est: nisi quis renatus fuerit ex aqua et spiritu sancto, non ascendet in regna saving baptism, as is written: 'Nobody will ascend into the kingdoms of the
caelorum, 17 'crecientes remissionem peccatorum', sicut scribtum est: dico heavens except for that who was born again of water and the Holy Spirit,' 17
18
uobis, filioli, quía remittuntur uobis peccata propter nomen eius, 'crecientes in [and] we believe in the remission of sins, as is written: 'I say to you, little
65 resurrectionem carnis', sicut scribtum est: resurrectionem autem futuram children, that your sins will be forgiven because of his name,' 18 [and] we
etiam Moyses adnuntiauit dicente domino 'ego sum deus Abraham, deus Isac, believe in the resurrection of the flesh, as is written: 'Moses, too, announced the
19
deus Iacob'; non est deus mortuorum, sed uiuentium; omnes enim illi uiuunt. future resurrection, when the Lord said: 'I am the God of Abraham, the God
Cuius symboli iter custodientes orones hereses doctrinas instituta uel of Isaac, the God of Jacob'; he is not the God of the dead but of the living;
dogmata, quae sibi altercationem non ingenia, sed studia fecerunt, catholico indeed they alllive.' 19
70 ore damnamus, baptizantes, sicut scribtum est, in nomine patris et fili et We preserve the way of the symbol and condemn with our catholic mouth
spiritus sanct?0 non dicit autem 'in nominibus' tamquam in multis, sed in all the heresies, doctrines, institutions, and dogmas which produced recipro-
uno, quía unus deus trina potestate uenerabilis omnia et in omnibus Christus ca! arguments, but not cleverness or devotion, 'while we baptize', as is written,
est,Z 1 sicut scribtum est: Abrahae dictae sunt repromissiones et semini eius; non 'in the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit'; 20 in fact, it does
dicit 'et seminibus' tamquam in multis, sed quasi in uno 'et semini tuo' quod est not say 'in the names' as in many, but in one, beca use one venerable God with
75 Christus; 22 de qua re loquens profeta ait: hic est deus noster nec reputabitur his threefold power 'is all and Christ is in all', 21 as is written: 'The promises
alius absque eo qui accepit legem et dedit eam Iacob puero suo et Istrahel dilecto were made to Abraham and to his seed; it does not say "and to his seeds" as of
23
suo; posthaec in terris uisus est et cum hominibus conuersatus est. Et quamuis many, but as of one "and to your seed" that is Christ';22 and the prophet says,
longum sit ire per singula et aspernabile sit Christianis sensibus talium speaking about that: 'This is our God and no other shall be considered to be
miseriarum uel repetere doctrinas, tamen haec ideo apud uenerabilem except him who inherited the law and gave it to Jacob, his child, and to Israel,
80 coronam tuam dicimus, ut, si in ea quae damnamus incurrimus, ipsa libelli his beloved; thereafter he appeared on earth and lived with men.m And even
nostri professione damnemur. Quis enim potest catholicis auribus. Arrianae though it takes a long time to go through each detail, and it is despicable to
heresis nefas creciere, qui diuidentes quod unum est et plures uolentes deos Christian senses to repeat the doctrines of such miserable sects, we neverthe-
profetici sermonis lumen incestant, non legentes dicente Moyse: audi, Istra- less mention them befo re your venerable crown so that, if we run into any of
hel, dominus deus tuus deus unus est; 24 cui testimonium in euangelio tulit the things that we condemn, we will be condemned by the open declaration
25
85 dominus dicens: Moyses quae scribsit, de me scribsit. Cuius tamen infelicitatis of our book. Who can actually believe with catholic ears the sacrilege of the
Fotinus adfinis non uult tenere quod lectum est: maledictus hamo qui in Arians, who defile the light of the prophetical words by dividing what is one
homíne spem suam ponit; 26 de quo ipse etiam deus noster loquens ad eum and by desiring many gods, as they do not read what Moses says: 'Hear, Israel,
quem ex infirmitate sanauerat, quem se credi uellet ostendit dicens: uade the Lord your God is one God;' 24 and to him the Lord testified in the gospel,
28
et dicito quanta tibi fecerit deus, 27 et testimonium hoc uerum est. Quis Patri- saying: 'What Moses wrote, he wrote about me'? 25 But Photinus, being
90 passianos hereticos ferat dicente scribtura: qui credit in filio habet uitam, qui inclined to this wretchedness, does not want to observe what is read: 'Cursed
is the man who lays his hope in man;' 26 and our God himself, speaking about
13 Is 53:12; Lk 22:37. 14
Zeph 3:8.
15
Acts 7:55. that to the man whom he had healed from his disease, showed him that he
18
16 Acts 1:11. 17
Jn 3:5. 1 Jn 2:12.
21
wanted to be believed by saying: 'Go and say how many things God did for
19 20 Col3:11.
Cf.Mt22:31-2;Lk20:38;Ex3:6. Mt28:19. you,m and 'that testimony is true'. 28 Who will tolerate the Patripassians, when
24 25
22 Gal3:16. 23
Baruch 3:36-8. Deut 6:4. Jn 5:46.
26 Jer 17:5. 27
Mk 5:19. 28
Titus 1:13. the Scripture says: 'Whoever believes in the Son has life, whoever does not
 74 Tractatus JI
29
non credit in filio non habet uitam? Quorum tanta infelicitas est, ut etiam
daemoniaca confessione damnentur dicente ad deum in euangelio daemone:
quid nobis et tibi est, Iesu fili dei uiui, quid uenisti ante tempus perdere
nosf'0 Quis Ofitas uel insipiens incidat uolens deum habere serpentem, cum
95 scribtum sit: ego sum dominus deus tuus qui eduxi te de domo seruitutis; non
erunt tibi dii alii praeter me; non facies tibi idolum nec ullam similitudinem e~
his quae in caelo sursum neque quae in terra deorsum ~eque quae s~b aqurs
neque quae sub terra. 31 Quis uellit Nouationorum baptlsmata repetlta, cum
scribtum sit: una fides unum baptisma unus deus. 32 Quarum tamen sectarum
100 infelicitatem teste deo Christo quia ex fabulis uulgi, non ex aliqua con-
tentionis conlatione cognouimus, quia cum his uel contendisse peccare est,
unum hoc scientes quod qui sibi sectarum nomen inponunt Christiani
nomen amittunt: inter quae tamen omnia Manichaeos, iam non hereticos,
sed idololatras et maleficos seruos Solis et Lunae, inuictiacos daemones cum
105 omnibus auctoribus sectis moribus institutis libris doctoribus discipulisque
33
damnamus, quia de his scribtum est: cum tali nec quidem cibum sumere.
Nobis enim Christus deus dei filius passus in carnem secundum fidem
symboli baptizatis et electis ad sacerdotium in nomine patris et fili et spiritus
sancti tota fides, tota uita, tota ueneratio est.
110 In hac ergo ueritate fidei et in hac simplicitate uiuentibus nob~s a
Caesaraugustana synhodo Hydatius redit, nihil contra nos referens, qmppe
quos et ipse in eclesiis nostris secura etiam communicantes demiserat et
quos nemo nec absentes quidem praesumpta accusatio~e da~nauerat. Sed ut
sciat corona uenerabilitatis tuae, unde excandescentlae ems dolor, unde
115 debaccans toto orbe etiam in eclesias furor fuerit: reuersus e synhodo et in
media eclesia sedens reus a presbytero suo actis eclesiasticis petitur; datur
etiam post dies paruos in eclesiis nostris a quibusdam libellus et deteri~~a
quam prius a praesbytero obiecta fuerant obponuntur, ~egregant se d~ clenns
ipsius plurimi, profitentes non nisi purgato sacerd~t1 se c?mmumcaturos.
120 Hinc nos conuenti damus ad Hyginum et Symposmm ep1scopos quorum
uitam ipse nouisti huiusmodi litteras: omnia subito fuisse turbata; prouide~i
oportere, qualiter eclesiarum pax conposita duraret. Rescribtum est, ~t uerb1s
ipsis loquamur: quantum ad laicos pertineret, si illis suspectus Hydatms esset,
29
Jn 3:36; 1 Jn 5:12. 30
Mt 8:29.
31
Ex 20:2-4; Deut 5:6-8.
33
32
Eph 4:5. 1 Cor 5:11.
Tractate JI 75
believe in the Son does not have life'? 29
1
Whose is such a wretchedness that
they are even condemned by a demonic confession, as the demon said to God
in the gospel: 'What have we to do with each other, Jesus Son of the living
God, why did you come to cause our destruction before the time?' 30 Who
would foolishly have recourse to the Ophites in order to have a serpent as his
own god, when it is written: 'I am the Lord your God, who brought yo u out of
the house of slavery; you shall have no other gods besides me; you shall not
make for yourself an idol nor any image of the things that are in heaven above
or on the earth beneath, or under the water or under the earth'? 31 Who would
want the repeated baptisms of the Novatians, when it is written: 'One faith,
one baptism, one God'? 32 Since we carne to know the wretchedness of these
sects-Christ God is our witness,-from the report of people, and not from a
confrontation in the course of a dispute, because to dispute with them is to
sin, knowing this only, namely that those who impose on themselves the
names of these sects lose their name of Christian, however, among them all
we condemn the Manichaeans not simply as heretics, but as idolaters and evil
servants of the sun and the moon, as demons worshipping the Unconquered
Sun together with all their authors, sects, customs, institutions, books,
teachers, and disciples, because it is written about them: 'Do not even eat with
such a one.' 33 Indeed Christ God, Son of God, is the whole faith, the whole
life, and the whole worship for us, who were baptized according to the faith of
the symbol and were elected to priesthood in the name of the Father, the Son,
and the Holy Spirit.
Therefore, while we lived in this truth of faith and integrity, Hydatius carne
back from the Synod of Saragossa without bringing back anything against
us, whom he himself had dismissed after our discussions with him in our
churches, and whom nobody had condemned with any assumed accusation
even during our absence. But in order that the crown of your venerability may
know whence the impetus of his eruption of anger carne, whence his fury
raving all over the world and even against the churches, [I say that], after
returning from the synod, while he was sitting in the middle of the church, he
was publicly indicted by his own presbyter with ecclesiastical decrees; after a
few days a document was given by sorne in our churches, and charges more
serious than those which had been previously presented by the presbyter were
put forward; many separated from his churchmen, declaring that they would
have associated only with an absolved priest. After we had assembled here,
we gave bishops Hyginus and Symposius, whose life you know indeed, letters
that read as follows: 'Everything has been suddenly upset; it is necessary to
take measures so that after being restored the peace of the churches may
last.' There was a written reply so that we can say with its very words: 'As far
as laymen are concerned, if Hydatius were under their suspicion, the mere
 76 Tractatus JI
sufficeret apud nos sola de catholica professione testatio; de reliquo dandum
125 pro eclesiarum pace concilium, nullum autem in Caesaraugustana synhodo
fuisse damnatum. Quis non consacerdotibus crederet, praesertim cum in
eadem synhodo uir religiosus qui haec scribebat Symposius adfuisset?
Capimus tamen inter ista consilium, ut euntes ad Hemeretensium ciuitatem
praesentes ipsi uideremus Hydatium, pacis potius deo teste quam conten-
130 tionis auctores. Si enim iniuria et non obsequium, fuit consulere potius prae-
sentem tamquam fratrem uelle quam uelut reum euocare, rei sumus; sin uero
uenientes et ingredientes in eclesiam turbis et populis concitatis non solum in
praesbyterium non admissi, sed etiam adflicti uerberibus sumus, putamus
caedentem potius iniuriam fecisse, non caesos. Nos tamen quibus cordi pax
135 erat accipientes professionem laicorum; quam reprobare, quia esset catholica,
non poteramus, ad omnes prope coepiscopos nostros, quid sacerdotalis
reuerentia passa fuisset, scribsimus mittentes etiam gesta rerum et fidem
professionum nec hoc tacentes, quod multi ex his post professionem ad
sacerdotium peterentur. Rescribitur ad nos dandum super ista concilium;
140 credendum habitae professioni et sicut dedicationem sacerdotis in sacerdote,
sic electionem consistere petitionis in plebe. Hinc ille plus quam oportebat
timens concinnat preces falso et rei gestae fabulam texens dissimulatis
nominibus nostris rescribtum contra pseudoepiscopos et Manichaeos petit et
necessario inpetrat, quia nemo non, qui pseudoepiscopos et Manichaeos
145 audiret, odisset. Uiro etiam spectabili fratri tuo Ambrosio episcopo tota men-
titur et, cum relato sibi rescribto sub specie sectae quam nostrum nemo non
damnat in omnes rueret Christianos, hereticum etiam Hyginum nobiscum
uocans, sicut epistulae ipsius missae ad eclesias prolocuntur, agens scilicet,
ne iudices haberet, si omnes diuersis obstrectationibus infamasset, eclesias
150 nostras commendauimus deo, quarum communicatorias ad te epistulas
detulimus totius cleri et plebis suscribtione transmissas, et ad te qui potuimus
uenientes uoluimus quidem absentes supplicare, ut si haberet quod Hydatius
obiceret sacerdotum audientiam postulantes nec refugientes tamen iudicium
publicum, si ipse malluisset. De nullo autem metuit audiri qui optat probari;
155 sed studio factum fuerit an malo uoto, deus iudicabit, ut quaestor, cum iustas
praeces diceret, respondere tardaret. Nos tamen, non omittentes in causa fidei
sanctorum iudicium malle quam saeculi, uenimus Romam, nulli graues,
hoc solum desiderantes, ut te primum adiremus, ne taciturnitas metus
Tractate JI 77
1
testifying on their catholic profession would suffice to Js; in the future a
council must be held for the peace of the churches; nobody was condemned
at the synod of Saragossa.' Who would not trust his fellow-priests, especially
when a pious man like Symposius, who wrote these things, was present at that
same synod? However, in this situation we took the decision to go to the city
of Merida in order to see personally Hydatius as bringers of peace rather than
contention, being God our witness. Indeed, if our desire to consult him per-
sonally as a brother rather than summoning him as a culprit was an offence
and not deference, we are guilty; but if, as we arrived and were entering the
church, we were not allowed to go into the presbytery by excited crowds and
people, and in addition were smitten with blows, we believe that he who
struck is the author of the offence rather than those who were stricken. But we
who had peace at heart, receiving the laymen's profession, which we could not
reject, because it was orthodox, wrote to almost all our fellow-bishops what
the dignity of priesthood had suffered, and also sent them a report of the facts
and the faith of the professions without omitting to mention this, namely that
many among them were aspirant to priesthood after their profession. It was
replied to us that a council should be held on these questions, the profession
pronounced should be believed, and as the consecration of a priest rested in
a priest, so the choice of a claim rested in the common people. Therefore,
since he was afraid more than was necessary, he fabricated a supplication to
the emperor with falsity, and by inventing a story about certain facts and
concealing our names in it, he asked for a decree against false bishops and
Manichaeans, and necessarily obtained · that all those who had listened to
false bishops and Manichaeans should hate [them]. And all this gave a false
impression to your notable brother Ambrose as well, and since, after the
decree was transmitted to him in the form of a sect that we all condemn,
[Hydatius] rushed upon all Christians, calling also Hyginus a heretic like us,
as his letters sent to the churches affirm, and clearly acted so that he might
have no judges, if he had defamed them all with different disparagements, we
entrusted to God our churches, whose letters of communion we sent you and
transmitted with the subscription of the entire clergy and people, and after
those among us that could carne to you, we wanted to implore you also for
those who were absent, asking that there should be a hearing of the priests,
because Hydatius opposed it, and not refusing a public trial, ifhe preferred it.
And he who chose to be tried did not fear to be heard by anyone; but it
happened, either out of interest or evil will-God will judge it-that the
quaestor, although he pronounced right prayers, was late in giving his
response. However, without omitting to prefer the judgment of the saints
to that of the world in a case concerning the faith, we carne to Rome with no
weight on our heart and desiring only this, that we might come to you who
 78 Tractatus JI
conscientiae iudicaretur, sed magis libellum tradentes reí gestae ordinem et,
160 quod omnibus maius est, fidem catholicam in qua uiuimus panderemus.
Nam si et de scribturis quibusdam, quas Hydatius de armario suo proferens
in calumniosas fabulas misit, quaeritur de nobis sententia, id nobis cordi est
et semper fuit, ut omnia in scribturis sub cuiuslibet apostoli profetae epi~copi
auctoritate prolatis, quae Christum deum dei filium profetant aut praedlCant
165 et consentiunt canoni euangeliis uel profetis, non posse damnari; quae autem
contra canonem et contra fidem catholicam sentiunt uel loquuntur, cum
omnibus doctoribus discipulisque damnanda, quía scribtum est: omnis
spiritus qui confitetur Christum de deo est, qui autem non confitetur de deo n~~
est/ 4 et alibí: nema loquens in spiritu sancto dicit anathema Iesu et nema mst
170 in spiritu sancto loquitur dominum Iesum. Nec enim nos damnari debem~~
35
qui catholici sumus, si scribturas de deo loquentes secundum_ se hae~etlCl
falsauerunt; de quibus et ipse Hydatius, qui se minus purgans mfaman per
haec mauult quos metuit audiri, in concilio Caesaraugustano sic ~i~:
'damnanda damnentur, superflua non legantur.' In quo corona tua persp1Clt
175 morís illius esse, non nostri criminis, si quorum una sententia est fides
dicatur esse diuersa. Propter quod uenerabilis sensus tuos petimus, ut, si
fides professionis nostrae, secundum quod tu rel~ctu~" tibi_ d~ ap~stol~s
tradis, in deo constat, si eclesiarum nostrarum testimoma paCifiCis ep1stuhs
scribta non desunt, si de scribturis aliud nec sentire possumus nec debemus,
180 si nemo nostrum reus factus, nemo auditus, nemo in concilio depositus,
nemo etiam cum esset laicus, obiecti criminis probatione damnatus est, licet
noxio sacerdotium nihil prosit et possit sacerdos deponi qui laicus meruit
ante damnari, praestes audientiam, depraecamur, quía omnibus senior ~t
primus es; Hydatium facias conueniri ac si ~onfidet aliqu_id_ probare de nob1~~
185 coronam aeterni sacerdotii non omittat, s1 zelum dommt usque ad finem
fuerit persecutus. Uel si insitae tibi benignitatis adfec~u n~lli uis i~iuriam
quam ille nobis inposuit inrogare_, des a~ fratres tuo~ ~1~p~menses e~1scopos
litteras depraecamur. Omnes emm pet1mus, ne cm m1~nam fecenmus, _ut
concilio constituto et Hydatio euocato quos reos factos mpraesentes legennt
190 non audiant inauditos. Tamen nemo condemnet ita, ut omnia Hydatius quae
epistulis missis intulit probet, et solam probandae accusationis necessitatem
" relictum] scripsi relictam W Schepss
36
34
1 Jn 4:2-3.
35
1 Cor 12:3. Cf. Is 9:7.
Tractate JI 79
1
are the first, in order that the silence of the fear of the conscience might not be
judged, but rather by bringing a document, an order of the facts, we might
manifest-and this is more important than all-the catholic faith in which
we live. In fact, if it is also required that we give our opinion about certain
writings, which Hydatius took from his cabinet and sent as slanderous fables,
it is and always was at our heart that all the things in the Scriptures trans-
mitted under the authority of any apostle, prophet, and bishop, which
prophesy Christ God, Son of God, or preach and agree with the gospels of the
canon or the prophets, cannot be condemned; whereas those which opine
or speak against the canon and the catholic faith must be condemned with all
their teachers and disciples, because it is written: 'Every spirit that confesses
Christ is from God, while he who does not confess is not from God'; 34 and in
another passage: 'No one speaking in the Holy Spirit curses Jesus, and nobody
except in the Holy Spirit speaks the Lord Jesus.' 35 Indeed we who are catholic
must not be condemned, if the heretics falsified the Scriptures speaking about
God according to their views; and about them Hydatius himself, who without
being purified prefers to defame through them those whose hearing he fears,
spoke so in the Council of Saragossa: 'May what must be condemned be
condemned, may useless texts not be read.' And in this your crown perceives
that it is a consequence of his practice, and not of our crime, if our faith is
said to be different through their single sentence. For this reason we ask your
intelligence-if the faith of our profession, according to what you transmit
which was left to you by the apostles, is firmly in God, if the written testi-
monies of our churches are not lacking in peaceful letters, if we cannot nor
must have another opinion about the Scriptures, if non e of us was declared to
be guilty, none was heard, none was deposed at the council, none, even when
he was a layman, was condemned through a demonstration of the imputed
crime, even though priesthood is of no use to the culprit and a priest, who
had deserved as a layman to be condemned before, can be deposed-to give
us a hearing, we implore you, because you are the most venerable of all and
the first; order Hydatius to be summoned, and if he confides to prove any-
thing about us, may he not omit the crown of the eternal priesthood, if 'the
zeal of the Lord will be pursued until the end'. 36 Or if with the tenderness of
your innate benevolence you do not want to impose on anybody the offence
that he has inflicted upon us, we beseech you to give letters to your Spanish
brother bishops. In fact, in order not to offend anybody, we request that, after
calling a council and summoning Hydatius, they should not hear, without
leaving them any defence, those whom they had declared to be guilty in their
absence. However, let nobody pass a sentence, so that Hydatius may be
approved for all the things that he brought forward with the letters he sent,
and may only have the necessity to prove his accusation, and may neglect the
 80 Tractatus JI
habeat; timorem reatus omittat, quoniam illum de nobis nullus accusat; nam
et peccatum in nos facile ignoscimus, si probamur, quoniam nouimus et ex
uobis discimus, quid deceat sacerdotes, tantum ut probata fide et uita nostra
195 scribto quod contra Manichaeos datum est, dato testimonio sacerdotum qui
interfuerint concilio, repugnemus, ne sub nomine noxiorum in diebus ues-
tris, quod nefas scitis, aut eclesiae catholicis uiduentur sacerdotibus aut
eclesiis sacerdotes.
Tractate JI 81
1
fear of a charge, because nobody among us accuses him; indeed we also easily
forgive a sin against us, if we are regarded to be good, because we know and
learn from you what is fitting for priests, to the extent that, after proving
our faith and way of life with our writing which was given against the
Manichaeans, and testifying to the priests who attended the council, we strive
to prevent that, under the name of culprits, in your days-and you know this
is a sacrilege-either churches may be deprived of catholic priests or priests
of churches.

Tractatus III
Priscilliani Liber de
Fide et de Apocryphis
... damnet, quoniam nouitas ingenii contentionis est mater, eruditio scan-
dali, auctor schismatis, alimentum heresis, nutrimentum delicti, forma pec-
cati. Omne enim quod aut a deo aut ab apostolis dictum uidetur aut factum
uel ut fieret adprobatum, hoc est de quo scribtum est: est est, non non; 1 quod
5 autem ex nouo ingeniis et calumniis repperitur, hinc testimonium diuinae
uirtutis ostenditur dicentis: quod superabundant ex malo est. 2 Uideamus ergo,
si apostoli Christi lesu magistri nostrae conuersationis et uitae extra canonem
nillegerunt. Ait luda apostolus clamans ille didymus domini, ille qui deum
Christum post passionis insignia cum putatur temptasse plus credidit, ille
10 qui uincolorum pressa uestigia et diuinae crucis laudes et uidit et tetigit:
prophetauit de his, inquid, septimus ab Adam Enoc dicens 'ecce uenit dominus in
sanctis milibus facere iudicium et arguere omnem et de omnibus duris quae
locuti sunt contra eum peccatores'. 3 Quis est hic Enoc quem in testimonium
profetiae apostolus ludas adsumpsit? An qui profetasset de deo, alium non
15 habebat nisi profetiam huius poneret, quam, si uera dicuntur, canonica ipse
ordinatione damnasset? Aut fortassis Enoc profeta esse non meruit quem
Paulus in epistula ad Hebreos facta ante translationem testimonium habuisse4
testatur aut quem in principio generis, cum adhuc mundi forma et natura
rudis saeculi, peccatum decepti hominis retinens, futuram conuersionem ad
20 deum post peccata non crederet, transferre ínter suos deus maluit quam
1
Mt 5:37. 2
Mt 5:37. 3
Jude 14-15. 4
Heb 11:5.
1
Tractate III
Priscillian' s Bao k on Faith and
Apocryphal Writings (Priscilliani
Liber de fide et de Apocryphis)
Collated editions: Priscilliani quae supersunt,
ed. G. Schepss, CSEL 18, (Vienna, 1889), 44-56
... may condemn, beca use novelty of invention is the mother of controversy,
the doctrine of scandal, the cause of schism, the food of heresy, the nourish-
ment of crime, the form of sin. All that either appears to have been said by
God or the apostles, or done, or approved so that it might be done, this is that
about which it was written: 'Yes, yes, no, no;' 1 indeed with regard to what is
newly found through artífices and slanders, in that respect the testimony of
divine virtue is shown saying: 'Anything that is excessive comes from evil.' 2
Let us see whether the apostles of Jesus Christ, instructor of our demeanour
and life, never read anything outside the canon. The apostle Jude who
declared to be a twin of the Lord: he who believed more in the God Christ
after the miracles of his passion, when he is supposed to have tested (him);
he who saw and touched the marks left by the shackles and the glories of
the divine cross, says: 'About these things Enoch, the seventh from Adam,
prophesied, saying: See, the Lord comes among ten thousand holy soldiers to
pass judgement and convict everyone in relation to all the harsh words which
sinners pronounced against him.' 3 Who is this Enoch that the apostle Jude
too k as a testimony of the prophecy? Or did he not have another, who might
prophesy about God, if he had not reported his prophecy which, if true things
are said, he himself would have condemned through the arder of the canon?
Or did Enoch possibly not deserve to be a prophet, even though in his letter
written to the Hebrews Paul asserts that 'he had testimony befare his trans-
fer',4 or at the beginning of humankind, when the form of the earth and the
rough nature of the world, still keeping the sin of the deceived man, did not
believe yet in the future conversion to God after the sin, God preferred to
 Tractatus III
84
perire? De quo si non ambigitur et apostolis creditur quod profeta est,
qualiter consultatio potius quam tumultus, consilium quam temeritas, fides
quam perfidia dicitur, ubi, dum in ultionem simultatum sententia tenditur,
praedicans deum propheta damnatur? Aut numquid de triuialibus r~b~s
25 aaimus aut tali et tesserae ínter manus nostras sunt aut scaenae lud1bna
t;actamus, ut, dum homines huius saeculi sequimur, apostolorum dicta
damnemus? Aut quae constituendae pacis est gratia, hominibus quae uolu-
erint creciere et dicta apostolica non tenere? Sed fortassis aliquis in haec
ingenia se iactet, ut, quamuis etiam unum testimonium ad confirmandam
30 sanctorum fidem in deo ualeat, tamen dicat uni rei non esse credendum, sed
5
in duobus et tribus testibus totius uerbi constare rationem. Conuertat itaque
sese quilibet qui huiusmodi est, et utrum uera dicamus diligens scripturarum
scrutator inquirat. Quid est quod Tobi sanctus futurae uitae ad filium prae-
cepta disponens, cum quid custodiret ediceret, ait: nos fili prophetarum su mus;
35 Noe profeta fuit et Abraham et Isac et Iacob et omnes patres nostri qui ab initio
saeculi profetauerunt. 6 Quando in canone profetae Noe liber lectus est? Quis
ínter profetas dispositi canonis Abrahae librum legit? Quis quod aliquando
Isac profetasset edocuit? Quis profetiam Iacob quod in canone poneretur
audiuit? Quos si Tobia legit et testimonium prophetiae in canone promeruit,
40 qualiter, quod illi ad testimonium emeritae uirtutis datur, alteris ad
occasionem iustae damnationis adscribitur? Inter quae ignoscant singuli
quique, si damnari cum prophetis dei malumus, quam cum his qui incauta
praesumunt ea quae sunt religiosa damnemus. Quis enim accusatore Noe
diuini indicii disceptatione non timeat? De quo apostolus ait: Noe iustum7
45 iustitiae praeconem custodiuit cataclismum mundo super impíos inducens.
Quis Abrahae profetae sinum ad quietis testimonium non requirat? Quis
reputari in Isac semen nolit? Quis Iacob dictum a deo Faraonis deum non
amet? 8 Aut quis non memorias sanctorum respuens intremescat, cum
scribtum sit: amen dico uobis quod qui scandalizauerit mínimum ex his
so qui crediderunt in nomine meo bonum est illi ligari molam asinariam et in
profundum maris mitti. 9 Quod si de minimis dicitur, uolo scire, quid de his
qui ad fidem primi sunt pronuntiatur. In quibus tamen omnibus libris no~
est metus, si qua ab infelicibus hereticis sunt inserta, delere et quae profet1s
uel euangeliis non inueniuntur consentire respuere. Nec enim illi ipsi deo
5 Deut 19:15; Mt 18:16; 2 Cor 13:1; 1 Tim 5:19.
7
6 Tobit 4:13 (Vetus Latina-Itala). 2 Pet 2:5.
8 Cf. Ex 7:1 (notice that in Exodus these words are referred to Moses).
9
Mk 9:41 + Mt 18:6.
Tractate III 85
1
transfer him among his saints rather than letting him perish? And if no doubt
exists about him and he is believed to be a prophet according to the apostles,
how is it possible to say that there is consideration rather than confusion,
reflection rather than rashness, faith rather than perfidy, when, as the
sentence is aimed at the suppression of enmities, a prophet who predicts God
is condemned? Orare we concerned with trifles, orare astragali and dice in
our hands, or are we discussing the spectacles of the theatre, so that, while we
follow the m en of this world, we condemn the words of the apostles? Or what
is the grace of the peace to be established: to en trust m en with the things that
they wanted, and not to keep the apostolic sayings? But perhaps somebody
will boast of his ingenuity in this regard so that, even though a single testi-
mony is sufficient to confirm the faith of the saints in God, he may never-
theless say that there can be no trust in a single thing, 'but the evidence of the
entire word depends on two or three witnesses'. 5 What does the holy Tobit
say, arranging the precepts of future life for his son, when he announced
[to him] what he should observe: 'We are children of prophets; Noah was
a prophet and Abraham and Isaac and Jacob and all our fathers who
prophesied at the beginning of the world'? 6 When was the book of Noah read
in the canon? Who among the prophets read the book of Abraham in the
laid-out canon? Who taught what Isaac once prophesied? Who heard the
prophecy of Jacob so that it might be included in the canon? And if Tobías
read them and deserved the testimony of the prophecy in the canon, how is
what is given to him as a testimony of perfect virtue ascribed to others as a
cause of just condemnation? And among these things may each single person
be forgiven: if we prefer to be condemned with the prophets of God, how
much will we condemn those things which are religious together with those
who make unconsidered assumptions? Who would not fear, in the trial of the
divine judgement, to have Noah as his accuser? About him the apostle says:
'He preserved Noah, a just herald of justice, while he brought a cataclysm on
the impious in the world.' 7 Who would not ask for the protection of the
prophet Abraham as a warranty of peacefulness? Who would refuse to be
considered an offspring of Isaac? 'Who would not lo ve Jacob that was said by
God to be like god to Pharaoh?' 8 Or who would not tremble for rejecting the
memories of the saints, when it is written: 'Truly I tell yo u that whoever puts a
stumbling-block before the littlest of these who believed in my name, it is
good for him that an ass' millstone is fastened to him and he is thrown into the
depth of the sea'? 9 And if this is said about the littlest, I would like to know
what is declared about those who are the first in faith. However, in all these
books there is no fear, if certain parts had been introduced by wretched
heretics, to destroy them, and to agree to reject what is not found in the
prophets and the gospels. Those saints of God did not actually embrace falsity
 86
Tractatus III
sancti mendacium in ueris et sacrílega amplectuntur uel detes:abilia pro sanc-
55
tis meliusque est zezania de frugibus tollere!o quam spem bom fruc.tus pr?pter
·' · d·d · se quod propterea cum suis inter sancta zabulus msermt, ut,
z1zama per 1 1s ' . ·d
nisi sub cauto messore, cum zezaniis frux penret et bona facere~ o.co ~re cum
pessimis, una sententia adstringens eum qui pessi~a cum boms mngit ~uam
qui bona cum malis perdit. Deniq~e i~ euangeho .cata L~canum diCente
euangelista testatur deus dicens: mqwretur sanguis ommum profet~rum
60
qui effusus esta constitutione mundi, a sanguine Abel usque ad sangume:n
11
Zacchariae qui occisus est in ter alta re et aedem; et Helias. in regnorum mt:
altaria tua suffoderunt, profetas tuos occiderunt et ego rellctus sum solu~ ~t
·mam meam 12 Quis est iste Abel profeta, ex quo sangmms
65 quaeru nt anl · . . . . · fi · ? Q ·
profetarum sumpsit exordium, cuius pnnopmm m Zacchar~a~ ~1t. . ~1
sunt illi medii qui uidentur occisi? Si enim omne quod. diClt~~ m hbns
canonis quaeritur et plus legisse peccare est, n_ullum ab h1s .qm m cano~e
constituti sunt profetam legimus occisum, ac s1 extra auctontatem canon~s
70 nihil uel adsumendum est uel tenendum, non possumus tantum fab~hs
credere et non historiam scripti factorum proba~ion.e ~etiner~. Forta~se em~
aliquis exsiliat et dicat Eseiam fuisse dissectum; S1 qms üle est mter ~umsmod1
· · t damnauerit os suum claudat aut certe historiam factae re1 proferens
qm 1s a ' . . T d · t d
picturis se dicat credere uel poetis, quomam 1am fac~ ms. a ~Ittun. quo
75 philosoforum studia mentiuntur, certe ut h~iusmo~1 re1 t~st1momum e:
occisorum profetarum a constitutione mund1. sa~gms reqmratur..Quae
euangelista legens recte ad testimonium protuht diCens: scrutate s~nbturas,
etiam me ut ea legerem quae legerat traxit. No?. possu.m au:em d1cere ~uod
· ut mihi apostolum sequi non eruditw fide1 fuent, sed musopula
loqm cogor, ·b
. Nam et rursus in euangelio cata Mattheum tenetur sen tum: surgen
so d ecep t1. b · · · A pt m et
autem Joseph accepit puerum et matrem eius noct~ et a ut m eg~ u
erat ibi usque ad consummationem Herodis, ut admpleretur quod dlctu~ est
a domino per profetam dicentem: 'ex Aegypto uocau.i filium m~um.'!4 Qms ~st
iste profeta, quem in canonem non le~imus,. cums profetlae fi~em. u e u:
85 fideiiussor promissi muneris dominus mplemt? Certe ~on n:odiCa md~lt1
operis magnitudo est passurum deum credere et test1mom1s prophetlae
tamquam uiam diuini itineris praeparare, de qua deuertere deus nollet, ut
12
1 Kings 19:10.
° Cf. Mt 13:29.
1
14
11
Lk 11:50-1.
13 Jn 5:39. Mt 2:14-15.
Tractate III
1 87
in what is true nor sacrileges, nor detestable things rather than holy, and it is
better 'to remove the darnel from the wheat' 10 than to lose the hope of a good
harvest because of darnel: in fact, for this reason, the devil introduced [it] in
what is holy with the help of his followers, that is, in order that the wheat
might perish with the darnel, unless the harvester was cautious, and might
make good things die with the worst, having in his power, with a single
sentence, the one who unites the worst things with the good rather than
he who loses good things together with the bad. Therefore, in the gospel
according to Luke, God testifies to this in the words of the evangelist by
saying: 'The blood of all the prophets is examined which was shed from the
foundation of the world, from the blood of Abel to the blood of Zechariah,
who was killed between the altar and the sanctuary;' 11 and Elijah says in the
Book of the Kingdoms: 'They undermined your altars, killed your prophets,
and I am left alone and they seek my soul.' 12 Who is this prophet Abel from
whom the blood of the prophets had its beginning, whose principie ends in
Zechariah? Who are those in the middle that appear to have been killed? If
indeed all that is said in the books of the canon is required, and to read more
than that is to sin, we read in those books which have been included in the
canon that no prophet was killed, and if nothing outside the authority of the
canon must be taken up or kept, we cannot only believe in fables rather than
preserving the historical content of a writing through the verification of the
:! facts. Perhaps somebody may jump up and say that Isaiah was sawed in two
halves; if he is one among those of that kind who would condemn these
things, he should shut his mouth, or by declaring with certainty the story of
that fact, he should say that he believes in paintings and poets, because they
s
accept more easily the topics about which the studies of the philosophers lie,
certainly in order that a testimony for a fact of this kind and the blood of the
killed prophets from the foundation of the world may be investigated. And if
the evangelist, reading correctly these truths, put them forward as a testimony
by saying: 'Search the Scriptures,' 13 he also drew me to read those things
which he had read. However, I cannot say what I am forced to say, to the
extent that I may have no knowledge of faith to follow the apostle, but only a
snare of deceit. Por in the gospel according to Matthew it is firmly written
again: 'Therefore, after getting up, Joseph took the child and his mother by
night, and went away to Egypt, and was there until the end of Herod, so that
what had been said by the Lord through the prophet who said: "Out of Egypt
I called my son", might be fulfilled.' 14 Who is this prophet, whom we do
not read in the canon, the faith of whose prophecy the Lord fulfilled as a
guarantor of the promised reward? Certainly it is not small greatness of the
work of grace to believe that God would have suffered, and to prepare with
the testimonies of the prophecy a sort of way of the divine ro u te, from which
 88 Tractatus III
Tractate III
locutum se in eo qui profetauerat conprobaret; certe damnari líber non 1 89
God did not want to divert, so that he might prove that he had spoken in the
potest cuius testimonium canonicae elocutionis fi~em ~o~plet,. nec pote~t
90 tamquam ínter aepularum mortalium uoluntates ahud ehg1 et. ahud ~epudi­
o~e who had prop~esied; certainly the book whose testimony satisfies the
fmth of the canomcal expression cannot be condemned, nor as among
ari nec de sofisticis quaestio est, ubi quod quis adsumpsent seqmtur et,
du~ dialecticum ingeniorum opus uolunt, sectas de persuasione. f~cerunt. the d:sires of mortal joys one can be chosen and another rejected, nor is this a
Scribtura dei res solida, res uera est nec ab homine electa, sed homm1 de deo quest10~ concerning the sophists, where one pursues what he has adopted
tradita cuius si dilibatio sancta est et massa sancta est. 15 Inde denique heresis, and, whlle they wanted a dialectic work of intellects, they created sects out of
dum singuli quique ingenio suo potius quam deo serui~nt et non sequi
persuasion. The Scripture of God is a sound thing, a true thing, which was not
95
chosen by man, but was given to man by God, 'and if its offered first fruits
symbolum, sed de symbolo disputare dis~on~nt, curo, ~1 fidem nossent,
are holy, also the whole mass is holy'. 15 Therefore the heretics, while each of
extra symbolum nil tenerent. Symbolum emm signatura re1 uerae est et des-
them serves his own mind rather than God and does not follow the symbol,
ignare symbolum est disputare de symbolo malle quam. credere; S_Ymbo~um
set out, on th~ other hand, to dispute about the symbol itself, when, if they
opus domini est in nomine patris et fili et spiritus sanctl, fides um~s de1, ex
only kn~w fa1th: they would not keep anything outside the symbol. The
100 quo Christus deus dei filius saluator natus in carne passus resurrexlt. propter
hominis amorem; qui apostolis suis symbolum tradens, quod fmt est et symbol, m .fact, 1s the seal of a true thing and to mark out the symbol is to
prefer to d1spute about the symbol rather than believing; the symbol is the
futurum erat, in se et in symbolo suo monstrans nomen patris filium.ite~que
fili patrem, ne Binionitarum error ualeret edocuit; nam qui reqmrent1bu~ work ~f the Lord in the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit,
the fa1th of one God, from whom Christ God, Son of God and Saviour, was
apostolis om me id quod nominabatur16 se esse monstrauit, unum. se cr~d1
born, suffered in the flesh, and resurrected for the love of man· he who
105 uoluit non diuisum, dicente profeta: hic est deus noster nec reputabttur alzus
handing over to.his apostles the symbol that was, is, and will be, p;oclaimed
absque eum qui ostendit uiam disciplinae et dedit eam I~c~b puero suo et
Istrahel dilecto suo; posthaec in terris uisus est et cum homtmbus conuersatus
the Son by sho~mg the name of the Father in himself and the symbol, and the
est dominus deus nomen eius. 17 Sed ne amore fidei ducti ad alia nos quam Father by showmg the name of the Son, so that the error of the Binionites
pr~posueramus conuertisse dicamur, licet ex abu~d~nti contra diuersas might have no power; indeed he who showed to be 'all that had been named'I6
to his apostles, who required that, wanted to be believed to be one and
110 hereses uincendi locus pateat, tamen de hoc speoahter susceptum opus
undivided, according to the words of the prophet: 'This is our Lord and no
uolumus ut infidele mendacium testimoniorum nube 18 uincamus. Nunc
uero ad ina redeundum est, ut si probabiles in eo in quo repraehendimur ?ther but hi~ shall be considered, who showed the way of discipline and gave
1t to Jacob h1s servant and to Israel his beloved; after this he was seen on earth
inuenimur, recte etiam de reliquis disputasse uideamur. Sic namque et Paulus
dixisse deum ait: beatius est dare magis quam accipere, 19 et hoc locutum deum and l~ved with me~; hi~ name is God the Lord.' 17 But in order that it may not
in canone non legimus. Et Daniel deum locutum fuisse testatur dicens: be smd that we, bemg mduced by our love of faith, turned to topics different
fro~ thos~ whic? we had proposed, even though more than abundant space
115
quoniam exiet iniquitas de Babylone ex presbyteris qui uideb~ntur reger:
to wm agamst d1fferent heresies is open, we especially want that the work is
plebem. 20 Et cum ista facta dicta uel scribta et in euangelistae uerb1s et apostoh
eloquio et diuinis sermonibus crederemus, ecce nun~ tempus adlatum. est, take~ up ab~~t this, ~o .that we may defeat such a faithless falsity 'with a cloud
of wltnesses . Now 1t 1s necessary to return to those things, so that, if we are
ubi, dum disceptatio superfluarum rerum quaentur, stupor fid~h?us
inseratur. Non enim possumus dicere deum non dixisse quod eum d~~sse
f~und to be reliable in that for which we are reproached, we may appear to
d1~pu,te ~orrectly.about all the other things as well. So also Paul says that God
120
apostolus dixit aut non prophetatum fuisse quod scribtura profetam diXIsse
sa1d: It 1s more JOyous to give than to receive,' 19 and we do not read in the
c~non that God said that. And Daniel testifies that God spoke, saying 'that
wiCkedness would have come out of Babylon from the elders who seemed to
20
rule the people'. And while we believed these facts, sayings, and writings in
the words of the evangelist and the statement of the apostle and the divine
~ords,. here has. co~e a time now, when, while a discussion of useless topics
1s requ~red, foohsh Ideas are sown in the believers. Indeed we cannot say that
15 16 17
Rom 11:16. Cf. Eph 1:21. Baruch 3:36-8.
18 19 20
Heb 12:1. Acts 20:35. Dan 13:5 (History of Susanna).
God d1d not say what the apostle said that he said, or what the Scripture
 90 Tractatus III Tractate III
91
testatur Et cum haec recte ad fidem credimus, scribta haec in c~?one~
1
testifies that the prophet said was not actually prophesied. And even though
. . us et ideo, si extra canonem tota damnanda sunt aut qua l:er u~
:~~~::m su~t _scnbe~tls we rightly believe these things according to faith, we do not see them in the

~~~oritas pro_fet~
non testimonium recipitur, uel in his quae scribta canon and therefore, if all that is outside the canon must be condemned or is
125 non tenetur. Sic denique et Ezechiel ait: haec dtnt domznus regarded as a testimony of what is condemned, in those things which were
ad Go 'tu es de qua locutus sum in díebus anttqws per m_a~us seruorum written the authority of the writer is not considered either. So also the
g ,¡; t , 21 Credo quod dixit nec tam perfidus mlhl sum, ut aut prophet Ezekiel actually says: 'The Lord says this to Gog: "You are the one of
meorum proJe arum · · fu" fi mem·
profetam nxlsse quo d dixerit deus aut deum mentltum . lsse
fi . . con ne r non' whom 1 spoke 21
in the ancient days through the hands of my servants the
ui sit tamen ille profeta, per quem hoc deus locutus slt, m cano
~
prophets".' I believe in what he said nor 1 am so deceitful to assert that either
. s auctorem Sic et in libris Paralipomenon Natham profetam: the prophet invented what God said or God lied; however, 1 do not see in the
130 muemmu ·
Achiam Selonitam,zz uisiones Laedam, 23 uerba eu . 1 n~m a
z fil" A ·24 d fidem .
uen
. canon who is that prophet, through whom God said that, and even though we
et eorum uae gesserunt auctoritatem inuenimus ~dl~ta, dl~ente scn~tura. et
ser~ones Z~u
have faith in these sayings, we do not find the author of this writing in the
l" í Iosafat2s primi et nouissimi ecce scnbtt sunt zn_ser:no.mbus
reges Istra h e~ 26 et haec scripta .m. hbns
canon. So also in the books of the Chronicles we find the prophet Nathan,
re tqu
fili Anani quí perscnbstt . . zn . llbro
. . canoms
l" .
22
Achia the Selonite, the visions of Ledam, 23 the words of Zeu son of Anani, 24

~e~:~~g:sm~;lo:onis p~imi ec_c~ s~ribti

. d rece ta a canone conprobamus, sicut et lbl mt:. et re tqut and their sayings which revealed their authority, as the Scripture says: 'And
135 et nouissimi sunt in uerbts. Nathae see, the rest of the words of Iosaphat/5 from the first to the last, are written in
rofetae et in uerbis Achiae Selonitae et in wsw_mb_us Laedam, quae ~tde~at_ de the speeches of Zeu son of Anani who described in detail the kings of Israel in
26
P . b 21 fil" N bat2s 29 et item ibi: et reltqw sermons Roboam pnmt et
::~~;~~~~onn:oscr~ti ~unt ui~entis
his book,' and we do not read these writings in the books of the canon, but
in uerbís Sameaét profetae. et}dom32 confirm that they have been received into the canon; as [the Scripture]says
140 et omnes actus elUS. . ;m Et l·tem ibi·" et reliqui sermones Abdwe . . z· actus
et · etus et there too: 'And see, the rest of the speeches of Solomon, from the first to the
b . "bta sunt in libro Edom profetae;3s et item lbl: et re tqut sermones last, are written in the words of the prophet Nathan and in the words of Achia
uer a etus sen · z·b d" gum
Amessiaé6 primi et nouissimi nonne ecce scripti sunt :n : ro :erum re the Selonite27 and in the visions of Ledam who saw [revelations] concerning
Iudae et Istrahel?37 Item ibi: nonne haec scripta sunt m l~bro dterum re~umd 8 29
Hierobeam 30 son of Nabat2 ;' and there again: 'And the rest of the speeches
Iuda¡as Item ibi: · et reliqui sermones M anasse ~ t oratio etus
39
. quam. orawt . . a of Roboam, from the first to the last, are not they written in the words of the
31
dominum in nomine dei Istrahel ecce scribta sunt m sermombus ?ratwms e_m_s :: prophet Samea and the seer Edom 32 and all his acts?'/ 3 and there again: 'And
145 . "b "d t"um 4o Quis ergo huiusmodi fluctuus patlenter acClpla . the rest of the speeches of Abdia 34 and his acts and his words are written in
m sermom us Ul en l . . "h"l d"
Hinc una ex parte indocta urget insania, furor exigit inpen~usdm 1 Ken~ the book of the prophet Edom;' 35 and there again: 'And see, the rest of the
36
aliut nisi sint catholica necne quae d"lClS; . da mna quae ego nescw, . H"amna quot speeches of Amessia, from the first to the last, are they not written in the
lego damna quod studio pigriscentis otii non reqmro. me ex_ p~r e book of the days of the kings of Judah and Israel?'; 37 and there again: 'Are not
ego non ,
150 altera diuinum urget eloquium: scrutate, mqm , sc~tpt~ras,
. .d · 41 illud pecuhanter
. these things written in the book of the days of the kings ofJudah?'; 38 and there
t quorum sanguis ad testimonium umdKtae quaentur eorum again: 'And see, the rest of the speeches of Manasse 39 and his prayer that he
monens, u . fid · · lumus
eloquia non negentur. In ter quae positi necessano con _entla~ lal~ ~o habeo said to the Lord in the name of the God of Israel are written in the words of
esse quod dicebamus antea esse cautelam. Habeo testlmomum el, his prayer and the words of the seers.' 40 Who would patiently sustain such
squalls? On one side, unlearned insanity presses hard, ignorant rage pushes by
saying nothing else but whether the things that you say are catholic or not; or
21
Ezek 38:14+17. " Ah""IJah the Shelonite in Hebrew (cf. 2 Chron 9:29). 'condemn what 1 do not know, condemn what 1 do not read, condemn what 1
23
Iddo in Hebrew (cf. 2 Chron 9:29).
24 Jehu son ofHanani in Hebrew (cf. Chron. 20:34). 25
Jehoshaphat in Hebrew.
do not examine beca use of my devotion to lazy idleness'. On the other si de,
26 2 Chron 20:34. 27
Jeroboam in Hebrew. 28
Nebat in Hebrew. the divine eloquence urges by saying: 'Search the Scriptures', 41 recommending
30 31
29 2 Chron 9:29. Rehoboam in Hebrew. Shemaiah in Hebrew. this in particular, that the expressions of those, whose blood is required as a
34
32 Iddo in Hebrew. 33 2 Chron 12:15. Abijah in Hebrew.
3s 2 Chron 13:22. 36
Amaziah in Hebrew. 37
2 Chron 25:26.
testimony of revenge, may not be denied. And sin ce we are necessarily in this
3s 2 Chron 28:26. 39
Manasseh in Hebrew. 40
2 Chron 33:18-19. situation, we want confidence to be here by now, because we said before that
41
Jn 5:39. there was carefulness. 1 have the testimony of God, I have that of the apostles,
 92 Tractatus III
apostolorum, habeo profetarum: si quaero quod Christiani hominis est, si
155 quod eclesiasticae dispositionis, si quod dei Christi est, in 'his inuenio qui
deum praedicant, in his inuenio qui profetant. Non est timor, fides est, quod
diligimus meliora et deteriora respuimus, unum inter ista seruantes, ut,
quoniam in huiusmodi libris, quos extra canonicorum librorum numerum
ad legendi laborem diligentia retentabat adque comprobanda ea quae scripta
160 in canone legimus adsumpti sunt, hereticorum in pleraque sensus inuadens
pugnam catholicis parans falsare maluit quam tenere, illam apostolicam
feramur iure sententiam: omnem spiritum qui negat Iesum de deo non esse et
omnem spiritum qui confitetur Christum Iesum de deo esse, 42 sicut scribtum est:
nema enim dicit in spiritu sancto anathema Iesu et nema nisi in spiritu sancto
165 loquitur dominum Iesum. 43 Denique in antiquis librorum monumentis cum
testamentum scribturarum diabolus inuideret, Hierusalem capta polluto
altario domini distrui templum satis non fuit; nam quia facile erat, ut quae
manufacta erant in manufactis horno redderet, arca incensa est testamenti,
sciente diabolo quod facile natura hominum obligata saeculo fidem perderet,
170 si ad praedicationem diuini nominis scribturarum testimonia non haberet.
Sed argutior diuini mysterii natura quam diabuli, quae, ut quid deus in
homine posset ostenderet, reseruari Hesdram 44 uoluit qui illa quae fuerant
incensa rescribsit. Quae si uere incensa et uere credimus fuisse rescribta,
quamuis incensum testamentum legatur in canone, 45 rescriptum ab Hesdra in
175 canone non legitur, 46 tamen, quia post incensum testamentum reddi non
potuit nisi fuisset scribtum, recte illi libro fidem damus, qui Hesdra
auctore prolatus, etsi in canone non ponitur, ad elogium redditi diuini testa-
mentí digna rerum ueneratione retinetur; in quo tamen legimus scriptum
spiritum sanctum ab initio saeculi et hominum et rerum gesta retinentem
180 cor electi hominis intrasse et, quod uix ad humanam memoriam scribti
forma retineret, ordine numero ratione repetita, cum per diem loquens
et nocte non tacens47 scriberet, omnia quae gesta uidentur esse uel legimus
scribta ad humanam memoriam condidisse. In quo libet exclamare: est!
liceat! qualiter, rogo, pauca ex his legentes culpabiles sumus, cum magis ob
185 hoc rei sumus, quod omnia quae de deo sunt profetata non legimus? Non
dubito autem quemquam ex his qui calumnias potius quam fidem diligunt
42
Cf. 1 Jn 4:3, 2. 43
1 Cor 12:3. 44
Ezra in Hebrew.
46 47
Cf. 4 Ezra 14:21 (apocryphal). Cf. 4 Ezra 14:43; Ps 21 (22):3 (2).
. Tractate III / 93
I have that of the prophets: 1f I loo k for what is proper of a Christian man, of
an ecclesiastical disposition, of the God Christ, in these things I find those
who preach God, in these things those who prophesy. No fear is here but faith,
because we love what is better and reject what is worse, observing one thing
among all these, namely that-since in books of this kind, which diligence
kept out of the number of the canonical books with regard to the work of
reading, the ideas of the heretics preferred to bring falsity rather than
preserving them, invading them in many aspects while they prepared their
fight against the catholics-we must rightly follow that apostolic sentence:
'Every spirit that denies Jesus is not from God and every spirit that confesses
42
Jesus Christ is from God,' as is written: 'Indeed nobody in the Holy Spirit
pronounces an anathema on Christ and nobody, except in the Holy Spirit,
proclaims the Lord Jesus.' 43 Therefore, according to the ancient histories
of the books, since the devil envied the testament of the Scriptures, after
Jerusalem was conquered and the altar of the Lord was polluted, it was not
enough that the temple should be destroyed; in fact, since it was easy that man
might re-create what had been made by human hands in things made by
human hands, the ark of the covenant was burnt, as the devil knew that the
nature of men, which is tied up to this world, easily would have lost its faith,
if. i: did not have the testimonies of the Scriptures for the preaching of the
d1vme name. But the nature of the divine mystery is subtler than that of the
devil, so that, in order that God might show something in man, it wanted
44
Hesdra to be held in reserve, who rewrote what had been burnt. And if we
believe that those things were actually burnt and actually rewritten, even
though it is read in the canon that the testament was burnt, 45 it is not read in
the canon that it was rewritten by Hesdra; 46 however, since after being burnt
t~e tes:ament could not be restored, if it was not written again, we rightly
g1ve fmth to that book which, having been produced as an author by Hesdra,
although it is not included in the canon, is preserved as a proof of the resto red
divine testament with a creditable veneration of these facts; and in it we read
that it is written that the Holy Spirit, retaining from the beginning of the
world the memory of both the feats of men and all events, entered into the
hea~t of the elect man and, since just the form of the writing was barely
retamed for the memory of men, after its order, number, and structure had
been repeated, 'while he wrote, speaking through the day and not being silent
47
at night' , he composed a history of all the things which appear to have been
done or we read to have been written for the memory of m en. And in this it is
pleasing to exclaim: Yes! May it be approved! How, I ask, can we be guilty for
reading few passages from these works, when we are much more at fault for
45
Cf. 2 Kings 25:9. the fact that we do not read all the things which were prophesied by God?
However, I have no doubts that anyone among those who love slander rather

94 Tractatus III
esse dicturum: ultra nihil quaeras! sufficit te legere quod in canone scribtum
est. Cuius quidem uerbis facile ingenio humanae naturae quae otium potius
quam laborem requirit adsurgerem, nisi me Lucae euangelistae testimonium
190 perurgeret dicentis in actibus apostolorum: addiscipuli pariter conferebant 49
ínter se scribturas, si ita esset/ 8 quemadmodum locutus fuerat ad eos Paulus,
et ea quorum cognitionem uolo testimonium prophetiae in canone accepisse
cognosco. Quamuis enim crimen sit apostolicis non credidisse sermonibus,
nos est tamen damnabilis culpae firmamentum fidei scriptorum probatione
195 construere et nihil in quo nos infirmes redargutio diaboli faciat reseruare.
Potuit enim sermo diuinus, quoniam ipsius erat omne quod dixerat,
tamquam ab se loquens non scribtum ab alío dicere, sed ex se ipse proferre,
dicens autem scribtum esse, necessario proponens nobis legendi sollici-
tudinem, et suam de quo profetatum fuerat gloriam et illius qui profetauerat
200 debitam posteritati gratiam non omisit. Ego certe ínter utrosque utrisque
debitar sum, ut et illum qui ad memoriam diuinam profetauerit legam et deo
credam. Quis enim non delectetur Christum ante saecula non a paucis, sed
ab omnibus profetatum? Aut quis diuinae magnitudinis et tam incredibilis
miraculi deum nasci habere et uirginalem metram in ministerium diuini
205 uerbi ad concipiendum uel parturiendum habitaculum corporis patuisse
tam sterilis aestimator est, ut putet non in omnem terram adque in omnem
hominem diuini sensus secreta clamasse, cum scribtum sit: omnis lingua
50
confiteatur quoniam dominus Iesus in gloriam dei patris?
Et ideo, quilibet ille sit qui haec neget, ego certe scio quod eius pharisaei
210 recipiet mercedem qui adueniente domino, cum omnis turba cura apostolis
iuncta clamaret: 'osanna, osanna in caelis, benedictus qui uenit in nomine
domini', 51 corripi oportere eos dixit qui tam indubitanter praesentis dei
glorias non tacebant. Sed uideat qui huiusmodi est dixisse dominum: etiamsi
isti tacuerint, lapides clamabunt, 52 et intellegat quoniam, si duritia petrarum
215 naturaliter praemortua ad dandum testimonium deo in usum humani
sermonis animatur, quomodo sanctorum lingua praecluditur quae ad con-
fitendum et suapte natura et diuina gratia perurgetur? Si enim gentiles
animae idolorum formis et caerimoniis inpeditae auium praepetes transitus
et dedita uentis itinera pinnarum uelut ad praescientiam futuri prouentus
220 loquuntur et extarum uenas animatione terreni spiritus palpitantes, dum
fidem daemonibus dant, moritura post momentum animalium uiscera
48 Acts 17:11. 49
Cf. Rom 1:14.
50
Phi! 2:11.
52
51 Lk 19:38; Mt 21:9. Lk 19:40.
Tractate III 95
~aith ~ay:
than _will 'Look for nothing further! It is suffiLent that you read
wha: 1s wntten m the canon.' Certainly with his words I would easily rise to
the
h mborn . character of human nature, which seeks rest rather than work, 1·f
; e tes:u~ony o_f the evangelist Luke, who says in the Acts of the Apostles:
The d1snples d1scussed together the Scriptures among them whether it was
so, >48 d"d '
1 not press me greatly, and in the same way Paul had spoken to them 49
an_d I know that the testimony of the prophecy received into the canon tho~e
th1~gs w~ose knowledge I desire. In fact, even though it is a crime not to have
beheved m the words ~f the ap~stles, nevertheless it is not a damnable guilt to
cons:ruc~ the foundatwn of falth on the evidence of writers, and to preserve
n~t?mg m which the refutation of the devil may make us weak. Indeed the
dlVlne speech, beca use all that it had said was its, as if it spoke by itself, was
able to say not what had been written by someone else, but to express himself
per~onally; howeve~, ~y saying that it had been written, and necessarily pro-
posmg to us the sohntude to read, it did not omit its glory, about which there
had been a prophecy, nor the grace due to the posterity of him who had
prophesied. Certainly, between them both, I am debtor to them both, so that r
may read the one w?o prophe_sied for the divine memory, and may believe in
God. I_ndeed who 1s not dehghted that Christ was prophesied before the
cent~n~s not by few, but by all? And who is such an empty estimator of
the dlVlne greatness and the incredible miracle through which God had to be
born,. and a vi~gina~ womb in the service of the divine Word opened to
concelVe orto g1ve b1rth to the dwelling-place of the body, that he may think
that the ~ecret_s of t~e divine mind did not shout in every land and in every
man, as 1s wntten: May every tongue confess that Jesus is the Lord in the
glory ~f God the Father'? 50 And therefore, whoever he may be that denies this,
I cer_tamly know that he will receive the reward of that Pharisee who at the
commg ~f the Lord, while. the entire crowd together with the apostles
shouted: Hosanna, hosanna m the heavens, blessed is the one who comes in
the name of the Lord,' 51 said that it was necessary that they were rebuked
who so undoubtedly were not silent about the glories of the present God. But
may whoever is of that kind see that the Lord said: 'Even if these are silent
the_ sto?es will shout,' 52 and may understand that, if the hardness of stones:
whKh 1s naturally dead, is brought to life to give testimony to God in the use
of human language, how can the tongue of saints be stopped, which is greatly
urged to co~fess by its own nature and the grace of God? For if the Gentiles,
whose soul1s hampered b~ the forms and the ceremonies of the idols, speak
of favourable passages of b1rds and the courses of feathers given by the winds
as successful means for the divination of the future, and of the veins of the
e~trail~, which palpitate with the animation of the earthly spirit, while they
giVe fmth to the demons, they confirm that the entrails of the animals, which
 96 Tractatus III
futura praenuntiare confirmant et de uita mortuos rogat dicentes lapidi 'surge'
et ligno 'uigila', 53 sicque sacrilegium ab his studium dicitur, inperitia sapienta
nuncupatur nescientibus his non deo se sacrificare sed daemoni: 54 in quo
225 si talibus apud se gloria est, quomodo nos diuinas sanctorum respuimus
profetationes et, dum oboedimus uoluntatibus nostris, his qui deum profe-
tauerint inuidemus relinquentes apostolica praecepta dicentia: spiritus nolite
extinguere, profetias nolite repudiare? 55 Et ideo, quia ubi libertas ibi Christus, 56
libet me unum clamare pro totis, quia et ego spiritum domini habeo: 57 cesset
230 inuidia diabolii ab omnibus adnuntiatus est dominus, ab omnibus profetatus
est Christus, ab Adam Sed58 Noe Abraham Isac Iacob et a ceteris qui ab initio
saeculi profetauerunt, et intrepidus dico quod inuidet diabolus: uenturum
in carne deum omnis horno sciuit, non dicam hii quos in dispositione
generationis suae in euangelio deus posuit et diuinae naturae fidem et
235 numerum canoni praestaturos. Quod sicut scientibus et negantibus maior
poena est, sic et perfecta gloria est non solum carde credere, sed et ore confes-
sionis gloriam non negare, 59 dicente Dauid: credidi, propter quod locutus sum. 60
In quo et apostolus Petrus sciens consentientem" in libris canonicis numeri
rationem et relaxans legendi ea quae de Christo scripta sunt libertatem, cum
240 ad Colosenses epistulam daret, dixit: cum lecta fuerit apud uos epistula haec,
facite, ut et in Laodicensium eclesia legatur, et eam quae Laodicensium est uos
legatis. 61 Aut numquid damnabilis apud uos apostolus fuit, qui epistulam
quae in canone non erat discípulos suos legere permisit aut uobis maior cura
pro Christo et sicque uoluntates uestras agitis, ut iniustum iudicium etiam
245 in ea quae ante uos sunt decreta tendatis? Omnibus enim nobis qui deum
Christum credimus plenitudo fidei dies domini est et lex uitae apostolici
forma praecepti est, quoniam, si fides ex auditu, auditus autem per fidem
constat, 62 qualiter nobis futurorum spes ponitur, si quae ante docentur scribta
uel dicta de Christo et in memoriam reseruata nec umquam ab apostolis
250 repudiata sed lecta, non solum respuantur a nobis, sed tamquam sacrílega
damnentur, cum in euangelio scribtum sit: quicumque fecerit in nomine meo
uirtutem, non potest de me male loqui? 63 In quo illud tamen non recuso nec
respuo inperitis haec non committenda auribus, ne, quia ab hereticis pleraque
falsata sunt, dum praetitulato nomine prophetarum in uerbis sanctorum
255 diuinum opus quaerunt, haereticae falsitatis inruant foueam, dum apostolici
a consentientem] conieci conscientiam W Schepss
53 54 55
Hab 2:19. Cf. 1 Cor 10:20. 1 Thess 5:19-20.
56 57 58
Cf. 2 Cor 3:17. 1 Cor 7:40. Seth in Hebrew.
59
Cf. Rom 10:10. 60
Ps 115 ( 116):10. 61
Col4:16.
63
62
Rom 10:17. Mk 9:39.
Tractate III 97
1
are about to die in a moment, predict things to come, and question the dead
about life, 'saying toa stone: Be roused, and to wood: Keep watch', 53 and so
sacrilege is called application by them, and ignorance is named wisdom by
these who do not know that 'they do not sacrifice to God but to the devi1': 54
and if in this activity there is glory for such m en among [the Gentiles J, how
can we reject the divine prophecies of the saints and, while we o bey our wills,
how can we oppose those who prophesied God, abandoning the apostolic
precepts that say: 'Do not extinguish the spirit, do not reject the prophecies'? 55
And therefore, since 'where there is Christ, there is freedom', 56 it is pleasing
that I alone make a proclamation for all, because 'I too have the Spirit of the
57
Lord': may the resentment of the devil be fruitless! By all the Lord was
announced, by all Christ was prophesied, by Adam, Sed, 58 Noah, Abraham,
Isaac, Jacob, and by all the rest who prophesied from the beginning of the
world, and I intrepidly say that the devil is jealous: every man knew that
God would have come in the flesh: all those, I will not need to say, whom God
placed in the arrangement of his generation in the gospel, and who would
have preserved the faith of the divine nature and the number of the canon. As
there is a greater punishment for those who know and deny, so the perfect
glory is 'not only to believe with the heart, but not to deny with the mouth of
59
confession either', since David says: 'I believed because I spoke.' 60 And in
this regard the apostle Peter too, knowing the concordant method of cal-
culation of the number in the canonical books, and widening the freedom of
reading the things which were written about Christ, when he gave his letter to
the Colossians, said: 'When this letter has been read among you, have it read
in the Laodicean church too; and read that which is of the Laodiceans.' 61 Or
possibly was the apostle condemnable, who allowed his disciples to read a
letter which was not in the canon, or is there a greater care for Christ in you,
and do you direct your wills to produce an unjust judgement in those matters
that had been established before you? For us all, who believe in Christ God,
the fullness of faith is the day of the Lord and the rule oflife is the form of the
apostolic precept, beca use, 'if faith comes from what is heard, what is heard
62
firmly relies on faith'; so how is the hope for the future placed in us, if the
things that before were taught to have been written or said about Christ, and
had been preserved for the memory nor were ever rejected by the apostles
but read, not only are turned down by us now, but are also condemned as
sacrileges, when it is written in the gospel: 'Whoever performs a miracle in my
name cannot speak evil of me'? 63 In that, however, I do not refute nor dispute
this, namely that these things must not be entrusted to unskilled ears, lest,
since a large number of writings were falsified by the heretics, while they look
for the work of God in the words of the saints after the name of the prophets
has been called, they may rush into the pit of heretical falsity, as they do not
 98 Tractatus III
Tractate III 99
sermonis non ad plenum retinent disciplinam. Sed nec propter nequitias 1
fully possess the doctrine of the apostolic speech. But the prophecy of the
pessimorum prophetia damnanda sanctorum est; nam i.n o~~ibus heresibus
saints must not be condemned because of the iniquities of the worst; indeed
cunctarum scribturarum interpretatione peruersa mfehcmm sectarum
in all the heresies, through a perverted interpretation of all the Scriptures,
instituta de persuasione fecerunt omnesque se Christum deum credere et
they made institutions out of their own persuasion, and confirm that they all
260 Christianos esse confirmant. Nec ideo diuina scribtura damnanda est aut
believe in Christ God and are Christian. Therefore the divine Scripture must
repudianda fides Christi est aut nomen refugiendum est Christianum, si,
not be condemned, nor must the faith of Christ be rejected, nor must the
dum adserere sacrilegia sua uolant, catholici nominis audent usurpare con-
Christian name be shunned, if, while they want to claim their sacrileges, they
sortium. Si enim omnia quae legunt damnare uolumus, certe quae etiam in
dare usurp a participation in the catholic name. If we want to condemn all
canone sunt relata damnamus, unde melius est interpraetationem funestam
that they read, we certainly condemn what is related in the canon as well, so
265 et institutionem sacrilegam quam scribturam damnare diuinam, quoniam
that it is better to condemn a fatal interpretation and a sacrilegious institution
scribtum est: uobis datum est scire mysterium regni dei, ceteris autem in
than the divine Scripture, because it is written: 'To you it has been given to
parabolis loquar, ut uidentes non uideant et audientes non au.diant. 64 .Mihi certe
know the mystery of the kingdom of God; however, to all the others 1 speak
seruo domini consideranti haec unus hic sensus est quomam qut non amat
in parables, so that seeing they may not see, and hearing they may not
Christum anathema maranata. 65 64
hear.' Certainly for me, servant of God who considers these things, there
is one meaning only: 'Let anyone who does not love Christ be anathema
maranatha.' 65

64 65
Lk 8:10; Mk 4:11-12. 1 Cor 16:22.

Tractatus IV
Priscilliani Tractatus Paschae
Etsi ipsa natura nos docet inter inexploratas humanae uitae conuersationes
et indignas deo saeculi mensurabiles pugnas nihil utilius .e~se h~mi~i ~ua~
per omnes dies ea quae saeculi sunt amica respuere et dmmae mstltutwms
1
praecepta seruare, dicente apostolo omnis amicitia mundi inim!ca est dei:
5 et iterum profeta dicente: non tardes conuerti ad dominum et ne differas de dze
in díe, 2 tamen mortalium sensuus rerum saecularium familiaritate captiui
intra humanae inbecillitatis clauduntur errorem et semper diuina miseratio
inter tot inconsulta naufragio uelut fine periclitantibus statio et optabilis
portus occurrit. Unicum diuinae sententiae modum. profeticis u~cibus
10 adpraehendens gloriosum pascharum diem deus posmt; ~t, qua.mms per
omnes dies seruire sibi homines suos deus uellet, tamen, qma omms mundus
in maligno positus est3 et dum nullus infinitis est fi~is fix~ in lubricis gress_u
modum non constituimus incertis, in commemoratwnem mpensae pro nob1s
4
passionis exhortans uel anniuersaria uice ad obaudiendum nos fidei coger.et,
15 quos omne quod uiuimus sibi soli debere meminisset, dicente apostolo: s.zu~
mors síue uita siue praesentia síue futura, omnía uestra sunt, uos autem Chnstz,
Chrístus autem dei. 5 Et ideo, dilectissimi in deo, quia in hoc positi sumus,
ut sensuus uestros intra angustias humanae inbellicitatis obsessos tamquam
in nouam lucem religiosa docendi exhortatione laxemus, neccessario incho-
20 antibus in praeparationem suscipiendae paschae diebus quadragensimarum,
sicut scribtum est, tamquam boni procuratores multiformis gratiae dei aliut ne
2 3
1 Jas 4:4. Wisdom 5:8. 1 Jn 5:19.
5 preparation of the Easter to be celebrated, as is written, 'like good stewards of
4 1 Pet 1:22. 1 Cor 3:22-3.
1
Tractate IV
Priscillian' s Tractate on Easter
(Priscilliani Tractatus Paschae)
Collated editions: Priscilliani quae supersunt,
ed. G. Schepss, CSEL 18, (Vienna, 1889), 57-61
Even though nature itself teaches us that, among the unexplored practices of
human life and the limited debates of the world, unworthy of God, nothing is
more useful to man than to reject every day the things which are friendly to
the world and to respect the precepts of the divine institution, as the apostle
says: 'Every friendship with the world is inimical to God,' 1 and again the
prophet says: 'Do not delay in being converted to the Lord, and do not
procrastinate day after day,' 2 the minds of mortals, nevertheless, being
prisoners of their familiarity with the things of the world, are locked inside
the error of human feebleness, and divine commiseration, like an anchorage
for those who are risking to die and a desirable port, always occurs among so
many inconsiderate ideas due to the wreck. By taking hold of a single way of
divine judgement through the voices of the prophets God established the
glorious day of Easter, so that-even though God wanted his men to serve
him all days, however, sin ce 'the whole world is placed in [the hands of] the
evil one'/ and while there is no limit to what is infinite, we do not constitute a
right measure for those who are uncertain with our stride directed on what is
slippery-he might exhort us to the commemoration of the passion paid out
for our sake, and with the yearly recurrence might induce us, whom he
reminds that we owe him all that we live, 'to obey faith', 4 as the apostle says:
'Whether death or life or the present or the future, they are all yours, you are
of Christ, Christ is of God.' 5
And therefore, most beloved in God, since we are placed in this, in order
that we may release your minds besieged inside the constrictions of human
feebleness into a sort of new light through the religious exhortation
of teaching, when necessarily the days of Lent begin to be calculated in

102 Tractatus IV
fiat secundum imperium praecipimus,6 aliud secundum ueniam depra~camur,
quomam1 · ·n hoc tempore et qui iam se a malis abstinet adsuescens . . boms debe:
uelle meliora et qui adhuc indisciplinato mundi errore constnngltur reu~can
25
ab alienis uel solemnium dierum obseruatione suadetur, ut aduemente
pascha domini et qui fidelis est custodisse se acceptam ~emel mandatoru_m
fidem gaudeat et paenitens salutem repetat et catecum1~us futurae reml_s-
. · ifidentt"am non amittat 7 ut adinpleatur quod scnbtum est; ecce dtes
s1oms con ' d· · ··
domini et salutare eius! aperite portas, ut intret populusa custo tens tustttta~
30
et ueritatem, quia amplectentes intellectum perceperu~t pac~n: speran:es m
domino.s Propter quod, dilectissime, caelestis uocatioms partlCl~es castijica~~
· uestras9 deo et sicut scribtum est, abstinentes a corporaltbus destder~ts
ammas ' . 10 • • t deo non m
quae militant aduersus uos in membris uestns,_ 1en~nan es . .
turpibus lucris neque in incerto auaritiae aut m reXIs et _contentwmb~s
35 ieiunetis, quoniam, etsi abstinentiam diliciarum_ ~t o_ccallatwnem .c~rgons
diuinum in his diebus opus quaerit, tale tamen tetUntU~ non r~qutr~t, _sed
sicud scribtum est, castificati corpore et spiritu c~~;ta~e~. m d~~ectw~e
simplicem ex carde uero 12 et diuites uos in operibus boms . d_ml~l~ glorns e~l­
bete et, sicut profeta ait, soluite omnem c~n!ig~ti~n~m mtU~t~ttae et :es~utte
40 oblegationes inpotentium commerciorum, enptte mt~nam a~ctptentem, tudtcate
pupillum, iustificate uiduam, demittite confractos m remtsswnem et _om~em
conscribtionem iniquam disrumpite, frangite panem uestr~m . esu:t.enttbus,
ae enos et non habentes tectum inducite in domos uestras, ~t utde~ttts n~do~
op~rite et laborantes ne dispexeritis;14 sic enim sc_ribtu_m est: st ~eden_s esun~n:t
ex animo et humiliatam satiauens ammam, onetur m tene ns
45 panem tuum "b b · · · ae
lumen tuum et erit deus tuus tecum et satiaberis omm us oms m ~rr:m~ qu
desiderat anima tua.15 Considerate enim, quid ;it pascha domlm, diCente
1
apostolo: pascha nostrum immolatus est Christus, _ost:ndens r_erum, p~aesen­
t" tolerantiam ad praemium beatae inmortahtat1s profi.Clentem, m quo
50 ~~;ms partus et in adsumptionem corporis omnip_ote~s .deus pud~rem
humani exordii non recusans, dum multimoda uen:atls m se sust~~ens
argumenta humanae natiuitatis uitia castigat, conc~ptwne p~rtu. uag1t1bus
cunis orones naturae nostrae contumelias transcurrent, ut, uemen: m carne~
constitutionem decreti anterioris euerteret et in patib_ul~m glonosae cruCis
55 maledicta terrenae dominationis adfigens inmortahs lps: ne~ue morte_
uincendus pro morientum aeternitate moreretur. Cum quo Sl alten consepultt
a populus] scripsi populum W Schepss
7 8 Is 26:2-4. 9
1 Pet 1:22.
6 1 Pet 4:10. Heb 10:35.
10 1 Pet 2:11 + Jas 4:1. " Is 58:6.
12
Cf. 1 Pet 1:22.
16
15 Is 58:10-11.
" 1 Tim 6:18. '" Is 58:6-7.
Tractate IV 103
the manifold grace of God, we prescribe one thing lest it maf occur according
to command', 6 implore another according to indulgence, because in this time
also the one who already abstains from evils, getting used to good things,
must desire better ones, and the one who is still constricted in the disruptive
error of the world is persuaded to be called back from what is unbecoming
through the observation of these solemn days, so that, with the coming of the
Easter of the Lord, also the one who is faithful may rejo ice to have respected
once and for all the received faith of his assignments, and the penitent may
recover his spiritual health, and the catechumen 'may not lose his confidence' 7
in a future remission of his sins, in order that what was written may be
fulfilled: 'Here is the day of the Lord and his salvationt Open the gates, so that
the nation that keeps justice and truth may enter, because by embracing the
intellect they learnt peace, hoping in God.' 8 For this reason, most beloved,
being participant of the heavenly vocation, 'purify your souls' 9 for God and,
as is written, 'abstaining from bodily desires that make war against you in
your limbs', 10 when yo u observe the fast for God, do not fast amidst shameful
gains or the uncertainties of covetousness or brawls and disputes, because,
even though the divine celebration in those days requires the abstinence from
pleasures and the insensibility of the body, 'it does not demand such fast', 11
but, as is written, 'after being purified in your body and spirit, show a simple
charity in your affection with a true heart' 12 and 'to be rich in good works' 13
for the divine glories and, as the prophet says, 'loose every bond of injustice
and reject the obligations of arrogant relations, pull up the offence at its
beginning, respect the orphan, justify the widow, let the wretched go free in
remission and break every unjust contract, share your bread with the hungry,
bring the poor and those with no shelter into your houses; if you see the
naked, cover them, and do not despise those who suffer'; 14 indeed it is written
so: 'If yo u give your bread to the hungry with your heart and satisfy the soul
that is humiliated, your light will rise in the darkness and your God will be
with you and you will be satisfied with all the goods in all the things that your
soul desires.' 15 Consider, in fact, what is the Easter of the Lord, as the apostle
says: 'Our Easter is the sacrificed Christ', 16 who showed the sufferance of the
present things leading to the reward ofblessed immortality, since he was born
of the virgin, and in the assumption of the body the almighty God, without
rejecting the shame of a human beginning, while he chastised the vices of a
human birth by supporting in himself the multifarious arguments of truth,
from conception to childbirth, whimpers, and the cradle he went through all
the outrages of our nature, so that, by coming in the flesh he might overturn
the constitution of the previous order, and by fixing in the scaffold of the
glorious cross the curses of the worldly dominion he might die immortal
and unconquered by death for the eternity of those who die. And if, on the
1 Cor 5:7.
 Tractatus IV
104
in mortem in baptismum sumus/ 7 alteri ut commoriamur et consepeliamur
optamus, sic in diem paschae uenire debemus, ut, quía contumelia illi~s
honor noster est, quadragenta dierum erimum domini in euuangeho
18
60 ieiunantis imitate ambulantes in carne non secundum carnem uiuamus, ut, si
uicti ad modicum sumus, tamen in conpaginationem corporis Christi diuina
praeceptorum luce reparemur, quoniam tamquam misericordiam consecutus
ego consiliator, 19 ego testis sum quod liberi a peccatis e.sse non possumu~,.
nisi remissione baptismatis et diuinae crucis redemptwne saluemur. Hu
65 sunt enim dies quos Moyses quadragesimo numero ieiunans ad accipiend~~
20
legem diuini sermonis meruit eloquium, curo adnuntiatum pascha dommt
mare timuit et potentissimum in terris aelementum cui ipsa pro tempestate
natura est diuisis aquis puluereum populo iter praestitit et contra solitos
usuus saeculo datura miraculum herbarum pastuus sterilis herena produxit.
70 Hii sunt dies quos Iesus Nawl 1 similiter in ieiuniis agens terram promissionis
ingressus curo induto fidei armis22 dei populo stante in medio a~uarum arc.a
domini plenus in orones crepidines Iordanis siccum populu~ .lter ~rae?m:
et in priora decurrens uel in posteriora sua reluens ne dmmae msswm
natura contrairet expauit. Hii sunt dies quos adueniens in carnero deus post
23
75 locuplitatum baptismatis fontem constitutus in eremo ieiunans diebus et
noctibus uicit et temptatus a zabulo est nunc neccessitate ieiunii, nunc
ambitione mortalium, nunc timore, in quo et si temptari non potuit deus,
tamen saluationis nostrae praeparans passionem et adinplens in se
pascharum decreta, non soluens, in eo quod temptari uoluit quae in diebus
80 hiis repudiari a nobis oporteret ostendit, et quod ill~m t~mptanti dia~ol?
respondisse ad fidem legimus nos ad distructionem dtabohcae temptatwms
utamur.
19
17 Rom 6:4. 18 2 Cor 10:3. Cf. 1 Cor 7:25; 1 Pet 5:1.
° Cf. Ex 24:18; 34:28; Deut 9:9; 9:18.
2
21
Joshua in Hebrew. Cf. Josh 3:15-17.
23
22 Cf.Rom13:12;Eph6:1l. Cf.Mt4:2-ll;Lk4:2-l3.
Tractate IV 105
one hand, 'we have been buried with him into death in batism', 17 on the
other, we choose to die and to be buried together, and we must come so in
the day of Easter, in order that, since his outrage is our honour, and we will
equal the Lord who fasted in the gospel for forty days, while 'we walk in the
flesh, we may live not according to flesh', 18 so that, if we have lived in poverty,
we nevertheless, in the union with the body of Christ, may be refreshed by the
divine light of his precepts, beca use 'I am an advisor who obtained merey', 19
and I testify that we cannot be free from sins, if we are not saved through the
remission ofbaptism and the redemption of the divine cross. Indeed these are
the days, in the number of forty, in which Moses, 20 fasting to obtain the law,
deserved [to hear] the utterance of the divine words, when the sea feared
the announced Passover of the Lord and that most powerful element on the
earth, which has a nature inclined to the storm, after its waters had been
divided, offered to the people a dusty passage, and giving a miracle against the
usual ways of the world, the barren sand produced pastures of grass. These are
the days in which Jesus 21 of Nun, observing the fast in a similar manner,
entered the land of the pro mise with the people of God 'wearing the weapons
of faith'/ 2 and while the ark of the Lord was in the midst of the waters,
the Jordan, which was overflowing all its banks, offered a dry passage to the
people, and while running to the front and flowing again to the back it feared
that its nature might oppose the divine command. These are the days in
which God, coming in the flesh, after generously providing the source of
baptism, stayed in the wilderness 23 and, fasting day and night, was victorious,
and was tempted by the devil now about the necessity of fast, now about the
ambition of the mortals, now about fear; and in this, even though God could
n~t be tempted, yet, preparing the passion of our salvation, and fulfilling in
htmself the paschal decrees, without complying with what he wanted to be
tempted about, he showed in it the things that in these days must be rejected
b~ us, and what we faithfully read that he answered the devil, who tempted
htm, we use for the destruction of the diabolic temptation.
 1

Tractatus V Tractate V
Priscilliani Tractatus Genesis Priscillian's Tractate on Genesis
(Priscilliani Tractatus Genesis)
Collated editions: Priscilliani quae supersunt,
ed. G. Schepss, CSEL 18, (Vienna, 1889), 62-8

Profetici forma praecepti diuinis ad praed~c~ndum. gloriis corpor~ta ets~
hospitio terreni tenetur habitaculi, tamen spmtus de1luc~ conpleta lt~ ~ro
phetiae opera disponit, ut praesentia deo tribuen~ credendl fid~m hor~umbus
insinuet et per ea quae uidentur spiritualium mtellectuum m nob1s. gest~
1
demonstret. Omnia enim quae uel facta uel sc~ibta sunt, ad correctw~~m
5
labentium hominum et ad credentium fidem dicta monstrantur, ut di~ma
·t et un1· deo in nobis potestate seruata rebus praetereunt1bus
lege propos1 a . · ·b
finis, peccantibus poena et mortalibus promlttantu.r aeterna, siCut s.cn tum
est: caeli ipsi perient, tu autem permanebis et omms t~mquam uestz.me~tum
10 ueterescit et tamquam amictum plicabis illos, tu autem zpse es ~t ann: tuz non
deficient.3 Denique Moyses sanctus diuinis edoct~s uerb1~ et. 1.n opus
euuangelicae dispositionis electus, qui initio nascend1 tale uen~ent1s m c.ar~e
eruit exordium ut qui uitae eius insidias tenderent ab h1s educ.atwms
m ' A t 4 t dei populo hberato
blandimenta sentiret et postea percusso egyp o e . . .
15
signorum, prior faceret exordium et co.ns~r:io cum deo mnc~o d1.mn~rum
raeceptorum incrementis nutritus pnnCipmm daret. can~~l, cums m se
p lenitudinem ad testimonium protulerat, scribti. uerb1s sCihcet e.docens e:
~ us uerbi factorum operibus ostendens, sic d~mque et de eo s~nbt~m est.
ef locutus est dominus ad Moysen facies ad faczem tamquam q~t loqu.ztur ~d
amicum suum.s Uidens ergo futura haereticorum dogmata et.dmersa mgema
20
disputantum, quod alii amant non factum sed perpetuum fmsse mundum et
2
3 Ps 101 (102):27-8 (26-7).
1 Cf. Rom 1:20. Cf. 1 Cor 10:11.
4 Cf. Ex 12:27; Acts 7:24.
5
Ex 33:11.
Even though it is detained by its stay in this earthly dwelling, the form of the
prophetical precept, associated to preach with the divine glories, is filled with
the light of the spirit of God, and arranges the works of prophecy so that,
by attributing to God the present situation, it may introduce the faith of
believing into men, and may show, through the actions of the 'spiritual
intellects' 1 that appear, what was done in us. Por all the things which were
done or 'written' are shown to have been said 'for the correction' 2 of those
who fall, and for the faith of those who believe so that, after the divine law has
been proposed and the power preserved in us for one God, while the events of
the end are passing, eternal punishments may also be promised to the mortals
who sin, as is written: 'The heavens themselves will perish, but you will stay,
and everybody grows old like a garment, and you will fold them like a cloak,
but you are and your years will not end.' 3 Therefore the holy Moses was
instructed with divine words and appointed to the task of the evangelical
arrangement, he who deserved, when he was just born, a beginning like that
of the one who carne in the flesh, so that those who could make attempts on
his life might feel, thanks to his Scriptures, the pleasures of education, and
la ter, 'after he smote Egypt' 4 and released the people of God, he might be the
first to perform the beginning of miracles, and through the association that
he had formed with God, as he was nourished with the in creases of the divine
precepts, he might begin the canon, whose fullness he had shown in himself
as a testimony, that is, by teaching with the words of the Scripture, and
by displaying the work of the Word with the works of his actions; and
accordingly it is written about him too: 'And the Lord spoke to Moses face to
face, like one who speaks to his friend.' 5 Therefore he saw the future doctrines
of the heretics and the different minds of the debaters, the fact that sorne love

108 Tractatus V
ideo cuius non sit initium futurum semper aeternmn, alii sibimet ipsi in
uoluptatibus blandientes, dum omne quod peccant non sib~ sed. fl_lalitia~
diaboli uolunt inputare uel saeculi, cum scribtum sit: Efrem rpse srbr posurt
25 scandalum amans Channaneos, 6 et alibi apostolo dicente: unde bella, unde
rixae in uobis? Nonne de uoluntatibus uestris?/ sic mundi per haec accusantes
naturam, propter quod hoc malum iudicant, nihil in his quae apparent deum
fecisse confirmant et corporibus concupiscentiis delectantes facturam
corporis sui adsignantes diabolo putant se nescire quae faciunt et q~ae in
30 corporibus suis peccant diuinae dispositionis solli~itudine non ~en_en, cum
scribtum sit: corpus quod corrumpitur adgrauat ammam et depnmrt terrena
inhabitatio sensum multa cogitantem,8 alii Solem et Lunam luminaria ad
ministerium hominum constituta aestimantes deos principatibus mundi
aelementorum tribuunt potestatem, cum scribtum sit: quid lucidius sale? et
35 hic deficiet, 9 et alibi: qui aduocat aquam maris et ;rargit e~m super fa~iem _to~iu:
terrae, dominus deus omnipotens nomen est ei, sed hn omnes, dllect1sslml
fratres, ignorantiae tenebris inuoluti dubios euertunt et consentientes ad
perditionis suae pericla deducunt. Hii sunt enim, sic~t. scribtu~ est, nubes
sine aqua quae a uentis circumferentur, arbores autumm sme fr~ctrb~s mo~tuae
40 et exstirpatae et fluctus faeroc~s maris spumantes suas tur~~tudmes, sr_der~
fallacia quibus tempestas et calrgo tenebrarum reseruata sunt, quorum rudz-
12
cium olim uix sufficit et perditio eis non indormiet. Nescientes enim omne
hoc quod uidetur proposito per deum fine periturum et ideo inluminatas
fuisse tenebras et facturae inuentam esse naturam, ut diuisa temporum
45 numeris et dierum habitaculum praestarent homini laboranti in opus Christi
nec constitutum diuinae uoluntatis excederet, qui ad praebendum nostri
ministerium diuina instituta seruare uoluisset; sic enim scribtum. est .de••hiis:
. 13
pater uester diabolus ab initio mendax fwt, et neces~e est, cmus 1mtmm
mendacii natura dedit, uiam ueritatis tenere non posslt. Propter quod
14
so hortor et moneo, ut qui baptizati in Christo Christum induistis, reiectis
15
saeculi tenebris tamquam in die honeste ambuletis et, sicut apostolus ait,
nema uos depraedetur secundum philosophiam mundi huius et non secundum
17
Christum; 16 sapientia enim mundi stultitia est apud deum et quae uidentur
8 Sirach 17:30.
6 Cf. Josh 16:10; Judg 1:29.
7
Jas 4:1. Wisdom 9:15.
11 12
2 Pet 2:3.
13
10 Am 5:8; Job 5:10.
15
Jude 12-13.
16
Col2:8.
17
1Cor3:19.
14 Gal3:27. Rom 13:12-13.
Tractate V 109
1
to think that the world was not made but was timeless, and consequently
what has no beginning will always be eternal; others indulge in pleasures, as
they want to impute all the sins that they commit not to themselves but to the
malice of the devil or the world, even though it is written: 'Ephraim placed
a stumbling block for himself by loving the Canaanites,' 6 and in another
passage, according to the words of the apostle: 'Where do the fights, where do
the quarrels among yo u come from? Do they not come from your wills?' / and
so, accusing the nature of the world for this, because they consider it to be
evil, they assert that God made none of the things which appear, and since
they enjoy carnal concupiscence and attribute to the devil the creation of
their body, they think that they do not know what they do, and that the sins
that they commit with their body are not restrained by the solicitude of the
di~ine ordinance, even though it is written: 'The body that is corrupted
we1ghs down the soul and the earthly habitation presses down the mind that
thinks many things;' 8 others, considering the Sun and the Moon, which are
lights created for the use of men, to be gods, attribute power to the first
among the elements of the world, even though it is written: 'What is brighter
than the sun and it will fail,' 9 and in another passage: 'The one who summons
water from the sea, and pours it on the surface of the whole world, the Lord
God the Almighty is his name' 10-but all these, most beloved brethren, being
enveloped in darkness, ruin the doubtful and lead those who agree [with
them] to the dangers of their perdition.
Indeed they are, as is written, 'clouds without water which are carried
around by the winds, autumn trees without fruits, dead and uprooted, and
ferocious waves of the sea which give out the foam of their shameful acts
deceitful stars for whom storm and the fog of darkness have been reserved'; 1;
'whose condemnation once is barely sufficient and their perdition will not be
uos asleep' .12 They ignore, in fact, that all that appears will perish through God at
the proposed end, and consequently that the darkness was lightened and the
nature of creation was devised, so that they might give, through the division
of times and days with numbers, a dwelling to the man who works for the
accomplishments of Christ, and he who had wanted to observe the divine
institutions to offer his service for us might not exceed the limit fixed by the
divine will; indeed it is written about them: 'Your father the devil was menda-
cious from the beginning,' 13 and it is inevitable that his nature, which began
falseness, cannot keep the way of truth. Por this reason I exhort and admonish
'yo u who were baptized into Christ [and] clothed yourselves with Christ', 14
'after rejecting the darkness of the world, to walk honestly as in the day', 15
9
an_d, as the apostle says, 'let nobody rob you according to the philosophy of
th1s world and not according to Christ'; 16 'for the wisdom of this world is
Jn 8:44.
foolishness with God', 17 and 'the things which are seen are mortal, while those

llO Tractatus V
mortalia sunt; nam quae non uidentur aeterna. 18 Animaduertentes enim ~en-
19
55 sum lectae lectionis dicentis: in principio fecit deus caelum et terram, soto te
omnia deum fecisse quae facta sunt et conpactis inter se aelementis solidatam
caeli extendisse naturam sicque usu aeris uentorum potestatibus dato quad-
ripertita temporum uice anni cursus et stellarum constitutas di~positiones.
0
Cum enim uerbum diuinae uirtutis apparuit dicens: fiat lux/ umuersa quae
60 erant intenebrata patuerunt et nocte uesperis ab splendore lucis diuisa, singu-
lis quibusque rebus in locum dispositi ordinis segregatis,_terra solidata est,_ut
alterutro aelementorum ministerio praecurrente partlta temporum mee
usum dispositi operis spiritu uitae animata p~ofe~ret, ~o~ q~od terr~ _uel
caelum aut datis ex cognatis aelementis terngems pnnopat1bus spmtus
65 propriae potestatis aliquid acceperit, sed ut rerum materi~ pr~eparata sermo
diuinus facturae opus intrans sapientium praeceptorum mstltuta c~nplere:,
tenens forum saeculi in habitaculum hominum constitutum. Demque h1s
21
omnibus quae conuersatio mundi possidet secundum genus suum factis
22
hominem ad imaginem et similitudinem suam deus fecit acceptoque limo
70 terreni habitaculi nostrum corpus animauit, ut domino rerum omnium
homine praeposito in eo sabbatum id est requiem suam poneret, ubi
imaginem suam et similitudinem corporasset, ac post traduce natura
hospitium corporale horno ex homine praesumens caro na~ceretur ex ca_rne,
in quo constitutis nobis et diuinorum ma_ndatorum 1~ssa sectantlbus
75 mundi opus et terrenae materiae naturam castlficata caro umceret, et h?mo
ministerio saeculi usus non concupiscentiae uoluntate deceptus haberet m se
testimonium imaginis et similitudinis dei et clarificatus in corpore templum
fieret domini, 23 ut sabbatizato in omnibus mundo requiem, qua~ in se d:o
promiserat, praesentaret. Denique ipse deus noster per omnem scnbturam m
24
80 se cuneta disponens dici se omne quod dicitur uoluit, ut solus potens saluare
perderé 5 in unoquoque opere nuncupati uerbi peccantibus poen_am . et
laborantibus in se gloriam non negaret, sicut scribtum est: ecce pano m Swn
lapidem summum angularem electum et qui credi~erit in eo no~ erubescet;
uobis autem hic honor credentibus; non credenttbus uero laptdem quem
19 20 21
Gen 1:27.
18
2 Cor 4:18. Gen 1:1. Gen 1:3.
22
Gen 1:21. 23 1 Cor 3:16-17; 6:19; 2 Cor 6:16.
24
Cf. Eph 1:21.
25
Cf. Jas 4:12.
'"1
Tractate V lll
1
which are not seen are eternal' .18 Considering the meaning of the passage that
has been read saying: 'In the beginning God made the heaven and the earth,' 19
know that God made all the things which were made, and after compacting
the elements together, he extended the solidified nature of heaven, and so,
since the use of air was given to the powers of the winds, a quadripartite
course of time in the alternation of the year and the orders of the stars
were established. When the Word of the divine virtue appeared, saying: 'Let
there be light,' 20 all the things which had been in darkness were displayed, and
after the dark hour of the evening had been separated from the splendour
of the light, and each single thing had been isolated in its place according to
the established order, the earth was solidified, so that, while through the
alternating service of the elements the divided succession of the times pro-
ceeded, it being vivified by the spirit of life might reveal the use of the
established work, not because the earth or the heaven received anything of
the spirit of their power in view of the fact that powers had been given to
them by their related elements born of the earth, but in order that, once the
matter of things had been prepared, the divine Word penetrating into the
work of creation might fulfil the institutions of the precepts of the wise, while
it kept the forum of the world set in the dwelling of men. Therefore, because
of all the things 'made according to their kind' 21 which the life of this world
possesses, 'God made man in his image and likeness', 22 and by taking the mud
of the earthly dwelling he gave life to our body, so that, after man had been
appointed to be the lord of all things, he might place his Sabbath, that is, his
rest in him, where he had been able to form his image and likeness into
a body, and later, as man took from man his bodily dwelling through the
mediation of nature, flesh might be born from flesh, in which, after we had
been created and while we followed the orders of the divine commands, the
purified flesh might defeat the work of the world and the nature of earthly
matter, and man, taking advantage of the service of the world without being
deceived by the will of concupiscence, might have in himself the testimony of
the image and likeness of God and, being glorified in his body, 'he might
become the temple of the Lord', 23 in order that, after the world has finally
received the peace of the Sabbath in everything, he might present the rest
which he had promised in himself to God. Therefore our very God, arranging
in himself everything throughout the Scripture, wanted 'to be said to be
everything that is said', 24 so that 'being the only one who is able to save [or]
destroy' 25 in each work of the already mentioned Word, he might not deny
punishment to the sinners and glory to those who work for his glory, as is
written: 'See, I lay in Zion an uppermost, chosen cornerstone, and whoever
believes in him will not feel ashamed; to you then who believe this honour
will be; indeed for those who do not believe, the very stone that the builders
 112 Tractatus V Tractate V
1 113

85 reprobauerunt aedificantes hic factus est in capud anguli et lapis offensionis et rejected has become the head of the comer, a stone of offence and a
petra scandali, qui offendunt uerbo nec credunt/6 ut intellegatis, qualiter unius stumbling-block, for those who offend the Word and do not believe,' 26 in
rei nomen alteris in incrementum fidei esset, alteris in offensionem poena order that you may understand how the name of a single thing can be an
peccati. Ipse namque se intrantibus ianuam, 27 ipse in praeceptis dei ambulanti- increase in faith for sorne, and a punishment for the offence of sin for others.
bus uiam/8 ipse sitientibus iustitiae fontem/ 9 ipse esurientibus panem/ 0 ipse se Indeed he set himself as the 'door for those who enter', 27 'as the way for those
90 uineam credentibus posuit in salutem, sicut scribtum est in euuangelio: ego who walk in the precepts of God', 28 'as the fountain for those who thirst for
uitis, uos autem sarmenta/ 1 ut, qui omnia in omnibus32 agnosceret, Christum justice'/9 'as the bread for those who are hungry'/ 0 as the vineyard for those
nulli nomini uel potestati parte concessa unum deum crederet, quem unum who believe in salvation, as is written in the gospel: 'I am the vine, and yo u are
in omnibus inueniret, sicut scribtum est: ut in nomine Iesu omne genu curu- the branches,' 31 so that the one who is able to recognize 'all in all' 32 might
etur caelestium et terrestrium et inferorum et omnis lingua confiteatur quoniam believe that, sin ce no part of name or power was ever conceded to him, Christ
95 dominus Iesus Christus in gloriam dei patris, 33 sicut et ipse per profetam ait: is a single God whom he can find as the only one in all things, as is written:
ego sum deus et ante me non fuit alius et post me non erit similis mihi; ego deus 'So that at the name of Jesus every knee should bend of those in heaven, on
et non est praeter me qui saluos faciat; 34 item ibi: ego primus et ego posthaec et the earth and in hell, and every tongue should confess that the Lord is Jesus
praeter me non est deus, 35 quis sicut egof 6 Item per Hieremiam: hic est deus Christ to the glory of the Father,m as he says too, through the prophet: 'I am
noster et non reputabitur alius absque eum qui inuenit omnem uiam sapientiae and before me there was no other and after me there shall be no similar to me;
100 et dedit eam Iacob puero suo et Istrahel dilecto suo, posthaec in terris uisus est et I am God and besides me there is nobody who may save;' 34 and again, in this
cum hominibus conuersatus est. 37 passage: 'I am the first and I am after this and besides me there is no god;' 35
Et ideo et uos, dilectissimi mihi, castificate animas uestras ad obaudiendum [and] 'who is like me?'; 36 and again, through Jeremiah: 'This is our Lord and
fidei 38 et exuentes a uobis ueterem hominem cura omnibus actibus et concupis- no other but him shall be considered, who found all the way of wisdom and
centiis suis induite in uobis nouum hominem39 et per intellectum spiritalium gave it to Jacob his servant and to Israel his beloved; after this he was seen on
105 uirtutum in opus lectae lectionis intrantes parate in uobis caelum et terram earth and lived with men.' 37
domini, sicut scribtum est: caelum caeli domino, 40 et alibí domino dicente: And so, my most beloved, 'purifyyour soul, you too, by obeying the faith', 38
estote mihi terra uoluntaria, 41 ut ignorantiae uespero dissoluto exclametur in 'and after taking off from yourselves the old man with all his acts and con-
uobis: fiat lux, 42 sicut scribtum est: inluminare, inluminare Hierusalem, 43 ac cupiscence, clothe yourselves with the new man'/ 9 and by entering, through
tenebra corruptibilis corporis castigata et diuini spiritus in uobis luce com- the intellect of the spiritual virtues, the heart of the passage that has been
110 posita appellemini dies domini. Qui enim haec in operibus agit Christi, pri- read, prepare in yourselves the heaven and the earth of the Lord, as is written:
mum in agnitionem sui diem conplens secundo in gradu positus recte 'Heaven is the heavens of the Lord,' 40 and, as the Lord says in another passage:
omnium mandatorum discit firmamentum, ut illud quod in se fuerit sterile 'Be a voluntary land to me,' 41 so that, after the night of ignorance has been
uerbo domini fecundatum pluuia diuinae praedicationis excepta in omnem dissolved, it may be exclaimed in you: 'Let there be light,' 42 as is written: 'Be
gratiam catholicae professionis erudit siegue arans in spe fidei suae fructus lightened, be lightened Jerusalem' 43 and, sin ce the darkness of the corruptible
115 colligens, 44 in gloriam perfectae septimanae et opus crescens, reformans in se body has been punished and the light of the divine spirit has been established
eclesiam domini per fidem Christi, sicut scribtum est: sapientia aedificauit sibi in you, you may be called the day of the Lord. In fact, the one who accom-
domum et fundauit illam columnis septem; 45 in quam domum et uos tamquam plishes these things in the works of Christ by fulfilling the first day in his
recognition, being placed in the second degree, correctly learns the firmament
of all the orders, so that he may cultivate what was infertile in himself after it
had been fecundated by the word of the Lord, as he received the rain of the
26
1 Pet 2:6-8; Is 28:16. 27
Cf. Jn 10:9. 28
Cf. Jn 14:16. divine preaching in the entire grace of the catholic profession, and so, 'by
29
Cf. Mt 5:6. 3
° 34Cf. Jn 6:35. 31
Jn 15:5. 32
Cf. Col3:11. ploughing in the hope ofhis faith [and] gathering the fruits', 44 in the glory of
33 35 36
Phil2:10-11. Is 43:10-11. Is 44:6. Is 44:7. the perfect week and growing work, he may reform in himself the church of
37 38 39
Baruch 3:36-8. 1 Pet 1:22. Col3:9-10; Gal5:24.
40
Ps 113 (115): 16. 41
Cf. Ezek 36:35. 42
Gen 1:3. 43
Is 16:1.
the Lord through the faith of Christ, as is written: 'Wisdom built her house
44
1 Cor 9:10. 45
Prov 9:1. and founded it with seven pillars;' 45 and in that house 'let yourself be built
 Tractatus V Tractate V 115
114
1
too, like living stones in spiritual houses, offering spotless victims acceptable
lapides uiui aedificamini in domos spiritale~, offerente~ ~~stias. inmacul.a~a~ 46
to God', as 'those who have been born again not of a corruptible but of an
accePta b¡.les deo , tamquam renati non ex semme corrupttbtlt sed mcorrupttbtlt,
d · · b incorruptible seed through the word of the living God, and being permanent
120 uerbo dei uiui et permanentes in aeternum, ut facti sabbatum 0~111111 ~t ~
47
47
omnibus mundi actibus feriati nihil debeatis saeculo, sed reqmescat1s m forever', so that, sin ce yo u have been made a Sabbath of the Lord and are on
holiday from all the actions of the world, yo u may owe the world nothing, but
Christo. may rest in Christ.

38 47
1 Pet 1:22. 1 Pet 1:23.

Tractatus VI
Priscilliani Tractatus Exodi
Sufficiebat quidem credentibus dei sermo, qui apostolico testimonio cum ipsa
in nos ueritatis uirtute transfusus absolutionem dicti in parabolis sermonis
1
edocuit dicente Paulo: pasea nostrum ínmolatus est Chrístus; sed quia non
statim significatio uisibilium et efficientiam rerum et temporum demons-
5 trationem et dispositae in nos naturae intellegentiam conpraehendit, licet
conparatio terrenorum ad deum nulla sit, tamen, quia omnís scríbtura ínter-
praetationem indigef et humanae intellegentiae infirmitas cogit rerum
species terrenarum tamquam superiorum índices quaerere, ut uisibilium
consuetudine familiariter admonente ad insolitos sensus religiosus sensus
10 intellegentiae construatur, necessarium est nobis propter uos humilitatem
sermonis nostri in ea quae inenarrabilia uidentur extendere, ut, cum uisibile
quid in lege dei ponitur, non id deus quod ponitur habeatur, sed, quia
sermo omnis ex sensu est, secundum habitum neccessari sermonis, dum
natura petitae rei agnoscitur, hoc quod in nobis deus quaerit sensus sibi
15 intellegens eloquatur. Hoc enim primum intellegere uos oportet, quod omnis
scribtura in omne quod dicitur aut loquitur triformi intellectus opera diuisa
aut mundi in nobis opus destruens terrenae carnis in concupiscentiis castigat
3
habitaculum dicente profeta: castítas custodíet et íustíficabit cor, aut diuinum
animae genus repetens ea quae in nobis dierum mensuum temporum
20 uoluntatum et idolicis terrenae natiuitatis uitiis districta uidentur informat
4
dicente apostolo: sí spíritu uiuímus, spírítu ambulemus, aut certe deum in
homine cottidianum sui testem passum pro no bis et nostri iudicem monstrat,
1
l Cor 5:7. ' 2 Pet 1:20.
3
Sirach 1:18. 4
Gal5:25.
1
Tractate VI
Priscillian's Tractate on Exodus
(Priscilliani Tractatus Exodi)
Collated editions: Priscilliani quae supersunt,
ed. G. Schepss, CSEL 18 (Vienna, 1889), 69-81
The word of God that, being poured through the apostolic testimony into us
with the virtue itself of truth, taught the perfection of the word said in the
parables, was certainly sufficient for those who believe, as Paul says: 'Christ,
our Passover, has been offered;' 1 but sin ce the sense of what is visible does not
immediately express the power of things and the demonstration of times and
the intelligence of the nature disposed in us, even though there is no com-
parison of earthly things to God, however, since 'all Scriptures need interpret-
ation'2 and the weakness of human intelligence forces us to look for the
appearance of earthly things as signs of superior [truths], in order that a
religious sense of intelligence may be built, as the habitual practice of visible
things familiarly exhorts to unusual meanings, it is necessary to us that, for
your sake, the humility of our speech is extended to those things which
appear to be unspeakable, so that, when something visible is laid in the law
of God, what is laid may not be considered to be God but, since the word
entirely comes from sense, according to the custom of a necessary word,
while the nature of the required thing is recognized, the sense, through its
understanding, may reveal what God looks for in us.
Indeed it is necessary that you understand this first of all, that every Scrip-
ture in everything that it says or speaks is a divided work of a threefold
intellect: either it chastises the dwelling of the earthly flesh in concupiscence
by destroying in us the work of the world, as the prophet says: 'Chastity shall
preserve and justify the heart,' 3 or it fashions those things in us which are of
our days, months, times, and wills and appear to be hindered by the idol-
atrous vices of our earthly birth by recalling the divine origin of our soul, as
the apostle says: 'If we live in the Spirit, let us walk in the Spirit,' 4 or it
certainly shows God in man, the daily witness who suffered for us and our
 118
Tractatus VI
ut quía nos diuinae consortes esse uoluit naturae, ita nos corpor~ anima e~
5
spiritu triformi praeceptorum obseruatione distrin~at, u~ per leg1~ umbram
25 reformati in spiritu et desecandae carnis operibus mbutl .solle~ma pas~hae
caelestis intremus et excitati ex morte, Christo pro nobls. ex mn:ortahtate
m oriente, intellegamus quod factus pro nobis omnia/ du~ m o~latwnes suas
dies menses formas pecorum, animalium naturas, d1fferent1as arborum,
fructus terrenorum seminum poscit, non quae sunt. aele~entorum aut
·d t sed omnia sua esse8 demonstrans castlficatwnem terrenae
30 terrena d es1 era , . . .
carnis et spiritus, propter quod et ipse pro nobl~ passum m carne est, m
triumfum peccati operantis exposcit et per omnmm. rer~m natur~ totum
i uult mundi instituta quam d1stru1, ut mamfestetur
se 1oquens non tam Col . · d · ·¡
uod scribtum est: horno cum esset in honore, non. mtellex1.t et a s1'::1 atus
;st iumentis.9 Quamuis enim diuini gratia sacrament1 paschahs ~ystern o~us
35
dirigens et testamenti ueteris lege praemissa uelut futuru~ sal~tls nostrae lt~r
construens uenientis in nouam lucem passuri dei constltuat mgressum. et m
raeparationem paschalis diei occidi agnum postulet loquens Ch.nstum
hocque pascha do mini, illud Christi inmolatio. nuncu?etur ac sat1s a se
40 diuersum sit pecus terrae et deus gloriae, quomam qmdem ~oc ter~enu~
mortale deciduum et in usum formati saeculi praec~pto ammae muentls
animatum est, Christus autem origo omnium tot~s m s~se nec qu~d est
aliunde praesumens sine principio, sine fine, quem ~1 per umuersa conslde.res,
unum inuenies in totis et facilius de eo sermo defioet quam ~atura, quoma~
quod 'semper est nec desistentis terminum .in deo nec mchoar~ coeplt
45
exhordium, sed omne hoc pro nobis uenturus m carnen: ~el passus m. carne
est: intellegere nos deus uoluit in nobis, ut, quía u~us dlCtl a~cto~ utr~usqu.e
est et necesse est diuinorum dictorum pacificam ~ntellegentlam lta smguhs
quibusque causarum generibus aptari, ut consentlens t~sta~e~tum no~um
50 ueteri, etsi utraque unum sunt, tamen, quía et ipsa mstüutl~ne legls et
tem ore diuisa putantur et nomine et in uetere tes:amento oblatw pecoru~
et cfrcumcisio carnis, in nouo sola animi fides petlt~r'. nos .cogno~cam~s m
obis quod dum in utrisque testamentis corpore et spmtu, sKut fmt Chnstus
?m carne, ~elut in duobus perfectus horno quaeritur, .
uetus testamentum
· t et non
castificandi corporis deo et nouum animae institutwne manopa ur
55
6
7 Cf. 1 Cor 9:22.
5 Cf. 2 Pet 1:4. Cf. Heb 10:1.
8 Mt 28:18; Jn 16:15.
9
Ps 48:13.
Tractate VI
1 119
judge, in order that, since [Christ] wanted us 'to be participant in the divine
nature', 5 it may so detain us in body, soul, and spirit with a threefold observa-
tion of precepts, so that, being reformed in the spirit through 'the shadow of
the law' 6 and instructed in the works of the flesh to be cut out, we may enter
the solemn celebrations of the heavenly Easter, and being awakened from
death through Christ who died for us from immortality, we may understand
that 'he became everything' 7 for us, [and] while he demands in his offerings
the days, the months, the shapes of cattle, the natures of animals, the differ-
ences of trees, the fruits of the earthly seeds, he do es not desire those things
which are earthly or of the elements, but by showing that 'all things are his' ,8
he requests the chastity of earthly flesh and spirit-for this reason he also
suffered for us in the flesh-as a triumph over active sin, and by expressing
himself entirely through the nature of all things he does not want the institu-
tions of the world to be revered but rather to be destroyed, so that what is
written may be manifested: 'Man, when he was in honour, did not understand
and was made like beasts ofburden.' 9
Even though, in fact, the grace of the divine sacrament, guiding the work of
the paschal mystery and building with the law of the Old Testament given
beforehand a sort of future path of our salvation coming into the new light of
the God who would have suffered, represents an entrance and demands a
lamb to be killed in preparation of the paschal day, revealing Christ and this
Easter of the Lord-this is called the immolation of Christ, and the God of
glory is quite different from the animal of the earth, because it is earthly,
mortal, falling, and was animated for the use of created world according to
the precept of the living soul-Christ is indeed the origin of all, and being
entirely in himself, takes nothing that is from another, without beginning,
without end, and if you examine him through all things, you will find one
only in everything, and about him the word will fail more easily than the
nature, because [he is] what is always and there is no term of ceasing in God,
nor did he begin to seta beginning, but all this would have come into the flesh
for us and suffered in the flesh: God wanted us to reflect inside ourselves in
order that-since one and only is the author of both sayings and it is neces-
sary that the peaceful comprehension of the divine sayings is adjusted to each
single kind of reason, as the New Testament is in accordance with the Old,
although they are both one, however, because also in the institution and time
of the law they are regarded to be separate, and also in their name, and in the
Old Testament the offering of animals and the circumcision of the flesh is
required, [and] in the New only the faith of the soul-we may know in
ourselves that, while in both Testaments a perfect man is required as in two
things, namely in body and spirit, as Christ was in the flesh, the Old Testa-
ment is given through God for the purification of the body, the New for the
 Tractatus VI
Tractate VI 1 121
120
formation of the soul, and there is no disagreement in it but it is divided for a
. . . ¿· . m est ut sicut haec duo testamenta deus
dissentane~m. slbl s~~ rpa:~~:;tiol~~:i glo;ia ~it, si castificatio corporis fructu good reason, in· order that, as these two Testaments represent one God, so
unus est, SlC l.n no 1S1 . w . t apostolus ait: ecce transierunt uetera there may be in us the glory of perfect goodness, if the 'purification of the
d' · htur uo untatts, S1CU . · body is honoured with the fruit of divine will', 10 as the apostle says: 'Behold,
wmae exco . 11 et alibí ipse ait: sicut portauimus imaginem et~s qu1
et Jacta sunt omma noua, . . d lo 12 Denique m eo all old things have gone and everything has been made new,' 11 and in another
. ·maginem etus qw est e cae . passage he says: 'As we bore the image of him who is of mud, so we will bear
60 de limo est, S1C portemus 1 . 1 . ens docet ut percusso Aegypto13
testamento quod prius est, s1Cut ectlo praes , ha formae eco- the image ofhim who is from heaven.' 12
ulus dei in laetitiam transferretur, ad caelebrandum pase d p Therefore in that Testament, which is prior-as the present lecture
pop . etitur annorum; in eo autem quo nouum
rum, dles mensuum, tem~us p 'b templo14 et mundo in crucem fixo1s teaches-in order that, after Egypt had been struck clown, 13 the people of God
dicitur eiectis in ~~u~ngel~~b~~~: ;~r;stus offertur illudque pascha domini
1
might be transferred to joy, the forros of cattle, the days of months, the time
65 ascendens pro no lS m pa. tellecta dis ensatione sermonum omne quod fit of years are required to celebra te the Passover; in that which is called New,
uocatur, hoc ~ostrum, ut m. intell~ amus ostensum, ut natura corporis after in the gospel 'the cattle had been driven out of the temple' 14 and 'the
et facturo est m salute hommumd·16 t ~us homo17 dicitur etsi dei manu facta world had been fixed to the cross' / 5 Christ is offered, going up on the gallows
apostolumfigura mun 1 e ue , ¿· b for us, and that is called the Easter of the Lord, this is called ours, so that, after
quae per . . .t t' limi adpraehensione germana est et le us
est, tamen, qma terr~nae nat:m a 1 ibus ue uae sub sole sunt uitiorum understanding the dispensation of the words, we may understand that all that
70 et temporib~s a~~lS menslb~~ ~:;inu: mu~cipulis terrenae habitationis happens and happened was shown for the salvation of m en, in order that the
diuisa natuns d1umum genus d mpitur adgrauat animam et nature of the body-which is called by the apostle 'forro of the world' 16 and
hebetauit, dicente profeta: corpus qua lt corr~tantem 19 necessario castigata 'old man'/ 7 [and] even though it was made by the hand of God, however,
deprimit terrena inhabitatio sensum m~ a bcog 1 , dei nihil iam diebus since it is sister to its birth from earthly mud because of its captivity and,
. t nti et oblata m ta ernacu um being divided among the days and the times, years, months, and all the
per legem.~ete~sb~:t a~~ sicut caro Christi consors uirginalis corpori~ fac~a
75 et tempon us e d , . . f, rmam peccati in se operantis occidat et s1Cut m
natures of the vices that are under the sun, it enfeebled 'the divine race' 18 of
ante conspectum omlm o lus inmaculatus2o cum uniuersa men with the mousetraps of earthly life, as the prophet says: 'The body that is
e h · t' lut agnus perfectus mascu . corrupted weighs clown the soul and the earthly habitation presses clown the
crucero ns 1 ue . . 1 .t· Christo adfixus su m cruel
uitiorum abolitione monat~r,. Sl~Ut apo~~~i~:u:~1· Qui enim haec intellegit, mind that thinks many things' 19-after being necessarily punished through
et uiuo iam non ego, sed U1U1t m me ·. . mortem 22 the law of the Old Testament and offered in the tabernacle of God, may owe
fi d fidem et consepultus Christo m bapt1smum per ' the days and times nothing by now, but, after being made the consort of the
80 con rmatus. a ribus mensibus numerum dei meretur esse non
absolutus dlebus t.empo d . . ambulans in carne nec secundum virginal body, like the flesh of Christ, it may kili before God the forro of the
saeculi et ea quae umunt terfiraenda ~s~lCltenrsegeneratus in nouo testamento sin that acted in itself, and may die, as on the cross of Christ, like 'a perfect,
T 5- 3
carn:m. m1 1tan
scha t om1m e
p~ . . se in olochaustum obtulerit deo, tune m eo
. male, spotless lamb' 20 together with the universal abolition of vices, as the
conslmllatus corpon del, ubl Ch . . olatum24 esse cognoscit, dicente apostle says: '1 have been fixed to the cross with Christ and I do not live but
d
85 quo pa le
t' batur pascha suum
. .
nstum mm
. Tt d'ni mortis eius simul et resurrectwms
. . Christ lives in me.' 21
Paulo: si conplantat1 fact1 sumus s1m1 1 u 1 , The one who understands these things is confirmed in his faith, and 'is
buried with Christ in baptism' 22 through death and, being released from days,
times, and months, deserves to be a number of God and not of the world, and
despising the things that live in earthly manner, walking in the flesh, but 'not
waging war according to the flesh' ,23 he beco mes an Easter of the Lord, and
being regenerated in the New Testament and made similar to the body of
God, where he offered himself to God in holocaust, then in that which he
Jo Cf. 1 Thess 4:3; Rom 6:22. u 2 Cor 5:1:· 14 Cf. Jn 2:15. suffered, he recognizes that 'his Easter is the sacrificed Christ' ,24 as Paul says:
12 C 15 .49 13 Cf. Ex 12:27-32; Acts 7.24.
18 Cf. Acts 17:28.
1 or . .
1s Cf Gal6·14
16
1 Cor 7:31.
17 Col 3·9
· .
'Ifwe have been planted together and made in likeness ofhis death, we will be
22
·5 21
Gal2:19-20. Col2:12.
· •
19 Wisdom 9:15.
· zo
Ex 12. · [made in likeness] of his resurrection as well, knowing this, namely that our
" 2 Cor 10:3. 24 Cf. 1 Cor 5:7.

122 Tractatus VI
erimus, scientes hoc quia uetus hamo noster simul cruci confixus est, ut destru-
25
atur corpus peccati et ultra non seruiamus peccato, et alibi ipse: 26 quod enim
mortuus est peccato mortuus est semel, quod autem uiuit uiuit deo. Denique
90 deus noster adsumens carnem, formam in se dei et hominis idest diuinae
animae et terrenae carnis adsignans, dum aliud ex his peccati formam, aliud
diuinam ostendit esse naturam, illudque arma iniquitatis peccato, hoc
iustitiae arma demonstrat in salutem nostram uerbum caro factus, dum
inuisibilis cernitur, innascibilis nascitur, inconpraehensibilis adtinetur, dum 27
95 moritur horno resurgit ut deus et nunc tristem sibi animam usque ad mortem
quasi timens queritur, nunc ultra humanam confidentiam sessurum se ad dei
dexteram profitetur, nunc auferri si possibile sit calicem expetit passionis,
nunc confidenter tamquam acceptum de patre bibiturum se eum esse con-
tendit, nunc relictum se in passionibus a deo tamquam horno queritur,
100 nunc confitenti latroni tamquam deus paradisum pollicetur; dum filius
dicitur et Ioseph pater non est, dum filius dicitur et Maria uirgo ante con-
ceptum uirgo concipiens et edita carne saeculo datura miraculum uirgo
post partum, quoniam inter ista tam diuersa, tam dissona secundum
intellegentiam humanae creaturae non conueniret uirginitas partitudini,
105 aeternitati mors, adhortationi diffidentia, trepidatio libertati, dum aliud
8
secundum spiritum promptum, aliud secundum carne infirmé demonstrat: sic
se pro hominibus patientem intellegi deum uoluit in carne, ut, si sensus
quaeratur in nobis: unus deus est, si sermo: unus est Christus, si opus: unus
Iesus, si natura quaeritur: filius est, si principium quaeritur: pater dicitur, si
no creatura: sapientia est, si ministerium: angelus, si potestas: horno, si dignatio:
filius hominis, si quod factum est per illum: uita est, si quod extra illum: nihil,
sic uniuersa disponens, ut, cum unus esset in totis unum in se uolens
hominem, aliud genus perfecti operis scrutator eius habere non posset, nisi ut
unum eum deum crederet, quem omnipotentem in se quod est et quod dicitur
115 inueniret. Nec enim putetis pertinere ad contumeliam uerae diuinitatis, si
commendans caritatem suam in nobii9 deus et infirmitatis nostras pro nobis
portans30 sic terrenae natiuitatis oblationes petit, ut in nullo se secundum
mundi aelementa discernens, in quantum terrenae mentis amplexu potestas
aeternae infinitatis excederet, conprobaret, sed ut per haec intellegens
31
deum
120 fides constans captiosas mundi et inutiles respuat quaestiones et peccatum
quod in nostro mortali corpore operatuf2 agnoscat et ipse se horno diuidens,
28
26 27 Cf. Mt 26:38; Mk 14:34. Cf. Mt 26:41.
25
Rom 6:5-6. Rom 6:10. 32
30 31 Cf. 2 Tim 2:23; Titus 3:9. Cf. Rom 6:12.
29
Rom 5:8. Mt 8:17.
Tractate VI 123
1
old man was fixed ~ogether to the cross, so that the body of sin might be
?estro~ed and w_e m1ght no longer serve sin,'
25
and in another passage he says:
What mdeed d1ed, died to sin once and for all, but what lives, lives to God.' 26
Therefore our God, assuming the flesh, attributing to himself the form of
God and m~n, t?at is, of the divine soul and the earthly flesh-while he shows
t~a~ one thmg 1s the form of sin deriving from these things, another is the
d1Vlne nature, and that the former is the weapon of iniquity through sin the
latter the :-veapon_ of justice-demonstrates that the Word was made flesh for
our s_alva~wn, wh1le the invisible is seen, the uncreated is born, the incompre-
hens1bl~ 1s gras~e~, whil~ he di es as a man [and] resurrects as God, and now
complams that h1s soul1s sad to death', 27 as if he were afraid, now declares,
beyond human ~onfidence, that he will sit at the right hand of God, now asks
the calyx of passwn to be taken away, if it is possible, now affirms that he will
confidently drink it as received from the Father, now complains like a man
that h_e has been forsaken by God to his sufferings, now promises like God
parad1se t~ the ~onfessing thief; while he is called Son, and Joseph is not the
father, w_hlle he ~s cal_led Son_ as the Virgin Mary conceives as a virgin before
con~ept10~ a~d 1s gomg to g1ve the world a miracle with the flesh produced,
st_aymg a v1rgm after her delivery, because, among these things so different, so
d1scorda_nt from ~he ~omprehension of human creatures, virginity was not
a_Ppropnate to ch1ld~Irth, death to eternity, distrust to exhortation, trepida-
tl~n. to freedom, whlle he demonstrates 'one thing according to the willing
spmt, the other according to the weak flesh': 28 so he wanted, for the sake of
men,hto· be understood as a God suffering in the flesh ' so that , 1·f sen se 1s·
.
~oug t m ~s: God 1s one; if word: Christ is one; if work: Jesus is one; if nature
1s sought: ·1t·is the
· dSon; if the beginning is sought: it is said to be the Father,· 1·f a
creature: 1t 1s w1s . om; if a service: the angel; if a power: man; if consideration:
the ~on ~f man; 1~ something was made through him: it is life; if something
~uts1de ?1m: nothmg-and he arranged everything so that, since he was one
m. all thmgs, wanting in himself a single man, the investigator of his nature
m1ght have ~o other ~nd of perfect work, and might believe him only as one
Go?, a~d m1ght find h1m to be almighty in himselfbecause he is and because
he 1s smd to be. And you do ~ot think, in fact, that it is something aiming atan
offence of the real godhead, 1f God, 'conferring his merey to us' 29 and 'b ·
· fi · · r , 30 • eanng
ou~ m rm1t1es_ 1~r us , reqmres the offerings of the earthly birth, so that,
seemg that he 1s m no regard according to the elements of the world insofar
as the ~ower of eterna! infinity exceeds the range of earthly mind, h: may be
recog?IZed to be true, and, on the other hand, so that constant faith, under-
stand1~g ~~d through these things, may reject 'the deceitful and useless con-
trove~~~es of t~e _w~rld ~nd may recognize 'the sin that acts in our mortal
body , and he d1v1dmg h1mself as a man, while as a God he shows everything
 124 Tractatus VI
deo in se cuneta monstrante, depraehendat, quid ad distruendum opus
mundi castigato corpore in crucero figi oporteat, quid inmaculatum in se deo
tribuí, quid, quia diuinum habitat in nobis,33 inpassibile seruari, ut, sicut supra
125 diximus, corpore anima et spiritu triformi in deo opere perfecti adinpleamus
quod scribtum est dicente Paulo: sicut exhibuistis membra uestra seruire
inmunditiae ad iniquitatem, ita nunc exhibete membra uestra seruire iustitiae
in sanctificationem, quoniam stipendia peccati mors est, gratia autem dei uita
34
aeterna in Christo Iesu domino nostro.
130 Et ideo intuentes in uobis omnia, quamuis dispensationem mundialium
rerum alterutro naturae suae motu speciosa conmendet operatio, tamen, quia
totius creaturae sensum longe necesse est ad gloriam praecedat operator,
scitote quia nihil in huiusmodi pro se deus aegit, sed, quia homine decepto
diuinorum operum simplicem dispositionem loco tempore numero die
135 mense ratione diuisam daemoniaca idolorum natura confuderat, dum incer-
torum deorum familias introducens incommunicabili dei nomen diebus
mensibus pecoribus uolucribus lignis et lapidibus adscribit erat que tale fidei
bellum, ut relicto tanti muneris deo corporeas creaturae conspicabilesque
formas in aelementis terrenis et caelestibus adorarent, dicente de his apostolo:
140 euanuerunt in cogitationibus suis et obscuratum est insipiens cor eorum et com-
mutauerunt gloriam incorruptibilis dei in similitudinem imaginis corruptibilis
5
hominis et uolucrum et quadripedum et serpentium/ necessario deus noster
religiosae sententiae modum temperans, ut arduum diuinae intellegentiae iter
uelut cliuo molliore leniret, primum per Moysen data lege, prohibens omne
6
145 idolum quod esset in caelo siue in terra siue in aquis/ detestans militiam
principatum saeculi quae operatur in cogitationibus nociuis et castificans i~
his opus carnis, ne quid horno extra unum deum uelud deum uellet, praeceptl
fine conpescuit et, cum unumquid in sacrificium peteret, occidi non pecorum
sanguinem uoluit, sed occidi in nobis ea quae uitiorum natura idolicis in
150 carne formis occupauerat, dicente de huiusmodi apostolo: non quod idolum
37
sit aliquid, sed quae sacrificant daemoniis sacrificant et non deo, ut his scilicet
in homine correctis post ipse bonorum natura facturam uelut perfecti
hominis locum uterum uirginalis carnis ingressus idolorum formis in
pecoribus occisis suum sanguinem in redemptionem humanae expiationis
155 offerret et conceptione partu uagitibus cunis orones naturae nostrae
34 35
Rom 1:21, 23.
33 Cf. Rom 8:9; 2 Tim 1:14. Rom 6:19, 23.
36
Cf. Ex 20:4. 37
1 Cor 10:19-20.
Tractate VI 125
1
in himself, may discern what must be fixed to the cross to destroy the work of
the world after the punishment of the body, what must be attributed to God,
which is immaculate in himself, what must be preserved, which is impassible
because 'the divine dwells in us'/ 3 in order that, as we have said above, after
being perfected in body, soul, and the threefold spirit, [and] in the work in
God, we may fulfil what was written, as Paul says: 'As you showed that your
members served impurity for iniquity, so now show that your members serve
justice for sanctification, for the wages of sin is death, but the grace of God is
eternallife in Christ Jesus our Lord'. 34
And therefore, while examining everything in yourselves, even though the
magnificent creation with the alternate movement of its nature commends
the divine order of worldly things, because the Creator is necessarily
superior by far in glory to the sense of his entire creation, realize that God
desired nothing for himself in this kind [of world], but that, as man was
deceived, the demonic nature of idols upset the simple order of divine
works, which is divided according to place, time, day, month, and rule, while
by introducing families of obscure gods, it ascribed the incommunicable
name of God to days, months, cattle, birds, wood, and stones, and there was
such a war against faith that, after forsaking the God of so great a gift, they
worshipped the bodily and visible forros of creation in the earthly and
celestial elements, as the apostle Paul says about them: 'They became weak in
their thoughts and their foolish heart was darkened and they changed the
glory of the incorruptible God into the likeness of the corruptible image of
man and birds and four-footed animals and reptiles;' 35 [as a consequence]
our God-necessarily tempering the way of religious instruction, so that he
might mitigate the steep course of divine comprehension as with a gentler
slope, after in the first place the law was given through Moses, forbidding 'all
the idols that were in the sky or on earth or on the waters', 36 execrating the
hostile activity of the powers of the world that acts in harmful thoughts,
purifying in this the work of the flesh-imposed with the end of the precept
that man should want nothing besides the one God as a God and, when he
asked for something as a sacrifice, did not want the blood of cattle to be
killed, but those things which the nature of vices had occupied in the flesh
with idolatrous forros to be killed in us, as the apostle says in this regard:
'Not that an idol is anything, but what they ·sacrifice, they sacrifice to
demons and not to God,m in order that, as these things had been corrected
in man after the work with the nature of good, [Christ], getting into the
womb of the virginal flesh as into the place of the perfect man, since the
form of the idols had been killed in the cattle, might offer his blood for
the redemption of human expiation, and going through all the outrages of
our nature from conception to childbirth, whimpers, and the cradle, after 'the
 126 Tractatus VI
transcurrens contumelias mundo in crucem fixo/ 8 saluato in se et per se sibi
homine gauderet. Nam quod primus mensis petitur in pascha, non ut
adtendatur mensis, cuius numerum constat cum saeculo numerabili esse
periturum, sed quía omnium creator in totis est, agnoscatur quod scribtum
160 est: primitiae omnium Christus/ 9 et de propiato inimici transitu, ubi primus
mensis ad inmolandum petitur, ibi, quia, sicut scribtum est, numerus hominis
numerus est bestiae,40 opus mundi et natiuitas in nobis prima uincatur et deo
potius incipientes quam saeculo debere quod nascimur intellegamus hunc
esse primum mensem et diem nostrum, non in quo apparemus in saeculum,
165 sed in quo deuicto Aegypto idest repudiato mundo diuina in deum natiuitate
reparamur. Adtendi autem lunaris ideo cursus iubetur, non ut in eo obserua-
tio religionis sit, sed, quia in ea quae uidentur omnis horno uincitur et
germana aelementis caro diebus et temporibus oblegata rectores orbis
terrarum deos aestimat, necessario aelementorum circumscribta per deum
170 numeri intellegatur natura et, quod minuitur aut crescit, primum potestatis
suae non esse credantur quae uoluntarii operis non habent libertatem, post
sapientiae saecularis institutione reiecta corpore anima et spiritu in quibus
horno uincitur triformi decalogi in nobis lege reparata mensis fiat domini et
natiuitas tempore circumscribta uincatur in nobis quoniam, sicut scribtum
175 est, constitutis terminis gentium secundum numeras angelorum, 41 cum decada
saeculi uincitur, dominicae decadae mandata reparantur, et inde est, quod in
mysterio domini aut decimae fructuum petuntur in lege aut in uincendo
Aegypto ad praeparandum pascha mensis decima postulatur, 42 quoniam qui in
tribus potens initium medietatem et consummationem mundi in se operantis
180 euicerit, non ut oblegaretur tempore uenisse se, sed ut uinceret recognoscit et
credens aeternis intemporabilis factus intellegit quod omne quod sol diei luna
nocti minuitur aut crescit non inperium captiuitatis nostrae, sed operabilis
constitutio sit naturae, totumque quod uiximus reuertentibus nobis ad genus
nostrum uocabitur pascha domini, non opus mundi, sicut scribtum est:
185 ego creaui omnem militiam caeli et non iussi, ut adoraretis ei. 43 Quod autem
agnus inmaculatus anniculus ex agnis et haedis petitur adsumptus, 44 ut, sicut
scribtura est, imitan tes opus Christi malitia paruoli et inmaculati legem domini
38 39 40 41
Cf. Gal6:14. 1 Cor 15:23. ·Rev 13:18. Deut 32:8.
42
Cf. Ex 12:3. 43
Hos 13:4. 44
Ex 12:5.
Tractate VI / 127
world had been fixed to the cross' 38 and man had beetl saved in him and
through him, he might rejoice.
!he first month, in fact, is required in Easter not in order that heed may be
p~1d to the month, whose number clearly appears to be destined to perish
~Ith the numera~le world, but, since the Creator of all things is in everything,
It may _be recogmzed what is written: 'Christ is the first fruits of all things'/9
and w1:h rega_rd to t?e approaching transit of the enemy, where the first
month IS reqmred to 1mmolate, there, since, as is written, 'the number of the
beast is the ~umber of aman' ,40 the work of the world and the first birth may
be defeated m us, and we, beginning to owe God rather than the world the
fact that_we a~e born, may u~derstand that this is our first month and day, not
the one m whiCh we ~ppear m the world, but the one in which, after Egypt has
been defeated, that 1s, the world has been rejected, we are renewed in God
t?rough the ?ivine birth. Therefore the lunar course is prescribed to be con-
~Idered, no: morder that the observance of religion may be in it, but-since
1~ those thmgs that appear every man is captivated and the flesh, which is
s1ster to the elements and is bound to days and times, believes the rulers of the
world to be gods-the nature of the number of the elements may necessarily
be understood to be fixed by God and, sin ce [the moon] wanes or waxes, in
the first place those things which do not have the liberty of voluntary action
may not be believed to have their own power, and then, after the institutions
of :vorldly wisdom have been rejected [and] in the body, soul, and spirit, in
whiCh man is bound, the law of the threefold Decalogue has been renewed in
us, the ~onth of the Lord may occur and the birth fixed in time may be
defeated m us, beca use, as is written, ' [God] fixed the boundaries of the
people according to the numbers of the angels', 41 [and] when the decade of
the world is defea~ed, th~ commands of the decade of the Lord may be
renewed, and that IS why m the mystery of the Lord either the tithes of the
fruits are required in the law or 'in defeating Egypt to prepare the Passover the
~enth [day) of t?e month i~ demand~d',~ 2 because the one who, being mighty
m three thmgs, 1s able to wm the begmmng, the middle, and the conclusion of
the worl? that acts in _itself, recognizes that he carne not to be bound by time,
but to wm, and by behevi~g, as he was made eternal [and] not subject to time,
un~erstands _that the entlre fact that the sun during the day and the moon
dunn_g the mght wane or wax is not the command of our captivity, but the
effectlve system of nature, and all that we lived, when we return to our origin
will be called Easter of the Lord, not work of the world, as it is written: 'I
created the whole host of heaven and did not order to worship it. ' 43
. T~;~efore '~ spotless lamb, a yearling male, taken among the lambs and the
hds 1s reqmred, so that, as is written, 'imitating the work of Christ with the
malice of children and teaching the law of our spotless Lord, we may do good
 128 Tractatus VI Tractate VI 129
45
inbuentes operemur et dum horno deo redditur, totius mundi in anno 45
work s' , an d wh.l . g1ven
1 e man 1s . 1
b ack to God, after the number of the en tire
numero deuicto innumerabilis Christi natura teneatur sicque ex agnis et world has been defeated in a year, the nature of Christ may be believed to be
190 haedis idest ex duobus in unum hominem nouum corporis et spiritus countless, and so from lambs and kids, that is, from two in one new man, after
castificatione suscepta pascha domini et pascha nostrum hoc est Christus in the purification of the body and spirit has been received, the Easter of the
homine et horno inueniatur in Christo et adinpleatur quod scribtum est: qui Lord and our Easter, that is, Christ in man and man in Christ may be found,
sanctificat et qui sanctificatur omnis ex uno. 46 Quod autem expiatio47 domus and what is written: 'The one who consecrates and the one who is consecrated
petitur, non domus manufactae, quae ipsa temporis uetustate decidua est, 46
are all from one' may be fulfilled. And therefore the 'expiation' 47 of the
195 emundatio postulatur, sed sicut scribtum est: quae domus nos sumus, si usque house is required, [and] it is not the purification ofthe manufactured house,
ad finem inculpata fidei uirtute nitamur, 48 nec liminaria uel postes lignis et which is perishable because of the destructive power of time, that is
lapidibus instructa occisi pecoris uult deus cruore contingi, 49 nec enim de talibus demanded, but-as is written: 'And we are that house, if to the end we rely on
cura est deo, 5° sed dicente Paulo: omnis uiri caput Christus, Christi autem caput the blameless virtue offaith' 48-God does not want 'the lintels and the door-
deus 51 mysterium futuri baptismatis diuini sanguinis effusione ditandum posts made of wood and stones to be touched with the blood of killed cat-
200 prophetat in nobis, ac, sicut iam alii cognouistis, alii ut cognoscatis optatis, tle',49 and indeed 'God is not concerned with these things', 50 but, since Paul
omnia in quae uidemus audimus oramus aut loquimur uel in postibus aut in says: 'Christ is the head of every man, and Christ's head is God', 51 [God]
liminaribus animati corporis data uult in introitum diuini sermonis aptari prophesies in us the mystery of future baptism to be enriched with the effu-
idest non in uagos saeculi errores rapi, sed consignantibus nobis in gloriam sion of the divine blood, and, as sorne of yo u have already known, and sorne
crucis Christi uelut sanguine inmaculati agni diuinae passionis testificatione other choose to know, he wants all the things given in the door-posts or lintels
205 signari, ut ambulantibus nobis in nouitate uitae et non in uestustate litteraé 2 of the living body, in which we see, hear, pray, or speak, to be prepared for the
acceptum in uictoria a nobis corpus non appelletur iam terra saeculi sed en trance of the divine word-that is, not to be snatched away in the shifting
do mus dei nec fornicationis habitaculum sed imago corporis Christi. 53 errors of the world-and, as we cross ourselves in the glory of the cross of
Propter quod et uos intellegentes quoniam lex spiritalis est, 54 nos autem Christ, [he wants these things] to be marked with the testimony of the divine
carnales, uenumdati sub peccato, castificate animas uestras55 ad obaudiendum passion as by the blood of the spotless lamb, in order that, while we walk 'in
210 et offerte uos 56 tamquam spiritales hostias, acceptabile sacrificium placens deo, the newness of life and not in the antiquity of the letter', 52 the body that has
et intellegentes praesentem lectionem non lumbos corporis praecingatis, sed, been received by us in our victory may not be called dust of the world but
sicut apostolus ait, praecincti Zumbas mentis uestrae sobrii in omnibus perfecte hou~e, ~f God, ~nd not 'dwelling of fornication but image of the body of
credité 7 in qua signati estis spiritu58 et uelut mundantes domum dignum Chnst. For th1s reason, as you also understand that 'the law is spiritual', 54
mandatis dei carnis uestrae habitaculum praeparate, ut delegatas in pascha whereas we are carnal after being sold under the original sin, 'purify your
55
215 domini uigilias imitantes conuersantes in ignorantiae nocte peruigeletis ad souls' to obey and 'offer yourselves' 56 like spiritual victims, because an
deum et omne quod offertur a uobis, priusquam dies domini ueniat, 59 con- acceptable sacrifice is pleasing to God and, understanding the present lecture,
summatis, ac, si non statim possibile est consummare quod uultis, uicinum do not gird the loins of the body, but, as the apostle says: 'With the loins of
proximum idest cohabitantem uobiscum intellegentes spiritu in auxilium your mind girt, perfectly believe with wisdom' 57 'in everything in which you
perficiendi operis aduocate, quoniam, sicut Paulus ait, ipsius est et uelle et were marked by the Spirit' 58 , and as by cleaning your house, prepare the
220 operari in nobis et perficere. 60 Et sicut praesens lectio ait dicente domino: et erit dwelling-place of your flesh to be worthy of the precepts of God, in order that,
by imitating the vigils prescribed in the Easter of the Lord when yo u live in
the night of ignorance, yo u may keep watch before God, and may accomplish
all th~t ~s ?ffered by ~ou, 'before the day of the Lord comes in the morning', 59
and, 1f 1t lS not poss1ble to accomplish immediately what you want, under-
45 46 47
Cf. 1 Cor 14:20, 16:20; 2 Pet 3:14. Heb 2:11. Cf. Ex 29:36. standing that [God] is your close neighbour, that is, the one who lives
48
Heb 3:6. 49
Cf. Ex 12:21-4. 5
° Cf. 1 Cor 9:9. 51
1 Cor 11:3.
together with you, call him to help you in the work to be fulfilled with the
52 53 54 55
Cf. Rom 7:4, 6. Cf. 1 Cor 6:13. Rom 7:14. 1 Pet 1:22.
56
1 Pet 2:5. 57
Cf. 1 Pet 1:33; Ex 12:11. 58
Eph 3:40. 59
Cf. Mal 4:5. spirit, beca use, as Paul says: 'It belongs to God to will and act in ourselves and
. h >60
60
Phil2:13. to accomp l1s . An d as the present lecture says, according to the words of
 130 Tractatus VI Tractate VI 131
in testimonio sanguis quem in postibus et liminaribus posuistis; ego enim uidens 1
God: 'And the blood will be as a testimony, which you plated on the door-
sanguinem hunc protegam uos nec erit plaga exterminii in uos, cum percutía posts and lintels; in fact, when I see this blood, I will protect you and there
terram Aegypti, 61 sic nos adueniente in iudicium domino ipso testimonium will be no plague of extermination in you, when I strike the land of Egypt,' 61
reddente pro nobis et in cordibus nostris clamante: abba pater62 non cum hoc so when the Lord comes to the judgement, restoring the testimony for us,
63 o o o o o o

225 mundo damnemur, sed signati frontibus praet10s1 sangmms testrmomo and 'crying in our hearts: Abba! Father!', 62 may we not be condemned with
absoluamur in Christo. this world, but 'being marked on the forehead' 63 with the testimony of the
Inter quae omnia, licet aperte scribturae dei loquantur ad uos, tamen, quia precious blood, may we be absolved in Christ.
et ego testis uester habeor in Christo Iesu, 64 consilium do tamquam misericor- Among all these things, even though the Scriptures of God speak openly to
ut exsuentes ueterem h ommem
· cum omm'bus
• 6s 66
diam consecutus a dommo, you, yet, since I am also regarded to be 'your witness in Christ Jesus', 64 'I give
67
230 actibus et concupiscentiis suis facti pascha et in diebus septem, quibus my advice as one who has gained merey from the Lord', 65 so that-'by taking
aut inchoatur mundus aut agitur aut finitur, sine fermento idest sine uitio off the old man' 66 'with all his actions and desires' ,67 being made an Easter in
sinceres idest azymi et diebus saeculi nil debentes, naturam in uobis dei the seven days with which the world is founded or is organized or is com-
custodientes et legem [idest] carne domini uiuamus et sanguine, ut, cum pleted, without leaven, that is, without vice, being sincere, that is, unleavened,
8
uenerit in iudicium deus, sicut in apocalypsi legitis, non numerus bestiaé nec owing nothing to the days of the world, preserving in yourselves the nature of
235 mesura saeculi simus, sed, in quibus etiam Iohannem fleuisse legitis de signatis God and his law-we may live with the flesh and blood of the Lord, in order
signaculis septem/ 9 uelut líber doctrinae caelestis habeamur et ínter duodecim that, when God comes to the judgement, as you read in the Apocalypse, we
71
milia signatorum/0 patriarcharum numeris mancipati non numerus bestiae may not be 'the number of the beast' 68 nor the measure of the world, but-
72
sed mensura hominis quod est angelus nuncupemur, adinpleto quod and in those [Scriptures] you read that 'John wept about the seven marked
dominus in euuangelio ait: filii huius saeculi nubunt et nubuntur, generant seals' 69-we may be regarded to be like a book of heavenly doctrine, and
240 et generantur, filii autem dei neque nubunt neque nubuntur neque generant 'among the twelve thousand of the marked ones' / 0 being given to the number
neque generantur, sed símiles sunt angelis dei. 73 of the patriarchs, we may be declared not to be 'the number of the beast' 71 but
'the measure of manm-and that is the angel, since what the Lord says in the
gospel has been fulfilled: 'The sons of this world marry and are married,
generate and are generated, but the sons of God do not marry nor are
married, do not generate nor are generated, but are like the angels of God.m

62 63 64
61
Ex 12:13. Gal4:6; Rom 8:15. Cf. Rev 22:4. Cf. Jn 15:27.
66 67 68
65
1 Cor 7:25. Col3:9. Gal5:24. Rev 13:18.
69
Cf. Rev 5:1, 4. 7
° Cf. Rev 7:4-8. 71
Cf. Rev 13:18.
72 73
Cf. Rev 21:17. Lk 20:34-36.

Tractatus VII
Priscilliani Tractatus Primi Psalmi
Dauid sanctus magisterium diuinae instituens eruditionis et indissolubilis
uerbi in hominibus constituens fundamentum, dum omne in se in quod
electus fuerat exultat, primi psalmi opus dirigens et diuinae naturae ostendit
gloriam et uiuendi omnibus posuit disciplinam dicens: beatus uir qui non
s abiit in consilio inpiorum et in uia peccatorum non stetit et in cathedra
pestilentiae non sedit. 1 Cui necessario psalmo, quia primus est omniumque
principium est, titulus in superscribtione non ponitur, quoniam qui id quod
primum fuit nouit et ita non fecerit, possidentis peccati titulus non tenetur,
sicut scribtum est: quis enim uocat per se uocitum?2 Et alibi: iuxto lex posita
10 non ese Quod quamuis profeticus sermo deo soli qui solus hoc potuit
adsignet, tamen et nos ita deo Christo seruire persuadit, ut peccatorum nube
detersa 4 et Christi in nos natiuitate reparata, si Christum omnium scimus esse
principium et hominem Christi agnoscamus habitaculum, dignum tali
habitatori domicilium praeparemus quod non ambitionis saecularis error
15 inclinet aut concupiscentia deprauet aut auaritia decoloret, sed quod perennis
uitae splendore ditatum et Christi dei templum et legis testamentum et
saluatoris dignum inuenietur habitaculum dicente Paulo: templum dei estis et
deus habitat in uobis, 5 et alibi: scitote quia, si quis uiolauerit templum dei quod
estis uos, disperdet illum deus. 6 Quod intellegentes scimus quoniam templum
20 dei sumus et deus habitat in nobis; maior metus criminis est et euidentior
poena peccati eundem cotidianum testem habere quem iudicem illique
' Ps 1:1.
2 According to Schepss this quotation is unidentified. In his reprint of Schepss' edition
Hamman proposes Is 41:2, but the similarity between the two passages still appears to be too
vague: see PLS II: 1468, n.13.
3 1 Tim 1:9. 4
Cf. Is 44:22. 5
1 Cor 3:16. 6
1 Cor 3:17.
1
Tractate VII
Priscillian' s Tractate on the First Psalm
( Priscilliani Tractatus primi psalmi)
Collated editions: Priscilliani quae supersunt,
ed. G. Schepss, CSEL 18 (Vienna, 1889), 82-85
The holy David, establishing the office of divine instruction and constituting
the foundation of the indissoluble word in men, while all in which he
had been elected rejoices, by directing the work of the First Psalm both shows
the glory of the divine nature and lays down the discipline of living for
everyone, saying: 'Blessed is the man who did not go away to the counsel of
the impious and did not stand in the way of sinners and did not sit in the
chair of pestilence.' 1 To this necessary Psalm-because it is the first, it is the
beginning of all-no title is added in the superscription; since he who knows
what was first would have not done so either, the title of a possessing sin is
not kept, as is written: 'Who indeed calls through himself what has been
called?' ,2 and in another passage: 'The law was not set for the righteous.' 3 And
even though the prophetical word assigns that to God alone, who only had
such power, it nonetheless has persuaded us to serve God Christ so that-
'after the cloud of sins was cleansed' 4 and the birth of Christ was restored
in us, if we know that Christ is the beginning of all things, and recognize
that man is the dwelling-place of Christ-we might prepare a residence
worthy of su eh lodger, which the error of worldly ambition do es not ruin nor
concupiscence depraves nor covetousness debases, but which is enriched with
the splendour of a perennial life and is a temple of Christ God and is a
testament of the law and is found to be a dwelling worthy of the Saviour, as
Paul says: 'Yo u are the temple of God and God dwells in you,' 5 and in another
passage: 'Know that, if anyone profanes the temple of God that you are, God
will destroy him.' 6 And understanding that, we know that we are the temple
of God and God dwells in us; it is a greater fear of crime and a more evident
punishment of sin to have the same daily witness as we understand that he is
the judge, and death is indebted to him who is the author of life. 'Indeed we
 134 Tractatus VII
debere mortem quem uitae intellegimus auctorem. Omnes enim corpus
Christi sumus et membra7 ex parte; nam quod renascimur in salutem,
misericordiae est, non naturae, ut, si natiuitate carnis adstricti et mundialis
25 mali uitiis obligati peccatorum uiam et consilia non euasimus inpiorum uel
baptizati in Christo Christum induentes 8 ita perennis uitae sequamur heredero,
ut nec cui renuntiauimus inueniamur participes nec cui credimus infideles.
Et ideo profetici sermonis intellegentes eloquium estote tales, quales uos pater
deus facit, estote tales, quales uos manus patris instituit, quoniam imago
30 et similitudo dei, quod estis uos, 9 corruptelae inlecebras et blandimenta
non quaerit, omneque impiorum consilium et peccatorum uiae, cathedrae
pestilentiae, corruptae carnis astutia et polluti corporis officina, sicut
scribtum est: corpus quod corrumpitur adgrauat animam et deprimit terrena
inhabitatio sensum multa cogitantem. 10 Haec est enim modulatio cupiditatis,
35 irae ictus, pollicitatio insanabilis, arma serpentis, calliditas inimici, adulatio
extrarii, subiugatio nostri, corruptela sui. Per hanc expugnator inimicus artes
suas inserit et insidiis suis per occulta fallentibus zabolus obrepit, dum per-
cutit ut terreat uel dum blanditur ut fallat. Sic denique apostolus Paulus,
quid ipse uellet ostendens et quid ne fieret repugnaret, dixit: uideo aliam
40 legem in membris meis repugnantem legi mentís meae et captiuum ducentem
me in lege peccati, 11 et alibi: scio quía non habitat in me, hoc est in carne mea, 12
bonum, nam mente seruio legi dei, carne autem legi peccati. 13 Sic et profeta de
hoc loquens ait: in montem altum ascende, qui euangelizas Sion; exalta uiribus
uocem tuam qui euangelizas Hierusalem; exalta, ne timeas; die populo huic: 14
45 'omnis caro ut faenum et omnis gloria hominis ut flos faeni, aruit faenum et
flos decidit, uerbum autem domini manet in aeternum'. 15 Et alibi ait: ego stabo
super speculationem meam, ut uideam et audiam, quis loquatur in me et quid
respondeam in accusatione mea; 16 et alibi: audi, populus meus, qui beatificant
uos seducunt uos et semitas pedum uestrorum conturbant. 17 Quorum si
50 naturam intellegimus et uitiorum consortium non habemus, necessario
regnum quod caro et sanguis non percipiet, 18 consequimur. Sic denique Rebecca
ad fidem mysterii operantis electa duorum in utero suo populorum pugnas
uidens Esau dolare partus sui edidit, qui primitiua sua perderet, et Iacob
protulit in salutem, quem Christus faceret heredem. 19 In quo et uos, dilectissimi
55 fratres, tamquam fideles serui et, sicut scribtum est, fili dei et coheredes
Christ? 0 operantes in testimonio loquendorum castificate animas uestras ad
7
Cf. 1 Cor 6:15. 8
Gal. 9
1 Cor 3:17. 10
Wisdom 9:15.
11 12 13 14
Rom 7:23. Rom 7:18. Rom 7:25. Is 40:9.
15 16 17 18
Is 40:6-8; 1 Pet 1:24. Hab 2:1. Is 3:12.
19
Cf. Gen 25:22-34. 20
Rom 8:17.
Tractate VII 135
are all the body of Christ and members of the whole;' 7 trk fact that we are
reborn in salvation is due to merey, not to nature, so that, if we being bound
by the birth of flesh and constrained by the vices of worldly evil had not
escaped from the way of sinners and the schemes of the impious, once 'we
have been baptized in Christ and have put on Christ', 8 we may follow in this
way the heir of eternallife in order not to be found participant in what we
gave up, and unfaithful to what we believed.
And therefore, understanding the declaration of the prophetical word, be
exactly like God the Father made yo u, be exactly like the hand of the Father
constituted you, because the image and likeness of God 'that you are' 9 does
not seek the allurements and pleasures of corruption and the entire counsel
of the impious and the way of sinners: they are chairs of pestilence, tricks of
the corrupted flesh and workshops of the polluted body, as is written: 'The
body that is corrupted weighs clown the soul and the earthly habitation
presses clown the mind that thinks many things.' 10 Indeed this is the move-
ment of desire, the blow of anger, the incurable promise, the weapon of
the .ser~ent, the craftiness of the enemy, the adulation of the stranger, the
subJectwn of us, the corruption of him. Through it the inimical conqueror
intrudes his artifices and the devil sneaks in through hidden places with his
deceiving snares, while he strikes to terrify, or while he allures to deceive. So
the apostle Paul, showing what he wanted and what he fought against lest it
might happen, said: 'I see in my members another law fighting against the law
of my mind and making me a prisoner in the law of sin,'" and in another
passage: '1 know that no good dwells in me, that is, in my flesh;' 12 in fact,
'I serve the law of God with my mind, but the law of sin with my flesh'. 13 And
so the prophet too, speaking about this, says: 'Go up on the high mountain,
yo u who bring the good tidings; raise your voice with your strengths, yo u who
bring the good tidings to Jerusalem, raise it so that you may not fear;' 14 say to
this people: 'All flesh is like hay and all the glory of man is like the flower of
hay; the hay withers and the flower dies, but the word of the Lord lasts
forever.' 15 And in another passage he says: 'I will stay on my watch to see and
hear who shall speak in me, and what I shall answer to my accusation;' 16 and
in another passage: 'Listen, my people: Those who beatify you lead you astray
and derange the paths of your feet.' 17 And if we understand their nature and
have no association with vices, we necessarily obtain 'the kingdom that flesh
and blood will not earn' .18 Therefore 'Rebecca, being elected for the faith of
the effective mystery, seeing in her womb the fights of two people, bore with
the p~in of her delivery Esau, who would lose his birthright, and brought
forth m safety Jacob, whom Christ would make his heir'. 19 And in this you
too, most beloved brethren, like faithful servants and, as is written, acting as
1 Cor 15:50.
'children of God and joint heirs of Christ' 20 for the testimony of the things to
 136 Tractatus VII
obaudiendum fideF 1 nec configuran tes uos ignorantes uitae 22 desideriis in quibus
erubescitis23 stipendia uellitis accipere peccati/ 4 sed iter psalmidici sermonis
intrantes ambulate in lege domini, 25 ut tamquam lignum quod plantatum
26
60 est iuxta decursus aquarum diuinorum sermonum fontibus inrigati
uirentis intellectus palmites proferatis maturos27 et permanentes honestae
uitae fructus, 28 quos non corruptibilis habitaculi uoluptarium tempus
eduxit, sed quos diuini sermonis eruditio fecundarit, ut non decidentibus
foliis 29 mandatorum perpetua luce contecti peccatorum supplicia respuere et
65 requiem possimus habere iustorum per Iesum Christum.
Tractate VII 137
1
be spoken, 'purify your souls to obey the faith' 21 'without modelling your-
selves, since you are ignorant of life', 22 'upon the desires of which you are
ashamed', 23 'as though you wanted to receive the wages of sin', 24 but entering
the path of the word of the Psalm, 'walk in the law of God', 25 in order that,
'like a tree which is planted by the streams'/6 being watered by the fountains
of the divine words, 'you may produce ripe vine shoots' 27 of luxuriant
intelligence and permanent 'fruits' 28 of honest life, which the time of the
corruptible abode of pleasures did not yield, but which the instruction of the
divine word fecundated, so that, as 'the leaves of the [divine] orders do not
fall' / 9 we being protected by the perpetuallight may repulse the afflictions of
sins and may have the rest of the righteous through Jesus Christ.

23 24
21
1 Pet 1:22. 22
1 Pet 1:14. Rom 6:21. Cf. Rom 6:23.
26 27 28
25
Cf. Ps 118:1. Ps 1:3. Cf. Rev 14:18. Cf. Ps 1:3.
29
Cf. Ps 1:3.
 1

Tractatus VIII Tractate VIII

Priscilliani Tractatus Psalmi Tertii Priscillian' s Tractate on the Third Psalm
( Priscilliani Tractatus psalmi tertii)
Collated editions: Priscilliani quae supersunt,
ed. G. Schepss, CSEL 18 (Vienna, 1889), 86-89

'Domine, quid multiplicati sunt qui tribulant me? multi insurgunt ~duersus
me'1 et reliqua. Licet psalmi titulus gestorum ordinem teneat, cur Da~1d sanc-
tus animo" a facie Abessalon fili 2 declinauerit, nobis tamen caelestla opera
dicentibus non rerum carnalium perscrutanda sunt, ut inuenta in secretum
5 inquisitionis indagine inuenti praemia operis adsequam~r, sicut. s~ribtu~
est: quaerite, inquid, et inuenietis, pulsate et aperietur uobz~, et ahb1: omnza
3
'O Lord, why did those who afflict me multiply? Many are rising against
me,>~ and the rest. Even though the title of the Psalm keeps the order of the
feats, since the holy David bravely moved away from his son Absalom/ yet it
is the heavenly works that should be examined by us who speak, and not
those of the carnal things, so that, after accomplishing our research in the

secret of the inquest, we may gain the prizes of the found work, as is written:
possibilia credenti. 4 Acta itaque per speciem per fidem~ coll:ger.e debemus e~ 'Search,' it says, 'and you will find; knock and it will be opened for you,' 3 and
uisibilia opera inuisibili mentis indagare secreto. Omma emm m figura ?esta in another passage: 'All things are possible to the believer.' 4 Therefore we
apostolus adseuerat et nostri typum anteacta monstrare, ut opus labons pe~ must gather actions 'by sight, by faith' 5 and investigate visible works with the
1o scientiam legis inluminet, quos ignorantia tenebris ante uelabat, ut aposto!1 invisible secret of the mind. In fact, the apostle maintains that all these things
ad Efesios dictum est: eratis enim aliquando tenebrae, nunc autem lux m 'were done as an example' 6 and appear to have occurred as a type for us, so
domino; ut fili lucís ambulate. 7 Agere ergo nos oportet excubias, qui iunctus that the result of the work, through the knowledge of the law, may enlighten
est8 qui si temporis mutatione corrumpitur, sed in dies ille renouatur, ut those, whom ignorance before enveloped with its darkness, as in the saying of
non quae in oculos sed quae in mentem ueniunt magnifica ducamus, non the apostle to the Ephesians: 'Indeed yo u were once darkness, but now light in
15 studentes corporalibus sed spiritalibus, laborantes, ut apostolus Pa.ulus, the Lord; walk like children of light.' 7 Therefore it is necessary that we keep a
electum uas Christi, 9 gen ti u m doctor, 10 ponit et dicit: lex, in quid, spiritalzs est, close watch over 'the one who is joined', 8 over the one who, ifhe is corrupted
ego u ero carnalis, 11 et beatissimus Petrus: omnis, ait, p:ofetia uel scr~btu.ra by the change of time, is nonetheless renewed in the days, so that we may not
interpretationem indiget. 12 Hinc no bis nocte ac die in dommlCa lege medlt~t~o, consider the things which come to the eyes to be magnificent but those which
hinc in eam, quantum meriti est, curiosae mentís intentio, hinc nostri a~n.ltw, come to the mind, while we devote ourselves not to corporeal matters but to
2 o hinc fiducia gloriandi repudiare quae carnis sunt et elegere quae spmtus, spiritual ones and work hard, as the apostle Paul, 'the chosen instrument of
Christ' ,9 'the teacher of the nations', 10 pro poses and says: 'The law is spiritual,
a animo] scripsi animi W Schepss but I am of the flesh,' 11 and the most blessed Peter: 'All prophecies', he says,
3 4
'or Scriptures need interpretation.' 12 Hence our meditation, night and day, on
1 Ps 3:2, 1. 2
Cf. 2 Sam 15:13-31. Mt 7:7; Lk 11:9. Mk 9:22.
6 7 8 the law of the Lord, hence the attention of the searching mind on it, insofar as
5 Cf. 2 Cor 5:7. 1 Cor 10:6. Eph 5:8. Cf. Ex 12:4.
9 Acts 9:15. 10
1 Tim 2:7. 11
Rom 7:14. it is right, hence our knowledge, hence, with the confidence of deserving
12 2 Pet 1:20; cf. Tract, I, 119; Tract. VI, 7. glory, the rejecting of the things which are of the flesh, and the choosing of
 140 Tractatus VIII
argutiam cordis in agnitionem ueritatis intendere, praeceptorum caelestium
secreta cognoscere, utilitati animae, dum tempus sufficit, providere. Unde
mihi, fratres, sacrae lectionis prouidentiam curiosius intuenti non inmerito
per profetam ordo psalmorum digestus uidetur nec incondite quae spiritus
25 dei dictauit exposita, cum rudem hominis natiuitatem simplici innocentiae
puritate formatam parem beatis, si in his maneat, ostendit dicens: beatus uir,
qui non abiit in consilio inpiorum et in uia peccatorum non stetit, 13 secundo
incorporatum inuidiae uirus exspauit, cum ait: quare fremuerunt gentes
et populi meditati sunt inania?14 Hoc in tertio odium fili in patrem docet a
30 no bis nasci, quae nos persequantur ostendens. Tum et illud, carissimi: sensum
legentis admonuit et sollicitam mentem ueri inquisitione tardauit, cum in
principiis posuit, quae regni sui fine perpessus est, profetiam credo uitae
hominis aptando et saecularis mali circumbscribendo naturam. Formae uel
aetatis ignorantiae iactata turbinibus peccatis acerba sunt, tranquillo aeui
35 fiunt scientiae emendatione matura, pro quibus idem praecatur: peccata,
inquid, iuuentutis meae et ignorantiae ne memineris, deus; 15 et apostolus
ad libertatem iustitiae nos excitans peccati in nobis redarguens seruitutem sic
ait: cum enim serui essetis peccati, liberi fuistis a iustitia; quem ergo fructum
habuistis tune in his in quibus nunc erubescitis?16 Tertius enim hic psalmus est,
40 ut Abessalon tertius filius inpius crudelis iniustus, qui occiso fratre ueniam
consecutus religiosum et indulgentissimum patrem bello persequi, regno
exuere, uita priuare conatus est. Quae omnia ad nostram formam 17 arbitror
esse referencia nobisque contraria, quae a nobis generantur, existere. Bine
prima inlecebra nutrit reatum et apparentiae malum occasionem praestat
45 inimico; 18 tum in decliue scelerum impulsu uoluntatis urguetur et horno
idest filius perditionis 19 ostenditur. Prima enim concupiscentiae culpa est/ 0
secunda uoluntatis adiectio, tertia desiderati operis inpletio. Quae e contrario
in operibus bonis lectione cognoui<mus> ...
13 14 15
Ps 1:1; cf. Tract. VII, 4-6. Ps 2:1. Ps 24:7.
16 17 18
Rom 6:20-1. 1 Cor 10:6. Cf. Rom 7:8, 11.
19
Cf. Jn 17:12; 2 Thess 2:3. 2
° Cf. Jas 1:14, 15.
Tractate VIII / 141
those which are of the spirit, the aiming at the acuteness of the heart in the
knowledge of truth, the knowing of the secrets of the heavenly precepts, the
caring for the profit of the soul, while time is sufficient. Then, brethren, to me
who am observing with greater attention the providence of the holy lesson it
seems that the order of the Psalms was arranged by the prophet not without
sense, nor the things which the Spirit of God dictated were proposed in a
confused manner, since [the Scripture] shows that the original birth of man
was made, through the simple purity of innocence, equal to the blessed,
saying: 'Blessed is the man who did not go away to the counsel of the impious
and did not stand in the way of sinners;' 13 [and] the poison of envy retreated
in fear after [the advent] of the incarnate, as it says: 'Why did the nations
clamour and the people conspire in vain?' 14 In the third [Psalm], it demon-
strates that this hatred of the son against the father arises from us, showing
the things which we pursue. Then, most beloved, it also admonished the sense
of the reader and slowed the eager mind with the examination of the truth,
when it placed in the beginnings [of the Psalms] the things which [David]
endured at the end of his kingdom, adjusting, I believe, the prophecy of
human life and circumscribing the nature of worldly evil. The immature
boastings with turmoil [and] sins belong to the ignorance of discipline and
age, whereas maturity occurs with the peacefulness of age through the perfec-
tion of knowledge, for which [David] hopes: 'Do not remember, God,' he
says, 'the sins of my youth and ignorance;' 15 and the apostle, exhorting us to
the freedom of justice [and] reproving in us the slavery of sin, says so: 'When
you were, in fact, slaves of sin, you were free from justice; so what profit did
you then get in those things of which you are now ashamed?' 16 So this is the
third Psalm, in which Absalom, the third impious, cruel, evil son, who had
obtained forgiveness after killing his brother, tried to persecute his most pious
and merciful father by making war, to dispossess him of his kingdom, and to
deprive him of his life. And I believe that all these things must be related 'for
7
our edification'/ and that contrary things exist for us, which are generated
by us. Therefore the first enticement nourishes the crime and 'the evil of
appearance offers the enemy an opportunity'; 18 then in the slope of sinfulness
he is pressed by the impulse of will and the man, that is, 'the son of
perdition' / 9 is shown. 'The first guilt', in fact, 'is desire'/ 0 the second the
addition of will, the third the fulfilment of the desired work. And these things,
on the contrary, we knew in good works through the lesson ...
 1

Tractatus IX Tractate IX
Priscilliani Tractatus ad Populum I Priscillian' s First Tractate to the People
( Priscilliani Tractatus ad Populum I)
Collated editions: Priscilliani quae supersunt,
ed. G. Schepss, CSEL 18 (Vienna, 1889), 90-1

... facere non posse monstraret, sicut profeta ait: quis sapiens et percipiet hace
et intelleget et sciet ea? Quia rectae sunt uiae domini et iusti ibunt in illas, inpii
2
autem languiscent in eis. 1 Propter quod et uos induti fidei armis castificate
animas uestras3 ad obaudiendum per spiritum et aedificantes uos in templum
s domini 4 caritatem in fraternitate simplicem in gloriam diuinae dilectionis
adhibete, 5 quoniam sic scribtum est: omnis caro ut faenum et omnis gloria
hominis ut flos faeni; aruit faenum et flos decidit, uerbum autem domini manet
in aeternum, 6 ut in euuangelio ait dominus: intrate per angustum ostium, quia
dico uobis multi quaerunt introire et non poterune In quo non quod angustus
10 sanctorum constituatur ingressus, sed quia omnis amicitia mundi inimica
est dei 8 et humana natura facilius oblectatione quam labore suadetur, nos
intellegamus quod, ubi rerum praesentium uoluntas quaeritur, futurae
uitae promissio non habetur. Sic denique in euuangelio gratior est dracma
pauperis; 9 requietio Abrahae sinus dicitur et Finees; 10 inmisericordis diuitis
11
15 gehennae ignis habitaculum repperitur, non quod absolute diuitibus poena
ponatur et reuertendi ad dominum desperatio constituta locupletibus sit, sed
quia nihil in principiis statutum est nec ullus per praerupta conscensus est,
sicut apostolus ait: diuitibus huius saeculi praecipe non superbe sapere neque
12
sperare in incerto diuitiarum, sed diuites esse in operibus bonis, ut, dum per
20 elemosynas et bonam uitam tendendi ad dominum iter facimus, tamquam
subtractis paulatim gradibus ad ea quae sunt summa ueniamus.
1
Hos 14:10. 2
Cf. Rom 13:12; Eph 6:11.
3
1 Pet 1:22; cf. Tract. I, 22; IV, 14, 31-2; V, 102-3; VI, 209; VII, 57. _
4 1 Pet 2:5. 5 6
1 Pet 1:22. Is 40:6-8; 1 Pet 1:24. ' Lk 13:24.
8 Jas 4:4. 9
Cf. Mk 12:43; Lk 21:3. 1
° Cf. Num 25:11; Ps 105:30.
12
" Cf. Lk 16:22. 1 Tim 6:17, 18.
... showing that he cannot do [it], as the prophet says: 'Who is wise and shall
recognize these things and shall understand and know them? For the ways of
the Lord are right and the righteous shall go into them, but the impious shall
languish in them.' 1 For this reason, you too, 'wearing the arms of faith'/
'purify your souls' 3 to obey through the spirit, 'and building yourself in the
temple of the Lord', 4 'use simple charity in brotherhood for the glory of
divine love' 5, because it is written so: 'All flesh is like hay and all the glory of
manis like the flower ofhay; the hay withers and the flower dies, but the word
of the Lord lasts forever,' 6 as the Lord says in the gospel: 'En ter through the
narrow door, because, I tell you, many ask to enter and will not be able.' 7 And
in this, not beca use the en trance of the saints is made narrow, but beca use 'all
friendship with the world is inimical to God' 8 and human nature is more
easily persuaded by pleasure than toil, may we understand that, where the will
of present things is required, the promise of a future life is not achieved.
Therefore in the gospel 'the drachma of the poor is more pleasing'; 9 and rest is
called Abraham's and 'Phinehas' bosom'; 10 and 'the Gehenna of tire is found
to be the dwelling place of the unmerciful rich man', 11 not beca use punish-
ment is unconditionally established for the rich and hopelessness to return to
the Lord is decreed for the wealthy, but because nothing was fixed in the
principies and no one has ascended by precipices, as the apostle says: 'Teach
the rich of this world not to be arrogant, or to have hope in the uncertainty of
riches, but to be rich in good works,' 12 so that, while through alms anda good
life we walk the path leading to the Lord, as by steps gradually reduced, we
may come to what is highest.

Tractatus X
Priscilliani Tractatus ad Populum II
Profetici historia sermonis diuinis inbuta uerbis et pronuntiantis tituli uelut
propositi thematis gesta disponens non memoriam mortalium temporum,
quae conhiuentia humano sensui fortuitis semper motibus in aliquid
existunt, tamquam ad doctrinam publicae opinionis eloquitur, sed referens
5 gesta regnorum, dum alter alium ut uincat inpugnat, hoc quod unicum in
nobis profetici operis munus est docet post euasionem eorum quae sunt in
mundo in cupiditate perditae uitae ínter tot bella uitiorum conscientiam ab
omni culpa liberam conseruare et sic tanti muneris deum parentemque
debere cognosci, ut, qui omne, quod profeta 1 in persecutione sustinuit et
10 Christus deus in passionem suam uicit, ad doctrinam nostram scribta 2 esse
cognouerit, utili ac necessaria ad intellegendum mandatorum uia nitens
ínter tot inexploratas humanae uitae molestias et indignas deo saeculi mensu-
rabiles pugnas luricam iustitiae, confidentiae galeam, scutum aequitatis3 et
sicut scribtum est, gladium ex utraque parte acutuin diuini oris4 adsumat et
15 indutus fidei armis5 studio animi flagrantis incensus disruptis saeculi uinculis6
totum se diuinae unde profectus est naturae e deo Christo, cuius similiter
debitor et imagini testis est, reddat intellegens quod ínter diuinorum
deambulacra uerborum omnis scribtura horno totus est, euangelico sermone
testante omnem narrationem rerum in nobis fuisse conpletam,l sicut et Paulus
20 ait: siue Paulus siue Apollo siue Caefas siue mundus siue mors siue uita, omnia
uestra sunt, uos autem Christi, Christus autem dei; 8 quoniam in quorum
exemplarium uiuentes in saeculo siue instituto bonae indolis siue cupiditate
2 3
1
Namely, 'David'. Cf. Rom 15:4. Cf. 1 Thess 5:8; Eph 6:14--17.
'
1
Rev 1:16. 5
Cf. Rom 13:12; Eph 6:11-17. 6
Cf. Ps 2:3.
7
Lk 1:1. 8
1 Cor 3:22.
1
Tractate X
Priscillian' s Second Tractate to the People
( Priscilliani Tractatus ad Populum JI)
Collated editions: Priscilliani quae supersunt,
ed. G. Schepss, CSEL 18 (Vienna, 1889), 92-102
The story in the prophetical narrative-imbued with the divine words and
arranging the events of the proclaiming title [of the Psalm] as those of a
proposed theme, relating not the memory of mortal times which, conniving
with human sense, always exist in something with fortuitous motions, as is
said for the instruction of public opinion, but the facts ofkingdoms, while the
one attacks the other in order to win-teaches what is the only gift of the
prophetical work for us-after the deliverance of all the things which are in
the world, in the lust of a damned life, among so many wars of vices-namely,
that we must preserve a conscience free from any guilt and that, therefore, the
God of such a great gift and parent must be known, in order that the one-
who has learnt that all that the prophd endured in his persecution and
Christ won in his passion 'was written for our instruction? relying on the
way of the commandments, which is useful and necessary for our com-
prehension, among so many unexplored afflictions of human life and the
valueless fights of the world, which are unworthy of God-may take on 'the
breastplate of justice, the helmet of the confidence in God, the shield of
equality' 3 and, as is written, 'the sharp two-edged sword of the divine
mouth', 4 and 'wearing the arms offaith', 5 being inflamed with the ardour of
his fiery soul, after 'breaking the fetters of the world', 6 he may restore his
en tire self to the divine nature, whence he had left from God Christ, of whom
he is at the same time debtor and witness of the image, understanding that,
among the corridors of the divine words, every Scripture is an en tire man, the
evangelical text attesting that every 'account of the events has been fulfilled in
us' ,l as also Paul says: 'Whether Paul or Apollos or Cephas or the world or
death or life, they are all yours, but you belong to Christ, and Christ to God;' 8
beca use we en ter their example, living in the world whether with the rule of a
 Tractate X 147
146 Tractatus X
. . . or t he 1ust of a transgressing
goo d dIspos1t10n 1
. life, and after death we gather
uitae praeuaricantis intramus, eorum post mortem sine in gloriam consortiis
with their society whether in the glory ...
congregamur ... And therefore he who, after converting to the faith of Christ, has known all
25 Et ideo qui conuersus ad fidem Christi prima media postrema omnia quae
the first, middle, and final things which were made by the Lord and all those
per dominum facta et quae post sunt futura cognouerit, necessario tempo-
which later will be, necessarily separating temporary things from perpetual,
raria de perpetuis, falsa de ueris et segregans caduca de certis, ubi se diuinum
false from true, perishable from certain, when he has seen that 'he is a divine
genus9 uiderit, unum et indifferentem sibi deum retinens in ea quae neque
offspring', 9 firmly believing that God is one and immutable to himself, exults
in exordio neque fini obnoxiantur exultat; sed omne quod Dauid sanctus
in those things which are neither subject to a beginning nor to an end; but all
30 inter incerta certaminum et alienigenorum excidia bellorum confidens deo
that the holy David, trusting in God, did among the uncertainties of the
egit, non tamquam memoriale saeculi scribtum accipit, sed quid in nobis
battles and the destructions of his wars against the nations, he does not
partim nostro partim corporis metu cotidianorum bella peccaminum et
receive as a written secular record, but recognizes what the wars of daily sins
saecularium uarietas uoluntatum, dum pro certis incerta sectamur et inter
and the variety of secular wills are worth in us, partly for our fear or that of
aliena contendimus, ualeat recognoscit, dicente ipso Dauid in psalmis:
10 our body, as David himself says in the Psalms: 'Lord, release me from my
35 domine, ab occultis meis libera me et ab alienis paree seruo tuo, quoniam
secr~t~ a~d spare you: servant from the strangers,' 'because I recognise
10
11
iniquitatem meam ego agnosco et peccatum meum contra me est semper. 11
my 1mqmty and my sm is always against me.' In fact, 'all the things that
Omnia enim, quae uel gesta uel scribta sunt, 12 ideo sic scribta sunt, ut dei
happened or were written down' 12 were written so that the intellect of God
sensus uisibilibus inuisibilia demonstrans 13 aptissimo ad humanam intel-
'showing what is invisible to the visible', 13 might speak with the aptest word~
legentiam sermone loqueretur omnisque horno qui deum uellet, quidquid in
to human intelligence, and every man who wanted God-whatever he could
40 electione populi patriae profetarum loco tempore die mense oblectatione
discern through God to be acceptable in the Scriptures with regard to the
certamine acceptabile in scribturis deo cerneret, si se per ea quae sunt per
election of the people, the homeland [and] the prophets, in consideration of
deum prouisa disponens ad opinionem religiosae intellegentiae profecisset,
the place, the day, the month, the enjoyment, [and] the contention, if he,
omne quod scribtum est de se scribtum esse 14 cognosceret et ambulans in
disposing himself along with the things provided through God, had pro-
nouitate uitae, 15 siue quid potestatibus daretur aut regibus 16 unicum hoc pro-
gressed towards the opinion of religious intelligence-might know that 'all
45 feticis uocibus adpraehenderet quod quidquid amicum saeculo est Christo
7 that was written was written about him', 14 and 'walking in the newness of
inuenitur inimicum, dicente apostolo: omnis amicitia mundi inimica est dei/
lif~'/ • or if anything was given to 'the authorities and kings', he might learn
5 16
et iterum: omnis concupiscentia carnis et uoluntas oculorum et ambitio
th1s smgle thmg from the prophetical voices, that all that is a friend of the
humanae uitae non sunt de patre sed de hoc mundo sunt et mundus praeterit et
19 world is found to be an enemy of Christ, as the apostle says: 'All friendship
concupiscentia eius, 18 uerbum autem domini manet in aeternum. Quamuis
with the world is inimical to God,' 17 and again: 'Every desire of the flesh and
50 enim humani intellectus infirmitas cogat profetici sermonis eloquia rerum
will of the eyes and ambition of human life is not from the Father but from
species terrenarum tamquam superiorum uirtutum indices quaerere, ut
this world, and the world passes away and its desire,' 18 'but the word of the
uisibilium consuetudine familiariter admonente in insolitos sensus humanae
Lord lasts forever.' 19 Even though the weakness of human intellect compels
inbecillitatis angustias religiosa discendi exspectatione laxemus, tamen ipsa
th~ expr~ssi~ns . of the prophetical speech to look for images of earthly
natura nos docet quod haec sunt quae conuersis ad fidem aut pugnant aut
thm?~ as mdiCatwns of superior virtues, so that, as our habit of visible things
55 dominantur in nobis tribulatione formidinum seu adolatione felicium, ut
fam1harly exhorts us to unusual meanings, we may widen the straits of
quae distrucximus instruentes20 ad ea quibus renuntiauimus reuertamur,
human weakness through our devout desire of learning, yet nature itself
quoniam nihil interest diabolo, utrum metu malorum an persuasione
teaches us that these are the things that, after our conversion to faith, battle or
felicium alienatae a deo uitae peccati occasio et materia21 praestetur, nisi quod
reign in us ,wit_h ~he tribulation of our fears or the adulation of our prosperity,
iam in captiuitatibus nostris tolerabilior est consuetudo miseriarum quam
so that by bmldmg what we had destroyed' 20 we may return to what we had
9
Cf. Acts 17:28. 10
Ps 18:13. 11
Ps 50:5.
12
Cf. 1 Cor 10:11. given up, because the devil does not care at all whether 'the occasion and
13
Cf. Rom 1:20. 14
Cf. Lk 22:37. 15
Rom 6:4.
16
Cf. Titus 3: l. matter of the sin' 21 of alife estranged from God is provided by the fear of evils
18
17
Jas 4:4; cf. Tract. IV, 4; IX, 10-11. 1 Jn 2:16-17. or the persuasions of prosperity, but only that in our captivity the habit of
19
1 Pet 1:25; Is 40:8. 2
° Cf. Gal2:18. 21
Cf. Rom 7:8, 11.
 Tractatus X
148
60 ruina felicium, dicente de hoc profeta: audi me, populus meus, quoniam sicut
exactores uestri circumscribunt uos, ita et qui beatificant uos seducunt uos, ut
semitas pedum uestrorum conturbent. 22 Et ideo Dauid sanctus titulum psalmi
23
in doctrinam conuersorum positi post deuictas duas Syrias in exultationem
triumfantis inducit, ut, qui titulum psalmi in doctrinam positi et gratula-
65 tionem Dauid inter bella saluati in intellectum profetici sermonis agnosceret,
diuinae intelligentiae opus moliens et uoluntatum suarum in se uidens
bella humanae inbecillitatis respueret errores et duas Syrias hoc est duo pec-
caminum principia, quod aliud animi aliud corporis officio datur saeculare
24
aliquid uelle uel facere, deuincens indutus, sicut scribtum est, fidei armis
70 uitiorum ageret triumphum et dedicatae in Christo conuersationis
inmarcescibilem coronam25 uelut quibusdam uictricis militiae stipendiis
mereretur, quoniam haec perfecti boni gloria est, si, sicut scribtum est,
castificatio corporis pretio excolitur uoluntatis. 26 Denique dum nullus aput nos
infinitis finis est et fixo in lubricum gressu modum non constituimus incertis,
75 cotidianorum in nobis fieri bella certaminum etiam apostolicis uocibus
edocemur dicente ad nos Paulo: caro concupiscit aduersus spiritum, spiritus
autem aduersus carnem; haec inuicem sibi altercantur, ut non quae uolumus
faciamus/ 7 et quía humanae intelligentiae sensus et ratio communium
opinionum non statim apostolici sermonis et caelestis consilii capax esset,
80 insequenter apostolus Paulus, cur peccantibus nobis deuicta uitiis caro et
humanae uitae ambitio subiaceret, ostendit dicens: non est uobis conluctatio
contra carnem et sanguinem, sed aduersus príncipes et potestates mundi huius
28
rectores harum tenebrarum aduersus spiritalia nequitiae in caelestibus; sicut
et lohannis ait: uidi tres spiritus inmundos tamquam tres ranas exeuntes de
85 ore pseudoprofetae et de ore bestiae et hii sunt tres spiritus daemoniorum
qui procedunt ad conturbandos reges terrae,Z 9 et iterum ipse Dauid quid in
nobis pugnaret ostendens ait: domine, iniquitatem meam ego agnosco et delic-
tum meum contra me est semper, 30 et apostolus de eo loquens ait: unde bella,
unde rixae in uobis? Nonne de uoluntatibus uestris, quae militant in membris
90 uestrisr 1 Ut, qui diuinorum praeceptorum in se opus uellet, uniuersa in
se uitiorum bella deuincens non solum carnis sed et cogitationum idest
spiritalium nequitiarum32 concupiscentis abstineret et gentilium daemonum
in se ueneficia despiciens, cui tributa peccaminum, cui stipendia uitiorum,
23
22 Is 3:12; cf. Tract. VII, 48-9. Cf. Ps 59:1.
24
Cf. Rom 13:12; Eph 6:11-17. 25
1 Pet 5:4.
26 Cf. 1 Thess 4:3; Rom 6:22; cf. Tract. VI, 57-8.
27
Gal5:17.
29
28 Eph 6:12; cf. Tract. I, 177-9. Rev 16:13-14; cf. Tract. I, 179-81.
30
Ps 50:5; cf. above, 35-6.
31 Jas 4:1; cf. Tract. IV, 32-3; V, 26-7. 32
Cf. Eph 6:12.
Tractate X 149
1
miseries is already more tolerable than the destruction of prosperity, as the
prophet says about this: 'Listen, my people, because as your exactors deceive
you, so also those who beatify you lead you astray in order to derange the
paths of your feet.m
And therefore, the holy David put forward the title of the Psalm given 'for
the instruction of the converts after the defeat of the two Syrias' 23 in the
exultation of the conqueror, so that the one-who recognized in the sense of
the prophetical words the title of the Psalm given for instruction and the
gratefulness of David, who was saved among the wars-while he studied the
work of divine intelligence and saw in himself the wars of his wills, might
reject the errors of human weakness, and defeating the two Syrias, that is, the
two principies of sins, to which it is given-to one in function of the soul, to
the other of the body-the duty to want or do something worldly, 'wearing',
as is written, 'the arms of faith', 24 he may triumph over vices and earn 'the
incorruptible crown' 25 of the life devoted to Christ as through a military
service in a victorious campaign, beca use this is the glory of perfect good, if,
as is written, 'the purification of the body is honoured with the prize of divine
will' .26 Then, while non e of us is a limit to what is infinite and with a steady
pace in what is slippery we do not establish a way amidst uncertainties, we are
taught by the apostolic voices too, that wars of daily fights happen in us, as
Paul says to us: 'The flesh desires against the spirit, but the spirit against the
flesh; these fight with each other, lest we may do what we want,m and because
the sense of human intelligence and the principies of common opinion are
not able to comprehend immediately the apostolic words and the heavenly
counsel, accordingly the apostle Paul shows why, when we sin, our flesh
defeated by vices and the ambition of human life succumb, saying: 'Your fight
is not against flesh and blood, but against the leaders and the authorities of
this world, the rulers of this darkness, against the spiritual iniquities in the
heavenly places;' 28 as John says too: '1 saw three unclean spirits like frogs
issuing from the mouth of the beast and from the mouth of the false prophet,
and these are three spirits of the demons, who proceed to upset the kings
of the world;' 29 and again David himself, showing what battles in us, says:
'O Lord, 1 recognize my iniquity and my sin is always against me;' 30 and the
apostle, speaking about that, says: 'Where do the fights, where do the quarrels
among you come from? Do they not come from your wills, which are at war
in your members?' / 1 in order that he who wants in himself the work of the
divine precepts, winning in himself the en tire wars of the vices, may abstain
from the desires not only of the flesh but also of the thoughts, that is, of 'the
spiritual iniquities'/ 2 and may recognize, despising them in himself, the
sorceries of pagan demons, whom the man that is devoted to the world owes
tributes of sins, payments of vices, fears, and trepidations, honours of passing
 150
Tractatus X Tractate X
1 151

cui timares formidinum, cui honores praetereuntium dignitatum ~editus dignities, and after repudiating all the things whose 'end is death' 33 and in
saeculo horno deberet, agnosceret et repudiatis omnibus quorum ~ms mors which the instructed is corrupted, owing God all himself, having become
95
est33 et in quibus corripitur edoctus, totum se debens deo, fac~us 1pse qu~d what is the Psalm, he may en ter into the exultation of the words of the Psalm,
psalmus est in exultationem psalmidici ser~onis intrare: ¿ICente Damd: as David says: 'God, you repelled and destroyed us, you were angry and had
3
deus, repulisti nos et distruxisti, iratus es e.t m1sertus es nostn. In quo tamen merey on us.' 34 In those words of the Psalm, however, the mind turned to God
sermone psalmi ultra naturalis intellegentlae sensum mens ~d d~u~ conuersa is brought beyond the sense of literal interpretation, and to all those who
prouehitur et unicuique intellegenti se incorruptae beatl.tudmis per. hae~ understand themselves a field of incorruptible blessedness opens through
100
campus aperitur. Libet enim hoc loco in t.ali sermo~~ psalm1 aduers~s d1~boh these things. In fact, in accordance with this passage in such a speech of the
insidiantis astutias libera saluati in Chnsto homm1s uoce clamar~ .. ub1. ~s:, Psalm it is pleasing to proclaim against the tricks of the ensnaring devil with
5
? Ubi est mors uictoria tuaf Ecce deus dum cornp1t, dll1g1t the free voice of the man saved in Christ: 'Where, O death, is your sting?
mors, aCuleus tuus · , ' . . 37 ·
et erudit36 potius peccati agnitione quam plectlt, et, cum aha tua non Slt Where, O death, is your victory?' 35 'Behold, God loves while he rebukes, and
natura, nisi aut in peccati mala cogere aut post percussum capt~m ueneno instructs' 36 with the acknowledgement of sin rather than punishing and, even
105
in ea quae ipse persuaseris perurguere, Christo ~ocent~ co~noscu:ms quod though you 37 have no other nature except that of inducing to the evils of sin
baptizati in Christo, cum in his quae sunt deo ahena d1strmmur,. m ea quae or of afflicting after striking with your venom him who was caught in the
sunt nobis propria reformamuf8 et quod usque ad fi~em pec~ant~bus poen~ things about which you persuaded him, through the teaching of Christ we
est et conuersis nobis in redarguitione doctrina est, 1pso Damd diCe~t~: qUis know that, being baptized in Christ, while we are destroyed in what is con-
no similis tibi, domine? Quía ostendisti mihi tribulationes et ~onuersum Ulu.ifi.cans trary to God, we are 'restored in what is properly ours'/ 8 and that there is
docuisti me/9 et iterum Eseias ait: domine, in utero accep1m~s et p~rt~nUimus punishment for the sinners until the end, and doctrine in reproach for us who
spiritum salutis quem dedisti super terram.4o In quo quam~Is. nos Ipsl probe- are converts, as David himself says: 'Who is like you, O God? For yo u showed
mus in nobis, qualis esse horno debeat qui in nouam natm~tatem per fidem me tribulations, and reviving me after my conversion you taught me,' 39 and
iuens41 sensum suum ad ea quae dei substantiae sunt d1gna moderetur, again Isaiah says: 'O Lord, we conceived in the womb and gave birth to the
115
~amen, ut scribturarum dispositio ad intellegentiam nos.tram fac~orum spirit of salvation that you gave on the earth.' 40 And in this, even though we
exemplis tamquam incorruptis testimoniis uteretur et cantat~m d~1 .com- prove in ourselves what the man should be like who 'living through faith' 41 in
mendans in nobis42 conpugnantes rerum mortalium in no~1s opmwnes a new nativity may direct his mind to those things which are worthy of the
facilius ostenderet, si dictus uerborum formis et rerum parabohs adprob~ret, substance of God, yet, in order that the arrangement of the Scriptures might
sic Rebecca, felicis mater uteri et diuinae promissionis decreta partunens, use testimonies as incorruptible examples for our comprehension of the facts,
120
conluctantia inter se mundi et dei in no bis opera demonstran~, dum _ru~nan­ and 'commending in us the charity of God' / 2 it might more easily show in us
tiam uiscerum inpatienter acciperet, in profetiam ~iberi dol~ns eruplt d1~ens: the conflicting opinions of human matters, if the saying of the words had the
quo mihi ista, si sic suntr 3 Cui uox domini respond1t et docm~: duo popull sunt approval of the forms and parables of the facts, so Rebecca, a fertile mother in
et duae gentes in utero tuo. 44 De quo et apostolus ~aulu~ man.Ifestan~ enarrans her womb and giving birth to what had been decreed by the divine promise,
ait: uideo aliam legem repugnantem in membns me~s leg1 n:ent1s meae et showing in us the works conflicting with each other of the world and God,
45 while she impatiently accepted the struggle in her entrails, she burst into a
125
captiuum ducentem me in legem peccat!, e:,.ut in duabus gentlbus et duobus
. qm·d populus et gens dei, qmd mtwrum prophecy of unrestrained pain, saying: 'Why these things to me, if they are
popul IS, . . populus esset,
. ostenderet,
.. .
ueterem a nobis hominem exui cum ommbus act1bus et ~oncup~scen~us sUls. et so?' 43 And to her the voice of the Lord replied and explained: 'Two nations
in nouum nos uoluit reformari46 dicens: sicut portaUimus 1magmem e1us and two peoples are in your womb.' 44 And about that the apostle Paul too,
revealing and clarifying, says: 'I see in my members another law fighting
against the law of m y mind and making me a prisoner in the law of sin,' 45 and
33
34 Ps 59:3. 35 lCor 15:55.
36
Cf. Heb 12:6, lO. in order to show in the two nations and the two peoples what was the nation
Rom 6:21. 38 Cf. l Cor 1:8, 28; Gal 2: 18; Ps 59:1.
37 Namely, 'the devil'. 41
and people of God, [and] what was the people of vices, he wanted 'the old
40 Is 26:18. Cf. Rom 1:17.
39
Ps 70:19,20, 17.
43
44
Gen 25:23.
man to be stripped off from us with all his actions and desires, and us to be
42 Cf. Rom 5:8. Gen 25:22.
'16 Col3:9-l0; Gal 5:24. reformed in the new one', 46 saying: 'As we bore the image of him who is of
45 Rom 7:23; cf. Tract. VII, 39-41.
 152 Tractatus X Tractate X
qui est de limo, portemus imaginem eius qui est de caelo, ut qui se diuinum 47
1 153
mud, so we will bear the image ofhim who is from heaven,' 47 so that he who
130 genus 48 crederet ea quae sunt terrena despiciens sequens ~hristum in cae~est~s believes himself to be 'a divine offspring', 48 despising those things which are
se glorias consecraret. Sic duo testamenta ad fidem poslta, unum sermtut1s earthly, following Christ, may consecrate himself in the heavenly glories. So
iugum soluens, aliut gratiae opus diudens, ueteris et noui nomen habuerun:, two Testaments were set up for faith, the one releasing the yoke of bondage,
ut in utrisque unus horno positus diuinae in se naturae et terrenae carms the other dividing the work of grace, and they had the name of Old and New,
opus possidens, quia nulla societas lucí cum tenebris, Christo et Beliae est, 49 id so that a single man placed in both, possessing in himself the work of divine
135 quod erat carnis disciplinae lege cohiberet et se deo cuius imago et similitudo50 nature and earthly flesh, because 'there is no association of light with dark-
apparuit non negaret. Sic, intellege, ex alia parte maledictionum, disciplina, ness, of Christ with Belias', 49 might restrain with the law of discipline what
ex alía benedictionum gratia constituta est, ut, quamuis diuersae mansiones was of the flesh, and might not deny himself to God, whose 'image and
sint apud deum nostrum 51 omnesque uellit saluos fieri et ad agnitionem ueritatis 50
likeness' he appeared to be. So understand, on the one side a discipline of
uenire, 52 uestrum tamen nullus ignoret quod inter duo regna, inter sinagogam curses was established, on the other a grace of blessings, in order that, even
140 satanae et ecclesiam mandatorum dei, 53 idest saeculi opera et dei uerba, though 'there are many dwelling places with our God' 51 and 'he desires every-
conuersatio uitae nostrae est et hoc quod dei est nostrum dicitur, illud uero body to be saved and to come to the knowledge of the truth', 52 none of yo u
quod saeculi est quia contrarium deo ideo et a nobis inuenitur alienum, might ignore that the sojourn of our life is between two kingdoms, between
et illud renuntiamus, hoc credimus. Sicque inter huiusmodi constitutis 'the synagogue ofSatan and the church ofthe commandments ofGod', 53 that
hinc diuinorum promissio mandatorum, inde zabolicae temptationis instat is, between the works of the world and the words of God; and that, which
145 intentio, hinc fides Christi, inde saeculi perfidia persuadit, hinc pax patientia belongs to God, is said to be ours, and this, which belongs to the world, since
longanimitas mansuetudo54 cetera quae huiusmodi sunt, inde ira auaritiae it is contrary to God, is therefore found by us to be unfavourable as well, and
germana, furnicatio amica tene brarum, 55 am b.1tw . fiortunae suae nesna, . 56
57 8
we reno unce this, and believe that. And so, sin ce we are between things of this
diuitiarum infelicior cupiditate custodia, furor inperitus deo, 5 oblectatio kind, on one side the promise of the divine commandments presses, on the
uentris 59 et gutturis, gloria pudendorum, 60 oculorum uoluntas61 et zabolicae other the intention of the devilish temptation; on one side the faith of Christ
150 pompae uelut simplex in exspectaculorum deceptione persuasio. In quae cum persuades, on the other the falsehood of the world; on one side 'peace,
per diuersa horno rapitur, uitae et mortis ante nos condicione proposita: 62 patience, forbearance, gentleness', 54 [and] all the other things which are of
tamdiu in nobis pugnas saeculi et bella nescimus, quamdiu conuersantes m this kind, on the other 'anger sister of covetousness, fornication friend of the
deo, aliena redarguentes, domini uerba teneamus; nam si quod corripimur 55
darkness', 'ambition unaware of its luck', 56 'care of riches that is more
agnoscimus et quae sunt aduersa uincamus, necessario ambulantes in 57
wretched than avidity', 'fury ignoring God', 58 'pleasure of the belly' 59 and
155 nouitate, 63 sicut psalmi textus ostendit uino conpunctionis accepto arcum gluttony, 'glory of the private parts', 60 'lust of the eyes' ,61 and devilish ostenta-
persequentis zaboli, 64 et iacula uitamus, 65 agnoscente quia liberi 66 a pec~atis tions like simple persuasion in the deceit of spectacles. And in these things,
esse non possumus, nisi remissione baptismatis et diuinae crucis redemptwne since man is snatched away through different situations, 'a condition of life
saluemur. In hac parte psalmidici sermonis, quos fides constans ad studium and death being placed before us', 62 as long as we ignore the battle and wars of
ueritatis uocat non tantum excipere auditu, sed introspicere sensu conuenit, the world, by living in God [and] refuting what is adverse we keep the words
160 qualiter ad omnem se intellegentiae nostrae inbecillitatem psalmus of the Lord; in fact, if we recognize that we are tempted, and defeat what is
adcommodet et dispositione sermonis profetici operis modum temperans inimical, necessarily 'walking in the newness of life', 63 [and]-as the text of
the Psalm shows-'having received the wine of compunction, we avoid the
47 bow of the persecuting devil' 64 and 'his arrows'/ 5 recognizing that we cannot
1 Cor 15:49; cf. Tract. I, 311-12; 312-13; VI, 59-60. b e 'free ' 66 from sms,
. 1'f we are not saved t h rough the remission ofbaptism and
48
Cf. Acts 17:28; cf. above, 129-30 and Tract. VI, 71.
49
2 Cor 6:14-15; cf. Tract. I, 96-7. 5
° Cf. Gen 1:26. SI Jn 14:2. the redemption of the divine cross. In this part of the text of the Psalm, it is
52 53 54
1 Tim 2:4. Rev 2:9; 3:9, 6; Cf. 1 Cor 14:4; 7:19. Gal 5:22-3. convenient that those, whom constant faith calls to the pursuit of the truth,
55 56
Cf. Gal 5:20, 19; Rom 1:29. Cf. Phil2:3.
57
Cf. Sirach 34:1; 1 Tim 6:10, 16. 58
Cf. Rom 10:2. 59
Phil3:19. not only gather with their hearing, but also examine attentively with their
60
Phil3:19. 61
1 Jn 2:16. 62
Sirach 15:18. 63
Rom 6:4. sense ~ow the Psalm adjusts itself to every weakness of our mind; and by
64 65 66
Ps 59:5-6; Cf. Ps 142:3; 141:7. Cf. Eph 6:16. Cf. Ps 59:6. tempenng the style of the work with the arrangement of the prophetical

154
Tractatus X
arduum diuinae intellegentiae iter uelut cliuo, molliens leniori faciliori
instituit ascensu, ut, quia conuersis ad fidem facilius est peccatorum suorum
mala nosse quam dispensationem diuinae in se intellegere naturae
promptiusque est homini peccatum nolle quam uelle diuinum, ita in psalmo
165
aptissimus profectibus legentium ordo succederet ut reseruata in processu
psalmi cognitione sui deo, qui nisi per se cognitus non est, primum re-
darguitio domini agnitio peccati diuino muneri faceret ingressum et, ubi
horno naturae suae locus factus quid deus uellet agnosceret, sensatae historiae
67
sermo sequeretur dicens: deus locutus est in sancto suo, ut qui se sanctifi-
170
casset deo, loquente in se domino, deum loqui audiret in sancto et omne
quod in historiis sanctorum uirtus fecisse putabatur humana, naturae suae
legibus metiens inter diuinas professiones habitae de se protestationis
expenderet, ut profeticus sermo semel loquens et duo praedicans exulta-
tionem saluati hominis in Christo et gloriam Christi in homine triumfantis
175
uelut germanum insigne circumferens ad doctrinam nostrae eruditionis
aperiret, ut, dum sanctorum gesta cognoscimus, triumphum bonae uitae 69
68
absoluta dictorum dispensatione teneamus. Sicima namque, cuius diuisio
gaudium hominis et Christi est, alienigenarum terra regionum est, ubi Iacob
electi hominis filii 0 praetereuntis iteneris occasione correpta, dum oculorum
180
uisibus capta aliena miratur, et electi generis dignitatem et gloriam uirginita-
Tractate X 155
. d 1
expresswn, an by moderating the steep course of the di~ine intelligence to a
gentler slope, through an easier ascent it has decreed that, since to those who
have been ~onverte~ to faith it is easier to know the evils of their sins than
understa~dmg the drsp_ensation of divine nature, and to man it is simpler not
~o want sm than wantmg what is divine, an order extremely suitable to the
rmprovement of the readers should succeed in the Psalm, so that, sin ce in the
progress of t~e Psal~ the knowledge of the self is reserved to God who is only
known by hrm_self, m the first place, the reproof of the Lord, the acknow-
ledgement of sm, ~ay make its entrance thanks to the divine gift and when
man, after becommg the dwelling place of his nature, recognized what God
w~nt~~; _words of a sensible story may follow, saying: 'God spoke in his
sar~t , m order that he, who had been able to consecrate himself to God
whrle the Lord was speaking in him, may hear God speak in the saint and
m~y va!ue a_ll tha: human virtue was believed to have done in the stories ~f the
samts, Judg~ng wrth the l_aws of his nature among the divine professions of the
assu~a~ce grven a~out hrm, so th~t the prophetical words, speaking once, and
predrc:mg ~o thr?gs:_ the exultatwn of the man saved in Christ and the glory
of Chnst ~numphmg m m_an, as spreading around a true sign, may open it for
th~ teachmg of our learmng, so that, while we get to know the acts of the
sar~ts, we may at:ain the triumph of a good life through the absolute dispen-
69
satr~n ~f the saymgs. Now_ 'Sicima, whose division' is a joy of man and
68

tis amisit, quae in uindictam facinoris admissi punita diuiditur et ad testimo-

1
Chnst, rs a land of the regwns of the Gentiles, where the daughter 7o of the
nium memoriae, ne quid tale dei populus in alieni/ incurreret, subiugatur. ele~ted man Jacob,_ after she was seized in the occasion of her passing route,
Efrem et Manasses 72 duo Ioseph sancti filii sunt quos subiugato sibi Aegypto whrle_ sh~ was admrred as a captured foreigner by the looks of eyes, lost both
in fecunditatem subolis tamquam ad fructum perfectae meruit ueritatis. the ~rgmt~ of the chosen race and the glory of virginity, and [Si cima], being
185 4
Galaarf 3 honorum primitiua possedit; ex Iuda/ unde rex quaeritur, deus pu~rshed m the revenge of the crime that it had allowed, was divided and
natus in carne est, et quia Ruth Moabitidis perseuerantia fidei diuinum
6 in
77 s~bJ_ecte~ to testify to t~e memory, lest the people of God might run into any
conceptibus genus meruit/ 5 Moab spei tabernaculum nuncupatur? 78
Idumea srmrlar crrcumstance wrth the Gentiles? 1 'Ephraim and Manasseh' 72 are two
terra perfidiae est, ubi calciamentum diuini iteneris extenditur. Allofili in sons of t~e holy Josep~ who~ he, after subduing to himself the en tire Egypt,
absolutionem arcae domini deuicto Dagon ídolo diuinis apparatibus subiugan- deserved m t~e fecundrty ofhrs progeny as the fruit of perfect truth. 'Galaad'73
190
tur.79 Per quae uniuersa doctrinae nostrae ratio se tendens opus dei saluantis possesses ~herr birth-rights; from Judah/ 4 whence the king is sought, God
in Christo et sanctificati hominis iter monstrat, quoniam Sicima uincitur et was born m_ t?e flesh, and since 'Ruth the Moabite's perseverance of faith
tabernaculorum conuallia metiuntur80 si credentibus nobis nato per uirginem deserved a drvme progeny in its conceptions'/5 'Moab is called the tab 1
Christo et ea, quae corruptelae causa exstitit, concupiscentiae carnalis natura fh ' 76 'Id , ernac e
o ope · umea 77 is the land of falsehood, where 'the shoe of the divine
course stretches'. 78 'The Philistines were subjected to the absolute power of
the Lo~~'s ark, after the idol Dagon had been defeated by the divine instru-
~ents. And through all these things the way of our doctrine, by offering
67 Ps 59 (60):8 (6).
rtself,_ shows the work of the God who saves in Christ and the path of the
68 The land of Secima in the region of Canaan. Cf. Gen 33:18-20.
71
sanctrfied, ~~n, beca use Si cima is defeated and 'the valleys of tents are
Ps 59:8, 10. 70 'Dina'. Cf. Gen 34:1. Cf. Gen 34:1-31.
69
73 74 measured, rf_by us who believe in Christ born of a virgin the nature of
72 Ps 59:9. Ps 59:9. Ps 59:9. 77
75 Cf. Ruth 4:13-17. 76
Ps 59:10. Ps 59:10. carnal lust whrch was the cause of corruption rs defeated, and 'the body
80
78 Ps 59:10. 79 Cf. 1 Kgs (1 Sam):5:2-7; Ps 59:10. Ps 59:8.
 156 Tractatus X
81
195 uincatur et redditum corpus non fornicationi sed domino, per immortalia
praeceptorum uerba diuisum, dignum tabernaculis Christi et gloriis futurae
resurrectionis habeatur. Sicque deuicto mundo uelut subiugato Aegypto in
Efrem et Manasse laborantibus datur fructus nec alius nisi ex luda dux quaer-
itur,82 quando Christi passione saluatis nihil aliud in ducatum, nisi quod deus
200 in carnem uenire uoluit, inuenitur nec alia perseuerantibus spes est, nisi ut
circumuersura83 mundi idest perfidiae terra uincatur, ut calciamento pedum
domini hoc est euangelio pacis ostenso distruatur 84 Dagon opus saeculi, et abso-
luta testamenti arca, quod nos sumus, Allofilorumss a1"1ena suadentmm . that 'the deceptions' 83 of the world, that is, the land of falsehood ~ay be
loquella superetur, ut, qui ea quae in regionibus posita, in locis dicta, in
205 regibus sunt praedicata cognouerit, uitiorum in se loca regna regiones disci-
plinato opere deuincens, etsi profetatum de deo intellegat, sibi tamen uelut
quoddam uitae exemplarium positum recognoscat, quoniam ab initio usque
ad finem uenientes in hunc mundum sicut unitis malitiae uiis fallimur, ita
unita fide et correctione saluamur.
Tractate X 157
:estored not to fornication but to the Lord', 81
1
and divided through the
1mrr:ortal words of_ the precepts, is considered to be worthy of the tents of
Chnst and the glones of future resurrection. And therefore, since the world
?as been ?efeated as Egypt was subdued, the fruit is given to those who work
m Ephrmm and Manasseh, and 'no other leader is sought except from
Juda~', beca use for those who have been saved through the passion of Christ
82
nothmg else is found in this guidance except the fact that God wanted to
come in the flesh, and there is no other hope for those who persevere expect
defeated, and Dagon, the work of the world, may be destroyed by the 'shoes of
the feet of the Lord, that is, by the revealed gospel of peace', 84 and the inimical
language of the enticing Philistines 85 may be overcome by the almighty ark
of the ~estament ~hat we are, so that he, who knew those things which were
p~aced m the regwns, were said in the places, [and] were predicted in the
kl~gs, ~fte_r ~ef~ating in himself the places, kingdoms, [and] regions of vices
wlth h1s d1sc1plmed work, even though he is able to understand the prophecy
about God, m_ay recognize that it was set as a certain example of life for him,
beca~se, commg to this world from the beginning to the end, as we are
dece1ve~ by the united ways of malice, so we are saved by united faith and
correctwn.

83
81
Cf. 1 Cor 6:13.
82Cf. Gen 49:10; Mt 2:6. Cf. Ps 59:11.
84 85 Possibly the author refers to heretics as well.
Cf. Eph 6:15.

Tractatus XI
Priscilliani Benedictio Super Fideles
Sancte pater, omnipotens deus, qui multiformis gratiae tuae templum et
dispositae in te ecclesiae tabernaculum formans inmensurabilis gloriae
extendens mensuras Christo in te auctore docuisti, ut in te uno et inuisibilita-
tis plenitudo, quod pater filio, et uisibilitas agnoscentiae, quod filius patri
5 in operatione sancti spiritus deberet, ageretur, sic in te omni definitae rei
terminum et infinitorum receptaculum ponens, ut ex te uno uenientibus
nobis unum profectum et reuertentibus ad te unum aditum in ortum fili in te
orientis aperires, et quamuis ex diuersis uocationum uiis in tabernaculum
tuum tenderent, omnes tamen uno ingressu ad te Christi operantis intrarent,
10 ut, cui se ille clausisset, accessum ad te, quia patrem fili in filio et filium patris
in parte ignorauerat, non haberet. Tu enim es deus, qui cum in omnibus
originibus uirtutum intra extraque et supereminens et internus et circum-
fusus et infusus in omnia unus deus crederis, inuisibilis in patre, uisibilis in
filio et unitus in opus duorum sanctus spiritus inueniris, quia tu tibi ad id
15 quod es auctor es et nihil extra te quod praestantius tibi uideatur ostendis,
et quamuis mens nostra inexplicabilis intellegentiae 1 opus moliens intra
humanae inbecillitatis claudatur errore, unicum tamen de te religiosae
sententiae modum profeticis uocibus adpraehendit, quod sic te unum deum
in omnibus nouimus, ut nullum non in te neque ullum extra te locum et facti
20 et operantis habeamus: sicque cum habes adque haberis neque extra totum in
1
Cf. Tract. X, 162.
1
Tractate XI
Priscillian' s Blessing on the Faithful
(Priscilliani Benedictio Super Pi deles)
Collated editions: Priscilliani quae supersunt,
ed. G. Schepss, CSEL 18 (Vienna, 1889), 103-6
O Holy Father, Almighty God, you who-creating the temple ofyour mani-
~old grace and the tabernacle of the Church disposed in you, extending the
rmmeasura~le measures of glory with the cooperation of Christ in you-
taught that m yo u alone both the fullness of invisibility acted, beca use yo u are
Father to the Son, and the visibility of recognition, because the Son was in
de~t wi~h the Father in the operation of the Holy Spirit, you placed so,
entrrely m yourself, the limit of what is defined and the receptad e of infinite
t~ings in order that you might open for us, when coming from you alone, a
smgle way of progress, and when returning to yo u, a single access in the rise of
the Son rising in you, and even though they headed for your tabernacle from
~ifferent ways of vocations, they might all gain entry to you through the
smgle gate of operating Christ, so that, if one had closed himself to him
might have no access to yo u, beca use he had ignored the Father of the Son i~
the Son and the Son of the Father in the Father. Indeed yo u are God who-
being believed to be the only God in all the origins of virtues inside and
outside, both dominating and internal, both spread about and infused in
everything-are found to be invisible in the Father, visible in the Son, and
Holy Spirit united in the work of two, because you are author for yourself
of what you a~e, and show outside you nothing that may appear to you
to be more emment, and even though our mind, studying the work of the
inexplicable intelligence, 1 is closed inside the error of human weakness, yet it
gr~sps the only way of the pious opinion about you through the prophetical
vorces, because so we know that you are the only God in all things, so that we
may have no place that is not in yo u, nor any outside you both of the fact and
the creator of it; and so since you have and will have, you will not be found
in anything outside the entire [universe], and in nothing else but everything.
 160 Tractatus XI Tractate XI 161
aliquo neque non in omnibus inueniris. In te enim et per te processuum tota In you and through you is the entire propitiation of everf progress: you are
procuratio: tu animarum pater, tu frater filiis, tu filius fratribus, tu electis Father of the souls, you are Brother to the sons, you are Son to the brothers,
amicus, tu propinquantibus proximus, tu operatio spirituum, tu principium you are Friend of the elect, you are Neighbour of those approaching, you are
archangelorum, tu angelorum opus, tu uirtutificatio tota uirtutum es, per te Activity of the spirits, you are Origin of the archangels, you are Creation of
25 disposita sunt opera cunctorum, tu distincxisti singularum rerum partes et the angels, you are the entire Making of all virtues; through you the works
inter se elementa conpingens disciplinati operis terminus conlocasti, dans of all things are arranged, you have distinguished the parts of each thing, and
in eis spiritum uitae, ut, quae etsi ex se facere nil possent, magnitudine composing the elements among themselves, have fixed the limits of the
tamen operantis animata ministerium deligatae per te seruitutis inplerent. Et disciplined work, giving the spirit oflife to them, in order that, although those
posthaec respiciens in terram eduxisti animam uiuam; quae etsi ex se ipsa things could do nothing by themselves, yet being animated by the greatness of
30 non esset, tamen, ne uacuus esset et sermó praecepti, ubi iussio tua initium the Creator, they might fulfil the duty of the service eh osen by yo u. And after
eorum quae non erant fuit, animatione praecepti protulit terra quod ipsa this, turning your eyes to the earth, you took out the living soul; and even
non habuit. Et iussio tua in apparabilium facta natura est, et ex nihilo opus though it could not exist by itself, however, lest the words of the precept
proferens primum inconposita et intenebrata parerent, postea insensibilibus might be empty, when your command was the beginning of the things which
sensibilitatem, tenebrosis uisum, brutis odoratum, sonum duris et obduratis were not, the earth brought forth through the animation of the precept what
35 distribueres auditum, ut ubique te praestans materiam rerum, quam iussio it did not have. And your command occurred in the nature of the things that
protulerat informem, in usum operis tui sermo disponeret et unumquid could be prepared, so that, while it brought forth the work out of nothing,
uocans nomine suo/ si sublimaret erecta, diuexa uergeret, praessa plenaret, they first might appear to be confused and covered with darkness, and then
aperiret campestria, siluarum tegeret occulta, tibi soli ad agnitionem scientiae you might allot sensibility to the insensible, sight to the dark, sense of smell to
tuae factorum gloria tota concineret, cui etsi confiteri in loquellam muta the brute, sound to the hard and sense of hearing to the hardened, in order
40 non possent, tamen dispositionibus rerum loquens ratio omnipotentiae that, while you showed yourself to be the matter of things, which your com-
testimonium non negaret. mand had brought forth without a form, your word might arrange it for the
In(?) ............. . use of your work, and 'calling each thing with its name' ,2 if it lifted what was
bulacra (?) statutum (?) qua~. 3 erect, slanted what was inclined, filled what was pressed clown, opened the
cornrnutationern tibi plains, covered the hidden places of the forests, the entire glory of the deeds
45 dignarn dabirnus pro might sing along with yo u alone for the recognition of your knowledge, and
anirnabus nostris, sane- even though mute things could not proclaim you in their speech, yet the
te pater, ornnipotens telling mode in the arrangements of things could not deny the testimony of
deus, aut quid est ho- your omnipotence.
rno quod rnernor es
so eius aut filius horninis
In(?) .......... .
propter quod uisitas
eurn, 4 nisi quod in glori- bulacra (?) statutum (?) quam. 3
am tanti operis emis- 'We will give you
si agnoscimus quia a worthy exchange
for our souls, O Holy
Father, Almighty
God, or what is man
that you are
mindful of him or the son of man,
for the reason that you visit
him', 4 ifwe do not recognize
2
Cf. Ps 146:4; Is 43:1. 3
The ms. is seriously damaged at this point. what is in the glory
4
Cf. Ps 8:5; Mt 16:26. of such a released work,
 162
55 figmentum tuum su-
mus in operibus bonis
quae praeparasti, ut
in illis ambulemus? 5
Et ideo te sensus nos-
60 ter loquitur et sermo,
quia per te inextermi-
nabiles facti, ubi simi 6 •••
Tractatus XI Tractate XI 163
'since we are your creation
1
in the good works
which you prepared,
so that we may walk in them'? 5
And therefore our sense
and words declare yo u,
because through you we were
made 'immortal, when like(ness)' 6 •••

6
Eph 2:10. Cf. Wisdom 2:23.

Priscilliani in Pauli Apostoli Canones
A Peregrino Episcopo Emendati
Prooemium Peregrini Episcopi in Epistulas Pauli Apostoli
Prologum subter adiectum siue canones qui subsecuntur nemo putet ab
Hieronymo factos, sed potius a Priscilliano sciat esse conscriptos. Et quia
erant ibi plurima ualde uecessaria, correctis his quae prauo sensu posita
s fuerant alia, ut erant utiliter ordinata, prout oportebat intellegi iuxta sensum
fidei catholicae exemplaui. Quod probare poterit qui uel illud opus quod ipse
iuxta sensum suum male in aliquibus est interpretatus discusserit uel hoc
quod sanae doctrinae redditum est sagaci mente perlegerit.
Prologus Priscilliani in Canones Epistularum Pauli Apostoli
10 Multis occupatus necessitatibus litteris tuis tardius respondi, canss1me.
Postulaueras enim, ut contra haereticorum uersutam fallaciam firmissimum
1
Priscillian' s Canons on the Letters of the
Apostle Paul Revised by the Bishop
Peregrinus (Priscilliani in Pauli
Apostoli Epistulas Canones a
Peregrino Episcopo Emendati)
Collated editions: Priscilliani quae supersunt,
ed. G. Schepss, CSEL 18 (Vienna, 1889), 109-47;
J. Wordsworth and H. J. White, Nouum Testamentum
Domini Nostri Iesu Christi Latine secundum editionem
Sancti Hieronymi, vol. Il,1 (Oxford, 1913), 17-32;
D. de Bruyne, Préfaces de la Bible latine
(Namur, 1920), 224-34
Bishop Peregrinus's Preface to the Letters of the Apostle Paul
Let nobody think that the introduction added below or the canons which
follow were composed by Jerome, but let him know that they were rather
written by Priscillian. And since there were many extremely useful things
here, after correcting those which had been presented with a false sense, I
transcribed the others as they were usefully arranged, just as it was proper
that they were understood according to the sense of catholic faith. And he
who has examined that work, which he understood to be erroneous in its
sense in certain passages, and [then] has read with sagacious mind this work
restored to the right doctrine, will confirm [my words].
Priscillian's Introduction to the Canons on the Letters of the
Apostle Paul
Since I was occupied with many necessary things, I have replied to your letters
quite late, dearest brother. Indeed you had asked me to find in the holy
 166 Priscilliani in Pauli Apostoli Canones
aliquod propugnaculum in diuinis scripturis sagaci indagine reperirem,
quod non tam prolixum uel fastidiosum esset quam concinnum ac uenustum
existeret, per quod uelocius eorum prosterneretur inpudentia, qui obiecta
15 sibi uerissima testimonia in suum prauissimum sensum ea interpretari
nituntur aut certe negent haec esse scripta. Ideoque contra eos tale aliquid
excogitandum esse dicis, quod non uersuta oratoris eloquentia turgescat uel
lubricis dialecticae syllogismis inuoluatur, nam haec quibusdam maxima
solent esse perfugia, sed tale sit uis, quod mera ueritate effulgeat atque mira
20 constet scripturarum auctoritate. Illa uero uitari debere quae sunt spiritali et
innocuae fidei Christianae contraria atque inimica, quippe quae mundi
existens sapientia ab apostolo sit stultitia nuncupata. 1 Haec te saepissime
audiens et alia his similia mihi scribente e re mihi uisum est ipsas scripturas
in medio positas idest quattuordecim epistulas beatissimi Pauli apostoli in
25 earum textu sensus testimoniorum distinguere ipsisque testimoniis numeros
ordinare, quosque numeros unicuique epistularum ab uno incipiens usque in
finem quantitatis suae modum sequaciter atramento supernotare. Praeterea
ex ipsis testimoniis quaedam uerba decerpens canones iisdem concinnaui
saporibus ipsorum testimoniorum constantes. Quibus canonibus epistu-
30 larum titulos et ipsorum testimoniorum numeros subteradnotaui, ut ubi uel
quotum quaeres testimonium, per eundem canonem cui haec subdita sunt
facillime reperias. Ipsi autem canones proprios habent numeros mineo
descriptos idest in quattuordecim epistulas canones nonaginta; quosque
numeros in omnem textum scripturae conuenientibus sibi testimoniis
35 supernotatos inuenies illic uidelicet, unde unicuique canoni pauca uerba
necessaria esse uidentur. Cur autem non omne testimonium possideat
canon, sollerti studio animaduerte, quia eadem testimonia ex multis
uersibus constant, canones autem ex paucis uerbis eo quod semper ad
respondendum pauca uerba proferantur. Ideoque euenit, ut aliquorum
40 testimoniorum principia tantum cum canone cui subdita sunt conueniant,
aliorum autem medietas, nonnullorum uero finis, plerumque totum. Et
idcirco duorum uel trium seu plurimorum canonum numerum in unum
testimonium mineo supernotatum inuenies, ut iam dixi, illic tamen unde
pauca uerba unicuique uidentur esse necessaria. Hoc enim me elaborasse
45 uolo intellegas, quo fideliter continentiam scripturarum palam facerem nulli
existens inimicus et ut errantium uelocius, sicut postulasti, corrigerentur
mentes. Uale in Christo!
1
1 Cor 3:19.
Canons on the Letters of Paul 167
Scrip~ures, through a sagacious enquiry, a very firm bLlwark against the
heretiCs' crafty deceit, whi~h might be not so prolix or tedious, but might
appear to be nea: and pleasmg, through which their insolence might be over-
thrown: they stnve to explain according to their entirely false interpretation
the very true test~monies which were offered to them, or at least deny that
they h~d been wntten. Therefore you say that against them something must
be dev1sed that may not be inflated with the adroit eloquence of the orator
nor may be wrapped with the slippery syllogisms of dialectics-these, in fact,
are usually the greatest refuges for sorne of them-but yo u want it to be such
that it. may shine ~ith pure truth and may rest u pon the extraordinary
authonty of the Scnptures. Indeed those things must be avoided that are
contrary and inimical to the spiritual and innocent Christian faith because
'the existi~g wisdom of this world was called foolishness' 1 by th~ apostle.
After heanng very often these things from you, who also wrote to me other
t?ing~ similar to them, from this situation it seemed proper to me to dis-
tmgmsh those Scriptures set in the middle, namely the fourteen letters of the
most bl.essed. apostle Paul, according to their development of the sense of
the testlmomes, and to assign numbers to the testimonies, and beginning
each numbe: for each letter ~rom one to the end, to mark consequently the
measure of 1ts sum .abov~ w1th black ink. In addition, by gathering certain
words from the testlmomes themselves I composed canons which are based
on the same tastes of the testimonies. And under these canons I have written
the titles of the letters and the numbers of the testimonies, in order that, when
you look for a certain testimony in the series, you may get it very easily by
means of the canon under which these things have been placed. The canons
themselves, then, have their own numbers written in red ink, that is, ninety
can.ons for fourteen letters: you will find each number in every text of the
Scnpture to be annotated above with the appropriate testimonies, that is,
t?ere where few. wor~s appear to be necessary to each testimony. However,
smce not all test1momes have a canon, notice with skilful zeal that the same
testimonies consist of many verses, while the canons of few words, because
always ~ew wo.rds a~e pronounced to give an answer. Therefore it happens that
of ~ertam testlmomes only the beginnings are appropriate to the canon under
whiCh they a~e plac~d, of others the middle parts, of a few the final, but very
often the ent1re test1mony. For that reason you will find either the number of
two or three or many canons on a single testimony to be marked in red above
as I have already said, there where few words appear to be necessary to each:
I want y~u to understand that I did this so that I might faithfully manifest
th~ cons1stency of the Scriptures, without being adverse to anybody, and the
mmds of those who err might be corrected more quickly, as yo u asked.
Farewell in Christ!
168 Priscilliani in Pauli Apostoli Canones Canons on the Letters of Paul 169
Can. l. Deus uerax est, spiritus quoque deus et deus saeculorum possidens
inmortalitatem estque inuisibilis lucem habitans inaccessibilem, rex etiam
Canon l. God is true, God and spirit too, and God of thl worlds possessing
immortality: he is the invisible inhabitant of the inaccessible light, king and
atque dominus, cuius est imago ac primogenitus Christus, in quo non Lord too, whose image is the firstborn Christ, in whom 'yes and no' are not
inuenitur 'est et non, sed est' tantummodo. found but 'yes' only.
Rom.18. Rom 18.
Cor. II. 6. 18. 22. 2 Cor 6. 18. 22.
Col. 5. Col5.
Tim. I. 5. 11. 28. 29. 1Tim l. 5. 11. 28. 29.
Tit. l. Titus l.
Hebr. l. 11. 18. 19. Heb l. 11. 18. 19.

Canon 2. What are the things that are in conflict with each other and inimi-
Can. 11. Quaenam sint quae sibi dissona et inimica motu ac fructibus
cal to feeling and fruits; indeed it is a depraved nation, but also a perdition
existant; est namque natio praua, sed et perditio habens filium proprium.
having its own son.
Rom. 54. Rom 54.
Cor. II. 28. 34. 2 Cor 28. 34.
Gal. 30. 31.
Gal30. 31.
Eph. 30. Eph 30.
Philipp. 12. Phil12.
Thess. II. 4. 2 Thess 4.
Hebr. 23. Heb 23.

Can. 111. Quia duo genera spirituum sunt, unum dei, alterum mundi ad Canon 3. Why there are two kinds of spirits, one of God, the other of the
errores. world [leading] to errors.
Rom.54.55.56.58. 59. Rom.54.55.56.58.59.
Cor. I. 6. 11. 12. 72. 1 Cor 6. 11. 12. 72.
Cor. II. 19. 2 Cor 19.
Gal. 30. Gal30.
Tim. I. 15. 1 Tim 15.
Tim. II. 5. 1 Tim 5.

Canon 4. Why there are two wisdoms, one of God, the other of m en or the
Can. IV. Quia duae sint sapientiae, una quidem dei, altera uero hominum uel
flesh.
carms. Rom 54. 55.
Rom. 54 55.
1 Cor 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 12. 18.
Cor. I. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 12. 18.
2 Cor 3.
Cor. II. 3. 1 Thess 2.
Thess. I. 2. Col15.
Col. 15.
Canon 5. Why many are called gods: the spirit of this air and the powers of
Can. V. Quia multi dicuntur dii et quorundam uentrem deum esse et spiritus the darkness as well as the elements of the world-and [the apostle also says]
aeris huius atque potestates tenebrarum, sed et elementa mundi. that the belly of certain people is their god.
170 Priscilliani in Pauli Apostoli Canones
Canons on the Letters of Paul 171
Cor. I. 47. 48. 1 Cor 47. 48.
1
Cor. II. 22. 2 Cor 22.
Gal. 17. 20. Gal17. 20.
Eph. 6. Eph 6.
Philipp. 20. Phil20.
Col. 4. 15. 22. Col4. 15. 22.
Hebr. 9. Heb9.
Can. VI. Quia peccata uel daemones tenebrae siue opera tenebrarum ab Canon 6. Why sins are called either demons of darkness or works of darkness
apostolo nuncupentur. by the apostle.
Rom. 101. Rom 101.
Eph. 30. Eph 30.
Col. 4. Col4.
Can. VII. Quia stultorum atque carnalium uel dubiorum sit crasse de Canon 7. Why it is typical of the foolish and the carnal or the doubtful to
diuinitate sapere uel sentire. know or feel confusedly about the godhead.
Rom. 8. 9. 54. Rom 8. 9. 54.
Cor. I. 13. 14. 1 Cor 13. 14.
Cor. II. 3. 5. 2 Cor 3. 5.
Hebr. 9. Heb9.
Can. VIII. Quia ex deo et in deo sint omnia, qui uniuersa operatur,
Canon 8. Why all things are from God and in God, who causes everything,
omnisque paternitas ab eo nominetur atque omnia condita sint per and all descendants are named by him and all things were formed through
Christum. Christ.
Rom. 91. 104. Rom 91. 104.
Cor. I. 47. 1 Cor 47.
Eph.2.3. 13. 14. 16. 17. Eph 2. 3. 13. 14. 16. 17.
Col. 5. 6. 7.16.17. Col5. 6. 7. 16. 17.
Hebr. l. 5. Heb l. 5.
Can. IX. Quia sapientia et gratia atque benedictio dona spiritalia sint et quod Canon 9. Why wisdom and grace and blessing are spiritual gifts and why his
inuisibilia eius per ea quae facta sunt intellecta conspiciuntur. invisible intellects are seen through the things that were created.
Rom. 3. 4. 6. 7. Rom. 3. 4. 6. 7.
Cor. II. 46. 2 Cor 46.
Eph. 2. Eph2.
Col. 3. Col3.
Hebr. 3. Heb 3.
Can. X. Quia inscrutabilia sunt iudicia dei et inuestigabiles uiae eius;
Canon 10. Why the judgements of God are inscrutable and his ways
similiter et diuitiae Christi et multiformis sapientia. unsearchable: similarly the riches of Christ too, and his manifold wisdom.
Rom. 64. 91. Rom 64. 91.
Cor. II. 46. 2 Cor 46.
172 Priscilliani in Pauli Apostoli Canones Canons on the Letters of Paul 173
Eph. 2. 12. 13. Eph 2. 12. 13.
1
Col. 3. Col3.

Can. XI. Quia quae uidentur temporalia, quae autem non uidentur aeterna Canon 11. Why the things that appear are temporary, but those that do not
sunt, ideoque qui in hac uita tantum sperantes sunt, miserabiliores esse appear are eterna!, and therefore the persons who are exclusively placing their
omnibus hominibus. hope in this life are the most wretched of all.
Rom. 64. Rom64.
Cor. I. 6. 7. 10. 43. 44. 52. 84. 1 Cor 6. 7. 10. 43. 44. 52. 84.
Cor. II. 29. 37. 38. 20 2 Cor 29. 37. 38. 20

Can. XII. Quia Christus similitudinem carnis peccati sumpserit in ministerio, Canon 12. Why Christ, in whom there are the treasures of wisdom, assumed
in quo sunt thensauri sapientiae, qui fecit utrumque unum et ascendens in slavery the likeness of the flesh of sin, and made both into one, and by
in altum captiuam duxit captiuitatem, quemque iam non secundum carnero ascending to heaven made captivity a captive, and the apostle said that he
nosse se dicebat apostolus. knew him no more according to flesh.
Rom. 53. Rom 53.
Cor. II. 32. 2 Cor 32.
Eph. 8. 18. 19. 34. Eph 8. 18. 19. 34.
Philipp. 8. 9. Phil8. 9.
Col. 8. 10. 12. 13. Col 8. 10. 12. 13.
Hebr. 7. 8. 9. 11. 13. 15. 17. 18. 21. Hebr 7. 8. 9. 11. 13. 15. 17. 18. 21.

Can. XIII. Quia Christus in carne pro nobis mortuus idem horno et deus, Canon 13. Why Christ, who died for us in the flesh, is God and man at the
mediator dei et hominum sit. same time, mediator of God and m en.
Rom.34.35.36.38.40.47. Rom 34. 35. 36. 38. 40. 47.
Cor. I. 81. 86. 87. 1 Cor 81. 86. 87.
Thess. I. 17. 1 Thess I. 17.
Tim. I. 9. Tim I. 9.
Hebr. 4. 13. 14. 15. 24. Heb 4. 13. 14. 15. 24.

Can. XIV. Quia fidei apostolicae fundamentum Christus sit, qui est lapis Canon 14. Why Christ is the foundation of apostolic faith, who is the corner-
angularis et caput nostrum, ex quo omne corpus et in quo construuntur qui stone and our head, from whom the entire body and in whom those who
credunt euangelio. believe in the gospel are built.
Cor. I. 15. 16. 1 Cor 15. 16.
Cor. II. 22. 23 2 Cor 22.23
Eph. 10. 21. Eph 10. 21.
Col. 8. 14. 21. Col8. 14. 21.
Tim. II. 15. 2 Tim 15.
Hebr. 12. Heb 12.

Can. XV. Quia sacramentum olim filiis hominum absconditum, nunc per Canon 15. Why the sacrament was one hidden from the sons of men, and
apostolum sanctis manifestatum sit et quod Christus sapientia nuncupetur, now is manifested to the saints through the apostle, and why Christ is called
quam nemo principum huius mundi cognouit. wisdom that no king of this world knew.
174 Priscilliani in Pauli Apostoli Canon es Canons on the Letters of Paul 175
Cor. I. 9. 10.
1
1 Cor 9. 10.
Eph. 2. 11. 13. Eph 2. 11. 13.
Col. 10. 13. Col10. 13.

Can. XVI. Quia Christus filius dei imago uirtutis ac sapientia patris sit et Canon 16. Why Christ, the Son of God, is the image of virtue and the wisdom
quod in ipso plenitudo diuinitatis corporaliter habitet, solus nesciens in carne of the Father, and why in him the fullness of divinity bodily dwells, being the
peccatum; omnis autem horno mendax. only one who did not know sin in the flesh; every man, in fact, is a liar.
Rom. 2. 5. 18. 19. Rom 2. 5. 18. 19.
Cor. I. 5. 8. 1 Cor 5. 8.
Cor. II. 32. 2 Cor 32.
Col. 5. 16. Col5. 16.
Hebr. l. 8. 12. Heb l. 8. 12.

Can. XVII. Quia horno Christus ab apostolo deus et dominus nominatus Canon 17. Why the man Christ was named God and Lord by the apostle and
sit et quod non in diuinitate sed ex semine Dauid et ex muliere factus why he is said to have been made not in divinity but from the seed of David
dicatur. anda woman.
Rom. l. 70. Rom l. 70.
Cor. I. 90. 1 Cor 90.
Gal. l. 4. 5. 18. 19. Gall. 4. 5. 18. 19.
Tim. I. l. 1 Tim l.
Tit. 10. Titus 10.
Hebr. l. 2. 3. 4. Heb l. 2. 3. 4.

Canon 18. Why Christ is our peace and therefore, by dispelling the enmities
Can. XVIII. Quia Christus pax nostra sit ideoque in cruce sua inimicitias
in his cross, destroyed the record which was against us after breaking down
soluens deleuit quod aduersum nos erat chirographum medio pariete
the middle wall.
destructo.
2 Cor 32.
Cor. II. 32.
Eph 9. 39.
Eph. 9. 39.
Col6. 7. 8. 19.
Col. 6. 7. 8. 19.
Heb 21..
Hebr. 21.
Canon 19. Why Christ not reluctantly, but voluntarily fulfilled the will ofhis
Can. XIX. Quia Christus non inuitus, sed sua uoluntate in passione sua patris Father in his passion, humbling himself to death.
inpleuerit uoluntatem, humilians se usque ad mortem. Rom 66.
Rom. 66. Gal2. 10.
Gal. 2. 10. Eph 27.
Eph. 27. Phil9.
Philipp. 9. 1 Tim 9.
Tim. I. 9. Titus 10.
Tit. 10. Heb 26.
Hebr. 26.
176 Priscilliani in Pauli Apostoli Canon es Canons on the Letters of Paul 177
1
Can. XX. Quia Hierusalem illa caelestis sit libera et quod nos secundum Isac Canon 20. Why the heavenly Jerusalem is free and why ~e are considered to
promissiones deputemur in semine et quod caput ac plenitudo ecclesiae be in the lineage according to the promises of Isaac, and why Christ is the
Christus sit. head and the fullness of the Church.
Rom. 72. Rom 72.
Gal. 25. 26. Gal25. 26.
Eph. 5. 13. 33. 35. Eph 5. 13. 33. 35.
Col. 6. 9. Col6. 9.
Hebr. 20. 24. 26. Hebr 20. 24. 26.

Can. XXI. Quia spiritus dei omnia scrutetur et nouerit etiam alta dei, quae Canon 21. Why the Spirit of God watches everything and also knows the
spiritales tantummodo intellegant et loquantur omnia iudicantes, ipsi a depths of God, which only those who are spiritual understand and declare,
nemine iudicantur occursuri Christo. judging everything, while they will be judged by nobody, when they run to
Cor. l. 11. 12. 13. 77. meet Christ.
Eph. 4. 14. 20. 1 Cor 11. 12. 13. 77.
Eph 4. 14. 20.
Can. XXII. Quia peccatum mortem afferat atque in seruitutem animam
rediga t. Canon 22. Why sin brings death and reduces the soul to slavery.
Rom.37.39.43.44.45.46.47. Rom 37. 39. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47.
Eph. 6. 7. Eph 6. 7.
Col. 18. Col18.
Tim. 11. 7. 2 Tim 7.

Can. XXIII. Quia ignorantia tenebrae sint, scientia uero lux in domino, et Canon 23. Why ignorance is darkness, and knowledge is really light in the
utraque filios suos habent. Lord, and both have their children.
Cor.l. 79. 1 Cor 79.
Eph. 22. 30. Eph 22. 30.
Thess.l. 16. 17. 1 Thess 16. 17.
Col. 4. Col4.
Hebr. 8. 9. Heb 8. 9;

Can. XXIV. Quia deus ante saecula sapientiam in sacramento absconditam Canon 24. Why God before the world predestined the wisdom hidden in
ad gloriam nostram praedestinauit, eorum uidelicet quos ante constitu- the sacrament to our glory, of those, namely, whom he chose before the
tionem mundi elegit. foundation of the world.
Rom. 65. Rom 65.
Cor.l. 9. 1 Cor 9
Gal. 18. 19. Gal18. 19.
Eph. 2. 3. Eph 2. 3.
Thess. 11. 5. 2 Thess 11. 5.
Col. 10. Col10.
Tim. 11. 6. 7. 2 Tim 6. 7.
178 Priscilliani in Pauli Apostoli Canones Canons on the Letters of Paul 179
Titus l.
1
Tit. l.
Hebr. 5. Heb 5.

Can. XXV. Quia gratiae dei sit atque misericordiae, ut credant audientes Canon 25. Why it is proper to the grace and merey of God that those who
et saluentur crecientes, obtunsio uero uel induratio de peccato ueniat non listen may believe and those who believe may be saved, while foolishness and
credentibus et quod contra naturam insertae sint gentes gratiae dei, quippe ex hardening come fro.m sin to the unbelievers and why the Gentiles are grafted,
quo et per quem et in quo sint omnia. contrary to nature, mto the grace of God, beca use everything is from him and
Rom. 73. 74.82.84. 85.86.87.88.89.91. through him and in him.
Cor. I. 22. 33. 37. 47. 72. 73. Rom 73. 74. 82. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 91.
Eph. l. 2. 7. 1 Cor 22. 33. 37. 47. 72. 73.
Philipp. 11. Eph 1.2.7.
Col. 10. Phil11.
Tim. II. 6. 17. Col10.
Tit. 12. Tim 6. 17.
Hebr. 6. 7. 28. Titus 12.
Heb 6. 7. 28.
Can. XXVI. Quia peccatum et mors per Adam in omnes homines uenerit
et regnauerit mors ab Adam usque ad Moysen. Canon 26. Why sin and death carne to all men through Adam and death
Rom. 37. 38. 39. reigned from Adam to Moses.
Cor. I. 86. Rom 37. 38. 39.
1 Cor 86.
Can. XXVII. Quia corrumpant mores bonos confabulationes pessimae et
quod quaestiones atque contentiones subuertant potius quam aedificent Canon 27. Why the worst conversations corrupt good morals and why
audientes. arguments and contentions upset the listeners rather than edifying them.
Cor. I. 46. 62. 91. 1 Cor 46. 62. 91.
Eph. 29. Eph 29.
Col. 14. 15. Col14. 15.
Tim. I. 27. 1 Tim 27.
Tim. II. 14. 17. 20. 2 Tim 14. 17. 20.

Can. XXVIII. Quia peccandi cupiditas idest uoluntas carnis, quae ex con- Canon 2~. Why t~e de~ire to sin, that is, the will of the flesh which, according
suetudine diuturna lex iam dicitur atque natura, sanctae aduersa semper sit to a lastmg practiCe, IS called law and nature, is always adverse to holy
uoluntati. will.
Rom.48.49.50.51.53.61.62.63.64. 74.122.124. Rom.48.49.50.51.53.61.62.63.64. 74.122.124.
Cor. II. 11. 12. 48. 55. 2 Cor 11. 12. 48. 55.
Gal. 30. Gal30.
Eph. 6. 38. Eph 6. 38.
Thess. I. 6. 7. 8. 1 Thess 6. 7. 8.
Tim. I. 12. 1 Tim 12.
Tim. II. 16. 17. 2 Tim 16. 17.
180 Priscilliani in Pauli Apostoli Canones Canons on the Letters of Paul / 181

Can. XXIX. Quia caro eiusque prudentia deo sit inimica et a deo atque ab Canon 29. Why the flesh and its sense are inimical to God and are always
omni bono semper absentet. absent from Godand every righteous person.
Rom. 50. 51. 54. 55. 57. Rom. 50. 51. 54. 55. 57.
Cor. I. 95. 1 Cor 95.
Cor. II. 29. 2 Cor 29.
Gal. 30. 34. Gal30. 34.
Eph. 6. Eph6.

Can. XXX. Quia per habitantem in nobis dei spiritum uiuificentur mortalia Canon 30. Why our mortal bodies are vivified through the Spirit of God
corpora nostra. dwelling in us.
Rom. 56. Rom 56.
Philipp. 23. Phil23.
Thess. I. 14. 22. 1 Thess 14. 22.

Can. XXXI. Quia nouus horno interior sit, cuius caelestis imago est, quippe Canon 31. Why the new man is inner, whose image is heavenly, beca use, after
ad imaginem dei formatus quique dei gratia et scientiae lumine reformatur et being made in the image of God, he is reformed by the grace of God and the
ut thensaurus in fictili uase consistens uisceribus misericordiae et fidei atque light of knowledge and, like a treasure staying in a clay jar, is clothed with
caritatis induitur. the substance of merey and faith and charity.
Cor. I. 94. 1 Cor 94.
Cor. II. 24. 2 Cor 24.
Eph. 14. 23. 24. Eph 14. 23. 24.
Col. 27. 28. Col27. 28.
llebr. 18.19.20.25 lleb 18. 19. 20. 25

Can. XXXII. Quia uetus horno exterior sit, qui corrumpitur et in quo corpus Canon 32. Why the old man is outer, who is corrupted and in whom the
peccati destruitur quique terrestris domus et uas fictile ab apostolo body of sin is destroyed and who is called earthly house and clay jar by the
nuncupatur. apostle.
Rom. 41. Rom 41.
Cor. II. 24. 27. 29. 2 Cor 24. 27. 29.
Eph. 23. 26. Eph 23. 26.
Col. 27. Col27.

Can. XXXIII. Quía sanctorum corpora dei siue spiritus sancti templa et
Christi membra sint et ideo semper hostia uiua et placens esse debeant
atque ab omni opere carnis et a susurratione et uaniloquio ceterisque
peccatis abstinere se debeant et ut uirgines iuxta apostoli consilium sic
permaneant.
Ro m. 92. 1Ol.
Cor.I. 17.28.33.34.35.36.37.40.41.43.45.58.
Cor. II. 35. 49. 59.
Eph. 28.
Ca_n?n 33. Why the bodies of the saints are the temples of God or the lloly
Spmt and the members of Christ, and therefore they must always be a living
and pleasing victim and must abstain from all works of the flesh and from
gossip and idle talk and all other sins, so that they may remain like virgins in
the guidance of the apostle.
Rom 92. 101.
1 Cor 17. 28. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 40. 41. 43. 45. 58.
2 Cor 35. 49. 59.
Eph 28.
182 Priscilliani in Pauli Apostoli Canones Canons on the Letters of Paul 183
Phil. 24. 25. Phil. 24. 25.
1
Thess. l. 11. 1 Thess 11.
Col. 25. Col25.

Can. XXXIV. Quia sancti carnem suam cum uitiis et concupisce~tiis crucifi~ Canon 34. Why the saints crucify their flesh together with vices and desires,
gant gloriantes in cruce Christi, per quem mundo eiusque openbus mortm glorying in the cross of Christ through whom they died to the world and its
sunt. works.
Gal. 32. 36. Gal32. 36.
Col. 22. 23. Col22. 23.
Tit. 9. Titus 9.

Can. XXXV. Quia cum carnibus et uino aliqui abstineant, nec iudi~ari ab ali~s Canon 35. Why, since sorne abstain from meats and wine, they must not be
debeant nec ipsi alios iudicare eo quod mundis omnia munda smt et qma judged by others nor they must judge others, for the reason that to the clean
esca et potus neminem condemnat.a 2 Deus enim et hunc, inquit, et haec all things are clean and why food and drink condemn 2 nobody. God indeed,
destruit. he says, destroys this and that.
Rom. 102. 103. 106. 107. 108. 109. llO. Rom 102. 103. 106. 107. 108. 109. llO.
Cor.l. 32. 49. 51. 53. 56. 1 Cor 32. 49. 51. 53. 56.
Col. 20. Col20.
Tit. 4. Titus 4.
Hebr. 26. Heb 26.

Can. XXXVI. Quia uinum sit omnis causa luxuriae et ideo abstinendum sit Canon 36. Why wine is the entire cause of dissoluteness and therefore it is
ab eo, quippe quod pro sola infirmitate et ipsud modico uti indulgeat. necessary to abstain from it, as [the apostle] permits its use for ailments only
Rom. 108. and in small quantity.
Eph. 32. Rom 108.
Tim. l. 23. 24. Eph 32.
1 Tim 23. 24.
Can. XXXVII. Quia per beatam uoluntariam paupertatem iusti radicem
malorum omnium auaritiam respuant, contenti cottidiana exhibitione et teg- Canon 37. Why through a blessed, voluntary poverty the righteous reject
umenti sufficientia per pietatem sibimet ministrata. covetousness, the root of all evils, being content with a daily nourishment and
Cor.l. 28. sufficient coverings handed to them in charity.
Eph. 22. 28. 1 Cor 28.
Col. 25. Eph 22. 28.
Tim. l. 27. 28. Col25.
Hebr. 18. 26. 1 Tim 27. 28.
Heb 18. 26.
a condemnat] scripsi cum codicibus recentioribus (T M II). conmendat Codd. Antiquiores
Schepss cf. Schepss app., p. 125, n. 5

2 Most of the mss. have the reading conmendat here, which Schepss accepts. with reservation:

cf. CSEL 18: p. 125, n. 5. r think the simple correction into condemnatpresent m sorne later mss.
(T M II) can be received.
184 Priscilliani in Pauli Apostoli Canones Canons on the Letters of Paul / 185

Can. XXXVIII. Quia iustorum militia et arma et hostes et lucta uel pugna Canon 38. Why the campaign and the arms and the enemies and the fight
spiritalia sint, quorum conuersatio est in caelis, unde et Christum dominum and the battle of the righteous are spiritual, and their abode is in the heavens,
exspectant. where they also expect Christ the Lord.
Rom. 101. Rom 101.
Cor. Il. 46. 2 Cor II. 46.
Eph. 38. 39. 40, Eph 38. 39. 40,
Phil. 20. Phil20.
Thess.l. 10. 17. 1 Thess 10. 17.
Tim. II. 10. 2 Tim 10.
Hebr. 11. 15. Heb 11. 15.

Can. XXXIX. Quia opus doctoris lectio sit atque euangelii praedicatio, in Canon 39. Why the task of the teacher is the reading and preaching of the
quibus nocte ac die operabatur apostolus. gospel, to which the apostle devoted himself night and day.
Cor. l. 101. 1 Cor I. 101.
Philipp. 15. Phil15.
Thess. I. 5. 1 Thess 5.
Thess. Il. 9. 2 Thess 9.
Tim. 1.17.18. 1 Tim 17. 18.
Tim. Il. 6. 18. 19. 20. 21. 23. 2 Tim 6. 18. 19. 20. 21. 23.

Can. XL. Quia psalmis hymnis et canticis spiritalibus atque orationibus insisti Canon 40. Why we must take part in psalms, hymns, and songs, both for us
debeat, tam pro inuicem quam pro regibus atque omnibus hominibus. mutually and kings and all men.
Rom. 3. 96. 119. Rom 3. 96. 119.
Cor. II. 2. 60. 2 Cor 2. 60.
Eph. 4. 32. 41. Eph 4. 32. 41.
Philipp. l. 23. Phil l. 23.
Thess. Il. 3. 6. 2 Thess 3. 6.
Col. 3. 29. 32. Col 3. 29. 32.
Tim. I. 8. 1 Tim 8.
Tim. II. 2. 2 Tim 2.

Can. XLI. Quia apostolus omnibus omnia factus sit, ut omnes lucrifaceret, Canon 41. Why the apostle became everything for all, in order to win all, and
per quod omnibus placuit; quem imitari oportet, ut sicut luminaria in for that he was pleasing to all; and it is necessary to imitate him, in order that
conuersatione sua luceant inter ceteros Christiani, quorum tale debet esse the Christians, whose works must be like their words, may shine like stars for
opus qualis et sermo. their way of life among all the othérs.
Rom. 96. 97. Rom 96. 97.
Cor.l. 57. 63. 64. 1 Cor 57. 63. 64.
Cor. II. 21. 31. 33. 42. 47. 2 Cor 21. 31. 33. 42. 47.
Eph. 15. 31. Eph 15. 31.
Philipp. 12. 22. Phil12. 22.
Thess. I. 10. 13. 1 Thess 10. 13.
186 Priscilliani in Pauli Apostoli Canones Canons on the Letters of Paul 187

Thess. II. 5. 9. 2 Thess 5. 9. 1

Col33.
Col. 33.
1 Tim 17.
Tim. I. 17.
Tit. 7. Titus 7.

Canon 42. Why, if someone unworthily takes Christ' s body and blood, which
Can. XLII. Quia corpus ac sanguinem Christi, quod est magnum pietatis
is the great sacrament of piety, manifested in the flesh, justified in the spirit,
sacramentum, manifestatum in carne, iustificatum in spiritu, si quis indigne
he will be guilty [of desecrating] that body and blood.
sumpserit, corporis ipsius sanguinisque sit reus. 1 Cor 61. 69.
Cor. I. 61. 69. 1 Tim 13. 14.
Tim. I. 13. 14. Heb 18. 19.
Hebr. 18. 19.
Canon 43. Why both the apostle and those to whom he brought his graces
Can. XLIII. Quia scientia ac fide et sanctitatis odore erant pleni tam apostolus were full of knowledge and faith and the fragrance of holiness.
quam illi quibus gratias referebat. Rom 3. 114
Rom. 3. 114 1 Cor l. 64.
Cor. I. l. 64. 2 Cor 4. 13. 14.
Cor. II. 4. 13. 14. Phil10. 25.
Philipp. 10. 25. 1 Thess 2.
Thess. I. 2. Heb 18. 19.
Hebr. 18. 19.
Canon 44. Why through the manifold grace of the Holy Spirit, according to
Can. XLIV. Quia per multimodam spiritus sancti gratiam, prout oportuit, what is proper, the spiritual gifts are dispensed to the saints and therefore
dona spiritalia distributa sint sanctis ideoque debere unumquemque in each person must remain in the position in which he was called, and the
quo uocatus est permanere et inferiores honorem euangelio cooperantibus inferiors must honour those who work together for the gospel.
dar e. Rom. 93. 94.
Rom. 93. 94. 1 Cor 40. 73. 103.
Cor. I. 40. 73. 103. 2 Cor 60.
Cor. II. 60. Eph 17.
Eph. 17. 1 Thess 18. 19.
Thess. I. 18. 19. Heb 3.
Hebr. 3.
Canon 45. Why the bishop and the entire peace-loving clergy must be
Can. XLV. Quia episcopus inreprehensibilis esse debeat omnisque clerus irreproachable, fleeing from juvenile desires, performing their commission,
pacificus iuuenalia desideria fugiens, seruans mandatum, probans potiora, approving what is better, correcting him who errs, teaching what is useful; the
corripiens errantem, docens utilia; similiter senes et uiduas esse debere. elder and widows must be like this as well.
Thess. l. 20. 21. 1 Thess 20. 21.
Col. 11. 12. Col11. 12.
Tim. l. 13. 18. 19. 23. 28. 29. 1 Tim 13. 18. 19. 23. 28. 29.
Tim. II. 16. 17. 21. 2 Tim 16. 17. 21.
Tit. 2. 5. 13. Titus 2. 5. 13.
188 Priscilliani in Pauli Apostoli Canones
Canons on the Letters of Paul / 189
Can. XLVI. Quia ecclesiastici non debeant ob :u_am ~efe?sionem publica
Canon 46. Why church officers must not go, for their defence, to public trials
adire iudicia sed tantum ecclesiastica, nihilque Imque mdiCare ac duorum
but only to thé ecclesiastical, and must judge nothing unjustly and must prove
uel trium testimonio rem probare, quia sancti mundum et angelos
a case with the testimony of two or three, [and] why the saints will judge the
iudicabunt. world and the angels.
Rom. 98. Rom 98.
Cor. l. 30. 1 Cor 30.
Cor. II. 59. 60. 2 Cor 59. 60.
Thess. l. 11. 1 Thess 11.
Tim. l. 21. 22. 25. 1 Tim 21. 22. 25.
Tim. II. 21. 2 Tim 21.
Tit. 10. Titus 10.
Hebr. 18. Heb 18.

Can. XLVII. Quia firmiores in fide debeant infirmioribus conpati con- Canon 47. Why those who are more stable in faith, looking at themselves,
siderantes se ipsos, ne et ipsi temptentur. must have compassion for those who are weaker, lest they may be tempted.
Rom. 111. Rom 111.
Cor. II. 10. 11. 2 Cor 10.11.
Gal. 33. Gal33.
Thess. I. 18. 19. 20. 1 Thess 18. 19. 20.
Hebr. 8. 25. Heb 8. 25.

Can. XLVIII. Quia in ordinibus ecclesiae elegerit deus primo apostolos, Canon 48. Why in the ranks of the church God appointed the apostles in the
secundo prophetas, tertio magistros. first, the prophets in the second, the teachers in the third.
Cor. I. 73. 74. 77. 78. 79. 1 Cor 73. 74. 77. 78. 79.
Eph. 11. 20. Eph 11. 20.
1 Thess 21.
Thess. I. 21.
1 Tim 6.
Tim. I. 6.

Canon 49. Why all goodness must be pursued and brotherly charity must
Can. IL. Quia omne bonum eligendum sit et cunctis ui~t~tib_us fraterna
· e d a, redimendum tempus et humilitas a Chnstlams sectanda. be preferred to all virtues, and time must be gained and peace and humility
cantas praeteren must pursued by the Christians.
Rom.95.96.97. 100.107. Rom 95. 96. 97. 100. 107.
Cor. I. 2. 74. 76. 102. 1 Cor 2. 74. 76. 102.
Gal. 29. Gal29.
Eph. 15. 21. 22. 31. Eph 15. 21. 22. 31.
Philipp. 7. Phil 7.
Thess. I. 12. 20. 21. 1 Thess 12. 20. 21.
Thess. II. l. 2 Thess l.
Col. 28. Col28.
Tim. I. 3. 1 Tim 3.
Hebr. 9. 23. 25. Heb 9. 23. 25.
 Canons on the Letters of Paul ¡ 191
190 Priscilliani in Pauli Apostoli Canones !
Canon 50. Why those who do not live according to the tradition of the
Can. L. Quia uitandi sint, qui non secundum apostoli traditionem uiuunt,
apostle, but. rather
. serve their own belly, must be avoided, who will b e th ose m
·
sed suo potius uentri deseruiunt; qui in nouissimis temporibus deterrimi
th e worst sltuatwn at the end of time.
sunt futuri. Rom 123.
Rom. 123. 1 Cor 77.
Cor. l. 77. 2 Thess 5. 8. 10.
Thess. II. 5. 8. 10. 1 Tim 15.
Tim. I. 15. 2 Tim 18. 22.
Tim. II. 18. 22. Heb 18. 26.
Hebr. 18. 26.
Cano~ 51. Why those who judge other people while doing worse things
Can. LI. Quia grauius delinquunt qui alios iudicant ipsi deteriora facientes, com~lt a more serious fault, or those who somehow agree to sinners are
uel certe participes peccantium sint hi qui peccantibus quoquo modo certamly sympathetic to sinners.
consentiunt. Rom 10. 11. 12.
Rom. 10. 11. 12. 1 Cor 26. 27. 28. 29.
Cor. l. 26. 27. 28. 29. 2 Cor 59.
Cor. II. 59. 2 Tim 16.
Tim. II. 16.
Canon 52. Why there _were and will be false apostles and false prophets,
Can. LII. Quia uel fuerint uel futuri sint pseudoapostoli et pseudoprophetae, through whom sects [anse], and Satan transformed into an angel oflight.
per quos sectae, et satanas se transfiguret in angelum lucis. Rom 5. 6. 8. 9.
Rom. 5. 6. 8. 9. 1 Cor 2. 14. 68. 69. 105.
Cor. l. 2. 14. 68. 69. 105. 2 Cor 14. 20. 46. 50. 52. 53.
Cor. II. 14. 20. 46. 50. 52. 53. Gal3. 8. 21. 22. 28. 32.
Gal. 3. 8. 21. 22. 28. 32. Phil4. 16. 20.
Philipp. 4. 16. 20. Col21.
Col. 21. 1 Tim2.31.
Tim. l. 2. 31. 2 Titus 3. 5, 14.
Tit. 3. 5. 14.
Canon 53. Why many liars withdrew from the apostles, through whom
Can. LIII. Quia multi recesserint ah apostolis uaniloqui, per quos haereses heresies emerged for their errors.
1 Tim 3. 7. 15.
exstiterint ad errores.
2 Tim 6. 8. 15. 25.
Tim. l. 3. 7. 15.
Tim. Il. 6. 8. 15. 25.
Canon 54. Why he commends those who work together with him for the
gospel and al~ those who are in charge, whose names, as he says, are written in
Can. LIV. Quia conmendet eos qui secum conlaborant in euangelio et orones
the book of hfe.
qui praesunt; quorum, ut ait, nomina in libro uitae sunt scripta. Phil 5. 13. 15. 21.
Philipp. 5. 13. 15. 21. 1 Thess 7. 18.
Thess. l. 7. 18. Col34.
Col. 34. 1 Tim 21.
Tim.l. 21.
192 Priscilliani in Pauli Apostoli Canones Canons on the Letters of Paul 193
Philemon 5.
1
Philem. 5.
Heb 28.
Hebr. 28.
Canon 55. Why the believers are saved and justified not through law but
Can. LV. Quia non per legem sed per Christi fidem et ~onf~ssionem saluentur
through the faith of Christ and his confession, being without the yoke of
ac iustificentur crecientes, seruitutis iugo et sexuum dmersüate carentes.
bondage and the diversity of sexes.
Rom.26.27.34. 78. 79.81. 110.
Rom 26. 27. 34. 78. 79. 81. 110.
Cor. II. 26. 2 Cor 26.
Gal. 10. 11. 15. 16. 27.
GallO. 11. 15. 16. 27.
Eph. 9. 22. Eph 9. 22.
Hebr. 7. 18. 19. 22. Heb 7. 18. 19. 22.
Can. LVI. Quia praecipiat plebi, ut potesta~ibus ~ubiec_t~ sint et ut .suis Canon 56. Why he teaches people that they should be submissive to
manibus operentur, uxores filios seruos et serm dommos d1hgant, et muheres authorities and to work with their hands, and should love their wives,
in ecclesia taceant nec docere praesumant. children, and servants, and servants their masters, and women should be
Rom. 99. 103. silent in the church and should not have the pretence to teach.
Cor.I.33.36.37.38.39.40.42.43.45.46.48.49.50.62.66.68. 71. 72. 79. Rom 99. 103.
Eph.25.26.27.33.34.36.37. 1 Cor33.36.37.38.39.40.42.43.45.46.48.49.50.62.66.68.71.72. 79.
Thess. I. 13. Eph 25. 26. 27. 33. 34. 36. 37.
Col. 30. 31. 1 Thess 13.
Tim. I. 19. 26. 30. Col30. 31.
Tit. 5. 6. 8. 11. 1 Tim 19. 26. 30.
Hebr. 25. Titus 5. 6. 8. 11.
Heb 25.
Can. LVII. Quia incontinentibus nubere iubeat et mulier per filiorum genera-
tionem saluanda sit. Canon 57. Why he orders the intemperate to get married and women must be
Cor. I. 37. 43. 44. 45. saved for the generation of children.
Tim. I. 12. 19. 1 Cor 37. 43. 44. 45.
Hebr. 25. 1 Tim 12. 19. ·
Heb 25.
Can. LVIII. Quia factis iustificentur crecientes, non tantum sermonibus; non
enim in sermone est regnum dei, ait, sed in uirtute. Canon 58. Why believers must be justified by their actions, not only by
Rom. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. their words; certainly the kingdom of God is not in words, he says, but in
Cor. I. 25. 39. virtue.
Thess. I. 2. Rom 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19.
Hebr. 18. 1 Cor 25. 39.
1 Thess 2.
Can. LIX. Quia caput uiri sit Christus, uir autem mulieris et quia oporteat Heb 18.
sine ira et disceptatione semper orare et mulieres ornatas esse debere non
monilibus sed conuersatione. Canon 59. Why Christ is the head of man, and man of woman, and why it is
necessary to pray always without anger and contention, and women must not
be adorned with jewels but with their [virtuous]life.
194 Priscilliani in Pauli Apostoli Canones Canons on the Letters of Paul 195
Cor. I. 65. 66. 70. 1 Cor 65. 66. 70.
1
Tim. I. 11. 12. 19. 1 Tim 11. 12. 19.

Can. LX. Quía gratias agat apostolus his qui ad elemosynam prompti sunt, Canon 60. Why the apostle gives thanks to those who are disposed to alms,
alios ad hoc opus exhortans. exhorting the others to this activity.
Rom.94. 118.120.122. Rom 94. 118. 120. 122.
Cor. I. 99. 103. 1 Cor 99. 103.
Cor. Il. 40. 41. 44. 2 Cor 40. 41. 44.
Philipp. 25. Phil25.
Tim. II. 9. 11. 15. 2 Tim 9. 11. 15.
Tit. 15. Titus 15.
Hebr. 25. 27. Heb 25. 27.

Can. LXI. Quía bonae uitae quorundam laicorum et fidei atque humanitati
eorum testimonium reddat apostolus, quod refecerint uel ipsum uel Canon 61. Why the apostle testifies to the good life of certain laymen and
their faith and humanity, beca use they refreshed him and the poor among the
sanctorum pauperes.
saints.
Rom. 118.
Rom 118.
Cor. II. 39.
2 Cor 39.
Thess. I. 6. 9.
1 Thess 6. 9.
Thess. Il. l. 7.
2 Thess l. 7.
Col. l.
Col l.
Tim. II. 3.
2 Tim 3.
Philem. 2.
Philemon 2.
Hebr. 19.
Heb 19.
Can. LXII. Quía exprobret quorundam auaritiam Paulus dicens se ita
euangelium praedicasse eis, ut eos non grauaret; debere tamen altario Canon 62. Why Paul reproaches the covetousness of sorne, saying that he
deseruientes inde uiuere, ut miles suis stipendiis. preached the gospel to them in such a way that he might not oppress them:
Cor. I. 54. 56. they, nevertheless, must live serving the altar, like soldiers [perform] their
Cor. II. 51. 58. military service.
Tim. I. l. 30. 1 Cor 54. 56.
2 Cor 51. 58.
Can. LXIII. Quía ceruices suas quidam pro apostolo supposuerint, quibus 1 Tim l. 30.
gratias agit non solum ipse sed et uniuersae ecclesiae, quas etiam in domibus
propriis susceperunt. Canon 63. Why sorne risked their necks for the apostle, to whom not only he
Rom. 121. gives thanks, but also all the congregations, which they even received in their
Cor. I. 104. houses.
Col. 34. Rom 121.
Philem. l. 1 Cor 104.
Col34.
Phill.
196 Priscilliani in Pauli Apostoli Canones Canons on the Letters of Paul 197

Can. LXIV. Quia iustitiam dei, quae per Christum data est, ignorent hi qui
1
Canon 64. Why those who observe the justice of the law ignore the justice of
iustitiam legis sectantur; inpossibile namque erat legi deseruientibus sibi God, which was given through Christ: indeed it was impossible for those who
auferre peccata. served the law to take away sins.
Rom.20.21.22.53.66.68. 71. 75. 76. 77. 78.80.84. Rom 20. 21. 22. 53. 66. 68. 71. 75. 76. 77. 78. 80. 84.
Gal. 15. Gall5.
Philipp. 17. 18. 19. Phill7. 18. 19.
Hebr. 12. 16. 17. Heb 12. 16. 17.

Can. LXV. Quia duas leges dicat esse apostolus, unam per Moysen quae
Canon 65. Why the apostle says that there are two laws, one [coming]
carnalis est, aliam per fidem et gratiam Christi quae spiritalis est, illam
through Moses which is carnal, the other through the faith and grace of
quidem destruens quia non iustificat, hanc uero statuens quia saluat atque
Christ which is spiritual, certainly destroying that because it does not justify,
sanctificat. [and] establishing this because it saves and sanctifies.
Rom.21.23.25.31.32.33.34.37.38.39.43.44.47.48.49.50.52.54.57.
Rom21.23.25.31.32.33.34.37.38.39.43.44.47.48.49.50.52.54.57.
59. 77. 59. 77.
Cor. l. 97. 1 Cor 97.
Cor. 11. 16. 17. 19. 2 Cor 16. 17. 19.
Gal. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 20. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 30.
GallO. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 20. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 30.
Tim.l. 2. 3. 1 Tim 2. 3.
Tit. 3. 13. Titus 3. 13.
Hebr. 11. 12. Heb 11. 12.
Can. LXVI. Quia in lege iudaica maledictum sit, de quo nos Christus liberat
factus ipse maledictum. Canon 66. Why there is a curse in Judaic law, from which Christ released us
Rom. 31. after he himself became a curse.
Gal. 12. 13. Rom 31.
Gall2. 13.
Can. LXVII. Quia per spiritalem cordis m Christo circumcisionem
propudiosam illam legis destruat apostolus. Canon 67. Why through the spiritual circumcision of the heart in Christ the
Rom. 16. 17.23.24.27.28. apostle destroys that shamefullaw.
Gal. 27. 28. 35. 37. Rom 16. 17. 23. 24. 27. 28.
Eph. 7. 8. Gal 27. 28. 35. 37.
Philipp. 16. 17. Eph 7. 8.
Col. 16. 17. Phill6. 17.
Coll6. 17.
Can. LXVIII. Quia quae in ueteri testamento uel facta uel scripta sunt, in
nostri figuram contigerint.
Rom.38.34. 74.112.113. Canon 68. Why the things that were done and described in the Old Testament
Cor. l. 59. 60. occurred as an example for us.
Hebr. 16. Rom 38. 34. 74. 112. 113.
1 Cor 59. 60.
Heb 16.
198 Priscilliani in Pauli Apostoli Canones Canons on the Letters of Paul / 199

Can. LXIX. Quia Abrahae fidem imitandam Iudaeis ponat apostolus, Canon 69. Why the apostle asserts that the faith of Abraham: must be imitated
adprobans non ex operibus legis sed ex operibus fidei iustificari crecientes, by the Jews, approving those who believe they are justified not by the works of
quos et Israhel dei nuncupat. the law but by the works of faith, whom he also calls the Israel of God.
Rom.20.26.28.29.30.32.33.34. 72. Rom 20. 26. 28. 29. 30. 32. 33. 34. 72.
Gal. 10. 16. 30. GallO. 16. 30.
Hebr. 11. 20. 25. Heb 11. 20. 25.

Can. LXX. Quia gentes de Iudaeorum casu non debeant gloriari; deus enim Canon 70. Why the Gentiles must not pride themselves for the case of the
omnes homines uult saluos fieri, concludens omnia sub peccato, ut omnium Jews: indeed God wants all men to be saved, imprisoning all that is under sin
misereatur; qui per Christum nos reconciliauit sibi; deus enim, inquit, erat in so that he may be merciful to all; he reconciled us to himself through Christ:
Christo mundum reconcilians sibi. God, he says, was reconciling the world to himself through Christ.
Rom. 79.87.88.89.90. Rom 79. 87. 88. 89. 90.
Cor. II. 32. 2 Cor 32.
Tim. I. 9. 16. 1 Tim 9. 16.
Hebr. 14. Heb 14.

Can. LXXI. Quia cum se persecutorem ecclesiarum fuisse accuset et

Canon 71. Why, although he accuses himself of having been a persecutor of
minimum apostolorum esse dicat, raptum tamen usque ad tertium caelum se
the church and says that he is the lowest of the apostles, he declares that he
confitetur, ubi sine dubio instructus est euangelio, quod non ab homine sed
was carried off to the third heaven, where he was undoubtedly initiated in the
a Christo per reuelationem spiritus doctum se esse dicit.
gospel, in which he says to have been instructed not by a man but by Christ,
Cor. I. 82.
through the revelation of the spirit.
Cor. II. l. 54. 57.
1 Cor 82.
Gal. 5. 6.
2 Cor l. 54. 57.
Eph. 11. 12.
Gal5. 6.
Philipp. 17.
Eph 11. 12.
Tim. I. 3. 4. 5.
Phill7.
Tim. II. 6.
lTim 3. 4. 5.
Tit. 12.
2 Tim 6.
Titus 12.
Can. LXXII. Quia, dicat idem apostolus a deo se gratiam apostolatus
accepisse et Christum in se loqui et operari et quia spiritu dei agantur qui filii
dei sunt, heredes quidem dei, coheredes autem Christi. Canon 72. Why the same apostle says that he received from God the grace
Rom.2.58.59. 116. of apostleship and that Christ speaks and acts in him, and why those who
Cor. II. 6. 7. 13. 23. 60. are children of God are guided by the Spirit of God, being heirs of God, and
Thess. I. 3. 11. co-heirs of Christ.
Col. 11. Rom 2. 58. 59. 116.
Tim. II. 7. 2 Cor 6. 7. 13. 23. 60.
Hebr. 5. 10. 11. 1 Thess 3. 11.
Colll.
2 Tim 7.
Heb 5. 10. 11.
200 Priscilliani in Pauli Apostoli Canones Canons on the Letters of Paul / 201
Can. LXXIII. Quia ibi euangelium praedicauerit, ubi nullus apostolorum Canon 73. Why he preached the gospel where no apostlehad been and was
fuerat seque ad euangelizandum a Christo missum. sent by Christ to evangelize.
Rom.117. Rom 117.
Cor. I. 3. 1 Cor 3.
Cor. II. 12. 22. 48. 2 Cor 12. 22. 48.
Gal. 6. Gal6.
Eph. 12. Eph 12.

Can. LXXIV. Quia nihil minus fecerit aliis apostolis tam praedicatione quam Canon 74. Why he did nothing less than the other apostles with both his
signis; nam etsi inperitus sum, inquit, sermone sed non scientia. preaching and miracles; in fact, I am untrained in speech, he says, but not in
Rom. 115. 116. 117. knowledge.
Cor. I. 14. 82. Rom 115. 116. 117.
Cor. II. 50. 1 Cor 14. 82.
Philipp. 3. 11. 12. 19. 2 Cor 50.
Thess. I. 4. Phil 3. 11. 12. 19.
1 Thess 4.
Can. LXXV. Quia gentium sit apostolus quibus et euangelium praedicat,
et quod ueniens Antiochiam reprehendit Petrum sibique dextras dederint Canon 75. Why he is the apostle of the Gentiles to whom he also preaches the
Iacobus et Iohannes et Barnabae societatis. gospel, and why, coming to Antioch, he reproached Peter, and James and John
Rom.4.86.87. 115. gave him and Barnabas the right hand of fellowship.
Rom 4. 86. 87. 115.
Gal. 7. 8. 9.
Gal 7. 8. 9.
Eph. 11. 12.
Eph 11. 12.
Tim. I. 10.
1 Tim 10.
Tim. II. 6. 7. 26.
2 Tim 6. 7. 26.

Can. LXXVI. Quia collegam habuerit Timotheum et Epaphroditum

Canon 76. Why he had Timothy as his companion and Epaphroditus as his
coapostolum atque conmilitonem aliosque adiutores siue ministros.
co-apostle and fellow soldier and other helpers and assistants.
Rom. 115. 125. Rom 115. 125.
Cor. I. 81. 101. 1 Cor 81. 101.
Cor. II. 12. 15. 41. 43. 2 Cor 12. 15. 41. 43.
Eph. 16. Eph 16.
Philipp. 14. Phill4.
Col. l. 2. 34. Col l. 2. 34.
Tim. II. 4. 25. 2 Tim 4. 25.
Philem. l. Philemon l.
Hebr. 28. Heb 28.

Can. LXXVII. Quia filios uocet eos quos ueritatis scientia inbuebat, in Canon 77. Why he calls children those whom he imbued with the knowledge
quibus apostolicae auctoritatis potestate usus de his quos ad paenitentiam of the truth, and by making use of the power of apostolic authority with
contristauerat gratulatur. them, he rejoices for those whom he had rendered sad until they repented.
202 Priscilliani in Pauli Apostoli Canones Canons on the Letters of Paul 203
Cor. l. 24. 25. 52. 55.
1
1 Cor 24. 25. 52. 55.
Cor. II. 8. 9. 26. 28. 36. :38. 45. 46. 47. 61. 2 Cor 8. 9. 26. 28. 36. 38. 45. 46. 47. 61.
Gal. 23. Gal23.
Philipp. 2. Phil2.
Thess.l. 4. 1 Thess 4.
Col. 12. Col12.
Tim. Il. 18. 2 Tim 18.
Philem. 3. 4. Philemon 3. 4.

Can. LXXVIII. Quia praedicare potius quam baptizare missus a Christo sit Canon 78. Why he was sent by Christ to preach rather than baptizing, and
nosque in baptismo Christo esse consepultos, ut filii dei effecti in nouitate we were buried with Christ in baptism, so that we might walk in the new-
uitae ambulemus, heredes quidem dei, coheredes autem Christi. ness oflife after being m ade children of God, heirs of God, [and] co-heirs of
Rom. 40. 59. Christ.
Cor.l. 3. Rom. 40. 59.
Eph. 2. 34. 1 Cor 3.
Col. 17. Eph 2. 34.
Tit. 12. Col. 17.
Hebr. 9. 11. 18. Titus 12.
Heb 9. 11. 18.
Can. LXXIX. Quia ob peccatorum inmensitatem scelesti homines deteriori-
bus traduntur passionibus et quia non sponte creatura subiecta sit et a Canon 79. Why beca use of the enormity of their sins wicked men are given
Christi caritate neque alia creatura nos separet et euangelium creaturae sit up to extremely bad passions, and why creation was not subjected of its will,
praedicatum. and no other creation separates us from the love of Christ, and the gospel was
Rom.9.61.62.63.68. 100. proclaimed to creation.
Col. 5. 9. Rom 9. 61. 62. 63. 68. 100.
Tim. I. 15. Col5. 9.
Hebr. 18. 1 Tim 15.
Heb 18.
Can. LXXX. Quia ex parte scire et ex parte prophetare et per speculum illa
Canon 80. Why he said that he partly knew, partly prophesied and saw in a
quae futura sunt uidere se dixerit, currens ad brauium supernae uocationis
mirror the things to come, running to the prize of the celestial call of God.
dei.
1 Cor 75.
Cor. I. 75.
Phil19.
Philipp. 19.
Canon 81. Why the Christians must rejoice in their afflictions, knowing that
Can. LXXXI. Quia Christiani in passionibus gaudere debeant, scientes they are God' s gift, beca use they believe: in fact, to suffer for Christ will be an
donum dei esse quod credunt; nam pro Christo pati aeterna merces erit. eternal reward.
Rom. 35. 60. 68. Rom 35. 60. 68.
Cor. I. 23. 24. 100. 1 Cor 23. 24. 100.
Cor. II. 2. 25. 33. 37. 52. 53. 56. 57. 2 Cor 2. 25. 33. 37. 52. 53. 56. 57.
Gal. 38. Gal38.
204 Priscilliani in Pauli Apostoli Canones Canons on the Letters of Paul 205

Philipp. 5. 6. Phil5. 6.
1
Thess. I. 6. 7. 1 Thess 6. 7.
Thess. II. l. 6. 2 Thess l. 6.
Col. 9. Col9.
Tim. II. 13. 18. 19. 24. 26. 2 Tim 13. 18. 19. 24. 26.
Hebr. 19. 21. 22. 28. Heb 19. 21. 22. 28.

Canon 82. Why the body of the saints in that general resurrection must be
Can. LXXXII. Quía corpora sanctorum in illa generali resurrectione diuersis
adorned with different splendours of merits, where indeed flesh and blood,
meritorum claritatibus induenda sint, ubi iam caro et sanguis, idest uentris that is, the works of the belly and lust, will not reign.
et libidinis opera non regnabunt. 1 Cor 92. 93. 94. 95. 96.
Cor. I. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. Heb 21.
Hebr. 21.
Canon 83. Why Christ is the first fruits of resurrection, and afterwards those
Can. LXXXIII. Quía primitiae resurrectionis Christus sit, deinde qui ipsius who are his, and now he sits above every dominion and authority, being
sunt, nunc ipse super omnem principatum et potestatem sedeat in patris placed at the right hand of the Father.
dextera conlocatus. Rom 40. 41. 42. 67. 68.
Rom.40.41.42.67.68. 1 Cor 33. 83. 85. 86. 87. 89. 91. 92.
Cor. I. 33. 83. 85. 86. 87. 89. 91. 92. 2 Cor 26.
Cor. II. 26. Eph 5.
Eph. 5. Phill8.
Philipp. 18. 1 Thess 14.
Thess. I. 14. 2 Tim 12.
Tim. II. 12. Heb 2. 4. 13. 21.
Hebr. 2. 4. 13. 21.
Canon 84. Why he says that those constituted in the body have been resur-
Can. LXXXIV. Quía in corpore constitutos resurrexisse dicat in baptismo rected in baptism, and after being dead to sin were vivified together in Christ,
eos qui peccato mortui conuiuificati sunt Christo et quaerunt quae sursum and seek the things which are on high, not those on the earth.
sunt, non quae super terram. Rom 39. 40. 42. 43. 48
Rom.39.40.42.43.48 Eph 7
Eph. 7 Coll6. 17. 23. 24.
Col. 16. 17. 23. 24.
Canon 85. Why the judgement of God will be through the just judge Christ,
Can. LXXXV. Quía iudicium dei ent msto iudice Christo, ubi recipiet when each one reéeives [a reward] according to his works, while his con-
unusquisque secundum opera sua, conscientia rationem etiam de cogitatione science also accounts for his thoughts, and the culprits of all crimes experi-
reddente, omniumque criminum reí dei iudicantis experientur examen. ence the examination of God who judges.
Rom. 12. 13. 15. 105. Rom 12. 13. 15. 105.
Cor. I. 20. 21. 31. 1 Cor 20. 21. 31.
Cor. II. 30. 2 Cor 30.
Eph. 37. Eph 37.
Tim. I. 25. 1 Tim 25.
206 Priscilliani in Pauli Apostoli Canones Canons on the Letters of Paul 207
Tim. II. 21. 24. 2 Tim 21. 24.
1
Hebr. 24. 25. Heb 24. 25.

Can. LXXXVI. Quía inhonorentur a deo qui non honorificant deum et Canon 86. Why those who did not honour God are dishonoured by God and
relinquantur desideriis suis grauius iudicandi. are left to their desires to be judged more severely.
Rom. 9. 10. 29. Rom 9. 10. 29.
Cor. I. 27. 70. 1 Cor 27. 70.
Gal. 33. 34. Gal33. 34.
Thess. II. 2. 2 Thess 2.
Col. 31. Col31.
Hebr. 18. Heb 18.

Can. LXXXVII. Quía ante iudicii diem ueniet filius peccati qui intellegitur Canon 87. Why before judgement day the son of sin, who is understood to be
antichristus. the antichrist, will come.
Thess. II. 4. 2 Thess 4.

Can. LXXXVIII. Quía iudicium in fine mundi igne erit, quod et iram Canon 88. Why the judgement at the end of the world will be of fire, which
nominat; qui dies in aduentu Iesu de caelis ut fur ueniet in filios diffidentiae also calls the wrath [of God]; and that day in the advent of Jesus from the
omnemque inpietatem. heavens will come like a thief against the children of disbelief and all
impieties.
Rom. 6. 13.
Rom 6. 13.
Cor. I. 16.
1 Cor 16.
Eph. 29.
Eph 29.
Philipp. 20.
Phil20.
Thess. I. 3. 4. 15. 16.
1 Thess 3. 4. 15. 16.
Thess. Il. 2.
2 Thess 2.
Col. 26.
Col26.
Hebr. 18. 25.
Hebr 18. 25.

Can. LXXXIX. Quía praesens mundi huius felicitas non solum ut breuis Canon 89. Why the present happiness of this world must be despised not only
sed ut nociua et malitiosa spernenda est et quía sapientia eius stultitia sit, as ephemeral, but also as harmful and malicious, and why its wisdom is
in quibus et nos aliquando conuersati, inquit, sumus; nouissimam uero foolishness, and among these things we too, he says, have once lived; and
destruendam mortem, cum iusti de his qui nunc eos tribulant uindictam a indeed final death múst be destroyed, when the righteous receive from God
domino fuerint consecuti. their revenge on those who afflict them now.
Rom. 92. Rom 92.
Cor. I. 18. 43. 70. 88. 1 Cor 18. 43. 70. 88.
Cor. II. 38. 2 Cor 38.
Gal. 2. Gal2.
Eph. 6. Eph6.
Thess. II. l. 2. 2 Thess l. 2.
Hebr. 10. 19. Heb 10. 19.
208 Priscilliani in Pauli Apostoli Canones Canons on the Letters of Paul 209

Can. XC. Quia iusti cum deo patre et Christo regnaturi in aeternum sint, ubi
1
Canon 90. Why the righteous will reign forever with God the Father and
corpus corruptioni ultra subiectum non erit. Christ, when the body is not subject to corruption any longer.
Rom.41.42.46.47.62. Rom 41. 42. 46. 47. 62.
Cor. I. 89. 93. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 1 Cor 89. 93. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99.
Cor. Il. 29. 2 Cor 29.
Gal. 30. 34. Gal30. 34.
Eph. 5. 6. 7. Eph 5. 6. 7.
Thess. Il. 5. 2 Thess 5.
Tim. I. 29. 1 Tim 29.
Tit. 9. 12. Titus 9. 12.
Hebr. 11. 12. Heb. 11. 12.

Priscilliani Epistulae Fragmentum
In Pauli Orosii Commonitorio Memoratum
'Haec prima sapientia est in animarum typis diuinarum uirtutum intellegere
naturas et corporis dispositionem, in qua obligatum coelum uidetur et terra
omnesque principatus saeculi uidentur adstricti; sanctorum uero disposi-
tiones superare. Nam primum circulum et mittendarum in carne animarum
s diuinum chirographum, angelorum et dei et omnium animarum consensibus
fabricatum patriarchae tenent; qui contra formalis militiae opus possident',
et reliqua.
1
Fragment Quoted in Orosius
Pauli Orosii ad Aurelium Augustinum
Commonitorium de errare
Priscillianistarum et Origenistarum, 2
Collated editions: Priscilliani quae supersunt,
ed. G. Schepss, CSEL 18 (Vienna, 1889), 153;
Aurelii Augustini Opera, XV,3, ed. K.-D. Daur,
CCSL 49 (Turnhout, 1985), 159
This is the first wisdom: to understand the natures of divine powers in the
types of souls and the arrangement of the body, in which heaven appears to
be bound, and earth and all the authorities of the world to be tied together,
while the orders of the saints domínate. In fact, the patriarchs keep the
first circle and the divine record of the souls to be sent into the flesh, which
was made with the consents of the angels, God, and all the souls; those who in
turn control the work of the natural host ... and the rest.

SIGLA
L = Codex 113, Laon, Bibliotheque de Laon, fos. 1'-13v.
Morin 1 = G. Morin, 'Traité priscillianiste inédit sur la Trinité', in Études, textes,
découvertes: Contributions a la littérature et a l'histoire des douze prerniers siecles,
1 (Maresdous, 1913), 151-205.
M orín 2 = Emendationes a Morin in editionis suae apparatu propositae.
Mercati = G. Mercati, Opere Minori, III, Studi e Testi, 78 (Rome, 1937), 508-9.
De Trinitate Fidei Catholicae
1
In terris uisus est, et in ter homines conuersatus est; et in ipso cognitus est Pater.
Alioquin quemadmodum inuisibilem deum, quem nema uidit umquam/
scire aut uidere possemus,a nisi ipse nobis se ostendisset in filio, et nostrae
deseruiens fragilitati, in nomen et formam per quam agnitionem sui posset
5 praebere uenisset, ipse filius patris, ipse primogenitus frater in nobis?b Quem
qui non recipit, nec eum a quo missus est recipit, hoc est, in uno ipso
mittentem missumque non recipit. Unde sic praeclare sanctus apostolus
monet dicens: Si fratrem tuum quem uides non diligis, deum quem non uides
quomodo habes diligeref Filii igitur, hoc est, primogeniti fratris in multis
10 fratribus dilectione opus est, ut deum patrem, quem nisi in hoc uidere non
possumus, diligamus. Adhuc etiam et uidentis argumentum est opus mani-
festum in filio: quod cum deo deum saluatorem nosse primogenitum in multis
fratribus 4 apostolo dicit, ipse in propheta ostendens in se domini personam
patris et filii eiusdem et fratres appellat et filios, quia scriptum est: Narraba
5
15 nomen tuum fratribus meis, in medio ecclesiae cantaba tibi. Itemque dicit:
Ecce ergo et filii, quos mihi dedit deus. 6 Qui fratres eius sunt, qui non ipse filius?
Et omnes scilicet filii dei patris unius: quemadmodum filius potest esse, nisi
pater sit? Nonne perspicuum est, eosdem filios habere quos fratres, nisi filium
a possemus] scripsi cum Mercati, p. 508. possumus. L Morin l. b nobis?] scripsi cum
Mercati, p. 508. nobis. Morin l.
2 3 4
Rom 8:29.
1 Baruch 3:38. Jn 1:18. 1 Jn 4:20.
5
Ps 21:23. 6
Is 8:18.
1
Spurious Works
On the Trinity of Catholic Faith
(De Trinitate Fidei Catholicae)
Collated editions: G. Morin, 'Traité Priscillianiste inédit
sur la Trininité', in Études, textes, découvertes: contributions
ala littérature et al'histoire des douze premiers siecles,
I (Maresdous, 1913), 151-205 (Latin text, pp. 178-205)
'He appeared on earth and lived with men'; 1 and in him the Father was
known. Moreover, how could we have known and seen the invisible God,
whom 'no one ever saw' ,2 if he had not shown himself to us in the Son, and
complying with our frailty, had not come in the name and the form through
which he might provide his recognition, he being the Son of the Father, he
being the first-born brother among us? And the one who does not receive him
does not receive him by whom he was sent either, that is, he does not receive
the sender or the sent at the same time. Therefore, the holy apostle clearly
admonishes [us], saying: 'If yo u do not love your brother whom yo u see, how
can you love God whom yo u do not see?' 3 For the love of the Son, that is, of
the firstborn brother among many brothers is necessary, so that we may love
God the Father, whom we cannot see except in him. In addition, it is neces-
sary that the argument of the one who sees should be evident in the Son: the
apostle says that our God and Saviour knew with God that 'he was the
firstborn among many brothers', 4 and as a prophet, showing in himself the
person of the Lord, he also called them brothers and sons of the Father and
the same Son, because it is written: '1 will tell your name to my brothers, in
the midst of the congregation 1 will sing to you.' 5 And he similarly says: 'See, 1
and the sons whom God gave me.' 6 Who are the brothers of him who is not a
son? And all the sons of God are certainly of one Father: how can he be Son, if
he is not Father? Is it not evident that only a Son and Father can have the
 214 De Trinitate Fidei Catholicae
patremque non posse? Pulchre igitur ait: In princip.io ~r~t uerbum, et uerbur:z
20 erat apud deum, et deus erat uerbum. Hoc erat i~ ~r~nctpw ~pud deum. Orr:ma
per ipsum Jacta sunt, et sine ipso factum est mhtl. Constltuto eodem, SlCut
ibídem scriptum est, uerbum deum esse, unum utique deun:, per. ~uem fac~a
sunt omnia, de nomine tamen uerbi, et de eoc quod recte mtelhgltur patns
et filii indissociabili unitate tractemus. In principio erat uerbum, et uerbum
25 erat apud deum. 8 Quae ista forma uerbi est, quae ~nte qua~ pr~deat-cum
uerbum tum demum potest intelligi, postquam e smu cord1 s er~us~um e~t­
uerbum tamen erat apud deum? Et deus erat uerbum: 9 n~~Ir~m . 1pse
requiescebat in sese. Denique nomen uerb~ ip~ius .quem s1b1 s~gmfi~at
auctorem qui emittitur, cuius est nuntius, cmus 1magm~~ praefer~t,. cm~s
30 exsequitur uoluntatem. Et uerbum, inquit, erat apud deun:. In sensu 1g1tur, 1~
est, apud deum manebat; immo aliud non erat sensus tpse, ~uam uerbum.
Sequitur enim: Et deus erat uerbum. 12 Deum autem sensum snre debemus: uel
quod apud deum uerbum manebat, cuius habitaculum sens~s est, uel. qu~d
aliud non possumus magis deum uocare quan: sensum: deum ~llum saptenttae
35 parentem, 13 illum consilii, ingenii, uoluntat1s au~tore.m. lg1tur sensu~ ~s~
uerbum: quamquam uocabulo distare uide~ntur, d1~elh tamen a s~ ac d1~1d1
nequeunt. Idem enim qui sensit loquitur, ~ma. non ~h~d quam sentlt loqmtur.
Sensus enim in silentio constitutus uerbo md1get, simÜem tantu~modo con-
scientiam futuri apud seipsum forma meditata, uerbumque 1psum non
40 aliunde accersitum, sed in praedestinatione cogitationis uoluntate formatum.
Uolumus prius omne quod loquimur, et nunc loquimur omne q~od
uolumus. Igitur sic neque uerbum potest esse sine sensu, nec s~nsus ~me
uerbo: quía sensus est in uerbo, et hoc unum est. Et unu~ esse. qms du~1tet,
quod aliquo labente sit neutrum, sicut scriptum est: O~ms q~t negat filtum,
45 nec patrem habet? 14 Recte igitur pater sensus, uerbum fihus. es:;.Idemq~e unus
est sensus, qui nisi per uerbum agnosci non ~otest, et loqmm~1 sensu .mbente
non possumus. Sic in filio cognitus pater: SlC ~oluntas patns est films. Sed
uerbum, prius quam ore proferitur, sensu I~tenus.loquent~ form~t~r. Sensus
igitur est uerbi uis, qui ipse sibi loq~itur; .s1.c et o~1s et uoc.Is o~c10 1.mpletur.
50 Ecce unitas patris et filii: quae uult 1pse s1b1 loqmtur. ~u~1 q~1 loqmtur, quo
postquam unus et plenus et uerus uoluntati suae, ~edltatwm s~ae format~r,
spiritus sancti ore prolatum est, uerbuU: .opus ~eqmtur~ et omm~, quae .pnus
non erant, imperio illius uocitata prosümnt, sKut scnptum est. Omma per
e eo] conieci id L Morin l.
7 8 9
Jn 1:1-3. Jn 1:1. Jn 1:1.
11
10 Jn 1:1. Cf. Prov 8:22-36. 12 Jn 1:1.
13
Cf. Prov 8:22-36. 14
1 Jn 2:23.
On the Trinity of the Catholic Faith / 215
same sons who are brothers? Therefore he rightly says: 'In the beginning was
the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. He was in the
beginning with God. All things were made through him, and without him
7
nothing was made.' After this has been established-as is written in that
same passage-namely that the Word is God, and God is certainly one,
through whom all things were made, let us discuss the name of the Word, and
what is properly understood as the indissoluble unity of the Father and the
Son. 'In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God.' 8 What is
this forro of the Word, which before appearing-when the Word could be
understood only then, after he was emitted by the depth of the heart-was
nevertheless a Word with God? 'And the Word was God:' 9 without doubt he
rested in himself. Therefore the name of the very Word indica tes to himself
that author who is emitted, of whom he is the herald, whose image he bears,
whose will he fulfils. 'And the Word', it says, 'was with God.' 10 So, as it were,
he stayed with God in sense: yet sense itself was nothing else but the Word. 11
Then it follows: 'And the Word was God.' 12 We must understand God as
sense: either because the Word stayed with God, whose dwelling is sense, or
because nothing
13
else we can call God more than sense: God is the parent of
wisdom, the author of prudence, intelligence, and will. Therefore the Word
is sense: even though they appear to be distant from the term, they cannot be
plucked or divided from themselves. In fact, the same one who thinks speaks,
because he only speaks what he thinks. The sense established in silence lacks
the word, the forro simply considers in itself the conscience of the future, and
the word itself is not summoned from another place, but is formed by the will
of reflection in predestination. We first want what we speak, and then we
speak all that we want. As a consequence, a word cannot be without sense, or
sense without a word, because sense is in the Word, and this is one. And who
may doubt that one only is he that is nothing to someone who is lost, as is
written: 'All those who deny the Son have not the Father either'? 14 So the
Father is rightly sense, and the Son is the Word; and the same sense is one,
which can only be known through the Word, and we can only speak when
sense commands so. Therefore, the Father is known in the Son; so the will of
the Father is the Son. But the Word, before being pronounced by the mouth,
is formed by the sense speaking inwardly. The power of the Word is sense,
which speaks to itself, so that it performs the duty ofboth the mouth and the
voice. See, this is the unity of the Father and the Son: it speaks to itself the
things that it wants. Listen to him who speaks [and] who afterwards is formed
one, full, and true to his will and meditation, and was pronounced [as Word]
by the mouth of the Holy Spirit, and the work followed the Word, and all
things, which did not exist before, sprang up after being called by his com-
mand, as is written: 'All things were made through him, and without him
 216 De Trinitate Fidei Catholicae
ipsum Jacta sunt, et sine ipso Jactum est nihil. Sapientia enim opus uo_l~ntatis
15
55 et uerbi spiritus sancti forma, cum perfecto orbe laetaretur, agmtwnem
inuisibilis dei per uisibilia uisibilibus ostendens, factorem per factad declarat.
Et uere hoc est sacramentum dei obseruantise in nobis, ut illum inuisibilem,
incomprehensibilem, influentem, ingrauatumque sensibus nostris accipiendo
uideamus, uidendo teneamus. Hic est spiritus dei, qui habitat in nobis: hic
60 est spiritus Christi, quem qui non habet, hic non est eius. 16 Et numquid, quia
uult in unumquemque se diuidi, ideo aliud est quam Christus et deus est, aut
a se ipse diuisus? Alioquin si uocabulorum atque operum dei numero
et uarietate confundimur, innumerabiles necesse est dei spiritus confiteri;
quod dictu nefas est. Spiritus enim dei est, qui tandem _p_rohibet patrem ~t
65 filium unum deum credere. Annon unus deus et unus spmtus est? Quo qmd
dici absurdius potest, non unius dei unum spiritum, cum diuidi omnia magis
possunt emissa quam iungi? Quod si unus spiritus est, e~iam _qui g~ati~r_um
ministratione diuiditur, quomodo non erit unus deus, cmus d1ssolm spmtus
etiam diuisione non potest? Ergo si neque a seipso separari, diuisus licet,
70 spiritus potest, multo magis seiungi ab eo cuius non potes_t: nisi forte a_ut nihil
operantem deum, nihil dona tribuentem possumus a_estu:nare, a_ut mr:u.tem
eius et gratiam formatam in alterum deum a plemtudme umus spmtus,
tamquam si unquam careri posset, euellere. Quod si nos ipsi aliud non sun:-us
quam uoluntas, quam uirtus, quam sapientia, quam sermo, quam mta,
75 et tamen haec ipsa proficiscuntur e nobis, nos aeque significant; ut sine his
nemo fortem sapientem quemque dixerit, nemo fortem, nemo loquentem,
nemo uidentem, cum haec uelut parentibus orta generentur. Sed neque
umquam possunt esse sine nobis, quamuis extra nos esse, cum sint prolata,
uideantur; sed tamen neque fortem, neque sapientem, neque loquentem,
80 neque uidentem quisquam dixerit carentem illis. Quis hoc patris et filii uni_us
dei unitatem non uideat: patrem esse qui faciat generare, cum faCiat
uoluntatem intra uniuersa formantem, omnia uerbo proferentem, sicut scrip-
tum est: Omnia per ipsum Jacta sunt/ et sine ipso Jactum est nihil? 17 Sequitur
deinde: Quod Jactum est in illo, uita est. 18 Quid tandem illud est, quod, quia in
85 eo qui est, separari ab eo non potest, tamen necesse est uelut uisibile fieri, et
apparere quasi factum? Sed utique, quod in illo factum est, nisi ex ipso ~ici
non potest factum. Igitur quod in ipso, ex ipso quod factum est, non est ah~d
quam ipse qui fecit. Quid illud est denique, quod in ipso factum est? Uüa
d per facta] scripsi cum Mercati, p. 509. perfecta L Morin l. e obse:uantis] scripsi cum
Mercati, p. 509. obseruantes L Morin l. f sunt] scripsi cum L snnt Monn l.
18
15
Jn 1:3. 16
Rom 8:9. 17
Jn 1:3. Jn 1:3-4.
On the Trinity oJ the Catholic Faith / 217
15
nothing was made;' wisdom, in fact, is the work of the will and the form of
the Word of the Holy Spirit, when it rejoices after the creation of the world
showing through visible things to those who are visible the recognition of the
invisible God, [and] declares its Maker through the things of creation. And
truly this is the sacrament of God who looks into us, so that we may see him
that is invisible, incomprehensible, powerful, and overwhelming by perceiv-
ing him with our senses, and may hold on to him by seeing him. This is the
Spirit of God that lives in us: this is the Spirit of Christ, and 'the one who does
not have it does not belong to him'. 16 And perhaps, since it wants to be
divided for each one, is it anything else but Christ and God, or is it divided
from itself? On the other hand, if we were confounded by the number and
variety of the terms and words of God, we should confess countless spirits of
God; and this is impious for any to say. In fact the Spirit of God would be the
one that prevents [us] from believing that the Father and the Son are one
God. Maybe is there not one God and one Spirit? What more absurd thing
than this can be said, namely that there is no single spirit of a single God,
since all the things which are emitted can be divided more than joined? For if
there is one Spirit, which is also divided in the distribution of graces, how will
there be no single God, whose Spirit cannot even be dissolved by division?
T?:refore, if the Spirit cannot be separated from itself, even though it is
d1v1ded, even more so it cannot be disjoined from him to whom it belongs:
unless we should think that God does nothing nor grants gifts at all, or we
should take away his virtue and the grace formed in another god from the
fullness of one spirit, as if it might ever be lacking. In fact, if we are nothing
else but will, virtue, wisdom, speech, life, and yet these very things depart
from us, they will all the same give us our meaning, so that without them
nobody will say that someone is strong or wise, nobody will say that someone
is strong, is speaking, is seeing, since these born things are generated, as it
were, by parents. But they can never be without us, even though they appear
to be outside us, since they have been shown; and yet nobody will call some-
one lacking them strong, or wise, or speaking, or seeing. Who does not see
through this the unity of the Father and the Son of the one God: the Father is
the one who causes generation, when he creates the will that forms inside all
things, the one who produces everything through the Word, as is written: 'All
things were made through him, and without him nothing was made.' 17 And
then it follows: 'All that was made in him was life.' 18 What is that thing then,
which, since it is in him who is, cannot be separated from him, and yet it
should become visible, as it were, and should appear, as if it was made? But
certainly what was made in him can only be said to have been made by him.
Therefore what is in him, which was made by him, is nothing else but he who
made it. What is that then, which was made in him? Life, of course: and that
 218 De Trinitate Fidei Catholicae
scilicet: quae uita esse non potest, praesertim de uita, si aliquando in deo non
90 fuit; sequitur enim, ut, si principium habuit, habeat et finem. Quod si quia
uita est, et dei uita habere non potest finem, necesse est ut principium quoque
eadem ratione non habeat, quía finis est expers. Alioquin uitam hanc, aut non
esse perpetuam, aut principii dicimus exsortem. Quod si et deus semper est,
neque qui semper est potest unquam esse sine uita, ergo et uita perpetua est,
95 neque est quando non fuerit; quia sine uita deus esse non potest perpetuus,
numquam sine uita fuit, etiam sine initio est uita, qui deus est. Et ita omne
illud mundiale sofisticum conruit, ut quod in deo atque ex deo facturo est, in
deo aliquando non fieret. Unius igitur dei patris et filii quid ista uita est, nisi
spiritus sanctus? Nam quod scriptum est, In principio erat uerbum, et uerbur:z
100 erat apud deum, et deus erat uerbum: hoc erat in principio apud deum: omma
per ipsum Jacta sunt, et sine ipso factum est nihil: quod factum est in illo, uita
est; 19 in principio, scilicet per uerbum uniuersa facientem, donum spiritus
sancti, quae erat in deo uita, profertur. Haec uita in hoc mundo credentibus
deum insinuata per uerbum est, dilatata per filium, sicut scriptum est: Quod
105 fuit ab initio, audiuimus, et uidimus oculis nostris, et inspeximus, et manus
nostrae tractauerunt de uerbo uitae, et uita apparuit nobis, et uidimus, et testi-
monium da mus, et adnuntiamus uobis uitam aeternam, quae erat apud patrem,
et apparuit nobis. 20 Uitam igitur a patre uenientem apostolus agnoscit in filio:
ergo uita patris est filius, qui apud patrem erat. Nam scriptum est: Ego sum
110 uia, et ueritas, et uita. Si me cognoscitis, et patrem meum cognoscitis; et ex hoc
nostis illum, et uidistis eum. 21 !taque pater et filius unus est deus, si neque deus
est nisi uitam habeat aeternam, et non est aliud aeterna uita quam deus est.
Quid ergo argumentis adserimus: an rationem quoque fidei nostrae? Certe
enim subditus patri est, qui uoluntatem patris impleuit; qui tum demum
115 non esset subditus, si omnia ei, quae illi subiecerat pater, non essent subiecta.
Cum igitur subdita ei fuerint omnia, tune ipse subiectus erit ei, qui sibi omnia
subdidit. 22 Quo magis dicto declarari potuit uirtus altissimi in filio? Subditus
certe est, qui nihil rennuit, nihil recusat: ideo nihil inpossibile est filio
uoluntatem patris implenti. Uirtus igitur et sapientia dei cum uniuersa ibi
120 subdidit, subiectum se ei esse testatur, cuius non destitit imperium: quae cum
sibi uniuersa subiecit, plenum opus operata, tune recipit testimonium, ut
subiecta sit deo, id est omni uoluntati patris; quae ad plenitudinem gloriae
illius prosecuta regnat ut uincat, et cum uicerit, subditur patri. Laus igitur
19
Jn 1:1-4. 20
1 Jn 1:1-2. 21
Jn 14:6-7. 22
1 Cor 15.28.
. On the Trinity of the Catholic Faith / 219
hfe c~n~ot be, especially the life of God, if it was not once in God· so it follo s
that, 1f 1t _had a beginning, it should have an end as well. But if, ;in ce it is li~,
a~d t~e hfe of Go~ cannot have an end, it necessarily should have no begin-
nmg elther, accordmg to _the same principie, because it is devoid of an end. On
the _oth_er end, w_e may elther say that this life is not eternal, or is devoid of a
~egmnmg. And 1f God always is, the one who always is can never be without
l~fe, an~ therefore life is eternal, and there is no time when it was not; [and]
smc~ Wl~hout life God cannot be eternal, and he was never without life life
also 1s w1thout a ~eginnin?, which is God. And so that en tire worldly sophism
collap~es, accordmg to wh1eh what was made in God and by God once did not
occur m Go~. _What i~ t~is lif~ of t~e one God, the Father and the Son, except
the Holy Sp~nt? For lt 1s wntten: In the beginning was the Word, and the
Wor~ was _wlth God, and the Word _was God; he was in the beginning with
God, all thmgs wer_e m~de through h1m, and without him nothing was made;
all that wa~ made 1~ h1m wa~ life:' 19 in the beginning, certainly through the
Word creatmg all th~ngs the g1~ ~f the H_oly Spirit, which was the life in God,
was produced. In th1s world th1s hfe was mtroduced into those who believe in
?od through the Word, ~and] was developed through the Son, as is written:
_What was from the begmning, what we heard, and saw with our eyes, and
mspected; and our hands touched on the Word oflife, and life appeared to us,
a~d we saw, and testify to [it], and announce to you the eternallife that was
':'1th the_ Father, and appeared to us.' 20 The apostle recognizes in the Son the
hfe co~mg from the Father: therefore, the life of the Father is the Son who
was wlth the Father. In fact, it is written: 'I am the way, the truth, and the life.
I~ yo u know me, yo u know my Father too; and from this [time J yo u know
21
h1m, and have seen him._' So the Father and the Son is one God, if God is not
unless he has etern~l hfe, and eternal life is nothing else but God. What
ar?ument are we mamtaining: perhaps the principie itself of our faith? Cer-
tamly he who fulfilled the will of the Father is subject to the Father and the
he ?nly wo~ld not be subject, if all the things, which the Father had mad~
sub~ect to h1_m, were not subject to him. 'And when all things have been made
subJect to h1m, then he himself will be subject to him who made all th"
b d· h · ,z2 ' mgs
su or mate to. 1m. With what words could the power of the Highest in the
S~n be pro~la1~ed m~re openly? Certainly he who refused nothing, who
reJects nothmg, 1s subJect: therefore, nothing is impossible to the Son wh
0
fulfils the will of the father. Therefore, the power and wisdom of God h
h d h. , w en
e ma e everyt mg subject to himself, testifies to be subject to him from
who_se command he did not cease; and when he made all those things ;ubject
to h1mself: and acco~plished the full work, then he received the testimony, so
that he m1gh~ be subJect to God, that is, to the whole will of the Father; and
after proceedmg to the fullness ofhis glory, he reigns to win, and when he has
 De Trinitate Fidei Catholicae
220
uirtutis et patris est, adsignare quod uincent, quia scriptum es~: Chri~tus in
gloriam dei patris; 23 ut capiens deus fructum o?er~m suorum, t~mmfat1s po:-
125
estatibus, morte deuicta, uirtutem in se ac sap1ent1am suam, qmbus haec eglt,
accipiens, non diuinitate tantummodo, sed in toto diuinitatis ope~e perfectu~,
sit deus in omnibus omnia. 24 Atque hoc sacramentum patris.~t filn ~uo mag1s
posset intelligi, innumeris sacrorum uolu~i~um testiJ_U~nns _contmetur. Ita
enim scriptum est: Exaltaueritis filium hommts, tune sctetts qut~ ego sum, _et a
130
meipso facio nihil, sed sicut docuit me pater, haec loq~or: quomam ~s~ qut me
misit, et mecum est, non me derelinquet solum: quomam ego qu_ae tllt placent
facio semper. 25 Qui me misit, inquit, mecum est, et ~on ~e dere~mqu~~ solum.
Duosne arbitrare possumus deos, hospites corpons umus hab1tacuh .. At hoc
credere nec de hominibus quidem ratio permittit; sed et apostolus alt: De~s
135
erat in Christo mundum reconcilians sibi. 26 Quid ergo rationis est? Numqmd
subiciendus est pater? Minime: nam inpassibilem et esse et dici necesse est-
quemadmodum ergo 'Qui me misit mecum est'? -et ~ei sap_ientiam_non es~e
27
aliud, quam sapientiae et uirtutis auctorem; sed non 1deo, s1 opus em_s est m
mundo, cum operi suo ipse non desit, ipsum quoque mundo esse sub1ectum:
sapientiam eius et uerbum omne ipsius esse uirtutem; sed haec _cu~ rebus
140
inuisibilibus intersint, ab inuisibilibus uisibilia profecta apparere m ?1s ~uae
proficiunt, non tamen uidendum eum praebere qui _faciat. D~ni~ue a1~: S~ non
facio operam patris mei, nolite mihi credere: openbus_ credtte. Qu_1d 1llu~,
quod maiorem operibus quam sibi adro!?at ~dem? Qmsqu~mn~ act1bus sm~
145
minor est et commendationem eorum md1get quae sunt m ems potestate.
Sed quid ~st 'operibus credite'? 29 Operan ti scilicet in me patr~. No_n sunt me~
ista quae facio, ait, pater haec in me la_te~ter _exerce~. I~a em~ alt. Ego uem,
inquit, in nomine patris, et non me receptstts: altus uemet m nomme_s~o, et h~nc
recipietis. 30 Qui in nomine patris uenit, in patr~ ~nus est deus; qm1~ ~om1~e
150
suo uenturus est, quia de domino patre amb1g1 non pot~st, con~tltmt s_e m
alterum deum, et ab eo qui unus deus ex patre descendlt. Seqmtur dem~e
docentis unum deum illa conclusio: Scito~e quon~am in me pat~r, et ego ~~
patre.3t Quid opus est commonitione ut soant, qmbus quod audmnt suffiot
credidisse? Sed agnosces 11 deum penetrantem ad intima sensu d~c~rum_ fidem
155
tuam stabile in auribus habere iudicium, cum in sedibus cord1s mtelhgenda
h agnosces] scripsi cum Morin 2 agnoscens
g sufficit] scripsi cum L suffi Morin l.
LMorin 1.
26
25
Jn 8:28-9. 2Cor5:19.
23
Phil2:11.
24
1 Cor 15:28. 30
28
29
Jn 10:38. Jn 5:43.
27
Cf. Jn 8:29. Jn 10:37-8.
31
Jn 10:38.
On the Trinity of the Catholic Faith / 221
won, he is made subordina te to the Father. So the praise of the power and the
Father is to grant what they will win, beca use it is written: 'Christ to the glory
of God the Father;' 23 so that 'God', gathering the fruit of his works after the
defeat of the demonic forces and the overthrow of death, receiving in himself
his power and wisdom with which he did these things, being perfect not only
in his divinity, but in the en tire work of his divinity, 'may be all in all' .24 And
this sacrament of the Father and the Son, in order that it may be understood
more clearly, is contained in countless testimonies of the holy books. Por it is
written so: 'When yo u have exalted the Son of Man, then yo u will know that I
am, and do nothing on my own, but as my Father taught me, I say these
things; because he is the one who sent me, and is with me, [and] will not leave
me alone, because I always do the things that he likes.' 25 He who sent me, he
says, is with me, and will not leave me alone. Can we think that there are two
Gods, guests of the dwelling place of one body? But not even the principle
concerning men allows us to believe that, and the apostle says: 'God was in
Christ reconciling the world to himself.' 26 What is this principle then? Perhaps
should the Father be made subject? Not at all: in fact, he necessarily must be
and must be said to be impassible-otherwise how 'would he who sent me be
with me'? 27-and the wisdom of God must be nothing else but the author of
the wisdom and power; but as a consequence, if his work is in the world,
when he is present to his work, he must not be subject to the world either: his
wisdom and his entire Word must be his power: but these, when they are
among invisible things, must appear to have been achieved as visible things
from invisible, in those things which they achieve, and yet he, who does [these
things], must not be seen while providing [them ]. Therefore, he says: 'If I do
not do the work of my Father, do not believe me: believe my works.' 28 Who is
that who attributes to his works a greater faith than to himself? Who is
inferior to his deeds, and needs the recommendation of those things which
are in his power? But what does 'Believe my works' 29 mean? Of course,
[believe] the Father who acts in me. The things that Ido are not mine, he says,
the Father performs them in me secretly. In fact, he says so: 'I carne in the
name of the Father, and you did not receive me: another comes in his own
name, and you will receive him.' 30 The one who carne in the name of the
Father is one God in the Father; the one who is coming in his own name,
since there can be no doubt about the Lord Father, has established himself as
another god, and [as a different one] from him who descends from the Father
as one God. Therefore that conclusion of him who teaches one God follows:
'Know that the Father is in me, and I in the Father.' 31 Why is a warning
necessary, so that they may know; to whom is it sufficient to have believed
what they hear? But realize that, as God penetrates into the inner parts of his
honours with his sense, your faith gets a stable judgement in its ears, when in
 222 De Trinitate Fidei Catholicae
radicibus fixa constiterit. Scitote, inquit, quod in me pater, et ego in patre. Et
quemadmodum tamen hoc uoluit intelligi? Difficile est enim mortalis prae-
sertim audientiae sensum a forma consuetudinis segregare, et ab aspectu
160 oculorumque iudiciis quamuis in alta tendentem aciem mentís abducere.
Quomodo in me pater, et ego in patre? Numquid ut fieri uidemus in uasculis,
alterum esse alterius receptaculum? Quod ridiculum magis, et quanto maius
est, ut et diuersa uice recipientes, rursum in semetipsum recipiat qui receptus
sit. Sic ueniet propiciatio sancta arcanique ministerii dici? Haec adiciunt, qui
165 duos praedicant; aequalitas licet et communicatio diuinitatis in duobus
dumtaxat recipiet hoc uerbum, quamquam non ad eandem ubique tribuant
potestatem, sed tamen dictum hoc de consortio duorum putent. Quid illud
est, 'In me pater, et ego in patre'? Aperte, credo, loquendi fuit significatio: cum
patre aequalis sum; quamquam dixerit: Maior me ést. 32 Eadem nobis uirtus,
170 similis operatio, par potestas. Et quemadmodum quasi a patre abusus hoc
diceret, quia ait Non ueni uoluntatem meam facere, sed eius qui me misit
patris; 33 quid aequale sibi dixerit cum patre esse, cum nihil suum esse testatur?
Et quae tandem huius professionis est ratio? Ut unum scilicet deum intelligere
possemus. Ubi enim nihil suum adserit filius, patrem declarat esse, qui hoc
175 faciat; ac rursus ne non sit filius qui nihil agat, scriptum est: Pater neminem
iudicat, sed omne iudicium filio dedit. 34 Ergo omnis uoluntas est patris, filii
omne iudicium, cum pater operetur in filio; sicut apostolo ait: Cum iudicau-
erit deus occulta hominum secundum euangelium meum per Iesum Christum
dominum nostrum. 35 Merito ergo ait: qui nouit patrem <nouit filium>, et qui
180 uidet filium, intelligit patrem. Scriptum est enim: Neque me nostis, neque
patrem meum; si enim me sciretis, et patrem meum utique sciretis. 36 Hoc est
illud: 'quoniam in me pater'. Itemque dici de filio legimus: Imago inuisibilis
dei. 37 Ecce ergo illud rursus: 'et ego in patre'. !taque et pater dat imaginem
filio, et agnitio patris est filius. Recte dicitur: Qui credit in me, credit et in eum
38
185 qui me misit. Eo iamne apparet, quibus per filium gradibus ad agnitionem
dei unius ascenditur: quod fidei operantis argumentum, quo inuisibilem
patrem uideamus in filio? Si missum credimus, ergo mittentem: si uirtutem
agnoscimus, deum uirtutis accipiamus: si intelligimus sapientiam, sapientiae
tenemus auctorem, quem nisi opere suo uidere non possumus. Audiamus
32
Jn 14:28. 33
Jn 6:38. 34
Jn 5:22. 35
Rom 2:16.
36
Jn8:19. 37
Col1:15. 38
Jn 12:44.
On the Trinity of the Catholic Faith / 223
the seats of the heart the things to be understood have been fixed with roots.
Know, he says, that the Father is in me, and I in the Father. And how did he
want this to. be understood? It is extremely difficult to separate the sense of
?uman heanng from the form of common practice, and from the visions and
J~dgem~nts of the eyes, even though the sight of the mind, which tends to
hrgh thmgs, carries them off. How is the Father in me, and I in the Father?
Perhaps, as we see to happen in vases, is one the container of the other? But
this is quit~ ri~iculous-and with so much good reason-that, by receiving
each ot?er r.n drfferent tur~s, the one that is received should receive again [the
other l m hrmself. Then wrll the holy propitiation of the mysterious service
come. to be defined so~ T~ose who preach two [gods] add this: certainly the
equahty and commumcatwn of the divinity will only receive this Word in
two, e:en though they do not attribute [that] everywhere to the same power,
but t~mk, nevertheless, that it is said about the community of the two. What
does The Father in me, and I in the Father' mean? The intention 1 believe
wa~ that of ~pe~king. openly: 1 am equal to the Father, even th~ugh [th~
Scr.rp.ture] sard: He ~s greater than l. ' 32 We have the same power, similar
actrvrty, ~qual author~ty. And how could he say this, as if he was used by the
Father, smce he says: 1 carne not to do my own will, but [that J of the Father
33
who se.nt me;' what would he say to be equal in him with the Father, when
he testrfies that nothing is his own? And what is the principie of this profes-
sion?-certainly that we may understand the one God. For when the Son
asserts that nothing is his, he declares that it is the Father who does that· and
again, i~ order that he may not be a Son who does nothing, it is written: ',The
Father Judges nobody, but has given the whole of judgement to the Son.'34
Therefore the whole of will belongs to the Father, the whole of judgement to
the Son, when the Father acts in the Son, as is written: 'When God judges the
se~rets of men according to my gospel through Jesus Christ our Lord.'3s So
wrth good reason he says: the one who knows the Father knows the Son, and
the one ':"ho sees the Son understands the Father. In fact, it is written: 'You
know nerther me nor my Father; for if you knew me, you would certainly
36
know my Father too.' This is the meaning of 'because the Father is in me'
And we read again that it is said about the Son: 'Image of the invisible God.'3;
~er.e comes again that: 'and 1 in the Father.' Therefore, also the Father gives
hr~ r~age to the Son, a?d the recognition of the Father is the Son. Rightly it is
sard: The one who beheves in me believes in him who sent me.' 38 And does it
not already appear in this with what steps through the Son we ascend to the
recognition. of the one God, and what is the argument of the acting faith,
thro~gh whrch we see the invisible Father in the Son? lf we believe in the one
who rs sent, we also. believe in the sender; if we recognize the power, we grasp
the God of power; rf we understand wisdom, we comprehend the author of
 224 De Trinitate Fidei Cathalicae
190 deum inlatum, sed uerbo eius; donis denique omnique opitulationis grati-
arum !atores dei corpus adprehendimus. Haec munera dei in hunc mundum,
et prodesse nobis malis corporis huius implicitis nisi carnis adsumptio non
poterat. Magnam uero redemptori nostro rependimus gratiam, si tam sacrum
pietatis soluendo ministerium, aut uirtutem deo, aut deum uolumus auferre
195 uirtuti. Quinimmo, sicut ipse testatur, clarificetur in filio pater, filium ipse
clarificans. Ait enim: Nunc clarificatus est filius haminis, et deus clarificatus est
in ea. 39 O dispositionis diuinae admirabilem conexionem! O sacri uinculi
insolubilem copiam, et multiformis gratiae ipsius! Unum tamen, ut dei unius
officium, clarificat filium pater. Si clarificatus est a patre, cui sic deus alteri
200 locutus est, quemadmodum clarificare alterum clarificandus ab altero potest?
Eget ergo quisquam eo honore quem praestat? Neque habet,¡ nisi ab altero
acceperit, quam ipse alteri tribuet potestatem? Iam hic quidem inopem
gloriae utrumque deprehendas, si necesse habet ab altero accipere, quia ipse
non habet, et postquam acceptum reddiderit, non haberet. Quamquam ne
205 hoc ipsud quidem intelligam, quam tribuere dignitatem alteri ualeat, qui
spectat aliena. Si enim uterque clarificandus ab altero est, cum clarificaret
ambos, necesse est uterque est indigens claritate. Recurre nunc ad unum, et
haec sibi caritas plena consistit. Honorem et gloriam uirtuti suae pater tribuit,
praecinxit sapientiam suam fortitudine, omnia pedibus eius addicta subiecit.
210 Quomodo non ipse exaltabitur in ea, cui totam tribuit potestatem? Nunc
clarificatus est filius hominis per te. Aut unde uideamus 'et deus clarificatus
est in eo'? Nimirum est et clarificat, cuius splendor et gloria in honorem
eius apparet. Quid postea? Si deus clarificatus est in ea, et deus clarificauit
eum. 40 Iam magis magisque perspicuum est, omnem claritatem esse patris in
215 filio, honorem, gratiam, potestatem. Si in filio clarificatus est pater, et pater
clarificauit eum: si tota lux diuinitatis eius effulsit, plenamque agnitionis
nominum inuisibilis dei detulit claritatem, ministerium hanarificauit41 in filio,
et conlaudantia uirtutem suam uirtutis suae opera laudauit. !taque illud
creberrimum dictum est, aperibus credite: 42 id est, operantem laudantes,
220 intuemini facientem, uidete honorificantem, tribuentem. Et recto quidem
ordine, cum iam filius crederetur, qui fidei primus est aditus, quaerentibus
patrem saepe respondit: Operibus credite. 43 Inuisibilem, inquit, non potestis
uisibiliter aspicere, nisi uisibiliter uideritis. Inde uisibilis filii prima cognitio
agnitionem dei inuisibilis adducit. Uidete prius, inquit, operam, et ita
i habet] scripsi cum L hahet Morin l.
39
Jn 13:31. 40
Jn 13:32. 41
Cf. Roro 11:13.
42 43
Jn 10:38. Jn 10:38.
. On the Trinity af the Cathalic Faith L 225
w1sdom, whom we can only see through his works. Let us listen to the present
God, but through his Word; and finally with the gifts and all, while we are
bringers of the graces of succour, let us understand the body of God. These
are the gifts of God in this world; and only the assumption of the flesh could
be beneficia! to us for the evils implied in such a body. Let us restore this great
grace to our Saviour, if by fulfilling such a holy service of piety either we want
to gain virtue from God, or God from virtue. And furthermore, as he himself
testifies, the Father is glorified in the Son, as he glorifies the Son. For he says:
'Now the Son of Man is glorified, and God is glorified in him. ' 39 O admirable
connection of the divine plan! O indissoluble abundance of the holy bond
and its manifold grace! As the duty of one God, the Father glorifies one Son.
lf he is glorified by the Father, and to him God spoke as to another one, how
can the one who is to be glorified by another glorify another? Does anyone
lack that honour which he provides? Or does he not have that power that he
gives to another, if he has not obtained it from another? And certainly here
yo~ v:ould consider them both to be devoid of glory, if one must necessarily
gam 1t from another, because he did not have it, and after he has returned
what he had received, he does not have it [anymore]. But 1 still would not
understand this, namely that the one who has in view the properties of others
should be able to attribute that dignity to another. In fact, if both must be
glorified by another, while glorifying both, it is necessary that they should be
both devoid of glory. Now revert to one, and this full charity lives by itself.
The Father provided his virtue with honour and glory, girded his wisdom
with strength, and placed all the things given under its feet. How is he not
exalted in that to which he attributed the en tire power? Now the Son of Man
is glorified through you. Or why would we see that 'God also was glorified in
~im'.? There is no doubt: he also glorifies, whose splendour and glory appears
m h1s honour. What then? 'If God is glorified in him, God will also glorify
. ' 40 1t 1s
h 1m. . a1rea dy more and more evident that the entire glory, honour,
grace, and power of the Father are in the Son. lf the Father is glorified in the
Son, also the Father glorified him: if the whole light of his divinity shone, he
also granted the full glory of the recognition of the names of the invisible
God, 'honoured his ministry' 41 in the Son, and praised the works ofhis virtue
which praise together his virtue. And so that saying is very frequent: 'Believe
42
in the works:' that is, while praising him who acts, observe him who makes,
see him who honours, him who provides. And certainly according to the
proper order, when the Son was already being believed, who was the first
entrance of faith, he often answered to those who looked for the Father:
43
'Believe in the works.' You cannot visibly perceive, he says, the invisible, if
yo u do not visibly see. Therefore the first recognition of the visible Son brings
the perception of the invisible God. See first, he says, the work, so that yo u will
 226 De Trinitate Fidei Catholicae
225 poteritis intelligere qui faciat. Intendite uirtutem eius atque sapientiam:
illic totus est ipse quem quaeritis. Philippo denique patrem quaerenti sic ait:
Tanto tempore uobiscum sum, et non me cognouistisr 4 Quid tandem? Philippus
Christum dei filium esse nesciebat, qua adsístente Petrí laudata confessío
est; 45 qui hoc ipso a se credi filium probat, quod patrem requirit? Uolenti
230 tamen patrem uidere quid tandem ait? Tanto tempore uobíscum sum, et non
cognouistís me? Phílíppe, qui me uidet, uídet et patrem. Quomodo tu dícís:
6
Ostende nobís patrem? Non credís, quí ego in patre, et pater in me estr Testatur
patrem nisi in filio non uideri, nec filium aliud agere quam patrem, sicut
47
scriptum est: Nihil agit filíus, nísi quod uíderit patrem facientem; se esse
235 patris plenam agnitionem, opus suum stare per patrem. Hoc est 'ego in patre,
et pater in me'. 48 Addidit deinde: Uerba quae ego loquor uobis, non a me
loquor; sed pater, quí in me manet, facít opera ísta: quía ego in patre, et pater in
me. Alíoquín uel propter opera credíte míhí. 49 Quod loquor, inquit, patris
est, atque in me manens operatur pater. Numquid non patrem auditis in
240 uerbis? Numquid non patrem auditis in factis? Sed filius sum, qui uobis
ista clarifico. Ergo ego in patre et pater in me. 50 Et quo magis fides dicti
huius habeatur, quamquam omnem reluctantem licet atque adtonitum ipso
miraculi stupore ad credendum tamen opera compellant, ne ego solo tantum
testimonio suo starem, quid dicit? Ego nemínem, inquit, íudico; sed et sí íudíco
245 ego, testímoníum meum uerum est. 51 Quid hoc est? Ego neminem iudico/ sed
et si iudico quemquam, et si non iudico, iudicare non est, inquit, iudicium
meum; sed et si iudico, testimonium meum uerum est. Hoc est uerum
iudicium, testimonium eius, qui per me iudicat, patris. Ideo ait: Non iudico;
sed et si iudico, non meum iudicium, sed patris exerceo: ne aut solus in
250 aliquid iudicare uideatur, aut duorum iudicia uideantur, sed unum iudicium
patris et filii, nec plenitudinem societatis nominis careat. Testímoníum,
inquit, meum uerum est; quia non sum solus, sed ego et quí me mísít pater.
53
Stare ením omne uerbum nísí duobus et tribus testíbus non potest. Solum
illum uerum fidei catholicae testimonium est, quod sanctus spiritus trinitate
255 unita confirmat. Ergo ut solitariek illud falsi testis, qui se non unum deum
esse, sed solum sine patre dicturus est, testimonium refellatur: in duobus,
inquit. Sed addidit-ne nos hic a fide dei unius duorum numerus
auerteret-et tribus testíbus stare omne uerbum; 55 ut nomine patris et filii
per adiectionem spiritus sancti indiuisae trinitatis unitas redderetur, atque
j iudico] scripsi cum L indico Morin l. k solitarie] conieci so litare L Morin l.
44 45 46
Jn 14:9. Cf. Jn 6:68-70. Jn 14:9-10.
48 49 50 51
Jn 14:11. Jn 14:10-11. Jn 14:11. Jn 8:15-16.
52
Jn 8:16. 53
Cf. 2 Cor 13:1; Deut 19:15.
54
Cf. 2 Cor 13:1; Deut 19:15. 55
Cf. 2 Cor 13:1; Deut 19:15.
On the Tríníty of the Catholic Faíth / 227
be able to understand him who does it. Understand his virtue and wisdom: he
whom you look for is entirely there. To Philip, who looked for the Father, he
said so: 'Am I so long with you, and you still do not know me?' 44 What then?
Did Philip, in whose presence Peter's confession was praised, 45 ignore that
Christ was the Son of God? And does he prove that the Son is believed by him
with this, namely that he looks for the Father? But what does he say to him
who wanted to see the Father? 'Am I so long with you, and you still do not
know me? Philip, the one who sees me sees the Father too. How can you say:
Show us the Father? Do you not believe that I am in the Father, and the Father
is in me?' 46 Here it is attested that the Father is only seen in the Son, and the
Son does nothing different from the Father, as is written: 'The Son does only
what he sees the Father doing:' 47 he is the full recognition of the Father, and
his work exists through the Father. 'I in the Father and the Father in me' 48
means this. Then he added: 'The words that I speak to you I do not speak
from myself; but the Father, who stays in me, does these works, because I am
in the Father, and the Father in me. Otherwise believe me for my works.' 49
What I say, he says, belongs to the Father, and the Father acts by dwelling in
me. Do you not hear the Father in the words? Do you not hear the Father in
the deeds? But I am the Son who glorifies these things for you. Therefore 'I
am in the Father and the Father in me'. 50 And in order that there may be
greater faith in his words-even though his works drive all reluctant, who are
astounded by the stupefaction ofhis miracle, to believe-what does he say, so
that I may not stay with only one testimony of his? 'I judge nobody,' he says,
'and even if I judge, my testimony is true.' 51 What does this mean? I judge
nobody; but even if I judge someone, and if I do not judge, this is not to
judge, he says, my judgement; but even ifi judge, my testimony is true. This is
the true judgement, the testimony of that Father, who judges through me.
52
Therefore he says: 'I do not judge; but even if I judge, I do not exercise my
judgement, but that of the Father,' so that he may not appear to pass judge-
ment alone on something, nor there may appear the judgements of two, but
one judgement of the Father and the Son, and he may not lack the fullness of
54
the name of their unity. 'My testimony', he says, 'is true, beca use I am not
alone, but [it is] the Father who sent me and l.' 5 2 In fact, every word can only
be established on two and three witnesses. 53 The only true testimony of cath-
olic faith is that, which the Holy Spirit confirms with the united Trinity.
Therefore, in order that especially that testimony of the false witness, who will
say that he is not one God, but only [if he is] without the Father, may be
refuted, he says: 'on two.' 54 But he has added-in order that the number of
47
Jn 5:19. two may not turn us away from the faith of one God-'every word can only
be established [on two] and three witnesses', 55 so that the unity of the
undivided Trinity may be restored with the name of the Father and the Son
 De Trinitate Fidei Catholicae
228
260 intelligere possemus duobus et tribus testibus uerbum omne, quod
56
significa-
tur filius, in quo omnis plenitudo diuinitatis corporaliter inhabitat, contineri.
Non enim 'in duo bus aut tribus [ut] dixit, ut loquendi more uulgato,
quamuis tres ad plenitudinem desiderarentur, duo tamen uiderentur posse
sufficere, etiam si tertius defuisset; sed 'in duo bus' inquit 'et tribus testibus'.
265 Quid istud est, quaero, quod idem significat duo esse, quod tres sint? Si
duobus dixisset aut tribus, hoc ipso quod numerum separaret a numero,
usus coniunctione quae diuidit, multum distare duo a tribus declarasset; et
super hoc nihil expeditasset, minus quam duos in testimonium stare non
posse. Sed in duobus, inquit, et in tribus. Nulla hic inopiae praetenditur
270 necessitas, ut uideantur duo tamen posse sufficere, cum duo tresque iun-
guntur. Sed et illud est scriptum: Arcam, inquit, facies bicamerat~m, et
tricameratam facies eam. 57 Cum de duobus esse alterum necesse slt, aut
bicamerata <aut tricamerata> sit construenda, quemadmodum in ea fieri
posset utrum<que> non uideo. Bicameratam aut tricameratam, ut in duobus
aut tribus testibus; necessitati aliud sit remissum, potestati aliud relictum.
275
Ubi in duobus et tribus utrumque praecipitur, uoluntatem obseruientis
excludit imperantis auctoritas: non est liberum nobis prae copia inopiaque
rerum uel duobus uti uel tribus testibus, qui et duobus uti iubemur et
tribus. Sed quod ratio nostra non tenet numeri, non tamen fide uacua aut
280 inpossibiliter scriptum est; uerum in sacramento diuinitatis ostenditur
religiosiorum hominum mentibus unius dei stabili et fixa ueneratione posse
sibi constare, cum symbolo patri et filio duobus testibus catholicae ueritatis,
in quorum testimonio unius dei inuiolata professio est, tertium sancti
spiritus testimonium ita iungitur, ut nullo interuallo distinctionis alicuius a
duorum corpore separetur. Si enim duo aut tres dicerentur, manifeste duo
285
discernerentur a tribus; nunc cum duo dicantur et tres, docemur idem tres
esse, quod duo sunt. Ita in uno obtinendo deo in duobus et tribus testibus
uerbum omne consistit, ut in patre et filio uno deo nihilominus additur
spiritus sanctus, qui est patris et filii. Quin etiam hoc ipso uel praecipue ad
290 confirmationem unius dei et sancti spiritus testimonio catholica nutritur
fides, quod cum unus sit spiritus sanctus a patre missus et filio, unum
necesse est deum esse testetur: quia qui ipse unus, unum sibi patrem, unum
significat auctorem. Non enim quia scriptum est, Ego rogaba patrem, et alium
57
Gen 6:16.
56
Col2:9.
On the Trinity of the Catholic Faith / 229
throu?h the addition of the Holy Spirit, and we may understand that every
word 1s supported by two and three witnesses, because the Son is signified, in
whom 'the entire fullness of the godhead bodily dwells'. 56 And he did not
actually say 'in either two or three' so that, to speak in simpler terms, even
though three were required for the fullness, two might nevertheless appear to
be possibly sufficient, although the third was missing; but he says: 'on two and
three witnesses'. What is this, I ask, which at the same time means that they
are two, and they are three? If he had said 'either two or three', he would have
declared with this that he separated number from number, [and] by using a
conjunction which divided, that two was quite distant from three, and besides
this he would have explained nothing, except that two could not sustain a
testimony. But 'on two', he says, 'and three'. Here no necessity of shortage is
put forward, so that only two may appear to be possibly sufficient, when two
and three are joined. But this is written too: 'You will make an ark with two
compartments, and you will make it with three compartments.' 57 When one
ofthese [sentences] should be about two, and [the ark] should be built with
ei~her two or three compartments, I do not see how each of these things
m1ght be accomplished in it. With either two or three compartments, as on
either two or three witnesses: one has been referred to necessity, the other has
been relinquished to power. When both actions are prescribed in two and
three, the authority of the one commanding excludes the will of the one who
is subject: we who are ordered to use two and three do not have the freedom
to use either two or three in consequence of the abundance or scarcity of
things. But since our calculation does not keep to the number, this was not
even so written with empty faith or in an impossible manner; in fact, in the
sacrament of the godhead it is shown to the minds of religious m en that they
are established on the stable and fixed worship of one God, with the symbol
of the Father and the Son as the two witnesses of catholic truth, in whose
testimony there is the pure profession of one God, [and] the third testimony
o~ t?e I:Ioly Spirit is joined, so that it may not be separated by any gap of
d1stmctwn from the body of the two. If they were said to be either two or
th:ee, two would be evidently distinguished from three; now, since they are
smd to be two and three, we are taught that three is the same as being two.
Therefore, in obtaining one God, the entire Word is established on two and
three witnesses, as to the Father and the Son, the one God, the Holy Spirit is
nonetheless added, who is of the Father and the Son. And the catholic faith is
indeed nourished, especially for the confirmation of the one God and the
Holy Spirit, with this very testimony, namely that, since the Holy Spirit sent
by the Father and the Son is one, it is necessarily attested that God is one, that
is, that he who is one signifies one Father, [and] one author. In fact, since it is
written: 'I will ask the Father, and he will give you another advocate, so that he
 230 De Trinitate Fidei Catholicae
aduocatum dabit uobis, ut uobiscum sit in aeternum, spmtum ueritatis, 58
295 ideo duo sunt spiritus sancti; sed quo magis pater et filius unus deus sit
intelligi, spiritus quoque a patre, et spiritus a filio datus unus est spiritus,
quia scriptum est: Omnia operatur unus atque ídem spiritus. 59 'Unus atque
idem' dicere, monere est ne non unus esse credatur; quod de uno superflue
denuntiaretur, nisi et patris esset et filii. Sed et dominus praecepit ita dicens:
300 Ite nunc, docete omnes gentes, baptizantes eos in nomine patris et filii et spiritus
sancti. 60 Ergo unus est spiritus. Et tamen scriptum est: Rogaba patrem et alium
aduocatum dat uobis. 61 Et post haec dubitat quisquam patrem et filium unum
creciere deum, cum unus sit spiritus patris et filii? An forsitan ambigi potest,
a filio sanctum spiritum datum? Nempe scriptum est: Haec cum dixisset,
305 insufflauit, et ait illis: Accipite spiritum sanctum: quorum remiseritis peccata,
remittentur illis, et quorum detinueritis, detinenturY Merito ergo ait: Ego
rogaba patrem, et alium aduocatum dabit uobis, ut uobiscum sit in
aeternum spiritum ueritatis. 63 Daturus ipse spiritum sanctum, et alium de
patre promittit: non quod duo credas spiritus, uel quia ait: Baptizate in
310 nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti; 64 quia et cum suum spiritum, et patris
spiritum unum esse spiritum dicat, unum esse fateatur. Et patrem rogaba,
inquit, et alium aduocatum dabit uobis, qui uobiscum sit in aeternum, spiritum
ueritatis, quem mundus accipere non potest, quoniam non uidet illum, nec
cognoscet. Uos autem cognoscetis eum, quoniam uobiscum manet, et in uobis
315 est. 65 Quam delucide paret, unum esse in patre et filio spiritum, cum in
apostolis manere, et in illis esse dicatur, qui a patre uenturus sit. Patrem, ait,
rogabo, et dabit spiritum, quem uos agnoscetis, quía in uobis est. Quomodo
agnoscitur manens, qui est <ex>spectandus ut ueniat? Nimirum praedicatio
gentibus stultitia, ipsis autem uocatis sapientia. 66 Quis enim sine interpre<te>
320 deo sensum hoc recipit, ut maneat, et cum sit in nobis-quia uerum est
omne quod scriptum est-utique uenturus sit? Sed curo in patre et filio unus
creditur deus, manente per fidem in nobis filii spiritu, ad agnitionem
plenissimae ueritatis patris spiritus datur: unus tamen fidei et scientiae
spiritus: per fidem crecientes filio agnoscamus et patrem. Haec est enim dei
325 saluatoris nostri praedicatio. Cum uenerit, inquit, spiritus ueritatis, ille uos
deducet in omnem ueritatem. Non enim loquetur a se, sed quaecumque audierit
loquetur, et ueniens adnuntiabit. Ille me honorabit, quía de meo accipiet, et
58 59 60 61
Jn 14:16. 1 Cor 12:11. Mt 28:19. Jn 14:16.
62 63 64
Jn 20:22-23. Jn 14:16-17. Cf. Mt 28:19.
65
Jn 14:16-17. 66
Cf. 1 Cor 1:23-4.
On the Trinity of the Catholic Faith 231
may be with you forever, the Spirit of truth,' 58 there are n¿, for that reason,
two Holy Spirits; but in order that the Father and the Son may be understood
even more to be one God, the Spirit given by the Father, and the Spirit given
by the Son is one Spirit, beca use it is written: 'One and the same Spirit does all
59
things.' To say 'one and the same' is to warn against believing that it is not
one, beca use it would be superfluous to proclaim one [Spirit], if it were not of
both the Father and the Son. But also the Lord taught so, saying: 'Go now,
teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and the Son and
60
the Holy Spirit.' Therefore, there is one Spirit. And, however, it is written: 'I
will ask the Father, and he will give you another advocate.' 61 And after this
does anybody hesitate to believe the Father and the Son to be one God, when
one is the Spirit of the Father and the Son? Or perhaps may it be doubted that
the Hol~ Spirit was given by the Son? Certainly it is written: 'After saying
these thmgs, he breathed, and said to them: Receive the Holy Spirit: if you
forgive their sins, they will be forgiven, and if you retain them, they will be
retained.' 62 Therefore he says with good reason: 'I will ask the Father, and he
will give you another advocate, so that he may be with you forever, the Spirit
63
of truth.' While being about to give the Holy Spirit, he also promises
another one from the Father: not because you may believe in two Spirits, or
beca use he says: 'Baptize in the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy
64
Spirit'; but because, when he says that his Spirit and the Spirit of the Father
is one, he may declare that it is one. 'I will ask the Father, and he will give you
another advocate, so that he may be with you forever, the Spirit of truth,
whom the world cannot receive, because it neither sees him nor knows him.
But you will know him, beca use he stays with and is in you.' 65
How clearly appears that one is the Spirit in the Father and the Son, when it
that is coming from the Father is said to stay in the apostles, and to be in
theml I will ask the Father, he says, and he will give a Spirit, which you will
recognize, because it is in you. How is it, which is expected to come, recog-
nized while staying? Without doubt this preaching 'is foolishness to the Gen-
tiles, but is wisdom to those who have been called'. 66 In fact, who grasps this
meaning without the interpretation of God, namely that it may stay, and
while it is in us-because all that was written is true-it may certainly come?
But when one God is believed in the Father and the Son, while the Spirit of
the Son stays in us through faith, the Spirit of the Father is given for the
recognition of the fullest truth: by believing in the Son through faith we
recognize the Father too. This is the preaching of God our Saviour. 'When the
Spirit of truth comes,' he says, 'it willlead you to all the truth. In fact, it will
not speak on his own, but will only say the things that he hears, and by
coming, it will announce [them]. It will honour me, beca use it will take from
what is mine, and will announce it to you. All the things that the Father has
 232 De Trinitate Fidei Catholicae
adnuntiabit uobis. Omnia quae habet pater, mea sunt; ideo dixi, quía de meo
accipiet, et adnuntiabit uobis omnia. 67 O inuestigabiles diuitias sapientiae dei!
8 Oh admirable sacrament of piety!' 68 How the faith in the one God Father and
330 O admirabile pietatis sacramentumf Quam innumerabilibus testimoniis
unius dei patris filii panditur fides! Dat spiritum sanctum, et promittit a
patre: appellat alterum, quia uenturum de patre testatur: et tamen unum
69
esse, in cuius nomine baptizari iussit. In omnem, ait, ueritatem deducet uos
spiritus missus a patre; et quamuis diuidi ab eo non possit spiritus dei
335 peculiaris, tamen additur monentis iteratio, qua ait: Non enim loquet~r a s~,
sed quaecumque audierit loquetur, et adnuntiabit uobis. Ille me honorabtt, quta
de meo accipiet. 70 Ecce plena symboli fides: pater et filius et spiritus sanctus
unus est deus. Nihil, inquit, a se loquetur. Sic et filius: Quía ego a me non sum
locutus; sed qui me misit pater, ipse mihi mandatum dedit, quid dicam, et quid
72
340 loquar. Ille me honorificabit, inquit, quía de meo accipiet. Ostendit sua esse,
71
quae dixerat patris; cum antea testatus: Non ueni uoluntatem meam facere, sed
eius qui misit me patris. 73 Cum suum in se nihil esse fateatur, quid_esse illi~s
in spiritu sancto potest, nisi ut, cum sua esse confirmet quae patns sunt, m
unum deum patrem uniuersa referendo, unum deum esse significat, qui
74
345 omnia in omnibus unum operatur? Subdit deinde: Omnia quae 75
habet pater
mea sunt; ideo dixi, quía de meo accipiet, et adnuntiabit uobis. Ecce ille quise
ministrum paternae tantum dixerat uoluntatis, nihil suum loqui, nihil suum
76
agere, sed patris: Omnia, inquit, quae habet pater, mea sunt. U ere quia_ et
spiritus eius patris et filii, et uterque in uno spiritu, unus est deus. Ita emm
350 testificatur ipse: Amen amen dico uobis: qui accipit 77eum quem misero, me
accipit; qui autem me accipit, accipit eum qui me misit. Primo omnium de se
ac patre quam euidens significatio est unius dei! Qui accipit, inquit, quem
misero. Quis ambigit hoc dici de spiritu sancto, cum idem dixerit: Rogaba
patrem, et dabit uobis spiritum ueritatis; 78 tum deinde: Qui accipit eum, me
79
355 accipit, et qui me accipit, accipit eum qui me misit? Cum in se patrem, et in
spiritu sancto se esse significet, quem ad modum in se trina uirtus atque
operatio dei non unus est deus? Pater ergo in filio, et in spiritu sancto filius,
unum nomen omnipotentis est dei: qua1 uocabuli significatione nihil non se
esse testatur, qui nihil non posse se praedicat. Ait enim apostolus: Nomen
l qua] scripsi cum Morin 2 quia L Morin l.
69 70
67
Jn 16:13-15.
68 Cf. Rom 11:33. Jn 16:13.
73 74
71
Jn 12:49.
72 Jn 16:14. Jn 6:38. 1 Cor 12:6.
77 78
75
Jn 16:15.
76 Jn 16:15. Cf. Lk 9:48. Jn 14:16.
79
Cf. Lk 9:48.
. . On the ~rinity o~ th~ Catholic Faith / 233
are mme; for th1s reason I smd that lt wlll take from what is mine, and will
announce everything to you.' 67 'Oh unfathomable riches of God's wisdom!
Son spreads through countless testimonies! He gives the Holy Spirit, and
pro mises on the part of the Father: he calls another, beca use it is attested that
he will come from the Father, and yet that he is one, in whose name he
ordered to be baptized. The Spirit sent by the Father 'willlead yo u', he says,
'to all the truth'; 69 And even though God's own Spirit cannot be divided from
him, the repetition of him who advises is added just the same, with which he
says: 'In fact, it will not speak on his own, but will only say the things that he
hears, and by coming, it will announce [them]. It will honour me, because it
will take from what is mine.' 70 Here is the full faith of the creed: the Father
and the Son and the Holy Spirit are one God. It will speak nothing, he says, on
his own. So the Son [says] too: 'For Ido not speak on my own; but the Father
who sent me gave the command asto what to say, and what to speak.' 71 'It will
honour me,' he says, 'because it will take from what is mine. m He shows that
what is his is what he had said to be of the Father, when he had previously
testified: 'I carne not todo my own will, but [that] of the Father who sent
me. m When he declares that in him there is nothing that is his own, what can
there be ofhis own in the Holy Spirit, except the fact that-when he confirms
that his things are those which are of the Father, by referring everything to
one God the Father-he means that God is one, 'who does all things in all
things' 74 as a single whole? Then he adds: 'All the things that the Father has
are mine; for this reason I said that it will take from what is mine, and will
announce everything to you.' 75 See, he who had said he was merely a minister
of his Father' s will, to say nothing of his own, to do nothing of his own, says:
'All the things that the Father has are mine.' 76 Truly, sin ce the Spirit is of the
Father and the Son, and they both are in one Spirit, God is one. In fact, he
attests so: 'Truly, truly I say to you: Whoever receives the one that I send will
receive me; but whoever receives me receives the one who sent me.m First of
all how evident is the indication of the one God concerning him and the
Father! Whoever receives [me], he says, [receives] the one that I send. Who
may doubt that this is said about the Holy Spirit, when he has already said: 'I
will ask the Father, and he will give you the Spirit of truth;' 78 and then:
'Whoever receives it receives me, and whoever receives me receives the one
who sent me'?' 9 When he demonstrates that the Father is in him, and that he
is in the Holy Spirit, how is the threefold power and God's operation in him
not one God? Therefore the Father in the Son, and the Son in the Holy Spirit
Jn 16:13-14. are a single name of the almighty God: through the meaning of the term he
who declares that there is nothing that he cannot be attests that there is
nothing that he is no t. For the apostle says: 'The Son is the name of the Father,
 234 De Trinitate Fidei Catholicae
360
80
patris est filius, itemque filii pater. Dictumque de filio est: Non est aliud
nomen sub caelo datum, in quo oporteat omnes saluos fieri. 81 Quid aliud quam
unum nomen, ubi aliud esse non potest nomen? Sed si hoc in sancto
spiritu desideratur, scriptum est: Habemus aduocatum apud patrem iustum
paraclytum Iesum Christum: ipse exorabit pro peccatis nostris. 82 Spiritus sanc-
365 tus nomen est filii: item filius nomen est patris, et filii pater. Merito baptizatis
in nomine, hoc est, uno nomine unius dei patris et filii et spiritus sancti, non
est aliud nomen datum sub caelo, in quo oporteat saluos fieri; 83 hoc nomen
unum in patre et filio et in spiritu sancto unus est deus. Denique ita scriptum
est: Manifestaui nomen tuum [omnibus] hominibus, quos dedisti mihi. 84 Quod
370 illud est nomen? In qua parte sacrorum uoluminum declaratum? An redi-
gendi sumus ad ineptissimas consuetudines fabularum, ut instillatum aliquid
secretis auribus esse credamus, quod scripturarum memoriae mandatum
esset uelud profanatum, atque uulgatum temere in omnium notitiam
mitteretur? Quod ergo illud est nomen? Quod aliud, nisi quod apostulus:
375 Nomen patris est filius~ 5 Manifestaui, inquit, nomen tuum hominibus. 86
Agnouerunt in me patrem, qui me filium crediderunt: patuit apud eos,
quia ego in patre, et pater in me: 87 qui me uidet, uidet et patrem: qui accipit
nomen meum, accipit et patris. Sic denique et interrogantibus, et quis ille
esset sciscitantibus respondetur. Discentibus enim, Tu quis est~ 8 Ait Iesus:
380 Principium, quod et loquor uobis. 89 Principium esse se ait: ecce nomen patris in
filio. Scriptum est enim: In principio erat uerbum, et uerbum erat apud deum. 90
Cum uerbo filius significetur, qui in patre atque in principio erat: ergo cum
principium pater sit-dici enim signatius non potest-uerbumque filius, quo
facta sunt omnia, recte ait: Manifestaui nomen tuum, qui principium se esse
385 confessus est. Et uere haec est inexpugnabilis fides, quae nullis mendacis
doctrinae circumac<ta> turbinibus uidens filium cognoscit et patrem, et in
uno deo gemina duorum extimatione non fallitur; nec unum in utrumque
dissoluit, sed in uno utrumque coniungit: sciens non nihil esse in filio, in quo
inhabitat omnis plenitudo diuinitatis corporaliter. 91 in eo patrem, qui inuisibilis
390 est, uideri, in eo nomen patris agnosci. Quod nisi ita est, quid uult sibi illud,
quod ipse in euangelio ait: Omnis qui audit a patre meo et didicerit, uenit ad
me. Non quía patrem uideat quisquam, nisi qui esta deo: hic uidet deumr12 Ante
omnia autem illud mirum est, quemadmodum a patre ueniatur ad filium,
cum per filium eatur ad patrem. Legimus enim dicente ipso: Ego sum uia,
80
Sacrarum litterarum locus ignotus. (Unidentified quotation; cf. Morin, 'Traité
priscillianiste', 193, n. 26.)
81 82 83 84
Acts 4:12. 1 Jn 2:1-2. Acts 4:12. Jn 17:6.
85
Sacrarum litterarum locus ignotus. (Unidentified quotation; cf. Morin, 'Traité
priscillianiste', 193, n. 26.)
86
Jn 17:6. 87
Jn 14:11. 88
Jn 8:25. 89
Jn 8:25.
90 91 92
Jn 1:1. Col2:9. Jn 6:45-6.
On the Trinity of the Catholic Faith 235
1
and in the same manner the Father is that of the Son' .80 And about the Son it
was said: 'There is ·no other name given under heaven, in which all may be
saved'. 81 What other name but the one and only may exist where no other
name can be? But if this is required for the Holy Spirit, it is written: 'We have
with the Father the just Paraclete Jesus Christ: he will intercede for our sin.' 82
The Holy Spirit is the name of the Son: in the same manner the Son is the
name of the Father, and the Father of the Son. With good reason to those
baptized in the name, that is, in the single name of the one God Father and
Son and Holy Spirit, 'no other name is given under heaven, in which they all
may be saved'; 83 this single name in the Father and the Son and in the Holy
Spirit is the one God. Therefore it is written so: 'I manifested your name to all
the men that you gave me.' 84 What is that name? In what part of the sacred
volumes is it declared? Or are we to be brought back to the most foolish
traditions of fables, so that we may believe that it is something instilled into
secret ears, which had been committed to the memory of the Scriptures as
desecrated, and was readily sent for the knowledge of all, after being divulged?
What is that name then? What else but what the apostle [says]: 'The name of
the Father is the Son'? 85 'I manifested', he says, 'your name to men.' 86 Those
who believed me to be the Son recognized in me the Father: this was evident
to them, because 'I am in the Father, and the Father in me': 87 whoever sees me
sees the Father as well: whoever receives my name receives that of the Father
as well. So finally there is an answer for those who ask, and those who enquire
who he is. For to those who say: 'Who are you?', 88 Jesus says: 'The beginning,
that I also say to you.' 89 He says he is the beginning: here is the name of
the Father in the Son. For it is written: 'In the beginning was the Word, and
the Word was with God.' 90 Since the Son, who was in the Father and in the
beginning, is signified through the Word; and therefore, since the Father is the
beginning-for this cannot be said more clearly-the Word and Son, through
whom all things were made, rightly says: I manifested your name: he who
confessed to be the beginning. And truly this is the unconquerable faith
which, without being carried about by any whirlwind of false doctrine, recog-
nizes the Son when it sees him and the Father, and is not deceived by a double
opinion on two [gods], nor dissolves the one into both, but unites both in
one, knowing that everything is in the Son, 'in whom the en tire fullness of the
godhead bodily dwells'; 91 [and] in him the Father is seen, who is invisible, in
him the name of the Father is recognized. And if it is not so, what do the
words that he himself says in the gospel want to mean: 'Everyone who hears
and learnt from the Father comes to me. Not that anyone may see the Father
except the one who is from God: he sees the Father'? 92 First of all that is
extraordinary, namely how we come from the Father to the Son, when
through the Son we go to the Father. We read that he himself says: 'I am the
 236 De Trinitate Fidei Catholicae
395 ueritas, et uita. Nema uenit ad patrem nisi per me. 93 Quid igitur patrem
indigent, ut ad filium ueniant, qui nisi per filium ad patrem uenire non
possunt? Si prius cognoscendus pater est, quam ueniatur ad filium; cur adhuc
illuc inpossibilis sine hoc regressus est? Cur iste patris sui [a patris] est ianua,
sine quo adiri prius ipse non potuit? Omnis qui audita patre meo et didicerit,
400 uenit ad me. 94 Certe omnis eum, quem audit, agnoscit: a quo discit, intelligit;
et quemadmodum ad filium de patre uenientes, patrem ab eo, tamquam non
nouerint, quaerunt? Ait apostulus Philippus: Domine, ostende nobis patrem, et
sufficit nobis. 95 In uno Philippo apostolorum omnium uox est. Ait enim:
Ostende nobis patrem. 96 Utrumne isti non audierant patrem? Non docuerat
405 hos pater? Et qui tandem sunt, quos magis miserit pater? An alio obliuionis
poculo memoriam doctoris amiserunt, <ut> quem audierant, a quo missi
erant, nescire se crederent? Quod si neutrum in apostolos cadit, quid superest,
nisi unum deum in ipsa diuisorum operum societate uideamus? Inuisibilis
est pater: et quemadmodum auditur aut docet? Imago atque agnitio patris
410 est filius: et quemadmodum pater mittit ad filium? Sed quaerentibus deum
atque unum deum patrem in spiritu primus adcurrit. Nam et scriptum est:
Ueniet hora, et nunc est, quando ueri adoratores adorabunt patrem in spiritu et
ueritate. 97 Ille igitur adoratus in spiritu primae fidei uocibus inuisibilibus
auditur; ille nos ad agnitionem sui, quod est filius, stabilitam <trahere>
415 fundatamque creditur. Inde est quod non recipit filius, nisi a patre uenientem:
quia inanis fides, nec deo plena doctore, ea quae dicuntur a filio patris uerba
non nouit, et ut aliena atque ignota declinat. Hoc et declamans propheta
testatur: Et nisi credideritis, inquit, non intelligitis. 98 Hoc est dicere: ubi fides
cessat, non succedit agnitio; et qui patrem in spiritu non habet, filii uerba non
420 accipit. Et illud denique: Qui habet aures audiendi, audiat. 99 Illas scilicet
requirit aures, quas pater in occulto cordis edocuit, quas ad suspiciendum
semen uerbi sui spiritus doctor instruxit. Hoc est: Qui audit a patre meo et
discit, uenit ad me. Alioquin ubi illud est: Deum nema uidit umquam, nisi
unicus filius Dei? 100 Quod hic quoque confirmat, dicens: Non quía patrem
425 uideat quisquam, nisi qui erit a deo: hic uidet deum. 101 Inuisibilem igitur [et]
incomprehensibilemque doctorem in spiritu nostro primitus ac in fide
ostendit operari, et in sensu pio atque proposito bonae uoluntatis edoctos
ad percipiendum uerbum suum-in quo sita est omnis filii gratia-destinare,
ut thensauros absconsos inuentantes in agnitione unius dei loca tos ita, ut fide
96
93
Jn 14:6. 94
Jn 6:45. 95
Jn 14:8. Jn 14:8. 97
Jn 4:23.
98
Is 7:9. 99
Mt 13:9. 100
Jn 1:18. 101
Jn 6:46.
On the Trinity of the Catholic Faith / 237
way, the truth and the life. No one comes to the Father except through me.' 93
So why do those, who cannot come to the Father except through the Son,
need the Father to come to the Son? If the Father must be known before
coming to the Son, why is the return there still impossible without him? Why
is he the door to his Father, without whom he himself could not be previously
accessible? 'Everyone who hears and learnt from the Father comes to me.' 94
Certainly everyone recognizes him whom he hears, understands him from
whom he learns; and how do they, coming to the Son from the Father, ask
him for the Father, as if they did not know? The apostle Philip says: 'Show us
the Father, and that is enough for us.' 95 In Philip individually the voice of all
the apostles is heard. For he says: 'Show us the Father.' 96 Had they not, per-
haps, heard the Father? Had the Father not taught them? And who are those,
whom the Father would have sent more? Or had they lost the memory of
their teacher with another cup of oblivion, so that they believed they did not
recognize him whom they had heard, from whom they had been sent? If
neither case applies to the apostles, what remains except that we see one God
in the very communion of the divided actions? The Father is invisible, and
how is he heard or how does he teach? The image and notion of the Father is
the Son: and how does the Father send to the Son? But he runs first to those
who seek the Father and the one God, the Father in spirit. For it is written too:
'The hour is coming, and is now, when the true worshippers will worship the
Father in spirit and truth.' 97 Therefore, he is heard while he is worshipped in
spirit by the voices of first faith; he is believed to draw us to his firm and stable
recognition that is the Son. And so what the Son receives is only that coming
from the Father, because the faith that does not recognize the words of the
Father which are said by the Son, and rejects them as foreign and unknown, is
groundless and devoid of the teachings of God. To this the prophet testifies
too, proclaiming: 'If you do not believe, you shall not understand.' 98 This is to
say: when faith ceases, comprehension does not follow; and the one who has
not the Father in spirit does not grasp the words of the Son. So finally: 'Let
anyone who has ears to hear listen.' 99 He obviously looks for those ears that
the Father educated in the secret place of the heart, that the teacher instructed
to gather the seed of the word of his spirit. That is: Whoever hears and learns
from my Father comes to me. Otherwise, what is the meaning of 'No one has
ever seen God except for the only Son of God'? 100 And he also confirms that,
saying: 'Not that anyone may see the Father except the one who is from God:
he sees the Father.' 101 Therefore, he shows that the invisible and incompre-
hensible teacher acts first in our spirit and faith, and destines those who are
instructed with a pious sense and intention of good will to grasp his word, in
which the whole grace of the Son is placed, so that by finding the hidden
treasures, which are located in the recognition of one God, we may achieve
 238 De Trinitate Fidei Catholicae
430 ac mente concipimus, etiam scientia consequamur. Quae omnia in exordio
credendi accepta per patrem, in opere agnitionis consummata per filium, ad
plenitudinem unius dei, quo auctore sunt orta, proferentur. Ita et a patre
mittuntur ad filium, et a filio reducuntur ad patrem, ut plena praescentia
fidei, qua inpellente uenerunt, intelligant quia pater in filio, et in patre
435 filius unus deus est; qui sciri nisi creditus non potest, et praestat cognitus ut
credatur. Consummata itaque dei omnis agnitio est fides nostra impleta per
filium: et tune demum unum patrem omnium nostrum in isto suo opere
comprehendimus, cum per se ipsum creditus, et docente filio reuelatus est.
Non cessat post haec excusatio fragilitatis humanae, inuisibilem deum uidere
440 mentem non posse, cum se pater manifestarit in filio? Qui cognitum sibi
filium negare non potest, nihil est quod patrem nescire se dicat: quia in uno
deo alium deum desiderare dementia est. Credito deo patre, superest ut
sciatur et filius: non ut agnoscas alterum deum, sed ut eum quem confiteris
intelligas. !taque quia infirmitati humanae inuisibilia nisi uisibilibus non
445 probantur, postquam fide conceptus est pater, scientia filius comprehensus
perficit intelligentiam unius dei. Si requirat amplius, etiam fidem perdidit,
quia non est [in] scientiam consecuta; nec patrem habet, nisi [credenti]
crediderit filio. Tanto tempore uobiscum sum, et non me nostis? Nescitis qui ego
in patre, et pater in me est?102 Require<re>"' igitur patrem prohibet, qui in se
450 eum esse demonstrat. Quid enim uidere uelle quem uideas, nosse quem
noueris; quem nisi in filio comprehendas, profecto sine filio inuisibilis est?
Ubi enim inueniri potest, qui nisi in filio non maneat? Ita enim ipse testatur:
Omnia mihi data sunt a patre meo; et nema nouit filium nisi pater, neque
patrem nisi filius, et cui uoluerit filius reuelare. 103 Omnia mihi, inquit, tradita
455 sunt a patre meo; id est, in me unius dei perfecta cognitio. Qui me uidet, uidet
et patrem. 104 Desinat, post acceptam in me scientiam unius dei, quaerendo
amplius-quia esse alter non potest deus-inpio praeuaricationis errore
traduci. Qui confitetur filium, et filium et patrem ·habet, 105 cum in patre sit
filius, atque in filio pater. Quicquid horum amplius est, a malo est. 106 Denique
460 ait: Nema nouit filium nisi pater, neque patrem nisi filius, et cui uoluerit filius
reuelare. 107 Soli <se> cognitum patri propterea praedicat, quia nemo ad eum,
m require<re>] scripsi requirere L require[re] Morin l.
102
Jn 14:9-10. 103
Mt 11:27. Jn 14:9.
104
!OS 1 Jn 2:23. 106
Mt 5:37. 107
Mt 11:27.
On the Trinity of the Catholic Faith 239
1
through knowledge to understand with our faith and mind. And all these
things received at the beginning of belief through the Father, perfected in the
act of recognition through the Son, are revealed for the fullness of one God,
who is the author from whom they originated. So from the Father they are
sent to the Son too, and from the Son they are brought back to the Father, so
that with the full foreknowledge of faith, under whose incitement they carne,
they may understand that the Father in the Son, and the Son in the Father is
one God, who canf\Ot be known if he is not believed, and after being known,
shows his power to be believed. The complete, perfected knowledge of God is
our faith fulfilled through the Son; and now we only conceive one Father of us
all in this work ofhis, when he is believed for himself, and is revealed through
the teaching of the Son. And after this, do es not the excuse of human frailty,
according to which our mind cannot see the invisible God, cease when the
Father manifested himself in the Son? Let the one, who cannot deny that the
Son is known to him, say that he knows he is all that is Father: it is madness,
in fact, to desire another god in the one God. Since God the Father is believed,
the Son is left to be known as well: not in order that you may know another
god, but that you may understand him whom you profess. Therefore, since
invisible things are only proven to human weakness through visible ones,
after the Father has been grasped through faith, the Son comprehended
through knowledge completes the understanding of the one God. And if
[human weakness] requires more, it has lost its faith too, beca use it has
achieved no knowledge; and does not have the Father either, if it did not
believe in the Son. 'Am I so long with you, and you still do not know me? Do
you not know that I am in the Father, and the Father is in me?' 102 He who
demonstrates that he is in him forbids looking for the Father. Why is there a
desire to see him whom you see, to know him whom you know, whom you
comprehend only in the Son: is he certainly invisible without the Son? Where
can he who only stays in the Son be found? He himself attests so: 'All things
have been given to me by my Father; and no one knows the Son except the
Father, nor the Father except the Son, and anyone to whom the Son has
wanted to reveal [him].' 103 All things, he says, have been handed over tome by
my Father, that is, in me there is the perfect knowledge of the one God. 'The
one who sees me sees the Father too.' 104 After the knowledge of the one God
has been received in me, the fact that men looking for more are carried away
by the impious error of transgression must cease. 'Whoever confesses the Son
has' both the Son and 'the Father', 105 beca use the Son is in the Father, and the
Father in the Son. 'Anything more than these comes from evil.' 106 Therefore,
he says: 'No one knows the Son except the Father, nor the Father except the
Son, and anyone to whom the Son has wanted to reveal [him].' 107 For this
reason he declares that only to the Father is he known, because no one comes
 240 De Trinitate Fidei Catholicae
nisi qui a patre missus est, ueniat; solí sibi cognitum patrem, qui nisi in
filio non potest intelligi. Ait deinde: Et cuí uoluerit filius reuelare. 108 Quemad-
modum igitur a filio reuelandus est nobis, a quo missi uenimus ad filium?
465 Scilicet ut cum filium se esse monstrauerit, patrem in eo manere uideamus.
Creditus ergo per patrem, atque in filio cognitus deus unum se esse declarat;
cum et scitur, et creditur. Uerum haec omnis perfectae intelligentiae
plenitudo in filio sita est: quía credentibus scire superest, scientibus fides
certa est. Inde illud est: Omnia mihi tradidit pater: ego sum imago inuisibilis
470 dei: 109 ego sum qui manifestaui nomen tuum hominibus, pater, quos dedisti
110
mihi. Quid est aliud, manifestare nomen patris, quam ostendere in nomine
patris et filii in uno deo unum esse nomen, quod deus est? Ergo qui se deum
utique monstrauerat, deum merito nomen patris dei unius dixit. Per filium
igitur arcanum nominis dei omne reseratur, qui cum se totum patefacerit,
475 ostendit e patrem. Ipse enim ad profetam ait: Ego sum deus Abraham, et deus
Isaac, et deus Iacob: et nomen meum proprium non demonstraui eis."' Quid
tam mirum uideri potest, quam illos sanctae originis patres proprium dei
nescisse nomen? Aut quod illud proprium dei nomen est, quod adhuc per se
scientibus deum scire disposuerat? Certe illis dominus testamento hereditatis
480 aeternae possidendam repromissionis terram ipsis ac semini eorum post [eos]
expulsas impiae gentis ueteres habitatores donauerat. Et quae causa non
demonstrandi illis proprii nominis fuit, nisi quod in principio generis
constituti, primaque fide nexi, illos iustitiae instituebat heredes expectare
gratiam uenturam in nouissimis diebus atque in plenitudine temporum per
485 deum saluatoremque nostrum reuelata omnia iubebantur, quo in tempore
promissionis confirmata terrae promissionis soluta dona, atque omnis
altitudo diuitiarum scientiae dei 112 in sensu seminis fidei influxit, hoc est,
proprium nomen dei, quo pater manifestatur in filio unum se credentibus
deum plena fide et cogitatione, significat. Ipsis denique patribus nostris
490 sanctae hereditatis terra ita promittitur, ut semirii eorum posteritatique
soluatur. Principium humanae spei intendentis ad deum fides est: cognitio dei
generat caritatem: quem oportet sperare uenturum, superest amare cum
uideas. Quae enim fuit causa quod mererentur patres seminis polliceri, cum
unicuique secundum opera sua iustum dei iudicium constitutum sit, et aut
495 fides integra propriam habere debeat gratiam, aut, si corrupta sit, heredidate
108
Mt 11:27. 109
Col1:15. " 0 Jn 17:6.
1
" Ex 6:2-3; cf. Acts 7:32. 112
Rom 11:33.
On the Trinity of the Catholic Faith / 241
to him except he who was sent by the Father; and that only to him the Father
is known who can be understood only in the Son. So he says: 'And anyone
to whom the Son has wanted to reveal [him].' 108 So how is he to be revealed
by the Son to us, who cometo the Son after being sent by him? Naturally, in
order that, since he has been shown to be the Son, we may see that the Father
stays in him. Therefore, God being believed through the Father and known in
the Son declares himself to be one, when he is both known and believed. But
all this fullness of perfect comprehension is placed in the Son, because to
know is left to the believers, and the faith is certain for the believers. Hence
these are the words: All things have been handed over to me by my Father, I
am 'the invisible image of God': 109 I am the one who 'manifested your name
to all the men that yo u gave me' .110 What is it to manifest the name of the Father
but to show that in the name of the Father and the Son there is one name in
one God, and this name is God? Therefore, he who had by all means shown
himself to be God with good reason said that God is the name of the Father,
the one God. So the entire mystery of the name of God is disclosed through
the Son who, when he wholly revealed himself, showed the Father too. For he
says to the prophet: 'I am the God of Abram, and the God of Isaac, and the
God of Jacob: and I did not show my own name to them.''" What so extra-
ordinary can be seen here but that those fathers of the holy race did not know
God's own name? Or what is that name, God's own, which had determined
that those, who had hitherto known by themselves, should know God? Cer-
tainly, through the testament of the eternal inheritance, God had given them
and their seed as a gift the land to be possessed of the pro mise, after the old
inhabitants of the impious nation had been driven out. And what was the
reason for not showing them his own name, but that at the beginning of the
race that had been created, and with the first faith of the bond he ordained that
they as heirs of justice should expect the forthcoming grace in the last days;
and that all the things revealed through God our Saviour in the fullness of
times were ordered; and that the gifts of the land of promise, confirmed in
that time of pro mise, were annulled; and that the entire 'depth of the riches of
the knowledge of God' 112 flowed into the sense of the seed of God, that is,
God's own name, through which the Father is manifested, indicates to the
believers that he is one God in the Son with full faith and meditation? There-
fore, to our fathers the land of the holy inheritance is promised so that [that
pro mise] may be rescinded for their seed and posterity. The beginning of
human hope that aims at God is faith: the knowledge of God generates
charity; and what is left is to love him, whose coming should be hoped for,
when you see him. What was the reason why the fathers of the seed deserved
to receive a promise, when the just judgement of God had been passed on
each one according to his works, and either an intact faith must have his own
 242 De Trinitate Fidei Catholicae
priuari? Quid ergo in patrum nomen promittitur posteritati, ut unusquisque
aut consequi potuit aut perdere? Quamquam ipsam fluentis lac et mel terrae 113
hereditatem, nisi Abraham aut Isaac aut Iacob, sed filiis eorum datam esse
uideamus. Scriptum est enim: Et non dedit illis nec gressum pedis. 114 Quod
so o igitur hereditatis est genus, quod neque hi habent, qui in testamenti capite
constituti sunt, et eorum, qui nihil ipsi fuerint consecuti, successio sola
?ossideat? Hoc [ni]mirum illud est nomen, quod semini reseruatur, quod
m complemento fidei scientia perfecta consequitur. Neque tamen ideo non
fidei praemium est, sine qua non succedit agnitio; sed fides sola non sufficit
sos proprium dei nomen accipiat. Prima est credendi obligatio, deum et non
alterum confiteri; sed fidei ipsius plenitudo desideratur, patrem et filium et
spiritum sanctum, hunc unum deum scire, quem credidit. Inde gene<ris
nostri> auctoribus hereditas terrae promissa nec data est: non quo dona aut
uocatio dei poeniteniam in se habet: sed si illis deus promissa uoluisset,
SlO posteritas inquiebat esse se infructuosam, et uno credito deo sacramentum
patris et filii nesciebatur. Prima igitur promissio patribus data est, sine quibus
posteritas stare non poterat: sed coheredes illis filii in eadem hereditate
socia [ti sunt], ut scirent nisi per se quidem posteros esse non posse, sed
perfectos se nisi in semine non futuros, sicut scriptum est: Beatus qui habet
S1S semen in Sion, et domesticas in Hierusalem. 115 Ipsi ergo in suo et cum suo
semine consecuti sunt: qui si ante cepissent, non perfectis illis prouenisset
hereditas, qua posteros suos, sine" quibus beati non poterant esse, fraudas-
sent. Ergo in filiis, qui perfecti hominis secundus et plenus est gradus,
promissa dei et dona complentur. Et merito tribuuntur ista per filium, cui
S20 omnia a patre sunt tradita: 116 ut quod patres consequuntur in filiis, pater
donet in filio. Ideo et in nouissimis diebus et in plenitudinem temporum
plenus aperitur: quia percipere omnem magnitudinem dei, nisi quibus iam in
operum suorum fine nihil superest, id est, nisi consummata et plena non
possunt. Tune illud est, cum unus inuisibilis incomprehensibilis deus per
S2S filium, qui illum solus cui uult reuelat, 117 agnoscitur. Complementum itaque
nobis totius diuinae intelligentiae atque agnitionis est filius: qui, ut patrem
nobis potest ostendere, ipse se monstrat. Ait enim: Qui audit praecepta mea,
et custodit ea, ille est qui me diligit. Qui autem me diligit, diligetur a patre meo:
et ego diligam eum, et ostendam illi meipsum. 118 Neminem tam obseratis
n sine] scripsi cum L siue Morin l.
113 114 115
Ex 3:17. Acts 7:S. Is 31:9.
116
Mt 11:27. 117
Cf. Mt 11:27. 118
Jn 14:21.
On the Trinity of the Catholic Faith / 243
grace, or, if it is corrupted, must be deprived of its inheritance? What is
promised to posterity in the name of the fathers, so that each one may either
gain or lose it?-even though we see that the very inheritance of 'the land
flowing with milk and honey' 113 was not given to Abraham or Isaac or Jacob,
but to their children. Por it is written: 'And he did not even give them a foot's
length.' 114 Therefore, what is the kind of inheritance, which those who were
appointed at the beginning of the testament do not have, and only the succes-
sors of those who gained nothing possess? This certainly is that name, which
is reserved to the seed, [and] which perfect knowledge obtains in the
accomplishment of faith. However, this is not to say that it is not the prize of
faith, without which recognition does not happen; but faith alone is not
sufficient to grasp God's own name. The first obligation for the believer is to
confess God and no other, but the fullness of faith itself needs to know the
Pather and the Son and the Holy Spirit, and that this is one God, whom he
believed. So the inheritance of the land was promised to the authors of our
race and was not given them: not in order that the gifts or the call of God may
have in themselves a penitence; however, if God had rescinded the things
promised to them, the posterity would have said it was unfruitful, and after
believing in one God, would have ignored the sacrament of the Pather and the
Son. Therefore the first promise was given to the fathers, without whom
posterity could not exist; but their children were associated with them as co-
heirs in the same inheritance, so that they might know that there could be
descendants only through them, but the perfect ones would have been only in
the seed, as is written: 'Blessed is he who has a seed in Zion, and a household
in Jerusalem.' 115 So they followed in and with their seed: if they had taken [it]
before, the inheritance would have not reached those who are perfect, and
they would have defrauded their successors of it, without whom they could
not be blessed. Then in the children, who are the second and full degree of the
perfect man, God's promises and gifts are fulfilled. And with good reason
these things are conceded through the Son, to whom 'all things have been
given by the Pather', 116 in order that the Pather may grant in the Son what the
fathers obtain in their children. That is why also in the last days and in the
fullness of times he is fully revealed, namely because at the end of his works
nothing is left to them but to perceive the entire greatness of God, that is,
things can only be accomplished and full. Now this is what happens, when the
one, invisible and incomprehensible God is recognized through the Son,
'whom he only reveals to the one he wants to' .117 Therefore, for us the perfec-
tion of the en tire divine comprehension and recognition is the Son who, as he
can show us the Pather, reveals himself as well. Por he says: 'He who listens to
my commandments, and keeps them is he who loves me. And he who loves
me is loved by my Pather, and I willlove him, and will reveal myself to him.' 118
 244 De Trinitate Fidei Catholicae
530 auribus usque eo diuinus sermo non penetrat, qui non dicti huius profundi-
tate moueatur. Supremum totius meriti praemium, si in praeceptis eius
ambulassent ac dilexissent eum, amorem patris et suum apostolis suis filius
respondit. Uerum haec ipsa amoris species aequalitas dilectionis signanter
exprimitur. Et ostendam illis, inquit, meipsum 119 Numquid nesciebant eum,
535 cuius praecepta cognouerant? Certe filius dei, et a Petro apostolo manifesta-
tus, multa confitentium uoce iam notus, hoc ipso praedicationis suae testi-
monio comprehensus, quo se aperte filium docet, de patre significans quid
superest, quod ostensurum esse se respondeat? Si enim parum se cognitum
imputat esse, inuisum manere praemium tam fragilem hominum non potest
540 quidem uidere aliquando mereantur, quem praesentem monentemque non
sciuerint; 120 si uero non solum uisus et creditus, sed ex toto corde, si et omni
nobis animae amore dilectus est, et haec est fides atque caritas nostra,
quae promissum dei munus expectat, cur se ostendendum nobis tamquam
incognitum pollicetur? Cur uidendum tamquam ante non uisum, nisi forte
545 obliuionem sui metuit nobis, quam perfecta caritas, cui hoc praemium
paratur, excludit? An aeque ulla ratio est, largiri habentibus, quod nisi
habeant, nihil merentur? Ostendam, inquit, illis meipsum. 121 Nescio quid,
inquit, in se esse declarat, quod uidentes licet tamen nondum uideant, et
quamuis scientes debeant scire nec unquam, si non totus statim deus com-
550 prehendi potest pater et filius unus deus. Denique ait 'meipsum'. Hoc est
dicere: et qui me nouit, superest ut meipsum sciat, qui sim ipse quem uidet,
qui sim ipse quem credit. Meipsum, ait: non me solum qui loquor, solum qui
doceo, sed ipsum qui in me inuisibilis manet, qui in me occultus operatur,
cuius ego uerba pronuntio, cuius exequor uoluntatem. Hinc sum ego ipse,
555 cum totus sum: et sic unus deus, ut nec pater filio, nec filius patri auferatur.
Qui praecepta, ait, mea custodierit, et diligit me, ostendam illi meipsum.
Sciet, inquit, hunc, quem filium credit, esse unum deum: uidebit, in
memetipso utique, quem legem accipiens propheta quaerebat. Ait enim:
Domine, ostende mihi teipsum. 122 Numquid ignorabat deum, qui cum illo facie
560 ad faciem loquebatur, cuius manu scriptum testamentum, cuius uoce edicta
mandata susceperat? De quo postremo, ut seipsum illi ostenderet, expectabat?
Quisquamne umquam praesentem habet, cum quo etiam familiarem agit, ut
hoc audeat rogare sermone? Orat, ut uideat. Qui ait: Ostende mihi teipsum, 123
utique uiderat, quantum inter ipsa principia homini uidere fas fuerat, quem
119
Jn 14:21.
120
The text appears to be extremely corrupt at this point, so that my translation is quite
tentative; cf. Morin, 'Traité priscillianiste', 201, n. 18.
121
Jn 14:21. 122
Cf. Ex 33:13, 18. 123
Cf. Ex 33:13, 18.
On the Trinity of the Catholic Faith / 245
There is no one whose ears are shut to such an extent that the divine speech
cannot penetrate him, and who is not moved by the profundity of these
words. The Son answers his apostles that, if they had walked in his com-
mandments and had loved him, the supreme prize of the entire merit would
have been his love and that of his Father. But this very form of love is clearly
depicted as equality oflove. 'And I will reveal myself, he says, 'to them.' 119 Is it
possible that they did not know him, whose commandments they had
known? While the Son of God certainly signifies the Father, after being mani-
fested by the apostle Peter too, and being already well known through the
great voice of those who confessed him, and comprehended through this
testimony of his preaching, with which he openly teaches that he is the Son;
what is left that he should answer that he would have revealed himself? In
fact, ifhe thinks he is too little known, [and] that he stays asan invisible prize
and is so frail among men, he cannot certainly see whether they ever deserved
him, whom they did not know while he was present and admonishing
them; 120 if he is actually not only seen and believed, but he is with all our
heart, and if he is also loved by us with all the love of our soul, and this is our
faith and charity, which expects God's promised reward, why does he
announce that he should reveal himself to us as if he were unknown? Why
should he be seen as ifhe had not been seen before, ifhe did not, perhaps, fear
our oblivion that perfect charity, for which that prize is prepared, excludes?
Or is there similarly any rule to grant [it] to those who have, because if they
do not have, they deserve nothing? 'And I will reveal myself, he says, 'to
them.' 121 He declares that in him, he says, there is something that those who
see still do not see, and those who know should know yet, if all God cannot be
immediately understood as Father, Son, and one God. Therefore, he says
'myself. That is to say: and for him who knows me it is left to know myself,
who I am that he sees, who I am that he believes. 'Myself' he says: not only me
who speaks, only me who teaches, but him too, who remains invisible in me,
who secretly acts in me, whose words I speak, whose will I carry out. Hence I
am, when I am entirely, and so one God, so that neither the Father may be
taken away from the Son, nor the Son from the Father. He who keeps my
commandments, he says, and loves me, to him I will reveal myself. He will
know, he says, that this, whom he believes to be the Son, is one God; he will
certainly see in me what law the prophet sought to grasp. Por he says: 'Reveal
yourself to me.' 122 Perhaps did he, who had spoken with him face to face,
whose testament he had written with his hand, whose commands pro-
nounced by his voice he had received, ignore God? On what ground did he
eventually expect that he revealed himself to him? Who ever has anyone
present, with whom he has also familiarity, so that he dares ask that with his
words? He prays in order to see. He who says: 'Reveal yourself to me' 123 had
 246 De Trinitate Fidei Catholicae
565 totum et plenum uidere cupiebat. Nam neque poterat exp~tere d~um. u~deret,
nisi uidere coepisset, et illam inexplebilem uidendi totms de1 amdltate~.
non nisi excitata primis uisibus scintilla mouisset. Qui ait: Ostende mzhz
<te>ípsum",l 24 declarat et fuisse quod uiderit, et superesse quo.d ~uaereb~t.
Te, inquit, iam scio, quem oro, que~ rogo. ~u~~admo~um emm mcogn~t~
570 supplicarem, ut in te ac per te te1psum m1h1 hceat m~ere, que~ c~pw.
Teipsum, inquit: non ego te cognito alterum credo, c~m te~psum ue~1~ m~ere
quem uideo; sed quo magis possim scire quem sc10, te1~sum m1?1, q~1 e~
totus, ostende. Unus, inquit, est, et quem rogo, et quem mdere des1dero. qm
ostensus mihi, et ostendendus, et noscendus, et notus es: u~um ~eu~: s.e?
575 teipsum, plenumque mihi pande, ut qui mihi ~er u~sibllem m.ms1bl11s
ostenderis inuisibilis ut uisibilis appareas. Sed qmd hmc respondlt deus?
125
Posteriora 'mea uidebis, faciem autem meam non uidebis. An posteriora sunt
dei, nisi quae in nouissimis diebus gesta sunt per filium ad c~nfirman_d~m
Abrahae seminis repromissionem, atque in fide postentatem llhus
58 o roborandam, prophetae datori legis apparent? Uidet ille omnia_ quae com-
plentur in Christo: sed faciem patris dei, quam ~olus p~test fihus reue!are,
non aspicit. Et numquid non est unus de~s, _c~l~~ et md_ent_ur poster~ora,
et facies non uidetur? Sed idem, qui imago mms1bl11s est de1, mdendu~ m s~
eum, cuius praefert imaginem, tribuit per profetam. Adhuc tamen ~ao~s.del
585 ipsa non cernitur, quia adnuntiauit uenturum deum: nond~m SKUtl ~am
uenerit, totum apparet. Quod diuini mysterium sacrament1 profeta 1pse
declarat in populo: cuius cum erant omnia facere secun~um exemplum q~od
illi ostensum esset in monte, 126 ita ipse cui dictum erat [m montem]: ~aczem
mea m non uidebís, 127 uerbum ac legem dei uelata ad populum facze pro-
590 ferebat. 128 Quae omnia cum reuelantur in Christo, ~pse quoque_ f~ciem suam,
quae est imago patris, ostendit. N e~ tamen . m~rum est: s1 m _te~~ore
legis profeta non uidit, quod apostohs adhuc m 1psa gratw et de1 mswne
promittitur. Idem autem est, Faciem a~t~~ meam _non uz"d eb"zs, 129. quo d et
Nomen meum proprium non demonstrauz ezs. 30 Propnum no me~ dKere [est],
595 hoc est, meipsum. Haec ergo gratia in nouissimis diebus atque m temporu~
consummatione soluenda est: non quod Abraham Isac et Iacob et Moys1
negetur; sed in illis principium nascentis fidei, in hoc tempus legis ostenditur,
in quo ipsum quoque adhuc occultum filium, et necdu_m t~tum se ~ste~­
dentem mundo, per patres et prophetas oportet operan: q~1 se cred1 ue~lt
600 antequam ueniat, ne quis eum posset nescire dum uenent. Ergo fide m
o <te>ipsum] scripsi ipsum L [te]ipsum Morin l.
124 Cf. Ex 33:13, 18. 125
Ex 33:23.
126
Cf. Ex 25:40.
127
Ex 33:23.
128 Cf. Ex 34:33. 129
Ex 33:23.
130
Ex 6:3.
On the Trinity of the Catholic Faith j 247
certainly seen him, whom he desired to see entirely and fully, as much as it
had been proper for amanto see according to [divine] principies. In fact, he
could not have asked to see God, ifhe had not begun to see [him], and ifthe
spark provoked by the first sights had not stimulated that insatiable avidity to
see God entirely. He who says: 'Reveal yourself to me' 124 declares also what
was that he had seen, and what was left that he was looking for. I already know
you, he says, to whom I pray, whom I entreat. How could I implore a stranger,
so that in you and through you I might be allowed to see yourself whom I
desire to see? 'Yourself, he says: I do not believe in another after knowing yo u,
because I would like to see yourself whom I see; but in order that he may
know better him whom I know, reveal to me yourself who are all. He whom I
implore, he says, and whom I desire to see is one: you who are shown to me,
and are to be shown and known, and are known; display to me one God, that
is, yourself, and fully, so that you, who being invisible show to me through the
visible, may appear to be visible while being invisible. But what does God
answer to him? 'You shall see my back, but shall not see my face.' 125 And is the
back of God nothing but those deeds which are accomplished in the last days
through the Son in order to confirm the pro mise of the seed of Abraham, and
to corroborate his posterity in faith, and which appear to the prophet and
lawgiver? He sees all the things which are fulfilled in Christ; yet he does not
catch sight of the face of the Father God, which only the Son can reveal. And
is it not one God, whose back appears, and whose face does not? But the same
one, who is the image of the invisible God, bestowed through the prophet him
who is to be seen in himself, whose image he bears. However, the very face of
God is still not seen, because he announced that God would have come: the
whole does not appear yet, as he had already come. And the prophet himself
declares amidst the people the mystery of the divine sacrament: as all his
things had to be done according to the example 'which had been shown to
him on the mountain', 126 so he, to whom it had been said: 'Yo u shall not see
my face,' 127 'proclaimed the word and law of God to the people with a veiled
face'. 128 And while all things are revealed in Christ, he also shows his face
which is the image of the Father. However, it is not surprising if at the time of
the law the prophet did not see what is then promised to the apostles in the
grace itself and vision of God. Therefore, 'You shall not see my face' 129 is the
same as 'I did not manifest my own name to them' .130 To say m y own name,
that is: myself. This is the grace to be fulfilled in the last days and at the end of
time: not what is denied to Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and Moses, but the fact that
in them the beginning of the arising faith is shown, in that time of the law
when it was necessary that the Son himself, who was still hidden and did not
reveal himself yet to the world, should act through the fathers and the
prophets: he is the one who wants to be believed before coming, so that no
 248 De Trinitate Fidei Catholicae On the Trinity of the Catholic Faith / 249

patribus, spe in prophetis, caritate in apostolis comprehensus, merito ait: Qui
audit praecepta mea, et custodit ea, ille est qui me diligit. m Audire et custodire
praecepta legis et prophetarum opus est: quibus qui praebuit fidem, magni-
tudinem caritatis, qua deus diligitur, impleuit. Hic patri est dilectus et filio,
605 quia patrem dilexit et filium: huic se unus deus, quem Moyses uidere optat,
ostendit: huic nomen patris manifestat filius, quod unum et proprium dei
unius est nomen: in hoc et patres ut in semine suo proprium dei nomen
agnoscunt, et Moyses reuelata facie sua faciem dei, tamquam qui a gloria in
gloriam reformatus est, intuetur: 132 per hunc denique omnes ueteres profetae
610 fructum diuinae promissionis, in cuius spem laborauerant, consecuti, in unum
perfectum uirum, ad confirmatione corporis Christi, secundum uocationis suae
133
ordinem concorde membrorum societate concurrunt; ut per unum deum in
uno homine perfecti, figmentum manus illius simus, creati in operibus
135
bonis, 134 et uetere homine cum cupiditatibus suis uitiisque destructis
615 intellegamus unum deum, cum esse nos unum hominem nouerimus, illum
scilicet, qui primus fictus est pater orbis terrarum, 136 factus primum in animam
138
uiuentem: 137 cum missus in mundo est nouissimus in spiritum uiuificantem:
cum reuersus tamen nobis Adam horno, quoniam unus est factus, atque ab
uno deo, cum tamen opus et filii et patris appareat. Scriptum est enim:
620 Faciamus hominem ad imaginem et similitudinem nostram.
139
Conlocutio
nec super faciendo hominem afuit, et plena tam sensu quam uerbo; in
quo meditatio patris et filii unius dei in homine perfecto praetendit atque
obtinet fidem. Ait enim: Et fecit deus hominem ad imaginem et similitudinem
dei. 140 In uno igitur homine, uno deo Jactare regenerati, unum deum patrem
625 totius originis nostrae, uno spiritu, una fide, unius baptismi consecratione
ueneremur. 141 Unus est deus noster, et dominus: qui non genuit, et qui
redemit. Et unus nobis deus, in nomine patris et domini: patris utique quo
genuit, domini quo redemit. Cui honor et gloria in saecula saeculorum.
Amen.
630 Alleluia.
EXPLICIT DE TRINITATE FIDEI CATHOLICAE.
one may ignore him when he has come. Therefore, he who was grasped in the
fathers through faith, in the prophets through hope, and in the apostles
through charity says with good reason: 'He who listens to my command-
ments, and keeps them is he who loves me.' 131 It is essential to listen to and to
keep the commandments of the law and the prophets; and the one who gave
faith to them fulfilled the greatness of charity with which God is loved. This is
dear to the Father and the Son, because he loved the Father and the Son: to
him the one God, whom Moses desires to see, reveals himself; to him the Son
manifests the name of the Father, because the name is one and exclusively
belongs to the one God; in him the fathers too, as in their seed, recognize
God's own name, 'and Moses, after revealing his face, contemplates the face of
God as he who has been reformed from glory to glory'; 132 'through him,
finally, all the ancient prophets having obtained the fruit of the divine prom-
ise, in whose hope they had worked, hurry together to one perfect man for the
confirmation of the body of Christ, according to the order of their vocation
with the concordant association of the members', 133 so that, as we are perfect
through one God in one man, we may be the creation of that hand, [and]
'created for good works', 134 and 'after destroying the old man with his desires
and vices', 135 we may understand one God, as we know to be one man, namely
'that who was formed as the father of the world', 136 'who was first made into a
living soul'; 137 [and] when he was sent into the world, 'the last became a
vivifying spirit'; 138 but when the man Adam returned to us, because he was
made one, he also appears to be made by one God, because he is the work of
both the Son and the Father. For it is written: 'Let us make man according to
our image and likeness.' 139 Anda conversation on the making of man was not
lacking, a full one in both sense and word, in which the thought of the Father
and the Son, the one God, extends in the perfect man and obtains faith. For it
says: 'And God made man according to the image and likeness of God.' 140
Therefore, 'being regenerated in one man by one God and maker, we worship
one God, Father of our entire race, with one spirit, one faith, and the con-
secration of one baptism'. 141 One is our God and Lord, who generated and
redeemed us. And we have one God, in the name of the Father and the Lord:
of the Father with which he generated, of the Lord with which he redeemed.
And to him is glory and honour world without end. Amen.
Alleluia.
HERE ENDS (THE TRACTATE) ON THE TRINITY OF CATHOLIC FAITH.

134
131 Jn 14:21. 132
Cf. 2 Cor 3:18. 133
Cf. Eph 4:11-16. Eph 2:10.
136 137
135 Cf. Rom 6:6; Gal 5:24. Wisdom 10:1. 1 Cor 15:45.
139 140 141
138 1 Cor 15:45. Gen 1:26. Gen 1:27. Cf. Eph 4:4-6.
 1

Prologi Monarchianorum Prologues of the Monarchians

(Prologi Monarchianorum)
Collated editions: J. Wordsworth and H. J. White,
Nouum Testamentum Domini Nostri Iesu Christi Latine
secundum editionem Sancti Hieronymi, vol. I ( Oxford,
1889-98), 15-17 (Matthew), 171-3 (Mark), 269-71
(Luke), 485-7 (John); P. Corssen, Monarchianische
Prologe zu den vier Evangilien: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte
des Kanons, Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte
der altchristlichen Litteratur, XV (Leipzig, 1896), 5-10;
J. Chapman, Notes on the Early History of the Vulgate
Gospels (Oxford, 1908), 217-22; H. Lietzmann, 'Das
Muratorische Fragment und die monarchianischen
Prologe zu den Evangelien', in Kleine Texte I, (1902),
repr. in K. Aland, Synopsis Quattuor Evangeliorum
(Stuttgart, 1964), 547-48; D. de Bruyne, Préfaces
de la Bible latine (Namur, 1920), 170-4.

HERE BEGINS THE ARGUMENT OF THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO MATTHEW. As

Matthew from. Judaea is placed first in the order [of the evangelists], so he was
the first to wnte a gospel in Judaea. And his vocation for God carne after he
had been working as a publican. While in the generation of Christ he assumed
lNCIPIT ARGUMENTUM EuANGELII SECUNDUM MATTHEUM. Mattheus ex
the beginnings of two [people], of the one whose first circumcision was in the
Iudaea sicut in ordine primus ponitur, ita euangelium in Iudaea primus
flesh, of the ot~er wh~se ~lection was according to the heart, and through
scripsit. Cuius uocatio ad deum ex publicanis actibus fui t. Duorum in genera-
them both Chnst was m h1s fathers, and so, after setting in three forros the
tione Christi principia praesumens, unius cuius prima circumcisio in carne,
fourte~nth num?er. [of the generations], while extending the beginning from
s alterius, cuius secundum cor electio fuit, et ex utrisque in patribus Christus,
the ~mth of behevmg to the time of election, and directing [it] from the
sicque quaternario denario numero triformiter posito, principium a credendi
el~ctlo~ to the day of transmigration, and delimiting [it] from the trans-
fide in electionis tempus porrigens, et ex electione in transmigrationis diem
migratwn up to Christ, he showed the passing of the generations of the
dirigens, atque a transmigratione usque in Christum definiens, decursam
advent of the Lord, so that by satisfying the number and the time, and by
aduentus domini ostendit generationem, ut, et numero satisfaciens et
 252 Prologi Monarchianorum
10 tempori, et se quod esset ostendens, et dei in se opus monstrans, etiam in his
quorum genus posuit, Christi operantis a principio testimonium non negaret.
Quarum omnium rerum tempus, ordo, numerus, dispositio, uel ratio, quod
fidei necessarium est, deus Christus est. Qui factus est ex muliere factus
sub lege, natus ex uirgine passus in carne omnia in cruce fixit, ut triumphans
15 ea in semet ipso, resurgens in corpore et patris nomen in patribus filio et filii
nomen patri restituerat in filiis, sine principio sine fine, ostendens unum se
cum patre esse, quía unus est. In quo euangelio utile est desiderantibus deum
sic prima uel media uel perfecta cognoscere, ut et uocationem apostoli et
opus euangelii et dilectionem dei in carne nascentis per uniuersa legentes
20 intellegant atque id in eo, in quo adprehensi sunt et adprehendere expetunt,
recognoscant. Nobis enim hoc in studio argumenti fuit et fidem factae
rei tradere et operantis dei intellegendam diligenter esse dispositionem
quaerentibus non tacere. ExPLICIT ARGUMENTUM EuANGELII SECUNDUM
MATTHEUM.
25 INCIPIT ARGUMENTUM EuANGELII SECUNDUM loHANNEM. Hic est Iohannes
euangelista, unus ex discipulis dei, qui uirgo electus a deo est, quem de nuptiis
uolentem nubere uocauit deus. Cui uirginitatis in hoc duplex testimonium
in euangelio datur, quod et prae ceteris dilectus a deo dicitur et huic matrem
suam iens ad crucem commendauit deus, ut uirginem uirgo seruaret.
30 Denique manifestans in euangelio, quod erat ipse incorruptibilis uerbi opus
inchoans, solus uerbum caro factum esse nec lumen a tenebris compre-
hensum fuisse testatur, primum signum ponens quod in nuptiis fecit deus,
ut ostendens quod erat ipse, legentibus demonstraret, quod ubi dominus
inuitatur deficere nuptiarum uinum debeat ac ueteribus immutatis noua
35 omnia, quae a Christo instituuntur appareant. De quo singula quaeque in
mysterio acta uel dicta euangelii ratio quaerentibus monstrat. Hoc autem
euangelium scripsit in Asia, posteaquam in Pathmos ínsula apocalypsin
scripserat, ut cuí in principio canonis incorruptibile principium in genesi et
incorruptibilis finis per uirginem 1 in apocalypsi redderetur dicente Christo:
40 Ego sumA et Q. 2 Et hic est Iohannes qui, sciens superuenisse diem recessus
sui, conuocatis discipulis suis in Epheso per multa signorum experimenta
promens Christum descendens in defossum sepulturae suae locum facta
1 2
Namely, the evangelist John. Rev. 1:8.
Prologues of the Monarchians 1 253
showing what he was, and by revealing in himself the work of God also in
these things, whose origin he had established, he might not deny from the
beginning the testimony of the acting Christ. And the time, order, number,
arrangement, or rule of all these things-and this is necessary to faith-is
God Christ. And he who was made of a woman, was made under the law, was
born from a virgin, and suffered in the flesh, nailed all things to the cross, so
that by triumphing over them when being resurrected in his body he might
restare the name of the Father to the Son in the fathers and the name of the
Son to the Father in the sons, without a beginning, without an end, showing
that he is one with the Father, beca use there is one [God ]. And in this gospel it
is useful for those who desire God to know the first, the middle, and the
perfect things, so that they may understand by reading through all these parts
both the vocation of the apostle, and the work of the gospel, and the love of
God who was born in the flesh, and may recognize it in that in which they
were grasped, and that they demand to grasp. For this was our intention in
examining the topic [of the gospel], namely to teach the faith of the work, and
not to omit for those who require it that the rules ofthe acting God must be
diligently understood. HERE ENDS THE ARGUMENT OF THE GüSPEL ACCORD-
ING TO MATTHEW.
HERE BEGINS THE ARGUMENT OF THE GüSPEL ACCORDING TO ]OHN. This ÍS
the evangelist John, one of God's disciples, who was elected by God to be
virgin, and whom, when he wanted to get married, God called from his
wedding. And a double testimony of virginity is given about him in the
gospel, because he is said to have been loved by God more than anyone else;
and God, while going to the cross, entrusted his mother to him, so that a
virgin might preserve the Virgin. Therefore, showing in the gospel that he was
incorruptible, [and] beginning the work of the Word, he alone testified that
the Word was made flesh and the light was not captured by the darkness,
placing as the first miracle what God did at the wedding, so that by showing it
he might demonstrate what he was to the readers, that is, that when the Lord
was invited, the wine of the wedding should give out and all the new things,
which are established by Christ, should appear from the old after being
changed. And about that, the style of the gospel shows to those who require it
each single act or saying according to the mystery. He wrote his gospel in Asia,
after he had written the Apocalypse in the Island of Patmos, so that at the
opening of the canon an incorruptible beginning might be given to it in the
Genesis, and an incorruptible end through the virgin 1 in the Apocalypse, as
Christ says: '1 am the A and the Q.' 2 And this is John who, knowing that the
day of his passing away had come, after summoning his disciples in Ephesus,
preaching Christ through many proofs of miracles, descending into the deep

254 Prologi Monarchianorum
oratione positus est ad patres suos tam extraneus a dolore mortis quam a
corruptione carnis inuenitur alienus. Qui etsi post omnes euangelium
45 scripsisse dicitur, tamen dispositione canonis ordinati post Mattheum
ponitur, quoniam in domin~, q~~e nouissima sunt, non uelut ex:re~.~
et abiecta numero, sed plemtudm1s opere perfecta sunt, et hoc mrgm1
debebatur. Quorum tamen uel scripturarum tempore dispositio uellibrorum
ordinatio ideo per singula a nobis non exponitur, ut sciendi desiderio
50 conlocato et quaerentibus fructus laboris et deo magisterii doctrina seruetur.
EXPLICIT ARGUMENTUM EUANGELII 5ECUNDUM lOHANNEM.
INCIPIT ARGUMENTUM EuANGELII SECUNDUM LucAM. Lucas Syrus natione
Antiochensis, arte medicus, discipulus apostolorum, postea Paulum secutus
usque ad confessionem eius, seruiens deo sine crimine. Nam neque uxorem
55 umquam habens neque filios, LXXIV annorum obiit in Bithynia plenus
spiritu sancto. Qui cum iam descripta essent euangelia per Mattheum quidem
in Iudaea, per Marcum autem in Italia, sancto instigante spiritu in Achaiae
4
partibus hoc scripsit euangelium, significans etiam ipse in principio ante alia
esse descripta. Cui extra ea quae ordo euangelicae dispositionis exposcit, ea
60 maxime necessitas laboris fuit, ut primum Graecis fidelibus omni perfectione
uenturi in carnem dei manifestata, ne Iudaicis fabulis intenti in solo legis
desiderio tenerentur neue hereticis fabulis et stultis sollicitationibus seducti
excederent a ueritate, elaboraret, dehinc ut in principio euangelii Iohannis
natiuitate praesumpta, 5 cui6 euangelium scriberet et in quo electus scriberet,
65 indicaret contestans in se completa esse quae essent ab aliis inchoata. Cui ideo
post baptismum filii dei a perfectione generationis in Christo impletae et
repetendae a principio natiuitatis humanae potestas permissa est, ut requiren-
tibus demonstraret, in quo adprehendens erat, per Nathan filium introitu
recurrentis in deum generationis admisso indispartibilis dei, praedicans in
70 hominibus Christum suum perfecti opus hominis redire in se per filium
facere, qui per Dauid patrem uenientibus iter praebebat in Christo. Cui Lucae
non inmerito etiam scribendorum apostolicorum actuum potestas in
ministerio datur, ut deo in deum pleno ac filio proditionis extincto oratione
ab apostolis facta sorte domini electionis numerus compleretur sicque
75 Paulus consummationem apostolicis actibus daret, quem diu contra stimulos
3
Again, the evangelist John.
4 N ame! y the gospels according to Matthew and Mark.
6
5 The Baptist. Namely Theophilus; cf Lk 1:2.
Prologues of the Monarchians 255
1
place of his sepulchre, was laid among his fathers, and! was found to be as
foreign to the pain of death as he was alien to the corruption of flesh. And
even though he is said to have written his gospel after all [the others], yet he is
placed after Matthew in the order of the official canon, because in the Lord
the latest things were not at the end and added to the number, but were
perfected with the work offullness, and this was dueto the virgin. 3 However,
the chronological order of those writings or the arrangement of the books are
not described one by one by us, so that, after setting the desire of knowledge,
the doctrine of precepts may be reserved to those who look for the fruits of
labour and to God. HERE ENDS THE ARGUMENT OF THE GOSPEL ACCORDING
TO JOHN.
HERE BEGINS THE ARGUMENT OF THE GoSPEL ACCORDING TO LUKE. Luke, a
Syrian from Antioch, physician by profession and disciple of the apostles,
later followed Paul until his confession, faultlessly serving God. He having no
children or wife died at the age of 74 in Bithynia, being filled with the Holy
Spirit. And since gospels had been already written through Matthew in
Judaea, and through Mark in Italy, at the instigation of the Holy Spirit he
wrote this gospel in the lands of Achaia, revealing at the beginning that other
[gospels] 4 had been written before. And besides the things which the order of
the evangelical arrangement required, his first necessity in his work was
especially to reveal with every perfection to the Greek believers the advent of
God coming in the flesh, so that he might endeavour to prevent them from
being detained in the desire of the law alone by fixing their attention on the
Jewish fables, or from wandering away from the truth, being seduced by the
fables of the heretics and their foolish incitements and then, after assuming at
the beginning ofhis gospel the birth ofJohn, 5 he might indica te for whom 6 he
was writing his gospel, and in whom he was writing as an elect, testifying that
what had been begun by others was completed in him. Therefore, after the
baptism of the Son of God, by the perfection of the generation fulfilled in
Christ the power to repeat his human birth from the beginning was conceded
to him, so that he might demonstrate to seekers upon what he was seizing,
since through the son of Nathan the en trance of the generation recurring in
God of the indivisible God had been admitted, while he announced among
men that his Christ made the work of the perfect man return to himself
through the Son, who through the father David provided the way in Christ to
those who carne. Therefore not without cause the opportunity to write the
acts of the apostles was given to Luke in the course of his service so that, God
being full in God and the son of betrayal having perished, the number might
be completed through the prayer made by the apostles with the fate of the
Lord's election, and so Paul might bring the apostolic acts to perfection,
 256 Prologi Monarchianorum
recalcitrantem dominus elegisset. Quod legentibus ac requirentibus deum etsi
per singula expediri a nobis utile fuerat, scientes tamen, quod operantem
agricolam oporteat de fructibus suis edere, uitauimus publicam curiositatem,
ne non tam uolentibus deum uideremur quam fastidientibus prodidisse.
80 EXPLICIT ARGUMENTUM EUANGELII SECUNDUM LUCAM.
INCIPIT ARGUMENTUM EUANGELII SECUNDUM MARCUM. Marcus euangelista
dei et Petri in baptismate filius atque in diuino sermone discipulus,
sacerdotium in Israhel agens secundum carnem Leuita, conuersus ad fidem
Christi euangelium in Italia scripsit ostendens in eo, quod et generi suo
85 deberet et Christo. Nam initium principii in uoce propheticae exclamationis
instituens ordinem Leuiticae electionis ostendit, ut praedicans praedestina-
tum Iohannem, filium Zachariae in uoce angeli adnuntiantis non emissum
solum uerbum caro factum; sed corpus domini in omnia per uerbum diuinae
uocis animatum initio euangelicae praedicationis ostenderet, ut qui haec
90 legens sciret, cui initium carnis in domino et dei aduenientis habitaculum
caro deberet agnoscere atque in se uerbum uocis, quod in consonantibus
perdiderat inueniret. Denique et perfecti euangelii opus intrans et a baptismo
domini praedicare deum inchoans non laborauit natiuitatem carnis, quam in
prioribus uiderat, dicere sed totus in primis explosionem deserti, ieiunium
95 numeri, temptationem diaboli, congregationem bestiarum et ministerium
protulit angelorum, ut instituens nos ad intellegendum singula in breui
conpingens nec auctoritatem factae rei demeret et perficiendo operi
plenitudinem non negaret. Denique amputasse sibi post fidem pollicem
dicitur, ut sacerdotio reprobus haberetur; sed tantum consentiens fidei
100 praedestinata potuit electio, ut nec sic in opere uerbi perderet, quod prius
meruerat in genere. Nam Alexandriae episcopus fuit. Cuius per singula opus
scire et euangelii in se dicta disponere et disciplinam in se legis agnoscere
et diuinam in carne domini intellegere naturam. Quae et nos primum
requiri, dehinc inquisita uolumus agnosci, habentes mercedem exhortationis,
105 quoniam qui plantat et qui rigat unum sunt, qui autem incrementum praestat
deus est. ExPLICIT ARGUMENTUM EuANGELir SECUNDUM MARCUM.
Prologues of the Monarchians 257
1
whom the Lord had elected after he had been kicking igainst the pricks for a
long time. And even though it would have been useful to the readers and
those who look for God, if [this gospel] had been expounded by us in its
single parts, yet knowing that the active farmer should eat his own fruits, we
avoided public curiosity lest we might appear to have revealed God not so
much to those who want him as to those who hold him in contempt. HERE
ENDS THE ARGUMENT OF THE GoSPEL ACCORDING TO LUKE.
HERE BEGINS THE ARGUMENT OF THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO MARK. Mark,
evangelist of God, and Peter's son in baptism and disciple in the divine
doctrine, exercised his priesthood in Israel, being a Levite according to the
flesh, was converted to the faith of Christ [and] wrote his gospel in Italy,
showing in it what he owed to his origin and what to Christ. In fact,
establishing the starting-point of the beginning in the voice of the prophetical
exclamation, he showed the arder of the Levitical election, so that by pro-
claiming the predestined John, son of Zechariah, in the voice of the announ-
cing angel, not only he might show with the beginning of the evangelical
preaching that the emitted Word was made flesh, but also that the body of the
Lord had been animated in all things through the Word of the divine voice, in
order that he who reads these things might know to whom he should ascribe
the beginning of the flesh in the Lord, and the flesh as dwelling-place of the
coming God, and might find in himself the Word of the voice, which he had
lost in the consonan tal [Old Testament]. Therefore, going into the work of the
perfect gospel and beginning to narra te from the baptism of the Lord, he did
not take pains to report the [Lord's] birth in the flesh, which he had seen in
the previous [gospels], but in the first place entirely devoted himself to
describe the expulsion to the desert, the fasting of the number, the temptation
of the devil, the gathering of the beasts, and the service of the angels so that,
instructing us to understand each episode by depicting it briefly, he might not
take away the authority of the deed nor might deny its fullness by completing
the work. He is also said to have amputated his own thumb after his conver-
sion, so that he might be considered to be unworthy of the priesthood, but the
predestined and favourable election of faith was so powerful that he did not
lose in the work of the word what he had deserved befare, according to his
birth: indeed he was bishop of Alexandria. And he had the ability to know
the work in its single parts, and to order in himself the sayings of the gospel,
and to recognize in himself the discipline of the law, and to understand the
divine nature in the flesh. And we also desire that these things are first sought,
and then, after being investigated, are known, as we have the reward of
exhortation, because the one who plants and the one who waters are one, but
he who provides the growth is God. HERE ENDS THE ARGUMENT OF THE
GosPEL ACCORDING TO MARK.
 1

Commentary

W ürzburg Tractates
Tractate I
2-3 quia zabolica obtrectatione pulsate in ea quod percutitur plus probatur: in
his apparatus (CSEL 18, Tract. I, 3, app. 5) Schepss suggests that this passage
has a precise parallel in Hilary: Hil. De Trin., VII.4, CCSL 62:263: Hoc enim
ecclesiae proprium est, ut tum uincat cum laeditur, tum intellegatur cum
arguitur, tum obtineat cum deseritur. Now, even though the majority of
scholars agree that the influence of Hilary' s De Trinitate on the en tire corpus
of the Würzburg Tractates is evident (cf. Babut, Priscillien, 106; Chadwick,
Priscillian, 65; Simonetti in A. Di Berardino (ed.), Patrología III (Rome, 1978),
128), M. Veronese has brilliantly and correctly demonstrated that this influ-
ence is actual only in sorne of the tractates (IV, VI, X, XI), while the frequent
parallels with De Trinitate which Schepss indicates in other tractates such as
I, JI, and III, appear to be forced or even groundless. See: Veronese, 'Le
citazioni', 133-57.
For other forced or inaccurate parallels with Hilary's De Trinitate in
Tractate I see: CSEL 18, Tract. I, 4, app. 13 (Tract. I, 20)-Veronese, 'Le citazi-
oni', 139; Tract. I, 8, app. 12 (Tract. I, 90-1)-'Le citazioni', 138; Tract. I, 11
app. 1 (Tract. I, 136-7)-'Le citazioni', 140; Tract. I, 12, app. 21 (Tract. I, 170-
1)-'Le citazioni', 135-6.
6 et libello fratrum nostrorum Tiberiani, Asarbi . . . : the Priscillianist dis-
ciples Tiberianus and Asarbius are mentioned by Sulpicius Severus in his
Chronicon. Tiberianus is also mentioned by Jerome in his De Viris Inlustribus.
After the trial in Trier Asarbius (Asarius) was condemned to be beheaded,
while Tiberianus was exiled to the Scilly Isles. See Sulp. Sev. Chron. 2.50.1-
51.1, PL 20:157-8; CSEL 1:103-4; SC 441:340-4; Jerome, De Viris Inlustr. 121,
PL 23:750B; Cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 144-6; Burrus, The Making, 94-101.
15-20 Quamuis enim gloriari ... in portum securae quietis intrauimus: the
author clearly mentions his noble origin (non ita obscuro editi ad saeculum
loco) and conversion to Christianity ( malorum nostrorum conuersationibus
repudiates tamquam in portum securae quietis intrauimus). This is a proof, in
my opinion, that Priscillian himself is the actual author of this tractate, sin ce
260 Commentary
these very personal and confident assertions would certainly sound out of
place even in one of his closest collaborators. Priscillian's noble origin is
attested by Sulpicius Severus (Sulp. Sev. Chron. 2.46.1-2, PL 20:155; CSEL
1:99; SC 441:332-4). Cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 49; Burrus, The Making, 57.
31-2 diuidunt unitam in dei uirtute substantiam et magnitudinem Christi
tripertito ecclesiae fonte uenerabilem Binionitarum scelere partiuntur . . . :
Schepss proposes to emend the word Binionitarum, which also recurs in
Tractate III (see Tract. III, 103), into Ebionitarum. The Ebionites, who were a
Jewish-Christian sect, denied the divinity of Christ, whom they considered to
be a mere man (nudus hamo: Tert. De Carne Christi 14). Therefore their
heretical views do not appear to fit in with the context of this passage, which
seems to refer to Arianism. According to Chadwick the term 'Binionite' was
invented by Priscillian as 'a rejoinder to a charge of being a Unionita, a term
applied to Sabellius by one source (Ps.-Jerome, Indiculus de haeresibus, PL
81:642B) which shows signs of having drawn upon Ithacius' book' (Chad-
wick, Priscillian, 87). However, this position is opposed by Burrus, who asserts
that 'there is in fact no evidence that Priscillian' s unitive theology was an issue
in the controversies ofhis lifetime' (Burrus, The Making, 193; cf. also p. 58). I
believe that, even though there is no extant council act charging Priscillian of
being a unionita, it is extremely likely that accusations of Sabellianism were
made against him and his sect (cf. also Chadwick, Priscillian, 47). As a con-
sequence he emphasizes the error of the Binionites (i.e. the Arians), who hold
views that are opposite to his own.
57 Patripassianae heresis . .. : this reference to Patripassianism confirms that
Priscillian' s Monarchianism was certainly criticized by his adversaries, who
probably found in it elements of Sabellianism or Docetism.
67-8 Ad quorum stultitiam Nouatiana accedit heresies, quasi uero crudescente
semper errare peccati repetitis baptismatibus purgarentur ... : here Priscillian
accuses the followers of Novatian of purifying sins through repeated bap-
tisms. But the extended historical testimonies on them (cf. Cypr. Ep. 55,16)
unanimously attest that they practised an intransigent form of Christianity
and a sort of Stoic way of life, which granted no forgiveness for serious sins,
so that it is evident that Priscillian is confusing them with another heretical
sect. It is probable that he is referring to the Elchasaites, one of the numerous
Baptist Jewish-Christian sects, which were still active in the fourth century.
Since Mani's father and, initially, Mani himself (from the age of 4 to 24)
belonged to this sect, Priscillian may be indirectly opposing charges of
Manichaeanism.
79-80 Anethema autem sit doctrina Nicholaitarum partemque cum Sodoma
habeat et Gomora quisque odibilia deo sacrilegia aut instituit aut sequitur: this
Commentary ¡ 261
1
heretical sect is mentioned in Rev 2:6, 15, and probably hinted at in Rev 2:2,
where there is a description of the false prophets. From the indications pro-
vided by the biblical text we may suppose that the Nicholaitans were a sort of
proto-Gnostic sect practising an extremely free way oflife, which included the
participation in the banquets of the Gentiles and lo ose sexual ha bits. Alllater
sources seem to derive their information from Revelation, so that they actu-
ally add no important detail: cf. Irenaeus, Adv. Raer. 1.26.3; 3.11.1; Hip-
polytus, Refut. 7.36; Clement of Alexandria, Strom. 2.20; 3.4.
Ferreiro has pointed out how Nicholaitism ceased to exhist in late second
century, and was transformed into a topos 'to condemn individuals or groups
for alleged sexual immorality'. Therefore, 'in the western Mediterranean,
fourth century Priscillianists became the target of Nicholaitan accusations, as
testified in both Catholic and Priscillianist sources' (A. Ferreiro, 'Priscillian
and Nicolaitism', VChr 52.4 (1998), 382-392 (384)).
81-193 Anethema sit qui legens grifos aquilas asinas elefantas serpentes et bes-
tias superuacua . . . intellectus bonus omnibus facientibus eum: in this
extended section of the tractate (six pages of the Schepss edition) Priscillian
anathematizes the worshippers of animals or, more specifically, those who, 'in
expounding the scriptures, take griffins, eagles, asses, elephants, and serpents
as symbols of divine worship (religio), when a correct exegesis must under-
stand them as demonic forces' (Chadwick, Priscillian, 91). There is no
doubt that Priscillian was actually accused of practising this error by his
adversaries, as he attests: nema ergo nobis intellectum propriae peruersitatis
adscribat (187).
It is probable that this accusation derived from the use of apocryphal
texts on the part of the Priscillianists. In the Apocryphon of John we find a
clear description of powers with zoomorphic bodies: 'The archons created
seven powers for themselves, and the powers created for themselves six angels
for each one until they became 365 angels. And these are the bodies belonging
with the names: the first is Athoth, he has a sheep's face; the second is
Eloaiou, he has a donkey's face; the third is Astaphaios, he has a [hyena's]
face; the fourth is Yao, he has a [serpent's] face with seven heads; the fifth is
Sabaoth, he has a dragon's face; the sixth is Adonin, he hada monkey's face;
the seventh is Sabbede, he has a shining fire-face' (Apocryphon of John
II.l:11.10-12.2, M. Waldstein, F. Wisse, The Apocryphon of John: Synopsis of
Nag Hammadi Codices II,l; III,l; and Fif,l with BG 8502,2, Nag Hammadi
and Manichaean Studies 33 (Leiden, 1995), 71-3; cf. also Bianco, 'Temat-
iche', 229). Another apocryphal text which interprets animals as symbols of
divine powers is the so-called Physiologus, which in his most ancient Greek
version dates from the third century. I think that the Priscillianists had
262 Commentary
access to both these texts, but it is difficult to believe that they accepted any
of their doctrines, as Chadwick suggests (cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 93-4). In
Tractate III Priscillian states how apocryphal writings have been tampered
with by heretics, and the presence in them of animals as symbols of God
seems to be a ciear proof of such falsifications (cf. also Burrus, The Making,
60-1).
112-113 qui ista cognoscentes ... non intellexerunt recte, cor eorum datum
est ... : here Priscillian uses a strong anacoluthon, which I have retained in
my translation.
194-200 Illud autem ... ad ingenii instructionem opera legebamus: in this
extremely involved and obscure passage Priscillian seems to hint at the years
before his conversion, when he practised paganism. His adversaries are prob-
ably trying to accuse him of being still a pagan. He also adds that he read the
works of the pagans for the instruction of his mind. Unfortunately it is not
possible to know what works he is referring to. It seems improbable to me
that he is referring to the ciassical works normally used in rhetorical schools.
For a more extended discussion of this passage see Introduction, p. 11; cf. also
Fernandez Ardanaz, 'Religiosidad', 212-25.
The parallel with Hilary's Contra Const. 25, PL 10:600B: quod tametsi nobis
adfidem otiosum est, suggested by Schepss in his apparatus (CSEL 18, Tract. I, 14,
app. 7) appears to be forced.
201-69 Sed si etiam in his professionis nostrae fides quaeritur ... permansit
in mandatis illius et derelictus est?: in this extended section Priscillian con-
demns those who worship the planetary gods, namely Saturn, Venus, Mer-
cury, Jupiter, Mars, the Sun, and the Moon. As Burrus has correctly sug-
gested, Priscillian argues, in this passage, that 'through the life of Christian
discipline, men and women are freed from the bonds of the temporal
realm symbolized by the dominance of the beastly rulers of planetary
spheres' (Burrus, The Making, 62-3). Therefore, in his conception of
human life there is an 'opposition between temporal existence, which is
under the control of the demons and the seven planetary gods, on the one
hand, and the life of the ascetic Christian, who is liberated by the
immortal God Christ from these bonds of temporal existence, on the
other' (ibid. 62). I believe that these ideas inevitably rely on a certain
dualism. Even though Burrus supposes that Platonic dualism is dissolving
in Priscillian's thought as well as in that of many of his contemporaries
(cf. ibid. 75), it is evident from this passage that the earthly and the divine
spheres are sharply separated in Priscillian's conception of human exist-
ence, and that the main goal of a Priscillianist ascetic is, according to
typical Neoplatonic mysticism, to free himself from the bonds of the
Commentary 263
1
earthly sphere, which is ruled by demonic forces, and to get cioser to God
and his divine sphere.
237 confiteantur in malis suis deum Lunam: Burrus translates the in malis
suis of the Latin text into 'in their evil deeds', but I think the author is
referring to misfortunes caused by the influence of stars or the moon inside a
typical astrological context: cf. Burrus, The Making, 62.
269 Saclam Nebroel Samael: in the apocryphon of John Sacias and Samael are
two of the three names of the chief archon, the first being Yaltabaoth (Apocry-
phon offohn II.l:11.18). Sacias is Yaltabaoth's alternate name in the Hypostasis
of the Archons (II.4:95.7). In the Apocalypse of Adam (V.5:74.3.7) Sacias is the
creator-god who wants to destroy mankind. Nebroel, Sacias' female consort
is well atteste? in different Gnostic and Manichaean writings (cf. The Cospel
of the Egypt1ans III.2:57.10-58.2; Kephalaia (Coptic) 56 (137.12-144.12),
where the demons Nebroel or Nemrael and Asaqlun or Sacias devour the
particies of light and then unite to genera te two children, whose purpose is to
imprison t?e particies of light). In the recently published Cospel of Judas
Yaltabaoth 1s also called Nebro and is one of the evil angels or rulers together
with Sacias (cf. 51.12.17; 51.15; 51.19; 54.21; 56.13). See also Chadwick
Priscillian, 94-5. '
269-70 Belzebuth Nasbodeum Beliam: for Belzebuth see 2 Kings 1:2-3, 6, 16;
Mark 3:22; Matthew 12:24, 27; Luke 11:15, 18-19. Nasbodeus, as Chadwick
correctly suggests, is 'an evident by-form of the familiar Asmodeus'
(Chadwick, Priscillian, 95), who is mentioned in Tobit (3:8, 6:14, 8:2) and the
Testament ofSolomon (5). For Belial or Beliar or Belias see 2 Corinthians 6:15;
Apocryphon of !ohn II.l:11:3; III.1:15.5; BG 8502,2:40,18; Ascensio Isaiae2.4;
Questions of Bartholomew 1.6-20.
29_1-?4_5 Ac si uolunt scire ... tua custodiuit spiritum meum: even though
Pnsolhan appears to condemn entirely the theories and beliefs of the
Gnostic~, he nonetheless accepts the actuality of their mythology, which
he cons1ders to be a ciear description of the activity of demons. In this
passage he reports the Gnostic myth of the seduction of Eve on the part of
Sacias (~f. ~pocryphon of John II.l:24.13-18) and maintains its reality by
confirmmg lt through two quotations from Hosea (2:2, 2:9-10). Cf. also
Burrus, who suggests that Priscillian accepts the Gnostic dualism of this
myth _but gives it 'a symbolic and predominately moral interpretation,
affirmmg that we are the creation of God in our good works' (Burrus, The
Making, 64).
335 Sacias et Nebroel: see above, 269.
346-57 Et ideo repetito semper sermone ... falsa ueris et catholicis mendacia
miscuerunt: in this passage Priscillian rejects again any charge of Docetism or
264 Commentary
Patripassianism (cf. above 31-2; 57). Hisopen and absolute condemnation of
these heretical ideas shows again that his Monarchianism was subject to
actual accusations of Sabellianianism or Patripassianism. Cf. also Chadwick,
Priscillian, 90-1.
357-66 Anethema sit qui Manetem ... religiosius consecrare se dicerent: in
his short but extremely aggressive condemnation of Manichaeanism,
Priscillian concentrates on the worship of the Sun and the Moon practised by
this sect. Alexander of Lycopolis clearly describes the role of the Sun and the
Moon in the cosmological mythology and eschatology of the Manichaeans:
'For this reason God had merey and sent another power that we call
Demiurge who, when he carne and took creation in his hands, separated from
the Matter that part of the power which had not suffered to be mingled in a
way contrary to its nature. In the first place the Sun and the Moon were
created. The part which was partially in the evil caused the birth of the stars
and the en tire vault of heaven. The part from which the Sun and the Moon
were separated was moved away from the world: and this is a fire that burns,
on the one hand, but is obscure and without light, and almost similar to the
night, on the other. With regard to the other elements, plants and animals
that live (in the world), the divine power is mingled with them in unequal
amounts. That is why the world was generated and, in this world, the Sun
and the Moon, which through generations and destructions constantly sep-
arate the divine power from the Matter and send it back to God. [... ] In
fact, in its waxing phase the Moon gathers the power which is separated
from the Matter and is filled with it for all this time; after being filled, in its
waning phase, it makes it ascend towards the Sun that, in its turn, send it to
God. After accomplishing this, [the Sun] receives from another full Moon a
migration of the soul and, after obtaining it, allows it to be automatically
brought to God. And this is the constant activity [of the Sun]. [... ] In
addition [the Manichaeans] greatly honour the Sun and the Moon, not as
God but as the way leading to God.' (Alexander of Lycopolis, Against the
Doctrines of Maní, 3-4, 7; A. Brinkmann (ed.), Alexandri Lycopolitani Contra
Manichaei opiniones disputatio, Bibliotheca Teubneriana (Leipzig, 1895),
6-7). In his condemnation Priscillian clearly asserts that the Manichaeans
consider the Sun and the Moon to be gods ( Solem et Lunam rectores orbis
terrarum deos putauerunt), but this is in contradiction with the testimony of
Alexander, who clearly states that they do not honour them as God but as
the way leading to God (Alexander of Lycopolis, Against the Doctrines of
Maní, 7). This may be due to two reasons: either Priscillian is not well
informed about Manichaeanism, and this would demonstrate that he was
actually not familiar with this religion, or he is malevolently exaggerating
sorne aspects of Manichaeanism to make his condemnation even more
Commentary / 265
radical, and especially, to reject the accusations of an interest in astrology on
the part of his sect, which seem to be confirmed by the Fragment quoted by
Orosius.
366-76 Anethema sit qui Nicolaitarum fornicationes . . . sed sufficientia
nostra ex deo est: Priscillian curses sorne of the heretical sects, which he had
already mentioned above, and adds sorne new ones. For the Nicholaitans see
above 79-80; Novatians 67-8; Patripassians 57.
Ofitarum (368): the Ophites were a group of Gnostics who honoured the
serpent as the provider of the knowledge of good and evil. Even though they
are mentioned and described by Clement of Alexandria ( Stromateis VIII. 17)
and Hippolytus (Refut. VIII. 20), their actual doctrine is clearly explained
only in Ps.-Tertullian, Adversus Omnes Haereses II.l-9. See B. A. Pearson,
'Ophites', in W. J. Hanegraaff (ed.), Dictionary of Gnosis and Western Esoteri-
cism, 2 vols. ii. (Leiden, 2005), 895-8.
Saturnina heresis (373): Saturninus was a Gnostic teacher from Antioch,
whose theories are described in Irenaeus (Adv. Haer. 1.24.1-2). See R. Van
Den Broek, 'Satornilus', in Hanegraaff Dictionary, 1037-8.
Basilide docente: Basilides was one of the main Gnostic teachers
from Alexandria. See W. A. Lohr, 'Basilides', in Hanegraaff, Dictionary, i.
164-8.
Arriana (374): above Priscillian had defined the Arians as Binionites (cf.
31-2).
Homuncionita (375): the Homuncionites are in general all those heretics
who consider Christ to be a mere man with no divine nature. Cf. A.
Blaise, Dictionnaire Latin-Franrais des auteurs chrétiens (Strasbourg, 1954),
393.
Cataphrygia (375): this is another name to indicate the Montanist heresy.
Borborita (375): the Borborites were a Gnostic sect, whose rituals and
doctrines are extensively described by Epiphanius (Pan. 26). Their name
derives from the Greek word borboros (mire or filth), and was a derogatory
epithet referring to the filthiness of their rituals. They are also associated to
the Nicholaitans (see above Comm. 79-80). See R. Van Den Broek, 'Bor-
borites', in Hanegraaff, Dictionary, i. 194-6.
380-6 Inter quae tamen nouum dictum ... maleficos non sinetis uiuere: In
this section Priscillian opposes the accusations of magic and sorcery made
against him by Ithacius. Since there is no evidence of any specific accusation
of magic before the trial in Trier, and the acts of the Council of Bordeaux
(384) are lost, it is extremely likely that the beatissimi sacerdotes, whom Priscil-
lian addresses here, are those who gathered at the Council of Bordeax, so that
this tractate should date from c.384 (cf. also above, 16-17).
266 Commentary
Even though the text is particularly involved, it seems clear that Ithacius
accuses Priscillian of making magical enchantments for the consecration of
the first fruits as well as preparing magical ointments according to Solar and
Lunar phases.
Schepss (CSEL 18: xxvi) proposes the emendation of maledicti Solí et Lunae
of the manuscript (383-4) into maledictis Solí et Lunae. Chadwick asserts that
the emendation is correct (Chadwick, Priscillian, 51, n. 1), but I reject it
because it is improbable, in my opinion, that the author simply wanted to
define the Sun and the Moon as 'accursed'. It seems more likely tome that he
is referring to a particular position or state of the sun in astrology, that is,
a sun of curse (maledicti Solí), which promotes the making of the unguent.
The words cum quibus deficiet are probably a reference to the unguent
decreasing with solar eclipses and/or lunar phases (cf. Burrus, The Making, 66;
Chadwick, Priscillian, 51-2).
With regard to the legitimacy of these accusations, it is extremely dif-
ficult to make any definite hypothesis: Chadwick supposes that 'Priscillian
had at sorne time compromised with popular beliefs about magic and
superstition' (Chadwick, Priscillian, 54), whereas Burrus says that 'it is
highly unlikely that Priscillian participated in [fertility] rituals' (Burrus, The
Making, 66). Without going into details, I think that common sense rules
out the possibility that Priscillian took part in any superstitious heathen
ritual of fertility. In fact, if we must believe the historical testimonies,
Priscillian was a highly educated and noble man, who would appear quite out
of place in a context of low goeteia. On the other hand, his Neoplatonic
leanings might have led him to experiment with theurgy or other higher
forms of magic.
387-501 Sibi itaque habeant adinuentiones ... nos autem Christi, Christus
autem dei: after comparing those who practise sorcery to the Gnostics,
Manichaeans, and other heretics, whom he had already mentioned above,
Priscillian proceeds to condemn them through a new long series of biblical
quotations and examples. He also adds certain new names of demons or
demonic powers:
Armaziel (490) is the first angel and the light-aeon in the Apocryphon
of ]ohn II.l:8.5; II.l:9.1; III.l:ll.24; III.l:l3,8; BG 8502,2:33,8; BG
8502,2:35,9;
Mariame (490-1): the name of Mary in this form seems to refer to the
Gnostic gospel of Marihamm. See Gospel ofMary, BG 8502,1:9,12. 20; 10,1.7;
17,7; 18,1; 19,5. Cf. also Chadwick, Priscillian, 96;
Commentary / 267
Ioel (Eilo) (491) is one of the powers in the Apocryphon of]ohn (II.1:16.30);
Balsamu~ (491) is one of the powers invoked in the Greek Magical Papyri
(see K. Pre1sendanz, PGM IV. 1019; XII. 494). Cf. also Chadwick, Priscillian,
96 and nn. 4-7;
Barbilon (491) is the name of the supreme archon or first power in many
Gnostic texts: see Apocryphon o!John II.l:4.36; 5.13; 5.19; 5.25; 5.26; 5.31; 6.1;
6.5; 6.10; 6.22; 7.3; 7.14; 7.17; Gospel of Judas 35.18; Gospel of the Egyptians
III.2:42.12; 62.1; 69.3; Allogenes XI.3:51.13; 53.28; 58.21; 59.3.6.
502-59 Et haec est omnium nostrum una sententia ... quod omnibus suis
promiserat non haberet: in this final section ofhis Apology Priscillian resumes
and summarizes sorne of the main arguments which he had already
expounded in Tractate III. As I have already suggested above (cf. 380-6),
Tractate I was written, in my opinion, around 384, while Tractate III dates
from c.381 (cf. above, 16-17).
~~iscillian rejects a~l a~cusation~ of making use of Gnostic apocryphal
wntmgs (cf. 527-9: Sz quz autem mflati sunt nihil scientes et extra quattuor
euangelia quintum aliquod euangelium uel fingunt uel confitentur, cur hoc ad
nostram, qui talium respuimus infelicitates, profertur inuidiam?) but, at the
same time, maintains his openmindedness towards extra-canonicalliterature,
provided that it proclaims the true Christ (cf. 502-6: Et haec est omnium
nostrum una sententia, ut, siue profetae seu apostoli seu angeli quid dictum
a quoquam nomine proferatur, si Christum deu profetat aut praedicat et
secundum Moysen et profetas et euangelia mundialia uitia condemnans deum
loquitur, si catholicae fidei consentit, amplectimur).
562-3 et referentes ad fratres uestros ea quae maledicorum sunt uerbis uexata
sanate . .. : according to Chadwick, the phrase ad fratres uestros may be a
proof of the fact that this tractate was written by somebody who was not a
bishop. Therefore its date should be placed in the years before Priscillian was
elected as the new bishop of Avila, i.e. before 381 (cf. Chadwick, Priscillian,
~7). Another p~ssible hypothesis is that Tractate Iwas not written by Priscil-
han, but by a d1fferent author (cf. G. Morin, 'Pro Instantio: contre l'attribu-
tion a Priscillien des opuscula du manuscrit de Würzburg', RB 30 (1913),
153-73; B. Vollmann, 'Priscillianus', in RE Suppl. XIV (1974), 558).
In my opinion the expression referentes ad fratres uestros is too general and
vague to be considered evidence of the fact that Priscillian was not a bishop
wh~n he _wr_o~e this tractate. It may simply refer to a group of bishops, of
whKh Pnsolhan does not feel to be part, as he and his companions are
prosecuted and judged by them.
268 Commentary
Tractate JI
1-14 Etsi catholica fides dati per deum . . . in scandalum mtsst sunt con-
fitemur: Tractate JI appears to be a petition to Pope Damasus in the form of a
letter, in which the author asserts the orthodoxy of his group by rejecting
sorne of the accusations of his opponents and effectively summarizes the
main events in the Priscillianist controversy up to the year 381, i.e. the year of
the incidents ofMerida (see above, 1-2).
With regard to authorship, the majority of scholars attributes this tractate
to Priscillian himself (cf. Babut, Priscillien, 154-7; Chadwick, Priscillian;
B. Vollmann, 'Priscillianus', in RE Suppl. XIV (1974), 485-559 (556-7);
Burrus, The Making, 50 and n. 8). G. Morin, however, suggests that the author
of Tractate JI is not Priscillian but Instantius the bishop who, together with
Salvianus, appointed Priscillian as the new bishop of Avila, and faithfully
supported him throughout his career (See above, 2-5). Morin bases his
arguments on the fact that the author of Tractate JI speaks with the distinctive
tone and confidence of a bishop, but relates events which pre-date Priscillian's
election to the see of Avila (cf. G. Morin, 'Pro Instantio: contre l'attribution a
Priscillien des opuscula du manuscrit de Würzburg', RB 30 (1913), 153-73
(167-72) ). Now, I really cannot see how this would rule out Priscillian's
authorship of Tractate JI. There is no doubt that this letter was addressed to
Damasus immediately before Priscillian and his supporters left Spain to visit
Rome, or even during their stay in Rome, and in both cases Priscillian had
already been appointed as bishop of Avila (cf. Babut, Priscillien, 154; Burrus,
The Making, 54), so that it should not be surprising that Tractate JI 'refers
from a distinctly episcopal point of view to events that almost certainly too k
place before Priscillian's ordination' (Burrus, The Making, 50, n. 8). At the
same time, it seems reasonable to me that Priscillian himself, as the founder
and leader ofhis religious group, addressed a petition to the pope and did not
leave this crucially important task to one ofhis collaborators. In my opinion it
is likely that the petition was addressed to Damasus during the stay of the
Priscillianists in Ro me, when they were elose to the pope and ready to comply
with his requests, in case they had been summoned by him. As a consequence
I date the letter to late 381 or early 382.
14-23 Nam cum ante complures annos ... contentio animorum faceret quod
pax ecclesiastica non teneret: in this passage Priscillian asserts that he and his
followers simply wanted to pursue a peaceful way of life (18-19: catholicae
pacis sequebamur quietem) after none of them had been condemned or even
indicted (27-9: Denique in conuentu episcopali qui Caesaraugustae fuit nema e
nostris reus factus tenetur, nema accusatus, nema conuictus, nema damnatus
Commentary 269
1
est) at the Council ofSaragossa (October 380), which Hydatius had promoted
in order to ban Priscillian's religious movement.
However, in spite of Priscillian' s conciliatory policy, disputes concerning
the Priscillianists were still arising in Spain for different reasons:
(a) 'an immediate and inevitable reproof against Hydatius (19: repente
siue necessaria redargutione) followed the Council of Saragossa, in which
Hydatius' accusations had been provento be exaggerated and partly ground-
less. This reproof appears to be inconsistent with Priscillian's conciliatory
policy, and demonstrates how his account of the events following the Council
of Saragossa is actually biased (cf. also Burrus, The Making, 50-1 );
(b) 'an enmity in the way of life' (20: aemulatione uitae): this may be an
opposition on the part ofHydatius to Priscillian's asceticism (cf. Burrus, The
Making, 51), or a more general condemnation of the Priscillianist way of life,
which also included a greater freedom for women, who were allowed to
attend meetings in the company of strange m en (cf. Introduction: 'The Life of
Priscillian');
(e) 'the power ofthe end oftime': The Latin expression novissimi temporis
potestate (20) is obscure. The reference to the 'end of time' or 'end of the
world' is clear enough, but it is difficult to interpret potestate in this context.
Burrus sees in this expression a reference to 'the imperial intervention even-
tually solicited by Hydatius' (Burrus, The Making, 51). I think that an expres-
sion so openly apocalyptic is a bit too strong to describe the intervention of
the emperor Gratian in the controversy. Should potestas be interpreted
according to its secondary meaning of 'possibility', i.e. Hydatius and the
Priscillianists had 'a dispute about the possibility of an imminent end of
time'?
30-2 Datum nescio quod ab Hydatio ibi commonitorium ... agendae uitae
poneret disciplinam: Priscillian hints at a dossier produced by Hydatius at the
Council of Saragossa. No trace remains of this dossier, but it seems evident
that it concerned matters of ecclesiastical discipline: quod uelut agendae uitae
poneret disciplinam.
32-5 tua potissimum epistula contra inprobos ... in absentes et inauditos
decerneretur. Nos tamen, etsi absentes ibi fuimus: here Priscillian mentions a
letter by Damasus, in which the pope forbids to pass judgement on absent
people. No further information is available on this letter, but the same
principie appears to be repeated in the inscription of the Vatican codex
(Vat. Lat. 133) including Lucifer of Calaris' works: see Prisc. Tract. JI, CSEL
18:35, n. 24; Lucifer Cal., De Sancto Athanasio, I, CSEL 14:66 app.; CCSL 8:4
app. I,l.
The account of Sulpicius Severus, who reported that Priscillian and his
270 Commentary
supporters were not present at the Council of Saragossa (cf. Sulp. Sev., Chron.
47.1 PL 20:156; SC 441:334), is openly confirmed by this passage: Nos tamen,
etsi absentes ibi fuimus ...
35-7 ut inprobi mores et indecentia instituta ... amare damnentur: accord-
ing to Chadwick, here Priscillian is defending himself from the charge of
'teaching wicked morals and indecency' (Chadwick, Priscillian, 35), but I
think the expression is too general and vague to be considered an actual retort
to a precise accusation.
37-46 nec prohibere si quis contemptis parentibus . .. ad Christi fidem diuersa
misericordiae uocatione uenissent: Priscillian underlines the difference
between the perfect Christian, who must not be hindered, but rather
encouraged in his desire to embrace asceticism, and the less perfect Christian
who is not able to abandon the world, but does not transgress the Christian
symbol. It is clear from his words that his preference goes toan ascetic way of
life, according to the overtly ascetical character of his movement. Chadwick
suggests that Priscillian is retorting here to the accusation of 'denying hope of
salvation to married Christians' (Chadwick, Priscillian, 35). This is possible,
but the general tone of Priscillian' s assertions do es not allow us to accept this
hypothesis without reservations. In another passage of his monograph
Chadwick actually asserts that 'Priscillian does not deny the possibility of
salvation to ordinary Christians living with their wives' (ibid. 72).
39-41 nec spem ueniae tollere his, qui, si ea quae prima sunt non quaeunt,
uel in mediis tertiisque consistunt: M. Veronese has demonstrated that this
passage is not directly moulded on Cic. Orat. 1.4, as is indicated by Schepss in
his apparatus (CSEL 18, Tract. JI, 36 app. 4), but can be considered to be a
topos frequently used by fourth-century writers as a proverbial expression
derived from Cicero: cf. Veronese, 'Su alcune citazioni', 227-9.
47-67 Fidem uero sicut accepimus ... omnes enim illi uiuunt: Priscillian
comments on the Christian symbol by comparing its text with different
biblical quotations from the Old and New Testament.
68-85 Cuius symboli iter custodientes ... de me scribsit: it seems to me that
in this passage Priscillian is not rejecting the accusation of 'holding Patri-
passian doctrines of the divine monarchy', as Chadwick suggests (Chadwick,
Priscillian, 35), but he is actually proclaiming his own Monarchianism
through his condemnation of Arianism. Also in Tractate I Priscillian openly
condemns Arianism (cf. Tract. I, 31-2; 374).
85-9 Cuius tamen infelicitatis Fotinus . . . testimonium hoc uerum est:
Photinus is here presented as a typical representative of Adoptionism, in
accordance with the testimony of Epiphanius and the acts of the Council of
Sirmium (351) (cf. Epiph. Pan. 71). Photinus' Christology appears to be close
Commentary 271
1
to that of Marcellus of Ancyra, and can be defined as a rigid and extreme
form of Monarchianism: the Logos is conceived as an impersonal dynamis of
the Father, which became the Son only when it was incarnated in the man
Jesus, son of Mary (cf. M. Simonetti, La crisi ariana nel IV secolo (Rome,
1975), 590). I think Priscillian is sincere in his condemnation of Photinus'
theories, since the Monarchianism expounded in Priscillianist works appears
to be substantially moderate. However, we always have to bear in mind that
the apologetical character of the extant Priscillianist writings may actually
hide more radical ideas.
89-94 Quis Patripassianos hereticos ... ante tempus perdere nos?: Priscillian
refutes and condemns the theories of the Patripassians, as he had already
done in the first tractate (cf. Comm. on Tract. I, 57).
The parallel with Hilary's De Trinitate VI.49.3 (CCSL 62:255) suggested by
Schepss in his apparatus (CSEL 18, Tract. JI, 38, app. 21) appears to be forced:
cf. Veronese, 'Le citazioni', 136-7; cf. also Tract. JI, 41, app. 18-Veronese,
'Le citazioni', 138-9.
94-109 Quis Ofitas uel insipiens incidat ... tata ueneratio est: Priscillian
resumes his refutation of the doctrine of the Novatians (cf. Comm. on Tract.
I, 67-8; 366-76), the Ophites (cf. Comm. on Tract. I, 366-76) and the
Manichaeans (cf. Comm. on Tract. I, 357-66).
110-19 In hac ergo ueritate fidei ... profitens non nisi purgato sacerdoti se
communicaturos: The nature of the charge on Hydatius is unknown, even
though it is extremely likely that it was a serious one: Burrus, The Making, 51:
'Nowhere does Priscillian indicate the nature of the charges brought against
Hydatius, whether because he cannot expect Damasus to be sympathetic to
those charges, or because he fears to reveal his own close involvement. Their
seriousness is nevertheless underlined by Priscillian' s suggestion at the end of
the letter ( Tract. JI, 192) that Hydatius still fears that the accusations will
resurface'. Chadwick supposes that Hydatius might have cohabited with his
wife, who had possibly given birth to a child (cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 31).
120-7 Hinc non conuenti damus ad Hyginum et Symposium episcopos ...
qui haec scribebat Symposius adfuisset?: in this passage Priscillian gives
more details about the difficult situation of the diocese of Merida after the
impeachment of Hydatius. It appears that sorne of the laypeople who had
accused Hydatius had been excommunicated by him. As a consequence,
Priscillian (probably through Instantius and Salvianus) asked the bishops
Hyginus and Symposius for their opinion on a possible solution of this
situation. Symposius suggested that the excommunicated laypeople could be
received in the congregation of other bishops, and proposed to convene a new
council in order to settle the Meridan dispute: cf. Burrus, The Making, 52.
272 Commentary
128-34 Capimus tamen ínter ista consilium ... potius iniuriam fecisse, non
caesos: instead of convening a council, Instantius and Salvianus decided to go
to Merida in order to talk personally with Hydatius, and settle a situation
which was seriously endangering the peace of the Spanish church. According
to Burrus, their real intention was to force 'events in their own favour without
submitting to the uncertainties and ambiguities of a conciliar process'
(Burrus, The Making, 52). However, their mission was ill-fated, since they
were beaten by the supporters of Hydatius while approaching the presbytery
and were forced to leave the city in haste. It can be noticed how effectively
Priscillian succeeds in conveying the drama and emotional strain of these
events with a few expressive details.
134-41 Nos tamen quibus cordi pax erat ... consistere petitionis in plebe:
according to the testimony of Priscillian, that part of the Meridan laity
which was in conflict with its bishop Hydatius and had been excommuni-
cated by him included people who aspired to the priesthood and episco-
pacy. Priscillian maintains that these people had the right to be received
in the congregations of other bishops, and be ordained according to
their vocation. Through this defence it is probable that Priscillian is defend-
ing his own ordination as the bishop of Avila, which happened in the
course of the Meridan dispute or just after it: cf. above, 2; Burrus, The Making,
52-4.
141-56 Hinc ille plus quam oportebat ... cum iustas praeces diceret,
respondere tardaret: Priscillian emphasizes how the appeal of Hydatius to the
emperor Gratian was a direct consequence of the Meridan dispute, and there-
fore an action inspired by his rage after his impeachment. At the same time,
he seems to suggest covertly that Hydatius was still trying to take revenge on
his adversaries after the failure of the Council of Saragossa. Sulpicius Severus
reports that Hydatius obtained from Gratian a rescript which banned all
heretics from churches and cities and every land: cf. Sulp. Sev. Chron. 2.47.2,
PL 20:156; CSEL 1:100; SC 441:336: Igitur post multa et foeda certamina
Ydacio supplicante elicitur a Gratiano tum imperatore rescriptum, quo universi
haeretici excedere non ecclesiis tantum aut urbibus, sed extra omnes terras
propelli iubebantur. It is extremely likely that 'Gratian's pronouncement
authorised Hydatius to identify the guilty parties' (Burrus, The Making, 54),
so that he could actually charge Priscillian and his supporters with being
Manichaean and ask for their banishment. At the same time, Hydatius was
able to gain the support of Ambrose by falsely accusing Priscillian and his
followers.
161-}6 Nam si et de scribturis quibusdam ... fides dicatur esse diuersa: the
actual views of Priscillian on the validity and use of apocryphal writings are
Commentary 273
1
openly expressed in Tractate III. Here he appears to defend in a general way
the orthodoxy of his religious movement in accordance with the apologetical
style and purpose of Tractate JI. It is not surprising that Priscillian tries not to
involve the pope in a discussion on a matter, that of apocryphal writings,
which was extremely controversial.
176-98 Propter quod uenerabiles sensus ... aut eclesiis sacerdotes: in spite of
Priscillian's effective and moving appeal, the pope declined to receive him and
his follower, so that the plan to solve the controversy with Hydatius through a
papal intervention failed completely. At this stage Priscillian decided to return
to Milan, where he had been shortly befare in order to appeal to Ambrose,
who had refused to hear him. In the course of his second visit to Milan
Priscillian was able to secure the support of Macedonius, Gratian's magíster
officiorum: cf. above, 3; Burrus, The Making, 89-94.
Tractate III
1-6 . . . damnet, quoniam nouitas ingenii . . . quod superabundat ex malo
est: it is impossible to ascertain the actual cause of the lacuna at the begin-
ning of this work or its size. Sin ce Tractate III begins at fol. 56 and the scribe
left the verso of fol. 55 blank, there is no doubt that a lacuna was already in
the model (cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 63). Now, it is probable that this lacuna
was due to accidental causes, but another possibile hypothesis is that the
scribe of the model intentionally excised this section of the text because he
found it particularly controversial (cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 63). In both cases
there is no el u e to estimate the actual amount of lost text. In my Introduction
(cf. above, 17) I suggested that 381 might be a possible date for Tractate III, if
we suppose that it may be a response to Gratian's rescript, but its lack of any
reference to historical events makes its dating extremely difficult and
uncertain.
Even though a section of the first sen ten ce in this passage is missing, I think
that these lines can be safely considered to be part of Priscillian' s argument in
support of a discerned use of apocryphal writings, and not a parody 'of the
position assumed by his opponents' who rejected extra-canonical writings, as
Jacobs suggests (cf. Jacobs, 'The Disorder', 146). It also must be noticed that
Jacobs' translation of the incomplete sentence at the beginning of the passage
(cf. ibid. 145) as well as that by Burrus (The Making, 76) are wrong as they
are based on Schepss' inaccurate punctuation: quoniam nouitas ingenii con-
tentionis est mater, eruditio scandali auctor, schismatis alimentum, heresis
nutrimentum, delicti forma peccati. The correct punctuation appears to be:
quoniam nouitas ingenii contentionis est mater, eruditio scandali, auctor
274 Commentary Commentary / 275

schimatis, alimentum heresis, nutrimentum delicti, forma peccati, so that the testimonium emeritae uirtutis datur, alteris ad occasionem ·iustae damnationis
sense is: 'because novelty of invention is the mother of controversy, the adscribitur? 39-41). How is it possible that the knowledge of the prophecies of
doctrine of scandal, the cause of schism, the food of heresy, the nourishment Noah, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob is considered to be a testimony of perfect
of crime, the form of sin'. virtue for Tobit, but a motive of condemnation for any other person?
Notice that in the allusion to Exodus 7:1, quis Iacob dictum a deo Faraonis
6-24 Uideamus ergo, si apostoli Christi Iesu magistri ... praedicans deum
deum non amet? Priscillian shows confusion between Jacob and Moses, to
propheta damnatur?: Priscillian's argument in support of a discerned use of
whom these words are referred: cf. also Veronese, 'Il digiuno di Giosue', 208.
apocryphal literature is quite straightforward: how is it possible to impose
on the faithful a rigid canon of Scriptures, when writings within the canon
52-60 In quibus tamen omnibus libris . . . qui bona cum malis perdit:
itself make reference to works outside the canon? 'Throughout the treatise
discernment is essential in a correct use of apocrypha, because the heretics
Priscillian plays this game with his opponents, pointing out places where the
have tried to distort the true meaning of these texts by manipulating them
canon itself makes references extra canonem' (Jacobs, 'The Disorder', 147).
with the addition ofblasphemous sentences (si qua ab infelicibus hereticis sunt
The intention of Priscillian is to invite 'the torpid Spanish churches of
inserta, 53). Therefore all those passages in the apocrypha, which are not
his time' (Chadwick, Priscillian, 77) to abandon a narrow-mindedness and
found or mentioned or hinted at in the canonical Scriptures, must be des-
institutional rigidity which are slowly draining the energy of the original
troyed. It is evident that in Priscillian's discerned acceptance of apocrypha,
Christian message.
'extracanonical texts are suggested and validated only by reference to canon-
Here Priscillian propases a passage from the canonical letter of Jude
ized scripture' (Jacobs, 'The Disorder', 149, see also pp. 152-3; Chadwick,
(14-15), where the apostle (whom he seems to confuse with Thomas: ille qui
Priscillian, 77).
uincolorum pressa uestigia et diuinae crucis laudes et uidit et tetigit: 9-1 O)
From the references and allusions in this tractate and in Tractates I
clearly reports a prophecy of Enoch, whose writings are outside the Christian
(502-29) and JI (161-80), and from the testimonies of Innocentius I ( Consu-
canon. To this testimony, Priscillian adds that of Paul in Heb 11:5, where the
lenti tibi, PL 20:502), Augustine (Epist. 237, PL 33:1034), and Turibius
apostle attests that Enoch ante translationem testimonium habuisse.
(Epistula ad Idacium et Ceponium, PL 54:693-5), it is possible to have a fairly
The parallel with Hil. Contra Const. 6, which Schepss indicates in his
accurate idea of the apocryphal writings which circulated among the Priscil-
apparatus (CSEL 18, Tract. III, 45 app. 11) appears again to be forced and
lianists. Besides the Apocalypse of Hesdra (IV Hesdra) (cf. A. F. J. Klijn, Der
unfounded; cf also CSEL 18, Tract. III, 55 app. 2.
lateinische Text der Apokalypse des Esra-Mit einem index grammaticus von
24-6 Aut numquid de triuialibus rebus . . . apostolorum dicta damnemus?: Gerhard Mussies, TU 131 (Berlín, 1983); id., Die Esra-Apokalypse (IV. Esra):
Veronese has effectively demonstrated that the parallels with Cic., De Orat. nach dem lateinischen Text unter Benutzung der anderen Versionen, GCS
3.15.58 and De Senect. 16.58, which Schepss indicates in his apparatus (CSEL 34(18) (Berlín, 1992); cf. also below, 165-83) and the pseudo-Pauline letter
18, Tract. III, 45 app. 14), are absolutely groundless, since they are simply to the Laodiceans (cf. PL 153: 565D-568A and below, 238-42), which are
founded on the mention of the tali and tesserae, which are objects frequently mentioned in this tractate, Priscillian and his followers especially used the
described in both pagan and Christian writers: cf. Veronese, 'Su alcune citazi- apocryphal Acts of Thomas (cf. A. F. J. Klijn, The Acts of Thomas. Introduction,
oni', 224-6. Text, Commentary, Supplements to Novum Testamentum 5 (Leiden, 1962) ),
Acts of Peter (cf. L. Vouaux, Les Actes de Pierre. Introduction, textes, traduction
33-52 Quid est quod Tobi sanctus futurae uitae ... de his qui ad fidem primi
et commentaire, Les Apocryphes du Nouveau Testament (París 1922) ), Acts of
sunt pronuntiatur: Priscillian adds a crucial passage from a canonical book of
Paul (cf. L. Vouaux, Les Actes de Paul et ses lettres apocryphes (París, 1913) ),
the Latin Old Testament (Tobit 4:13), where the holy Tobit reports that
Acts of ]ohn (cf. CCSA 1-2), and Acts of Andrew (cf. CCSA 5-6). I think
prophecies were uttered by Noah, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, even thoug?
Chadwick has summarized in the most effective way the reasons which made
no trace of these prophecies is left in the canonical scriptures. At th1s
these texts so popular among Priscillian and his followers: 'the [apocryphal]
stage Priscillian asks: 'If Tobias read them and deserved the testimony of the
Acts found their way to Priscillian's heart because with one voice they pro-
prophecy in the canon, how is what is given to him as a testimony of perfect
claimed the specific content of the message of Jesus to consist in the call to
virtue ascribed to others as a cause of just condemnation?' ( Quos si Tobia
give up sexual intercourse. The mission ofThomas or John or Paul or Peter or
legit et testimonium prophetiae in canone promeruit, qualiter, quod illi ad
276 Commentary
Andrew was none other than a zealous advocacy of the encratite ideal of
virginity. The apocryphal Acts had other features as well, which found a
responsive echo in Priscillian. Together with their strong emphasis on celi-
bacy, the Acts spoke of the wanderings of the homeless apostles, of their
detachment from the fixed rigidities and the conventional life of settled
churches, of their sufferings in the course of their itinerant mission. More-
over, the Acts of John have a militantly Monarchian Christology, according to
which Father and Son are just two among a number of names that finite
human beings use to describe the one God' (Chadwick, Priscillian, 77-8; cf.
also pp. 208-11 and Babut, Priscillien, 231-40).
60-71 Denique in euangelio cata Lucanum dicente euangelista ... factorum
probatione retinere: Priscillian emphasizes again how in canonical writings
there are references to prophets whose works are not included in the
canonical scriptures: cf. also above, 31-52.
71-6 Fortasse enim aliquis exsiliat et dicat ... a constitutione mundi sanguis
requiratur: facts described in sorne apocryphal writings are widely and
uncritically accepted by those people who reject extra-canonical writings:
Priscillian effectively points out this obvious contradiction by mentioning the
Ascensio Isaiae (cf. CCSA 7-8), an apocryphal writing whose narrative
describing the execution of Isaiah by means of a wooden saw was widely
accepted among Christians. An example of this free-and-easy reception of
the Ascensio Isaiae, which is chronologically and geographically very close to
Priscillian, is that of Potamius, the first known bishop of Lisbon (c.325-80),
who devoted an en tire homily to the execution of Isaiah, which he described
in an extremely graphic and sensational style (cf. M. Con ti, The Lije and
Works of Potamius of Lisbon, Instrumenta Patrística 32 (Turnhout, 1998),
37-8, 75-83; CCSL 69A:l98-203). It cannot be entirely excluded that
Priscillian actually knew Potamius' homily.
83-5 a domino per profetam dicente: 'ex Aegypto uocaui filium meum'. Quis est
iste profeta ... promissi muneris dominus impleuit?: Priscillian quotes Mt 2:15
to demonstrate that also in this passage from a canonical book there is a
reference to the words of a prophet whose works are not included in the
canonical scriptures. In this case, however, he is wrong, as Matthew is actually
quoting Hos 11: l.
94-111 Inde denique heresis ... ut infidele mendacium testimoniorum nube
uincamus: at 52-60 Priscillian had already discussed the problem of the
heretical interpolations in the apocryphal writings. He had also clearly
explained that all those passages in them, which were not found or mentioned
or hinted at in the canonical Scriptures had to be excised. This operation was
of crucial importance, beca use it enabled the discerning reader to avoid losing
Commentary 277
1
the hope of a good harvest, by removing the darnel together with the wheat,
i.e. by rejecting entirely all extra-canonical writings just because they were
extracanonical.
Here he adds another instrument of discernment for the faithful who want
to read apocrypha in a profitable way, namely the complete and sincere
adherence to the orthodox Christian creed. 'The selection process [of
apocryphal writings] must be guided by the pure heart formed by the Chris-
tian creed, not by insidious argumentation' (Jacobs, 'The Disorder', 151).
For the meaning of the term Binionita ( ne Binionitarum error ualeret,
103) cf. above, Comm. on Tract. I, 31-2.
113-46 Sic namque et Paulus dixisse ... in sermonibus orationis eius et in
sermonibus uidentium: Priscillian presents an impressive list of sayings,
prophecies, or writings which are mentioned or hinted at in different canon-
ical books from both the Old and New Testament, but are not included
among the canonical Scriptures.
146-65 Quis ergo huiusmodi fluctus ... in spiritu sancto loquitur dominum
Iesum: in this passage Priscillian resumes the discussion of the crucial argu-
ments that he had already expounded at 52-60 and 94-111, namely
that apocryphal writings cannot be entirely rejected, because they are amply
mentioned in canonical books, but must be read with discernment, since the
heretics maliciously interpolated them. A complete rejection of all extra-
canonical writings inevitably implies the rejection of those sections of the
canonical Scriptures in which extra-canonical works are mentioned.
These discussions are regularly placed by Priscillian in different points of
his tractate, and through their extremely effective use of rhetoric transform
a competent defence of apocrypha into a philosophical speech with a pro-
found, emotional style.
165-83 Denique in antiquis librorum monumentis . . . ad humanam
memoriam condidisse: sometimes the canonical books themselves cannot be
fully understood or correctly interpreted without the support of extra-
canonical books. Priscillian convincingly demonstrates how the canonical
Book of Ezra (Hesdra) would certainly present sorne obscure points without
the additional information offered by the extra-canonical IV Book of Ezra
(Hesdra), which fills the gaps and solves the difficulties of the canonical text.
183-237 In qua libet exclamare ... propter quod locutus sum: Priscillian
emphasizes the importance of prophecy, which was part of his own ministry
and a fundamental aspect of Priscillianist charismatic Christianity (cf.
Chadwick, Priscillian, 79). Apocryphal writings offer additional prophetical
matter which can only enrich, according to Priscillian, the spirit of the perfect
Christian.
 Commentary
278
238 In qua et apostolus Petrus: here Priscillian appears to confuse Peter with
Paul.
239-42 cum ad Colosenses epistulam daret . .. Laodicensium est uos legatis:
with regard to the pseudo-Pauline letter to the Laodiceans, cf. above, Comm.
52-60 and especially Babut, Priscillien, 234, n. 2.
242-68 Aut numquid damnabilis . . . qui non amat Christum anathema
maranata: Priscillian closes his tractate by summarizing the different argu-
ments in favour of a discerning use of apocrypha, which he had expounded
above: cf. 52-60; 94-111; 183-237. In this final passage he especially
emphasizes the danger of the heretical interpolations which are frequently
found in apocryphal writings, so that these texts cannot be entrusted to
unskilled ears (inperitis haec non committenda auribus, 253).
Tractate IV
1-17 Etsi ipsa natura nos docet ... uos autem Christi, Christus autem dei:
Tractates IV-X appear to be significantly different from I-III. In the first
place, as Veronese has correctly pointed out (cf. Veronese, 'Il digiuno di
Giosue', 201), they are the only works among those included in the Würz-
burg manuscript which can be correctly defined as tractatus, which is a
technical term indicating a sermon, a homily, an exegetical lecture follow-
ing the reading of a biblical passage, or a written comment on biblical
passages. With good reason, the Würzburg manuscript defines as tractatus
only IV-X, and omits any title for I, or uses a different one for JI (Líber
ad Damasum Episcopum, CSEL18:33, app. 13), III (Líber de fide et de
apocryfis, CSEL18:43, app. 14), and XI (Benedictio super fideles,
CSEL18:102, app. 18). As a whole Tractates IV-X constitute a substanti-
ally consistent set of Lenten homilies (cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 64-5), but
in spite of their consistency in contents and purpose, they are not only
profoundly different in style from I-III and XI, whose authorship I attri-
bute to Priscillian, but also present obvious stylistic difference among
themselves. As a consequence I presume with other scholars (cf. e.g.
B. Vollmann, 'Priscillianus', in RE Suppl. XIV (1974), 555-8; cf. also Veronese,
'Le citazioni', 133, n. 1) that Tractates IV-X were not written by Priscillian,
but by other authors. As I have already mentioned in my Introduction (cf.
above, 15-16), I suppose with a certain probability that, on the basis of
stylistic features and rhythm, Tractates IV, VI, and X may be attributed to
one author, and V and VII to another, while VIII and IX are seriously muti-
lated, so that it is extremely difficult to make a reliable hypothesis on their
authorship.
Commentary 279
1
With regard to chronology, the complete lack of precise references to
historical events makes any reliable dating for Tractates IV-X impossible. In
addition, the fact that these works were not written by Priscillian leaves room
for another hypothesis, namely that they might have even been written after
his death. In any case, I believe that they reflect the typical characters of early
Priscillianism, so that, if they were not written during Priscillian's lifetime,
they must date from a period just after his death.
In this opening passage Tractate IV reveals immediately its main purpose,
which is that of acting as a prologue to the other Lenten tractates (V-X) by
introducing the essential theme of Easter and its celebration with an
extremely solemn tone.
The adaptation of the passage by Hilary (Hil. De Trin. I.l9.3, CCSL
62:19) indicated by Schepss in his apparatus (CSEL18, Tract. IV,
57.10-11, app. 10) is resumed in two other tractates (cf. Tract. VI, 78 and X,
49-53), and describes the limitations of human mind: cf. Veronese, 'Le
citazioni', 143.
17-31 Et ideo, dilectissimi in deo ... perceperunt pacem sperantes in domino:
according to the typically ascetical character of Priscillian's religious move-
ment, Lent and Easter become an opportunity to intensify and strengthen the
practice of continence and get away from earthly desires and allurements (cf.
Chadwick, Priscillian, 71). These concepts are expressed through an effective
use ofbiblical quotations from both the New and Old Testaments (1 Pet 4:10;
Heb 10:35; Is 26:2-4), anda paraphrasis ofHilary (Hil. De Trin. I.l8.3, CCSL
62:18): cf. CSEL 18, Tract. IV, 58 app. 7; Veronese, 'Le citazioni', 144.
31-4 7 Propter quod, dilectissimi ... in omnia qua e desiderat anima tu a: fast is
the main and essential way to practise continence during the Lent period, but
fast must be accompanied by a total retirement from all earthly activities and
by the performing of acts of charity, otherwise it is devoid of any value. The
Priscillianist author seems to highlight here the charismatic and anti-
institutional character of Priscillianism, which sees many practices of the
catholic church as deprived by now of their original value and reduced to
empty formalities.
47-64 Considerate enim, quid sit pascha domini . . . et diuinae crucis
redemptione saluemur: the Priscillianist author describes the true essence of
Easter: the sacrifice of the Omnipotent God, who clothed himself with a
human body, assumed all the frailties of human nature, and suffered every
humiliation in order to nail on the cross the curses of the worldly dominion
and obtain through his death immortality for all human beings. The Chris-
tians, therefore, must free themselves from sin through a preparation of forty
days, like those in which Christ fasted in the desert, and renew themselves
280 Commentary
in the union with the body of Christ through the redemption of the cross
(cf. Veronese, 'Il digiuno di Giosue, 203).
This passage shows a heavy use of paraphrases or adaptations from Hilary
(Hil. De Trin. Il.24.13, CCSL 62:60-Tract. IV, 51-3; Hil. De Trin. I.l3.37,
CCSL 62:14-Tract. IV, 53-6; Hil. De Trin. II.25.16, CCSL 62:61-Tract. IV,
58-9): for a detailed discussion see Veronese, 'Le citazioni', 144-5. It is inter-
esting to notice that the same adaptation from Hilary (Hil. De Trin. II.24.13,
CCSL 62:60) at Tract. IV, 52-3: conceptione partu uagitibus cunis omnes natu-
rae nostrae contumelias transcurrerit, is found in an almost identical form in
Tract. VI, 155-6: conceptione partu uagitibus cunis omnes naturae nostrae
transcurrens contumelias. In my opinion this corroborates the hypothesis of a
single author for Tractates IVand VI (Cf. also Introduction, 15-16; Veronese,
'Le citazioni', 144 and n. 60).
64-82 Hii sunt enim dies quos ... ad distructionem diabolicae temptationis
utamur: by repeating three times the formula Hii sunt enim dies quos ( Tract.
IV, 64-5; 70; 74) the author introduces three biblical episodes, which explain
on what examples a period of preparation to Easter through a fast of forty
days (Lent) has been established for Christians: (a) Moses' fast of forty days
and nights on Mount Sinai (Ex 24:18; 34:28; Deut 9:9; 9:18); (b) Joshua's fast
offorty days before the crossing of the River Jordan (Josh 3:15-17); (e) Jesus'
fast offorty days in the wilderness (Mt 4:2-11; Lk 4:2-13). Now the use of the
biblical episode of Moses on Mount Sinai with regard to Lent is well attested
in Irenaeus (Haer. 5.21.2) and Tertullian (Ieiun. 6.5-6; Resurr. 61.5), and later
in Ambrose (Exp. In Le. 4.16; Noe 13.44), Jerome (Jan. 3.4b) and Augustine
(Serm. 205.1; 210.7.9; Enarr. in Ps. 110.1), but in all these authors there is no
trace of the episode of Joshua, which is always replaced by that of Elijah, who
fasted for forty days in the course of his journey to Mount Horeb ( 1 Kings
19:8). In fact, the account in Josh 3:15-17, which describes the crossing ofthe
River Jordan with the ark, never mentions Joshua's fast, nor it is possible to
locate any description, or allusion or hint, ofJoshua's fast in any other canon-
ical or extra-canonical biblical passage, nor in the works of the Fathers, who
discussed in detail the motif of fast by also examining many biblical passages
describing it (cf. e.g. Tertullian' s De Ieiunio Aduersus Psychicos and Ambrose' s
De Helia et Ieiunio). At this stage, as Veronese has suggested (cf. Veronese, 'Il
digiuno di Giosue', 208-12), there are two possible explanations for this
anomaly: a confusion on the part of the Priscillianist author (other confu-
sions are attested in the tractates: cf. Tract. III, 46, where Moses is confused
with Jacob; Tract. III, 242, where Paul is confused with Peter), or his inten-
tional manipulation of the biblical passage. 1 think Veronese is right in sup-
posing that the Priscillianist author intends to underline the profound affinity
Commentary
1 281
and likeness of the figures of Moses, Joshua, and Jesus, who are connected by
the motif of the water (the crossing of the Red Sea, the crossing of the Jordan,
and the baptism in the Jordan), and introduce a new era through their pas-
sage into the water (the new freedom of Israel, the en trance into the promised
land, the opening of the Christian era of salvation). As a consequence the
Priscillianist author feels free to adjust the biblical episode of Joshua to the
context of his thesis and demonstration. I would add that the account of
Joshua's crossing of the Jordan in our text is too extended and faithful to the
narrative of Josh 3:15-17 to suppose that the author is simply confusing
Joshua and Elijah: for a detailed discussion of this question see Veronese, 'Il
digiuno di Giosue', 201-14.
73 reluens: Veronese proposes to emend reluens into refluens, but 1 think the
lectio difficilior, reluens, can be kept in this case: cf. Veronese, 'Il digiuno di
Giosue', 203, n. 6.
Tractate V
1-11 Profetica forma praecepti diuinis ad praedicandum gloriis ... et anni tui
non deficient: Tractate V, whose subtitle is Tractatus Genesis (cf. CSEL 18,
Tract. V, 68, app. 9-the subtitle is placed at the end of the text), is exclusively
centred on the first two chapters of Genesis, namely those which describe
God's action of creating the world and human beings. It represents, in a sense,
a summary of the Priscillianist ideas on creation and the origin of material
reality.
With regard to authorship, I suppose that Tractates V and VII presenta very
similar style and may be the work of a single anonymous Priscillianist writer
(cf. Introduction, 15-16 and Comm. on Tract. IV, 1-17; cf. also B. Vollmann,
'Priscillianus', in RE Suppl. XIV (1974), 555-8). With regard to chronology:
cf. above Comm. on Tract. IV, 1-17.
In this first passage of Tractate V the author explains what is the essential
function of the Holy Spirit according to the Priscillianist Trinitarian concep-
tion, namely that of introducing the faith of believing into human beings:
the Holy Spirit gives a concrete form and clear expression, by inspiring
the works of prophecy and the composition of Holy Scriptures, to God's will
and actions which mortals are able to recognize and believe. According to
Fernandez Ardanaz, the Priscillianists see the Holy Spirit as the perfect
transmission of the knowledge (gnosis) which makes humans closer to God
in a markedly Neoplatonic philosophical conception (Fernandez Ardanaz,
'Religiosidad', 326).
282
Commentary
11-20 Denique Moyses sanctus ... tamquam qui loquitur ad amicum su u m:
Moses is a typical instrument of the action of the Holy Spirit: he was inspired
with prophetical spirit which led him to write the Book of Genesis, so that he
might instruct humans with the words of the Scripture, and might -reveal to
them the work of the Word.
20-1 Uidens ergo futura haereticorum ... ingenia disputantum: M oses, filled
with prophetical spirit, wrote his divine and truthful account of God's
creation of the world also in order to refute the theories of the future heretics
(the term is used in both the senses of 'followers of a philosophical sect' and
'destroyers of Christian truths').
21-2 quod alii amant non factum ... semper aeternum: sorne heretics assert
that the world is timeless and never had a beginning: here the author is
evidently referring to the cosmology of pagan philosophy (e.g. that of the
Milesians, Parmenides, or more probably Plato). Gnostic and Manichaean
cosmologies, on the other hand, usually indicate a precise event which causes
the creation of the world and its beginning.
22-32 alii sibimet ipsi in uoluptatibus blandientes . . . multa cogitantem:
this second group of heretics can be easily identified with a Gnostic sect:
heresiologists often describe in detail the extremely loose sexual behaviour
of the Gnostics (cf. e.g. Epiph. Pan. 26), and the Priscillianist themselves
were actually victims of these same accusations: on this question see the
informative and thorough articles by Ferreiro: A. Ferreiro, 'Sexual Depravity,
Doctrinal Error, and Character Assassination in the Fourth Century:
Jerome Against the Priscillianists', Studia Patrística, 28 (1993), 29-38; id.,
'Jerome's Polemic Against Priscillian in his Letter to Ctesiphon (133,4)',
REAug. 39.2 (1993), 309-32; id., 'Priscillian and Nicolaitism', VChr 52.4
(1998), 382-92.
32-49 alii Solem et Lunam ... uiam ueritatis tenere non possit: here the
author is openly referring to the Manichaeans. For the role of the Sun and the
Moon in the Manichaean system see above, Comm. on Tract I, 357-66.
49-54 Propter quod uos hortor ... nam quae non uidentur aeterna: in this
passage, which is constructed on a series of biblical quotations, A. Orbe has
emphasized how the Pauline passage from 2 Cor 4:18, quae uidentur mortalia
sunt; nam quae non uidentur aeterna (53-4) occupies a central position.
According to the Spanish scholar, this quotation reveals what is the leitmotiv
of the en tire tractate: a demonstration of the complete subordination of the
visible world created within time to the invisible world, which is eterna!, to
the extent that what is visible and temporal has no reason to exist. This vision,
which is undoubtedly heterodox, confirms how Priscillianism pursued an
extreme form of asceticism which inevitably condemned matter as formless
Commentary
1 283
and ephemeral, even though it did not go so far as to cond~mn the world as a
work of a demiurge or the devil (cf. A. Orbe, 'Heterodoxia del [Priscilliani]
Tractatus Genesis', Hispania Sacra, 33 (1981), 297-8). 1 believe that Orbe's
interpretation is in general correct, and identifies clearly the kind of dualism
which characterizes Priscillianism, a dualism which is not radicallike that of
the Gnostics or Manichaeans, but more moderate and centred on the differ-
ence between the dimensions of the visible and invisible, ephemeral and
eternal, physical and spiritual.
54-8 Animaduertentes enim sensum lectae lectionis . . . constitutas dis-
positiones: in this concise and effective description of creation the attention
of scholars has been attracted especially by the expression uentorum potestati-
bus (57), which seems to be open to different intepretations. Paret supposes
that it refers to inferior deities whom the Manichaeans believed to be subject
to the one God (cf. F. Paret, Priscillianus: Ein Reformator des vierten Jahr-
hunderts (Würzburg, 1891), 73-82). Babut and Puech think that uentorum
potestates is simply a poetical expression describing the winds (cf. Babut,
Priscillien, 259; A. Puech, 'Les Origines du priscillianisme et 1' orthodoxie de
Priscillien', BLAChr 2 (1912), 81-95, 161-213 (190, n. 2). A. Orbe sees in the
uentorum potestates angels or archangels, to whom God gave the task of ruling
the winds (cf. A. Orbe, 'Heterodoxia del [Priscilliani] Tractatus Genesis',
Hispania Sacra, 33 (1981), 285-311 (290)), while Bianco has an opposite
opinion and asserts that the expression uentorum potestates indicates demonic
beings living in the air, as she supposes that the Priscillianists conceived the
material world as inhabited by negative demonic forces who partly ruled
natural phenomena (cf. Bianco, 'Priscilliano e le potestates', 276, n. 9, 280-6).
1 personally believe that, even though elements of dualism emerge in the
background of Priscillianism as well as a firm belief in the activity of demons
in this world (cf. e.g. Comm. on Tract. I, 291-345), it is not possible to
suppose, on the basis of the available documents, that Priscillian and his
followers considered the material world as mostly negative and under the rule
of demonic powers. Among other things, the expression uentorum potestates
is too generic and, even though, as Bianco underlines (Bianco, 'Priscilliano
e le potestates', 279), it never has a symbolic meaning in the other Würzburg
tractates but always indicates an actual power, this does not completely
exclude that it may have a symbolic meaning here.
At the same time, the hypothesis by Orbe seems to be much more
appropriate to the context of the passage, in which the author is describing
how God created the world according to a divinely harmonious structure:
how would it be possible that God gave the use and rule of air to demons in
his harmoniusly created world? lf this were true, we should suppose that
284 Commentary
Priscillianism was an openly Gnostic or even Manichaean movement, but I
frankly think this would be an extremely forced interpretation.
It is also worth noticing that the expression lectae lectionis (55) suggests
that probably the Priscillianists used Gen 1:1 for liturgical readings: cf. also
Tract. IV, 81.
59-67 Cum enim uerbum diuinae uirtutis . . . in habitaculum hominum
constitutum: this passage seems to exclude completely the existen ce of
demonic beings endowed with a power over the elements of the world (non
quod terra uel caelum aut datis ex cognatis aelementis terrigenis pri~cipatibus
spiritus propriae potestatis aliquid acciperit, 63-5), and therefo~e lt neg~tes
Bianco's theory (see above Comm. 54-8), as she has also noted m her artlde
(Bianco, 'Priscilliano e le potestates', 277). I do not think that this open con-
tradiction of the theory about the Priscillianist belief in demonic beings who
rule part of the material world can actually be dismissed by Bianco by simply
saying that 'd'altra parte, le difficolta interpretative dei trattati di Würzburg
derivano proprio dallo stile complesso di questi scritti e dalla presenza in essi
di espressioni equivoche, le quali si prestano ad interpretazioni diverse' (ibid.
and n. 11).
67-79 Denique his omnibus quae conuersatio ... quam in se deo promiserat,
praesentaret: according to Bianco ('Tematiche', 227 and_ n. 20), the Prisc~l­
lianist author reveals in this passage a negative conceptwn of the matenal
constitution of human beings, who are obligated from their birth to purify
themselves from matter: ac post traduce natura hospitium corporale hamo ex
homine praesumens caro nasceretur ex carne, in qua constitutis nobis et diuino-
rum mandatorum iussa sectantibus mundi opus e terrenae materiae naturam
castificata caro uinceret (72-5). But in my opinion, more than a negative
conception of the matter of human beings, which would give the Priscillianist
movement an openly Gnostic character, the author is expressing here 'the
sombre [Priscillianist] view of the earthbound fallen condition of man'
(Chadwick, Priscillian, 98).
79-88 Denique ipse deus noster per omnem ... alteris in offensionem poena
peccati: the Priscillianist author underlines how the Scriptures are an actual,
divine instrument of salvation: deus noster per omnem scribturam in se cuneta
disponens dici se omne quod dicitur uoluit, ut solus potens saluare perdere in
unoquoque opere nuncupati uerbi peccantibus poenam et laborantibus in se
gloriam non negaret, sicut scribtum est (79-82).
88-101 Ipse namque se intrantibus ianuam ... et cum hominibus conuersa-
tus est: as Chadwick has rightly noticed, the Priscillianists see Christ as 'the
very principle of unity. [... ] It follows that any pluralistic language about
differentiation and multiplicity within the being of God himself is dangerous
Commentary
1 285
heresy' (Chadwick, Priscillian, 76). In this passage, we can see a typical
instance of this Christological view: ut, qui omnia in omnibus agnosceret,
Christum nulli nomini uel potestati parte concessa unum deum crederet, quem
unum in omnibus inueniret (91-3).
102-1 O Et ideo et u os, dilectissimi ... appellemini di es domini: the Priscillian-
ists purify their soul and clothe themselves with the new man. Then, they
prepare in themselves the heaven and the earth of the Lord by entering the
heart of the passage that has been read: here the author appears to refer again
(cf. above Comm. 54-8 (55) toa liturgical reading ofbiblical passages (Ps 113
(115): 16; Ezek 36:35) in the Priscillianist community. Unfortunately it is
not possible to reconstruct from this mere hint the actual development and
significance of Priscillianist liturgy.
110-22 Qui enim hace in operibus ... sed requiescatis in Christo: only those
who have been regenerated through Christ correctly learn the firmament of
all the orders. They can understand how the world was created by God, and
how it was regenerated through Christ. What was made infertile by the sin of
Adam has been made fertile by the rain of the divine preaching in the en tire
grace of the catholic profession. And as God rested at the end of the six days
in which he brought his creation to absolute perfection, so humankind which
has been renewed and perfected by Christ can finally rest in Christ.
Tractate VI
1-15 Sufficiebat quidem credentibus dei sermo . . . sensus sibi intellegens
eloquatur: the opening passages of Tractates VI and IV show a profound
affinity in style and contents. Both use an extremely involved syntax, in which
the main reflection of the author is constantly fragmented by incidental
remarks expressed through different subordinate clauses, and both emphasize
the limitations and weakness of human understanding: humanae intel-
legentiae infirmitas, Tract. VI, 7; intra humanae inbecillitatis clauduntur
errorem, Trae t. IV, 7. The motif of the weakness of human intelligence is also
present in Tractate X (cf. 49-51; 52-3), which is characterized by the same
involved style. This corroborates the hypothesis that Tractates IV, VI and X
were written by the same author, as I have already mentioned (cf. al so Intro-
duction, 14-16 and Comm. on Tract. IV, 1-17).
Veronese has demonstrated that the motif of human beings' limited
capacity to understand is also typical of Hilary's De Trinitate, which the
Priscillianist author has heavily quoted and paraphrased in this opening
passage as well as in Tractate IV (Hil. De Trin. I.l9.3, CCSL 62:19-Tract. IV,
286 Commentary
7) and X (Hil. De Trin. 1.19.3, CCSL 62:19-Tract. X, 49-53): cf. Hil. De Trin.
1.19.3 (CCSL 62,19)-Tract. VI, 5; 7-10; Hil. De Trin. II.2.5, CCSL 62:39-
Tract. VI, 10-11; Hil. De Trin. 1.7.7; 1.18.3; 1.19.3, 13; 1.37.20, CCSL 62:7, 18,
19, 36-Tract. VI, 10: see Veronese, 'Le citazioni', 142-3, 147-8. With regard
to chronology see above, Comm. on Tract. IV, 1-17.
15-35 Hoc enim primum ... et adsimilatus est iumentis: this section of
Tractate VI expounds what is the so urce of inspiration of Holy Scripture and
what are its different purposes. In Tractate V (2-20) the author had clearly
asserted that Scripture was a direct product of the action of the Holy Spirit,
who filled the prophets so that they might describe with human words the
deeds and intentions of God, and might instruct human beings who are
limited by the weakness of their nature. Here the author seems to express a
different point of view: first of all he emphasizes how Scripture is the product
of the entire Trinity (triformi intellectus opera, 16); then he maintains that
Scripture is an instrument of purification (ita nos corpore anima et spiritu
triformi praeceptorum obseruatione distringat, ut per legis umbram reforma ti in
spiritu et desecandae carnis operibus imbuti sollemnia paschae caelestis
intremus, 23-6) and the way to abandon all that is earthly, and to embrace
chastity (castificationem terrenae carnis et spiritus, propter quod et ipse pro
nobis passus in carne est, in triumfum peccati operantis exposcit et per omnium
rerum natura totum se loquens non tam coli uult mundi instituta quam distrui,
30-3). It seems clear tome that the author of Tractate VI intends to emphasize
the openly ascetical stance of Priscillianism.
The expression desecandae carnis operibus imbuti (25) appears to be a refer-
ence to circumcision, which the Priscillianist authors intends as a separation
from flesh and earthly activities.
For an analysis of the paraphrases from Hilary's De Trinitate which the
author employs in this passage (Hil. De Trin.l.l3.32, CCSL 62:14-Tract. VI,
25-7) see Veronese, 'Le citazioni', 145.
42-7 Christus autem origo omnium ... uel passus in carne est: Veronese has
examined in detail this passage, in which the Priscillianist author describes
the divine qualities of Christ. In the first place, she has noticed, together with
Schepss (cf. CSEL 18, Tract. VI, 71, app. 24), that the entire passage is based on
two loci ofHilary's De Trinitate (cf. Hil. De Trin. 11.6.1, CCSL 62:42-3): Pater
[... ] in Christo et per Christum origo omnium. Ceterum eius esse in sese est,
non aliunde quod est sumens, sed id quod est ex se adque in se obtinens [... ] esse
eum semper inuenies [... ] ei esse sine fine est. Sermo in ea deficiet, non natura
claudetur [... ] esse simper inuenies [... ]. Deus autem et ubique est et totus
ubicumque est; Hil. De Trin. 1.5.10, CCSL 62:5: quia idipsum quod est neque
desinentis est aliquando neque coepti. What is very interesting in our author is
~~mme~tar~ / 287
that he refers to the Son the quahtles whiCh m Hilary are correctly attributed
to the Father. According to Veronese (cf. 'Su alcune citazioni', 230), this
r~veals a conceptio~ that she defines as 'Pan-Christism'. 1 think this concep-
twn fits perfectly m the general Monarchianism of the Priscillianists that
cannot make a real distinction between the Father and the Son.
In t?e second place Veronese detects in this passage the presence of a
quotatwn from a locus of Ennius' Medea (frag. 248, ed. J. Vahlen, Ennianae
poesis ~eliquiae (Leipzig 1928) ), which had become a sort of Standardbeispiel
m anoent grammars and manuals of rhetoric. Personally I think that the
resemblance be_t':"een our pa_ssage and that from Ennius is too vague to
make any defimtlve hypothes1s on an actual influence of the Ennian model
(cf. Veronese, 'Su alcune citazioni', 229-36; id., 'Le citazioni', 145).
47~6? _int~llegere nos deus uoluit in nobis . .. imaginem eius qui est de caelo: the
Pnsolha~1st autho: expresses more precisely his views about the purposes of
Holy Scnpture whiCh he had already described at lines 15-35. There he had
asserted in a general way that the entire Holy Scripture is an instrument of
purification for the faithful Christian, while here he makes a distinction
between the Old and the New Testaments: the first is a means of purification
given us by God, the latter a means to forro the soul ( uetus testamentum
castificandi corporis deo et nouum animae institutione mancipatur, 54-5).
60-89 Denique in ea testamento quod prius est ... quod autem uiuit uiuit
deo: despite his _usual stilted language and involved style, the author appears
to be successfulm describing in this passage the progress and evolution from
~he Hebrew Passover to the Christian Easter. The process of salvation begins
m. the Old Testament, but finds its completion in the New, when human
bemgs are re_newed in body and soul, and finally die in Christ in whom they
are born agam after the destruction of sin and the regeneration ofbaptism.
Scholars have interpreted in different ways the views of the author on the
seasons and days, which he presents as something which belonged to the old
man, and now has been completely abolished by Easter and the new message
of the G_ospel: ad caelebrandum pascha formae pecorum, dies mensuum, tem-
pus petztur ann_orum, 63-4; quía terrenae natiuitati limi adpraehensione
germa~a. est et dz~b.us et temporibus annis mensibus omnibusque quae sub sale
sun~ uz~w~um dzuzs~ naturis diuinum genus hominum muscipulis terrenae
habztatwnzs hebetauzt, 69-72; absolutus diebus temporibus mensibus numerum
dei meretur esse non saeculi et ea quae uiuunt terraena despiciens ambulans in
carne nec secundum carnem militans pascha fit domini et regeneratus in nouo
testamen~o _consimilatus corpori dei, 81-4. Babut supposes that going beyond
the restnctwns of the Hebrew Passover, which was based on the calendar
signifies an abolition of all earthly things, as the text itself appears to assert;
288 Commentary
numerum dei meretur esse non saeculi, 81-2 (cfo Babut, Priscillien, 261-2)0 On
the other hand, Chadwick sees in the Priscillianists' abolition of the calendar
not only a simple going beyond all earthly standards, but also a condemna-
tion of all pagan rituals, which were heavily based on the the seasons and their
times (cfo Chadwick, Priscillian, 74-5) o Finally Bianco, who partly follows
Vollmann (cfo 'Priscillianus', in RE Supplo XIV (1974), 537, 541), adds that,
besides a condemnation of pagan rituals, the abolition of the calendar also
signifies the abolition of the power of the demons who are connected with the
astral cycles of seasons and time (cfo 'Tematiche', 228-9)0 In my opinion
Chadwick's interpretation appears to be the most dependable, while Bianco,
who sets out to demonstrate a marked Gnostic character in Priscillianism,
and therefore a sort of central belief in demons and/or inferior gods, seems to
force the actual meaning of the texto
At the beginning of the passage: sicut lectio praesens docet (61), it can be
noticed again that the author is referring to a liturgical reading: cfo also
Tracto IV, 81; Tracto V, 55; 1050
89-129 Denique deus noster adsumens carnem ooo in Christo Iesu domino
nostro: in this long description of the Son, his incarnation, and his role within
the divine plan of salvation and redemption of humankind, the Priscillianist
author demonstrates that 'he is not interested in the distinctions within the
Holy Trinity which both Eunomius and Hilary, in different ways, wish to
bring out' (Chadwick, Priscillian, 88)0 In fact, he shows an obvious adherence
to a substantially Monarchian Christology: deus noster adsumens carnem,
formam in se dei et hominis idest diuinae animae et terrenae carnis adsignans,
dum aliud ex his peccati formam, aliud diuinam ostendit esse natura m, illudque
arma iniquitatis peccato, hoc iustitiae arma demonstrat in salutem nostram
uerbum caro factus, 90-30
At 121-2: ipse se hamo diuidens, deo in se cuneta monstrante, the author
appears to avoid carefully the concept of the divine personso As Chadwick has
correctly asserted, 'Arianism is a distant cloud on his horizon' (ibido)o
For the paraphrases of Hil. De Trino VI.36o16o13, CCSL 62:239; VI.37o8,
CCSL 62:242 at line 96, and Hil. De Trino I.l3o23o CCSL 62:14 at lines 117-19,
in which the author underlines again the limitations of human intelligence
and comprehension, cfo above Commo 1-15 and Veronese, 'Le citazioni', 142;
cfo also below Hil. De Trino 1.2008, CCSL 62:20 at lines 143-4 and Veronese, 'Le
citazioni', 1430
130-57 Et ideo intuentes in uobis omnia ooo et per se sibi homine gauderet:
this section of the text may be defined as a Priscillianist general interpretation
of the material world and its natureo What is immediately evident is that the
author appears to consider the world as a perfect creation ordered according
to the divine will: quamuis dispensationem mundialium rerum alterutro
Commentary / 289
naturae suae motu speciosa conmendet operatio, 130-1, in: which 'place, time,
day, month, and rule' are simple aspects of the perfect divine order: diuino-
rum operum simplicem dispositionem loco tempore numero die mense ratione
diuisam, 134-50 But this simple order has been upset by the demonic nature
of idols: diuinorum operum simplicem dispositionem ooo diuisam daemoniaca
idolorum natura confuderat, dum incertorum deorum familias introducens
incommunicabili dei nomen diebus mensibus pecoribus uolucribus lignis et
lapidibus adscribit erat que tale fidei bellum, ut relicto tanti muneris deo corpo-
reas creaturae conspicabilesque formas in aelementis terrenis et caelestibus
adorarent, 134-9, which, by deceiving the mind of man-homine decepto,
133-has 'ascribed the incommunicable name ofGod to days, months, cattle,
birds, wood, stones, and celestial elements'o It is evident that the evil power of
the demons is, according to the Priscillianist author, mostly psychological, a
power that deceives and leads the minds of people astrayo As a consequence of
this deception, people worship idols instead of the true Godo From this point
of view Priscillianism appears to be quite distant from Gnosticism or Man-
ichaeanism, where creation itself is partly or mostly negative and evil. How-
ever, even though the views of the Priscillianists appear to be far removed
from the radical dualism of the Gnostics and Manichaeans, they often reveal a
moderate dualism in the tradition of Platonism: cfo eogo Commo on Tracto I,
194-2000
For a discussion of idolatry and the worship of planets and stars see above,
Commo on Tracto I, 201-69; 357-66; 380-60
The closing sentence: et conceptione partu uagitibus cunis omnes naturae
nostrae transcurrens contumelias is found in almost identical form in Tractate
IV, 52-3: cfo above, Commo on Tracto IV, 47-640
157-66 Nam quod primus mensis ooo in deum nattuttate reparamur: the
month and day of Easter have no actual meaning or power in themselves, but
are pure symbols, whose purpose is to make us understand that our first
month and day is not the one in which we appear in the world, but the one in
which, after the world has been rejected, we are renewed in God through a
new birtho Cfo also above, Commo 60-890
For the peculiar use of a sort of pleonastic quod in this tractate (162 and
185) and in Tractate X (58), cfo Introduction, 16 no
166-207 Adtendi autem lunaris ideo cursus ooosed imago corporis Christi: the
Priscillianist author develops the views that he had already expressed in
the previous passage: even though times and astral bodies have their own
material reality, they are symbols of the power of God, and their purpose and
use is not to be considered by human beings as gods but as manifestations of
the power of the supreme, true Godo The month of the Lord, ioeo the Christian
290 Commentary
Easter, signifies the defeat of all that is material, because it is outside the
boundaries of the time of the world. The final, essential meaning found in the
Easter of the Lord, i.e. in the symbolism itself of the ritual, is that 'Christ in
man and man in Christ may be found': Christus in homine et hamo inueniatur
in Christo, 191-2. All that is outside this regeneration of humanity is just
material and ephemeral, and will die with the world.
The expression decada saeculi (175-6) appears to be used in the sense of
'calendar of the world' (cf. A. Blaise, Dictionnaire Latin-Fran~ais des auteurs
chrétiens (Strasbourg, 1954), 240: 'le calendrier du siecle-entaché d'idolatrie
envers les astres'). In m y translation I have kept the first meaning of 'decade',
because the author makes parallels with other terms containing the idea of
the number ten: dominicae decadae (176); decimae fructuum (177); decima
[di es] (177); cf. al so triformi decalogi ( 173).
208-41 Propter quod et uos intellegentes ... sed símiles sunt angelis dei: the
same interpretation of Easter as an essential spiritual experience, which goes
beyond the material aspects of the days, seasons, months, and stars, and frees
humankind from the strictures of the formalities of the law and the exterior
ritualism of the pagans, is repeated in this passage: offerte uos tamquam
spiritales hostias, acceptabile sacrificium placens deo, et intellegentes praesentem
lectionem non Zumbas corporis praecingatis, sed, sicut apostolus ait, praecincti
Zumbas mentís uestrae sobrii in omnibus perfecte credite, 210-13. Together with
this profoundly Christian conception of Easter, the author shows again (cf.
also above, Comm. 15-35) his interpretation of Lent, the preparation to
Easter, as essentially a period of thorough purification according to the openly
ascetical nature of Priscillianism: et uelut mundantes domum dignum manda-
tis dei carnis uestrae habitaculum praeparate, ut delegatas in pascha domini
uigilias imitantes conuersantes in ignorantiae nocte peruigeletis ad deum et
omne quod offertur a uobis, 213-16. This purification, however, is not limited
to the period of Easter, but must prepare the faithful to the day of judgement:
sic nos adueniente in iudicium domino ipso testimonium reddente pro no bis et in
cordibus nostris clamante: abba pater non cum hoc mundo damnemur, sed
signati frontibus praetiosi sanguinis testimonio absoluamur in Christo, 223-6
ut, cum uenerit in iudicium deus, sicut in apocalypsi legitis, non numerus bestiae
nec mesura saeculi simus, sed, in quibus etiam Iohannem fleuisse legitis de
signatis signaculis septem, uelut líber doctrinae caelestis habeamur et ínter duo-
decim milia signatorum patriarcharum numeris mancipati non numerus bestiae
sed mensura hominis quod est angelus nuncupemur, 233-8. Even though it is
not possible to reconstruct with reliability the ideas of the Priscillianists on
the end of the world, I suppose that, according to the mostly charismatic and
ascetical character of their movement, they may see it as a fairly imminent
event: cf. also Comm. on Tract. JI, 14-23.
Commentary
1 291
Por the references to liturgical readings: prasesentem lectionem, 211;
praesens lectio, 220 see above: 61, and Tract. IV, 81; Tract. V, 55; 105.
233 [idest]: I have expunged idestat line 233, which seems to be a dittography
of the copyist: see 231-2: idest sine uitio ... idest azymi.
Tractate VII
1-6 Dauid sanctus magisterium diuinae instituens ... in cathedra pestilentiae
non sedit: as I have already mentioned (cf. Introduction, 14-16, and Comm.
on Tract. V, 1-11), I believe that Tractates V and VII belong to the same
Priscillianist author. It is evident that both present a steadier prose rhythm
and a tighter syntax in comparison with IV, VI, and X, and both generally
avoid the extremely long and involved periods which are typical of IV, VI, and
X. It can be also noticed that the author of V and VII has a more emotional
approach to his subject matter, and something of a more openly pastoral
attitude, while in IV, VI, and X a more philosophical perspective prevails. The
pastoral tone is quite evident in this opening passage, where the biblical
passage is interpreted as a moral guide for the Christian: uiuendi omnibus
posuit disciplinam (4).
With regard to the quotation from Ps 1:1 cf. also Tert. Marc. 2,19: non
abire in concilium impiorum, nec stare in via peccatorum, nec in cathedra
pestilentium sedere; Jer. Comm. in Osee, VII.5-7, PL 25:876B.
6-27 Cui necessario psalmo ... nec cui credimus infideles: even though the
general meaning of this passage, which appears to be an exhortation to purifi-
cation and asceticism according to the typical standpoint of the Len ten trae-
tates (IV-X), is quite clear, there are expressions in it which cause certain
perplexities. In the first place the sentence: possidentis peccati titulus non ten-
etur (8) appears to be quite obscure. If titulus clearly refers to the title of the
Psalm (cf. above titulus in superscribtione, 7), the meaning of possidentis pec-
cati remains quite uncertain: does the author mean that the first Psalm, which
mentions the power of sin on the impious (Ps 1:4-6), cannot bear a title
referring to the fact that sin possesses sorne people?
The second problem is caused by the biblical quotation: quis enim uocat per
se uocitum? (9). In his apparatus Schepss (82 app. 13) declares: 'unde haec
desumpta sint, erui non potuit'. In his reprint of Schepss' edition Hamman
proposes Is 41:2 (see PLS 11: 1468, n. 13), but the similarity between the
quotation at 9 and Is 41:2 still appears to be too vague in all the available
versions of the Vetus Latina. The hypothesis that the author is referring to an
extra-canonical text seems to be too hazardous but, at the same time, the only
one possible.
292 Commentary
28-34 Et ideo profetici sermonis intellegentes . .. sensum multa cogitantem: the
Priscillianist author appears to be quite distant from Gnostic anthropology:
human beings are created good in the likeness of the Father: quales u os pater
deus facit, estote tales, quales uos manus patris instituit, quoniam imago et
similitudo dei, quod estis uos, corruptelae inlecebras et blandimenta non quaerit
(28-31), and only the choice of sin can corrupt them: the idea of a body made
of evil or corrupted matter is not considered at all: peccatorum uiae, cathedrae
pestilentiae, corruptae carnis astutia et polluti corporis officina (31-2).
34-54 Haec est enim modulatio cupiditatis ... quem Christus faceret here-
dem: this passage, which is constructed on frequent biblical quotations,
describes the process of corruption and the infiltration of sin in human
beings. The author of Tractate VII, like that of Tractate VI (cf. Comm. on
Tract. VI, 130-57), emphasizes how the corruption which leads to the com-
mitting of sin is essentially psychological, and is prompted by the devil who is
sometimes able to open a breach in the mind and feelings of human beings.
The devil cannot force humans to commit sin, but can tempt them. And when
he tempts them, he speaks to their body, namely, to the material part of
human persona which is liable to corruption because of its perishable and
frail nature. This is confirmed by what Paul says: scio quía non habitat in me,
hoc est in carne mea, bonum (Rom 7:18) (41-2); mente seruio legi dei, carne
autem legi peccati (Rom 7:25) (42). The Gnostic idea of a body which is
naturally evil, because it is the creation of an evil archon, seems to be quite
distant from the horizon of the Priscillianists, at least in these surviving
testimonies. The concept that there might be a justification for sin in the fact
that the human body is partly or entirely negative or evil appears to be
decidedly rejected in all the extant Priscillianist writings.
For the use of the word extrarius as an epithet of the devil, see A. Blaise,
Dictionnaire Latin-Franr;ais des auteurs chrétiens (Strasbourg, 1954), 340.
54-65 In qua et uos, dilectissimi fratres . . . habere iustorum per Iesum
Christum: Tractate VII ends with an exhortation to keep free from sin through
a profound devotion to the faith of God. And through this devotion human
beings are transformed into trees which, being watered by the fountains of the
divine words, produce ripe vine-shoots ofluxuriant intelligence and perman-
ent 'fruits' of honest life. The emotional pastoral tone, which is typical of
Tractates V and VII, is tinged here with poetical colours and images: quos non
corruptibilis habitaculi uoluptarium tempus eduxit, sed quos diuini sermonis
eruditio fecundarit, ut non decidentibus foliis mandatorum perpetua luce con-
tecti peccatorum supplicia respuere et requiem possimus habere iustorum per
Iesum Christum (62-5).
Commentary 293
1
Tractate VIII
1-12 Domine, quid multiplicati sunt . .. ut fili lucís ambulate: only the initial
section of Tractate VIII is extant beca use of the loss of an en tire quaternion
after fol. 121 of the Würzburg ms. (Cf. CSEL 18, p. xii; Chadwick, Priscillian,
63). The fact that eight full pages of the text were lost demonstrates that the
lacuna between Tractate VIII and IX (whose first part is missing) is fairly
extended. Considering the average amount of text contained in the pages of
the Würzburg ms., the lacuna should consist of about 1,300 words, but it is
not possible to ascertain how many ofthese 1,300 missing words belonged to
Tractate VIII or to IX, which follows.
Since Tractate VIII has been transmitted in incomplete form, it is extremely
difficult to make any reliable hypothesis about its authorship. According to
Vollmann (cf. 'Priscillianus', in RE Suppl. XIV (1974) 555-6), Tractate VIII
has no characteristic feature nor any explicit Priscillianist content, so that he
attributes it neither to the anonymous author of IV, VI, and X, nor to that of
V and VII. In my opinion the openly pastoral tone and the fairly simple
syntactic rhythm of Tractate VIII make it close in style to V and VII, even
though it is not possible to attribute it with certainty to the author of these
tractates beca use of the large amount of missing text.
In this introductory passage the Priscillianist author introduces the main
topic of his discussion, namely Psalm 3, which he sets out to read and inter-
pret in an allegorical way. The faithful must go beyond the mere facts
reported in the Old Testament, in order to discover the type that is in them,
so that they may be enlightened after being enveloped in the darkness of
ignorance: Omnia enim in figura gesta apostolus adseuerat et nostri typum
anteacta monstrare, ut opus laboris per scientiam legis inluminet, quos
ignorantia tenebris ante uelabat (8-10).
In his apparatus (CSEL 18, Tract. VIII, 86, app. 4) Schepss indicates two
parallels with Hilary's Tractatus super Psalmos (Prologus in cantica quindecim
graduum) 2 (PL 9:642C) and Tractatus super Psalmos ( Tractatus Psalmi) 1 (PL
9:645C-646A). In both cases the similarity between the Priscillianist tractate
and the work of Hilary is quite vague, and I believe it is extremely unlikely
that Hilary's work was a direct influence on our author.
12-22 Agere ergo nos oportet ... dum tempus sufficit, prouidere: the search
for the 'type' in Scriptures directs us to look for and devote ourselves to
spiritual matters in everyday life. A profound meditation on the word of God
leads the faithful to reject the things of the flesh and to choose those of the
spirit.
I think this strong connection which the Priscillianist author indicates
 294 Commentary
between an allegorical interpretation of Scriptures and a consequent moral
and practica! use of the Scriptures themselves as a guide to Christian
behaviour, even though it is not original, is extremely important to under-
standing the philosophical and psychological outlook of Priscillianist exegesis.
In his apparatus (CSEL 18, Tract. VIII, 87, app. 7) Schepss lists different
parallels for this passage in Hilary's De Trinitate (Hil. De Trin. V32.3, CCSL
62:185; VI.20, CCSL 62:219; VI.44.14, CCSL 62:248-9, etc. Veronese has
demonstrated that all these parallels are based on two very similar expressions
from the New Testament: uas Christi (Acts 9:15) and uas electionis (1 Tim
2:7), which recur in both our passages and those by Hilary, without any
further similarity: cf. Veronese, 'Le citazioni', 140.:__1. A different opinion is
expressed by Chadwick, who recognizes a profound influence of Hilary on
this tractate: cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 68.
22-30 Unde mihi, fratres, sacrae lectionis . .. quae nos persequantur ostendens:
the Priscillianist author expounds the same concept about sin and the same
anthropology which we have already found in both Tractate VI ( cf. Comm. on
Tract. VI, 130-57), and VII (cf. Comm. on Tract. VII, 28-34 and 34-54):
human beings are created good ( cum rudem hominis natiuitatem simplici
innocentiae puritate formatam parem beatis, 25-6) and only the choice of sin
through temptation and the example of the wicked can corrupt them (si in his
maneat, ostendit dicens: beatus uir, qui non abiit in consilio inpiorum et in uia
peccatorum non stetit, 26-7). The similarity between Tractate VIII and VII is
even stronger than that with VI, since both VIII and VII use the same quota-
tion from Psalm 1:1 (cf. also Comm. on Tract. VII, 1-6). This corroborates the
hypothesis that the author of VII and VIII might be the same (cf. also above,
Comm. on 1-12).
30-48 Tum et illud, carissimi ... bonis lectione cognoui<mus> ... : in the
final section of the extant text of Tractate VIII an openly pastoral tone pre-
vails. The main concern of the writer is to present the feelings and events
described in Psalm 3, namely the hatred and envy which led Absalom to rebel
against his father David and the patience and tolerance which David used
towards his son, as moral warnings and models of conduct for his audience.
On the one hand Absalom appears to behave according to the 'immature
boastings with turmoil [and] sins' which 'belong to the ignorance of disci-
pline and age'; on the other, David shows the 'maturity' which 'occurs with the
peacefulness of age through the perfection of knowledge'. Again it can be
noticed how the Priscillianist author places the origin of sin in the psycho-
logical sphere of human beings: Hinc prima inlecebra nutrit reatum et
apparentiae malum occasionem praestat inimico; tum in decliue scelerum
impulsu uoluntatis urguetur et hamo idest filius perditionis ostenditur. Prima
Commentary 295
1
enim concupiscentiae culpa est, secunda uoluntatis adieáio, tertia desiderati
operis inpletio (43-7).
Tractate IX
1-9 ... facere non posse monstraret . .. quaerunt introire et non poterunt: only
the final section of Tractate IX is extant because of the loss of an entire
quaternion between Tractates VIII and IX (cf. Comm. on Tract. VIII, 1-12).
Since the surviving text is quite short (about 250 words), any hypothesis on its
authorship inevitably appears to be uncertain. Vollmann (cf. 'Priscillianus', in
RE Suppl. XIV (1974), 555-8) attributes it to the anonymous Priscillianist
author of IV, VI, and X on the basis of the evident similarity between the
extant part of IX and the closing lines of VI (cf. Tract. VI, 226-41), and the
exhortation to charity which is obvious in both IX and IV (cf. Tract. IV,
34-47). In my opinion these similarities are too vague to be decisive, andan
evident affinity of tone and style can be noticed between the extant part of
IX and the closing sections of V (cf. Tract. V, 110-22) and VII (cf. Tract. VII,
54-65). I believe that the surviving section of IX is too short to make any
reliable hypothesis on its authorship. Chadwick underlines how both VIII
and IX are short fragments without any particular character, so that he does
not consider them in his comparison of Tractates I-VII and XI: 'The eighth
[tractate], and especially the ninth, are merely brief fragments, their end and
beginning lost respectively, and neither of great momentum. [... ] The ninth
exhorts to poverty and almsgiving with a row of favourite biblical citations
used in other tractates' (Chadwick, Priscillian, 68).
9-21 In qua non quod angustus ... ad ea quae sunt summa ueniamus: the
tractate ends with a clear exhortation to leave behind the material goods of
this world and embrace an ascetic life of charity. In the previous passage these
ideas were mostly expressed through biblical quotations, while in these final
lines the Priscillianist author makes sorne personal remarks. What is
extremely interesting is how he emphasizes that 'punishment is not
unconditionally established for the rich and hopelessness to return to the
Lord is not decreed for the wealthy': non quod absolute diuitibus poena
ponatur et reuertendi ad dominum desperatio constituta locupletibus sit
(15-16). The need to make this specific clarification may derive from the fact
that a certain number of wealthy people were among the followers of Priscil-
lian, and Priscillian himself carne from a noble and well-to-do family (cf.
Introduction, 1).
The expression at line 17: nec ullus per praerupta conscensus est finds a very
close parallel in Hilary's De Trinitate 1.20.6-7, CCSL 62:20: sed quia nullus per
296 Commentary
praerupta conscensus est: cf. CSEL 18, Tract. IX, 91, app. 5; Veronese, 'Le
citazioni', 141, n. 49, 156.
Tractate X
1-24 Profetici historia sermonis diuinis inbuta ... in gloriam consortiis congre-
gamur ... : in my commentary on Tract. IV, 1-17, and Tract. VI, 1-15, I have
already discussed the reasons why I consider Tractates IV, VI and X to be the
work of a single anonymous Priscillianist author. I would only like to add that
the typical characters of these tractates, namely an extremely involved use of
syntax and a general philosophical tone, appear to be even more marked and
almost exaggerated in Tractate X. This is evident in this opening passage
where the author is describing again (cf. Tract. VI, 16-35) how Scripture is a
means of leaving behind all the desires and possessions of the world and a
practical guide to direct our earthly life: his argument is constantly inter-
rupted by digressions and incidental sentences, so that it is extremely difficult
to understand his actual conclusions; on the other hand, he adds to his main
point difficult philosophical questions, such as the one concerning the memo-
riam mortalium temporum, quae conhiuentia humano sensui fortuitis semper
motibus in aliquid existunt (2-4) with a language which is almost technical,
and certainly not easily comprehensible to an average reader.
Veronese has noticed (cf. also CSEL18, Tract. X, 92, app. 3) how this first
section of Tractate X heavily draws on expressions taken from Hilary's De
Trinitate, which are openly philosophical in tone and style (Hil. De Trin. !.3.6,
CCSL 62:3 and I.4.7, CCSL 62:3 for Tract. X, 2-4; Hil. De Trin. !.3.2, CCSL
62:3 and !.4.21, CCSL 62:4) for Tract. X, 7-9): cf. Veronese, 'Le citazioni',
149-50.
At the end of the passage there is a lacuna, whose extent cannot be ascer-
tained. Schepss confines himself to asserting that the second part of the
correlation introduced by siue is missing: 'omissum esse hic aliquid
statuendum est; desideratur enim sententiae altera pars, quae respondeat illi
"siue" in u. 11 posito (uelut "siue" u. 12 respondet ei, quod exstat in u. 10)'
(CSEL18, Tract. X, 93, app. 12). In my opinion the lacuna might be quite
limited, and ifwe consider the expression in gloriam (23) to be an echo of 1
Cor 2, the missing section might be integrated with an expression such as in
perniciem (2 Pet 2).
25-49 Et ideo qui conuersus ad fidem ... autem domini manet in aeternum:
the same concepts already expounded in the previous passage are here
repeated and developed with further examples and biblical quotations: the
Scriptures guide us to reject all that is worldly and ephemeral through
Commentary / . 297
concrete accounts of battles and historical events that must be allegoncally
interpreted as exhortations to fight the sins and desires of the world: sed omne
quod Dauid sanctus ínter incerta certaminum et alienigenorum excidia bel-
lorum confidens deo egit, non tamquam memoriale saeculi scribtum accipit, sed
quid in nobis partim nostro partim corporis metu cotidianorum bella pec-
caminum et sacecularium uarietas uoluntatum, dum pro certis incerta sectamur
et ínter aliena contendimus, ualeat recognoscit (29-34).
49-62 Quamuis enim humani intellectus ... ut semitas pedum uestrorum
conturbent: the Priscillianist author insists on a concept which he had already
discussed in Tractates IV and VI (cf. Comm. on Tract. IV, 1-17; VI, 1-15): the
limitations of human mind that forces 'the prophetical speech to look for
images of earthly things as indications of superior virtues': Quamuis enim
humani intellectus infirmitas cogat profetici sermonis eloquia rerum species
terrenarum tamquam superiorum uirtutum índices quaerere (49-51). As in
Tractates IV and VI, he expresses this concept by paraphrasing passages from
Hilary's De Trinitate (cf. Hil. De Trin. !.7.7; I.l8.3; I.19.3, 13; !.37.20, CCSL
62:7, 18, 19, 36) at Tract. X, 49-51; 52-3). This same idea of a limited human
mind is repeated below at lines 78-9 and 99-100: cf. Veronese, 'Le citazioni',
142.
The psychological analysis of the emotions or states of mind which can
lead to sin, even though they appear to be opposite (both misery and pros-
perity, happiness and despair), is particularly interesting, and confirms how
the idea of sin is centred, in Priscillianism, not in the body of human beings
but in their mind.
At line 58 the use of a pleonastic quod, which is typical of Tractates VI and
X, can be noticed: cf. Tract. VI, 162 and 185; cf. also Comm. on Tract. VI,
157-66 and Introduction, 16 n. 98.
62-73 Et ideo Dauid sanctus titulum psalmi ... pretio excolitur uoluntatis:
The actual historical events reported in Psalm 59 (60), namely David's fights
and victories over the two Syrias ( Syria Mesopotamia and Syria Soba, cf. also 2
Sam 8:3-14; 10:6-19; 1 Chron 18:3-13; 19:6-19), are allegories ofthe victory
over sin and its different manifestations. This poetical and metaphoricallan-
guage is also used to emphasize an open adherence to asceticism, which is a_
constant motif of Priscillianism: deuincens indutus, sicut scribtum est, fider
armis uitiorum ageret triumphum et dedicatae in Christo conuersationis
inmarcescibilem coronam uelut quibusdam uictricis militiae stipendiis merere-
tur (69-72).
73-98 Denique dum nullus aput nos ... ira tus es et misertus es nostri: the
main content of this passage is summarized and highlighted by its closing
sentence: ut, qui diuinorum praeceptorum in se opus uellet, uniuersa in se
298 Commentary
uítíorum bella deuíncens non solum carnís sed et cogítatíonum ídest spírítalíum
nequítíarum concupíscentís abstíneret et gentílíum daemonum in se ueneficía
despícíens, cuí tributa peccamínum, cuí stípendía uitiorum, cui timares formídi-
num, cuí honores praetereuntium dignitatum deditus saeculo hamo deberet,
agnosceret (90-5). Again the Priscillianist author insists on the chiefly
psychological nature of sin: even though the flesh has its own desires which
fight inside human body, it is through the thoughts of the mind that the
devil insinuates sin: non solum carnis sed et cogitationum idest spíritalium
nequitiarum concupiscentís (91-2). The power of the demons appears to be
limited to the mind of human beings: it can corrupt the will of people, who
will consequently commit sin: unde bella, unde rixae in uobis? nonne de uol-
untatíbus uestris, quae militant in membris uestris? (88-90). lt seems to me
that a radically dualistic vision of the world, in which demons rule over part
of creation, as Bianco suggests (cf. Bianco, 'Priscilliano e le potestates', 276,
n. 9, 280-6, and above, Comm. on Tract. V, 54-8), is quite distant from
Priscillianism.
In this passage too (cf. above Comm. on Tract. X, 62-73), it can be
noticed how the author constantly exhorts his readers to asceticism according
to the openly ascetical perspective of Priscillianism.
98-112 In qua tamen sermone psalmí ... spirítum salutis quem dedísti super
terram: the fact that the devil can induce human beings to commit sin by
acting on their psyche is expounded even more clearly (cf. above, 73-98) in
this passage: cum alía tua non sít natura, nisi aut in peccati mala cogere aut post
percussum captum ueneno in ea quae ipse persuaseris perurguere (104-6).
112-31 In qua quamuis non ipsi probemus ... in caelestes se glorias conse-
craret: the Priscillianist author explains the nature of his dualism, which
appears to be entirely within the limits of Christian orthodoxy. In human
beings there are 'the works conflicting with each other of the world and God'
(conluctantia ínter se mundi et deí in nobis opera, 120), and it is up to human
beings to choose whether they want to be part of 'the nation and people of
God' (populus et gens dei, 126) or of 'the people of vices' ( uitiorum populus,
126). lt is a choice between what is material and ephemeral, and what is
divine and eterna!.
There is no condemnation of the world as naturally evil, but a condemna-
tion of the idea of neglecting what is divine for what is worldly, i.e. for
something that only appeases the desires, selfishness, and avidity of human
life on earth.
131-58 Sic duo testamenta ad fidem . . . diuinae crucis redemptione
saluemur: the open mention of the two Testaments as two perfectly comple-
mentary parts of the same truth (un u m seruítutis íugum soluens, alíut gratiae
Commentary 299
1
opus díudens, 131-2) may be a retort toan accusation 'of Marcionism made
against the Priscillianists, even though there is no evidence of such an accus-
ation among the surviving historical testimonies.
The author insists on the same dualism expounded in the previous pas-
sage, i.e. a dualism which places human beings 'between two kingdoms,
between "the synagogue of Satan and the church of the commandments of
God" (Rev 2:9; 3:9, 6), between the works of the world and the words of God'
(ínter duo regna, 'ínter sinagogam satanae et ecclesiam mandatorum dei'
(Apoc. 2:9; 3:9, 6), ídest saeculí opera et deí uerba, 139-40), between 'the
faith of Christ' and 'the falsehood of the world' ( hínc fides Christí, índe saeculí
perfidia, 145).
Por Belias (Belíae, 134) cf. Comm. on Tract. I, 269-70.
158-78 In hac parte psalmídící sermonís ... absoluta díctorum dispensatíone
teneamus: as Chadwick has noted, 'Priscillian's exegesis often follows the
Origenist tradition found in Hilary' (cf. Chadwick, Príscíllían, 74). This is
particularly evident in this section of Tractate X, where the Priscillianist
author openly declares that Psalm 59, which he is commenting, must be read
and interpreted in a mostly typological and allegorical way, so that it may
become an essential instrument for the instruction of the faithful: ut profetí-
cus sermo semel loquens et duo praedícans exultatíonem saluati hominís in
Christo et gloriam Christí in homine tríumfantis uelut germanum insigne
circumferens ad doctrinam nostrae eruditionís aperiret, ut, dum sanctorum gesta
cognoscimus, tríumphum bonae uitae absoluta dictorum díspensatione tene-
amus (174-8). Hilary's direct influence is extremely marked in the first
section of the passage (158-63: In hac parte psalmidici sermonis, quos fides
constans ad studíum uerítatís uocat non tantum excipere auditu, sed introspícere
sensu conuenit, qualiter ad omnem se íntellegentiae nostrae inbecillitatem
psalmus adcommodet et dispositione sermonís profetici operís modum tem-
perans arduum díuinae intellegentiae iter uelut clíuo, molliens leníorí faciliori
instituít ascensu), which appears to be a long quotation made up of four
separate sentences from Hilary's De Trinítate (Hil. De Trín. I.l8.1, CCSL
62:18: Et uos quidem, quos fidei calor et ígnoratae mundo ac sapientibus mundi
ueritatís stadium ad legendum uocabit; 1.6.11, CCSL 62:6: Sermo autem dei
... plus tamen sígnificationís íntrospectus sensu continet quam exceptus auditu;
III.20.11, CCSL 62:91: Domínus ad omnem se intelligentiae nostrae inbecil-
lítatem adcomodat; I,20,1 (CCSL 62,20): Ac prímum ita totius operis modum
temperabimus . . . arduum hoc intelligentiae iter cliuo quasi molliore leni-
uimus). Purther echoes of Hilary's De Trinitate can be found at lines
165-7 and 172-4. Por a full and detailed discussion see Veronese, 'Le
citazioni', 150-151.
 300 Commentary
178-209 Sicima namque, cuius diuisio ... ita unita fide et correctione salu-
amur: the historical events mentioned in the Vetus Latina version of Psalm
59:8-10, namely, the rape of Dina and the revenge on the Sychemites ( Sicimi)
(cf. also Gen 33:18-20; 34:1-31), the foundation ofthe tribes ofJoseph's sons
Ephraim and Manasseh (cf. also Josh 16:1-17:18), Ruth's compassion and
faith rewarded with adivine progeny (cf. Ruth 4:13-17), the fall ofthe statue
of Dagon, god of the Philistines, befo re the power of the ark (cf. 1 Sam 5: 1-6),
are all interpreted as allegories of the dualism in which human beings live:
they are free to choose between good and evil, and the stories in the Bible give
them a certain proof of the victory that they will gain if they follow the
examples of virtue of the Old Testament, which lead to holiness and the truth
of Christ. The motif of the Old Testament as a moral guide and an instru-
ment of purification for the Christian is also amply discussed in Tractates VI
(cf. Comm. on Tract. VI, 15-35; 47-60) and VIII (cf. Comm. on Tract. VIII,
12-22; 30-48).
Tractate XI
1-11 Sancte pater, omnipotens deus ... in patre ignorauerat, non haberet: as
I have already pointed out in my Introduction (16, 21, 24), I believe that
Tractate XI may be a genuine work of Priscillian. In the first place, since it is
an invocation to God in the form of a prose poem, it is clearly different in
style and contents from Tractates IV-X, which forma separate and consistent
body of Lenten homilies within the Würzburg tractates and belong, in my
opinion, to at least two different anonymous Priscillianist witers; in the
second, even though it appears to be different from Tractates I-III which
I undoubtedly attribute to Priscillian, it shows evident affinities with
Priscillian's authentic Fragment quoted in Orosius' Commonitorium. What
especially unites Tractate XI with the Fragment is an equally creative use of
language as well as a poetical and philosophical diction.
In this opening passage, which describes God's saving economy for human
beings through Christ, Priscillian's Trinitarian conception appears to be
unquestionably and consistently Monarchian (cf. Comm. on Tract.I, 57; 346-
57; II, 68-85; 85-9; III, 52-6; VI, 42-7; 60-89). The person of the Father is
introduced through a quotation of Hilary's De Trinitate (cf. Hil. De Trin.
XII.52.1, CCSL 62A:662 at CSEL 18 Tract. XI, 3, app. 3: Sancte pater, omnipo-
tens Deus), which is perfectly orthodox in its general meaning, but is clearly
used to put forward the centrality of the role of the Father, according to the
typical Monarchian outlook: docuisti, ut in te uno et inuisibilitatis plenitudo,
quod pater filio, et uisibilitas agnoscentiae, quod filius patri in operatione sancti
Commentary 1 301
spiritus deberet, ageretur, sic in te omni definitae reí terminum et infinitorum
receptaculum ponens, ut ex te uno uenientibus nobis unum profectum et reuert-
entibus ad te unum aditum in ortum fili in te orientis aperires (3-8).
11-21 Tu enim es Deus, qui cum in omnibus ... neque non in omnibus inu-
eniris: Priscillian continues to describe with a densely poeticallanguage the
nature of the Father, who appears to be, according to Priscillian' s Monarchian
stance, a single person assuming the aspects and roles of the Son and the Holy
Spirit: Tu enim es deus, qui cum in omnibus originibus uirtutum intra extraque
et supereminens et intemus et circumfusus et infusus in omnia unus deus
crederis, inuisibilis in patre, uisibilis in filio et unitus in opus duorum sanctus
spiritus inueniris, quía tu tibi ad id quod es auctor es et nihil extra te quod
praestantius tibi uideatur ostendis (11-15). To this main concept, he adds the
usual idea ofthe limitations ofhuman mind (cf. Tract.IV, 1-17; VI, 1-15 and
X, 49-62) which, beca use of its weakness, is notable to understand the nature
of God, and that of the necessity that all human beings listen only to the
prophetical words of Scripture that lead to salvation. Both these additional
ideas are expressed through a paraphrasis of Hilary' s De Trinitate (cf. Hil. De
Trin. !.7.7, CCSL 62:7 at 15-16; Hil. De Trin. !.7.8, CCSL 62:7 at 17; cf. also
Veronese, 'Le citazioni', 142-4).
21-32 In te enim et per te processuum tata procuratio ... quod ipsa non habuit:
in this description of the harmony of creation, which is characterized by a
markedly philosophical language rife with abstract terms (procuratio, 22;
operatio, 23; uirtutificatio, 24; seruitus, 28), Priscillian asserts again how all
elements of the universe, both spiritual and material, are under the complete
control of God and have no autonomous power: dans in eis spiritum uitae, ut,
quae etsi ex se facere nil possent, magnitudine tamen operantis animata minis-
terium deligatae per te seruitutis inplerent (26-8).
The phrase virtutificatio tata uirtutuum (24) is extremly expressive, but
appears to have no correspondence in English or other modern Indo-
European languages, so that I have been forced to translate it into the blander:
'the en tire Making of all virtues.'
32-41 Et iussio tua in apparabilium ... ratio omnipotentiae testimonium non
negaret: in this final passage the poeticallanguage of Tractate XI reaches its
climax through a perfect mix of inspired images and expressive neologisms. It
is undoubted that, even though Priscillian's paternity of Tractate XI cannot be
demonstrated with certainty, this text significantly differs in the creativity
of its style and the evident qualities of its language from the monotonous
and often clumsy diction of Tractates IV-X, while it shows a greater affinity
with the intense tone of Tractates I-III and the Fragment from Orosius'
Commonitorium.
302 Commentary
The first neologism which we find in our passage is apparabílium
(32), which Schepss proposes to emend into apparibílíum: cf. CSEL 18, Tract.
XI, 104, app. 21. However, since the adjective apparíbílís would be a hapax as
well as apparabílís, I decided to keep the reading of the ms., and to interpret
apparabílís as a derivate of apparo (ut esse uídetur): cf. TLL, II. 256.
The second neologism is plenaret (37), which Schepss proposes to emend
into planaret: cf. CSEL 18, Tract. XI, 105, app. 2. I think the reading of the ms.
can be kept here: Cf. A Blaise, Dictionnaire Latin-Franr:aís des auteurs
chrétiens (Strasbourg, 1954), 630; TLL, X.1 (fase. XV), 2320.
42-62 In ... inexterminabíles facti, ubí símí . .. : the lower part of page 145
(the last page of the Würzburg manuscript) is seriously damaged, so that the
final section of Tractate XI cannot be reconstructed with accuracy. The text
abruptly stops with an incomplete word (símí-, 62), and therefore it must
be supposed that at least another quaternion was lost at the end of the
manuscript. Presently, with the elements in our possession it is impossible to
ascertain whether the loss only concerned the final part of Tractate XI or also
other tractates included in the original manuscript. The tone and liturgical
purpose of Tractate XI suggests that it was probably the concluding piece of
the Würzburg tractates. Schepps does not make any hypothesis in this regard,
and confines himself to saying: 'Haec ultima codicis pagina misere foedata
est; singulas igitur lineas seorsum typis transcribendas curabam atque quae
effinxi scríptura ínclínata ita rupta detersa detrita sunt, ut ligneum codicis
integumentum plane sit commaculatum uestigiis litterarum olim adhaeres-
centium' (CSEL 18, Tract. XI, 105, app. 7).
Canons on the Letters of the Apostle Paul
This work can be briefly described as a collection of ninety short summaries
of theological, moral, or doctrinal arguments taken from the Pauline letters,
which are followed by a list of numerical references to the Pauline passages
employed to make the summaries. Until the discovery of the Würzburg
tractates the Canones, which are included in twenty-two manuscripts of the
Vulgate Bible, were the only known extant work by Priscillian, together with
the short fragment quoted in Orosius' Commonítoríum. Their survival
appears to be due to the profound revision which an unknown bishop
Peregrinus made of them by removing all their heretical contents and keeping
only the undoubted orthodox concepts.
It can be easily inferred that the Canones were an important work, which
probably went through Pauline theology in detail and revealed Priscillian's
authentic ideas on the Trinity, Christology, morality, discipline, and other
Commentary 303
1
crucial issues, but Peregrinus' revision drained them of all their more original
contents, so that they are now reduced to a collection of short, uninspired
summaries of Pauline arguments (see also my Introduction, where I have
already discussed in detail the position and significance of the Canones in
Paulí apostolí epístulas within Priscillian's surviving literary corpus: 17-19;
24-5; 27-8).
Bishop Peregrinus' Preface to the Letters of the Apostle Paul
2-8 Prologum subter adíectum ... sagací mente perlegerít: the identity and
date of bishop Peregrinus remain obscure. The most ancient manuscript in
which his revision of Priscillian' s Canones is included is the Codex Cavensis 1
(Cava dei Tirreni), dating from the ninth century. Now, the almost complete
disappearance of interest in Priscillian and his religious movement through-
out the Middle Ages (cf. Olivares Guillem, Prisciliano, 75-93) seems to
exclude this author having lived in the seventh or eighth century. In general,
scholars tend to place him in the years following Priscillian's death, more or
less in early-mid-fifth century: cf. Schepps, CSEL 18: p. xxxiii; Chapman,
Notes; D. De Bruyne, Préfaces de la Bíble latine (Namur, 1920), 119; B. Fischer,
'Bibelausgaben des frühen Mittelalters', in Settímane dí Studío, Centro Italiano
sull'Alto Medioevo, Spoleto, 10 (1963), 532-40; Chadwick, Príscillían, 59.
Another possible hypothesis is that Peregrinus is not the real name of our
bishop, but a pseudonym. The use of this common pseudonym (which
usually indica tes a member of the clergy or a layman following an ascetical
way oflife) is amply confirmed by two writers of the early-mid-fifth century,
Bachiarius and Vincent of Lérins, who both published works under the
name 'Peregrinus' (cf. Chadwick, Príscíllían, 59-60). Schepss suggests that
Bachiarius himself may be the Peregrinus who revised Priscillian's Canones
(cf. CSEL 18, 179).
Why did Peregrinus decide to preserve Priscillian's Canones in this
expurgated form? Chadwick suggests that Peregrinus, who was not 'without
sympathy for Priscillian', considered the Ca nones to be 'm u eh too good to
lose', so that he, being 'a dedicated editor of holy scripture' (Chadwick,
Príscíllían, 60), revised them in order to save them. This explanation seems to
be quite reasonable to me, but still I have sorne doubts: for instance, would
it not have been even safer to attribute the Canones to Jerome, instead of
keeping them under the name of Priscillian with the risk of seeing them
condemned because of his reputation as a heretic, notwithstanding
Peregrinus' expurgation?
304 Commentary
Priscillian's Introduction to the Canons on the Letters of the
Apostle Paul
10-47 Multis occupatis necessitatibus . .. Uale in Christo!: Priscillian's intro-
duction to the Canons of the Letters of the Apostle Paul appears to be very
plain and almost technical in its language. It is addressed to an unnamed but
close disciple (he calls him carissime, 10), 'who had asked him for a refuta-
tion of interpretations placed upon the apostle by unidentified heretics'
(Chadwick, Priscillian, 58). Priscillian's main concern is to give his disciple a
very clear idea of the way in which the Canons are organized and how they
can be consulted and used in the most accurate and useful way. In this con-
text it is not surprising that the style of the Introduction differs significantly
from the much more complicated and dense diction of the tractates. As a
consequence, 1 exclude the possibility that Peregrinus profoundly reworked
the grammar of the introduction, as Chapman and Chadwick suggest (cf.
Chapman, Notes, 259; Chadwick, Priscillian, 49): the evident stylistic differ-
ences appear to be amply motivated by the difference of genre and purpose
between the introduction and the tractates.
By analysing the rare allusions which Priscillian makes to his present
situation in the introduction to the Canones, Babut has tried to give a precise
chronological position to this work. According to the French scholar, Priscil-
lian uses certain sentences such as: contra haereticorum uersutam fallaciam
(11), nulli existens inimicus (45-6), and errantium ... mentes (46-7), which
are particularly hostile and appear not to have been employed in Tractates I-
II. Therefore Babut concludes that Priscillian should be here in a phase of the
controversy in which the situation has become particularly serious, and that
his words of condemnation can only be addressed to Ithacius and his sup-
porters. As a consequence Babut proposes that the Canones should have been
written in the period between the return of the Priscillianists from their
journey to Rome and Milan and the Council of Bordeaux, i.e. between 382
and 384. Anyway, Babut himself admits that his hypothesis is based on
insufficient historical evidence (cf. Babut, Priscillien, 213-14). 1 only add that
it is impossible, in my opinion, to establish a historical date on the degree of
hostility which an author shows in the sentences that he writes against his
enemres.
Canons on the Letters of the Apostle Paul
can. l. Deus uerax est ... Hebr. <11.> 12: as 1 have already explained in my
Introduction ( 17-19), 1 believe that Peregrinus actually reworked the Ca nones
to such an extent that it is not possible anymore to recognize in them any
original Priscillianist idea, or allusion to historical events taking place in the
Commentary 305
1
course of the Priscillianist controversy. A different opinion is expressed by
Chadwick, who thinks that 'Peregrinus corrected well; the text contains noth-
ing heretical', but 'at the same time the veil concealing the original Priscillian
often seems diaphanous' (Chadwick, Priscillian, 60). Therefore Chadwick dis-
cusses sorne of the Canons and shows how they actually show a profound
affinity with the tractates and share their same issues (cf. ibid. 60-2). A similar
position is assumed by Babut, who believes that the Canons might include
actual historical references to Priscillian's personal experience and to events
in the Priscillianist controversy. He nevertheless appears to be more cautious
than Chadwick, and concludes his examination of the Canons by saying:
'Mais le índices tirés du texte des Canons sont malgré tout incertains. Meme
dans le dernieres sentences (Canons 81-143,12-14; 85-145,2-5; 89-
146,15-20), ou l'expression des sentiments d'un persécuté parait s'ajouter si
distinctement au résumé des testimonia, on pourrait a la rigueur ne voir
qu'une analyse impersonnelle' ('But indications drawn from the text of the
Canons are nonetheless uncertain. Even in the final sentences ... where the
expression of the feelings of the persecuted seems so clearly added to the
catalogue of the testimonia, one can, strictly speaking, see only an impersonal
analysis': Babut, Priscillien, 213).
Fragment quoted in Orosius' Commonitorium
While living in Africa, where he arrived from Spain just after 409 and
probably in about 410, Orosius wrote a Commonitorium on the heresies of
the Priscillianists and the Origenists, which he addressed to Augustine in
order to hear from the bishop of Hippo his opinions on the problem of these
particular heresies. It is not possible to establish with certainty when Orosius
wrote his work, but since we know that Augustine wrote his Contra Origen-
istas and Priscillianistas in 415 as an answer to Orosius' Commonitorium,
we can safely place Orosius' work between 410 and 415. Sorne scholars (cf.
E. Corsini, Introduzione alle Storie di Orosio (Turin, 1968), 20; Chadwick,
Priscillian, 190; M.-P. Arnaud-Lindet, Orase: Histoires (Contre le Pai'ens), Tome
I (París, 1990), p. ix) think that it is quite unlikely that Orosius moved to
Africa as early as 410, and obtained an answer from Augustine to his Com-
monitorium only in 415, that is, five years after his arrival. As a consequence
they believe that Orosius moved to Africa later, probably in 414. However, all
the historical testimonies point to a date just aft€r 409 for Orosius' journey to
Africa (cf. G. Fink-Errera, 'San Augustin y Orosio. Esquema para un studio de
las fuentes del De Civitate Dei', Ciudad de Dios, 167 (Estudios sobre la 'Ciudad
de Dios', n. sp. 1954, 11) (1954), 468; J. Vilella, 'Biografia crítica de Orosio',
306 Commentary
]bAC 43 (2000), 97 and n. 37), and any hypothesis on a later date appears to
be unfounded. In my opinion, it is likely that Orosius wrote his Com-
monitorium when he had already settled clown in his new African environ-
ment, and had acquired a certain familiarity with Augustine, namely around
412-13.
Even though the Commonitorium provides certain extremely important
historical testimonies on Priscillian's doctrine, its style and language appear
to be generally obscure or intentionally ambiguous, and the suspicion of an
exaggeration on the part of Orosius in reporting Priscillian's theories is
inevitable (cf. Schipper, 'Le drame', 5). According toa letter of the seventh-
century bishop of Saragossa, Braulio, Orosius was originally a Priscillianist
who was la ter converted to orthodoxy with the help of Augustine (cf. Braulio,
Ep. 44, PL 80:693D; Chadwick, Priscillian, 191). Even though this testimony
finds no confirmation in other historical documents, it might certainly
explain the controversia! attitude, obscurities, and exaggerations of Orosius in
reporting Priscillian' s theories.
The part of the Commonitorium which has especially attracted the attention
of scholars is a short fragment from a letter of Priscillian, which Orosius
quotes literally, and in which Priscillian describes the fa te of the human soul.
The stylistic similarity with the Würzburg Tractates I-III and XI, and the use
of terms largely employed in them ( obligatum, Frag. 2, Tract. III, 169; disposi-
tio, Frag. 2; Tract. I, 2-3, Tract. JI, 12; Tract. III, 155, 233, Tract. XI, 40;
chirographum, Frag. 5, Tract. I, 244; Canones (no. XVIII), 2; militia Frag. 6,
Tract. I, 520), indisputably demonstrate Priscillian's paternity of the Fragment
(cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 192). The only dissentient view is that of Babut,
who believes that the Fragment is a sheer falsification adroitly concocted by
using the style and language of Priscillian and actually inspired by the cos-
mology of the Manichaeans: 'Le sujet du fragment est un trait de la cosmolo-
gie manichéenne: la descente des ames, émanées de Dieu, atravers les quidam
circuli ou les puissances mauvaises les guettent pour les envoyer dans la chair:
e' est assez pour que 1' on puisse affirmer que Priscillien n' en est pas 1' auteur'
('The Fragment!s subject is an aspect of Manichaean cosmology: the descent
of the souls, emanations of God, through the quidam circuli where the evil
powers lie in wait for them so as to send them into the flesh: this is enough
for one to be able to assert that Priscillian is not the author of it': Babut,
Priscillien, p. 281).
1-7 Haec prima sapientia est . .. formalis militiae opus possident, et reliqua: the
actual meaning of this short passage is certainly open to different interpre-
tations, in the first place beca use of its particular!y obscure language. However,
I believe that an important distinction must be made before attempting any
Commentary / 307
reading of the Fragment: it must be separated from the context in which
Orosius has placed it. Even at a very first glance the Fragment does not seem
to fit in with the Gnostic cosmology with which Orosius introduces it: 'The
soul is born of God and comes from a storehouse giving a pro mise that it will
fight before God and be instructed by the adoration of the angels; it then
descends through certain spheres where it is captured by the powers of evil.
By the will of the conquering prince it is forced into various bodies and is
inscribed on a written bond as their property. On this ground Priscillian
affirmed the validity of astrology, in the sense that he asserted that this is the
bond which Christ destroyed and affixed to the cross by his passion' (Chad-
wick, Priscillian, 191-2; cf. Orosius, Comm. 2, CSEL 18:153.1-10; CCSL
49:158.34-159.43). Now, Priscillian's Fragment immediately appears to be
different in language and philosophical subtlety from this rough and dark
Gnostic vision, which Orosius uses to introduce it. The Fragment certainly
uses an unorthodox language, and any attempt to consider it as purely
catholic seems to be futile (cf. P. M. Sáenz de Argandoña, 'El Commonitorio
de Orosio y Prisciliano. ¿Una nueva antropologia?', in E. Romero-Pose (ed.),
Pléroma: Salus carnis. Miscelánea en homenaje al P. Antonio Orbe (Santiago
de Compostela, 1990), 627-42; Schipper, 'Le drame', 8-10). But at the same
time, it appears to have been forced into a context that is largely extraneous
to it, and which seems to be a typical product of the anti-Priscillianist
propaganda that Orosius is acritically using in his Commonitorium.
In my opinion the vision expressed by Priscillian in the Fragment is openly
Platonic or Neoplatonic, and appears to agree with the moderate dualism
which is common in the Würzburg tractates (cf. also Schipper, 'Le drame',
12-21). He emphasizes how the human soul is a reflection of the absolute
oneness of God: Haec prima sapientia est in animarum typis diuinarum uirtu-
tum intellegere naturas et corporis dispositionem, in qua obligatum coelum
uidetur et terra omnesque principatus saeculi uidentur adstricti (1-3). This
operation of understanding the oneness of God through the souls is con-
trolled and promoted by the saints: sanctorum uero dispositiones superare
(3-4). Then Priscillian describes, according to a typical Platonic mythology,
the transmigration presided over by the patriarchs of the soul into flesh,
which was created with the consent of the angels, God, and all the souls: Nam
primum circulum et mittendarum in carne animarum diuinum chirographum,
angelorum et dei et omnium animarum consensibus fabricatum patriarchae
tenent (4-6). The final sentence (6-7), which is unfortunately truncated,
seems to refer to the patriarchs again, but the qui which introduces it might
also refer to another element which was in the truncated part of the sentence.
This is what Schepss seems to suggest in his edition, where he uses a semi-
colon before qui (cf. 6), while Daur considers qui the relative of patriarchae
308 Commentary
and uses a comma befare it (CCSL 49:159.50). In my opinion the qui intro-
duces new characters different from the patriarchae, characters 'who in turn
control the work of the natural host', i.e. the elements of the firmament: qui
contra formalis militiae opus possident (6). These characters may be a different
rank of angels or spiritual powers.
On the Trinity of Catholic Faith (De Trinitate
Fidei Catholicae)
On the Trinity of Catholic Faith was discovered in a single manuscript of Laon
(Laon, Bibliotheque de Laon, 113, (IX century), fols. 1'-13v) by C. H. Turner,
fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford, in about 1905. G. Morin, to whom the
text was submitted in view of a possible publication in one of his series of
Anecdota, found it not very interesting: 'Il faut avouer que l'opuscule De
Trinitate, la premiere fois que j'en pris connaissance, me parut d'assez
mediocre intéret: ce texte était par endroits si affreusement défiguré, la suite
des pensées si difficile asaisir; tout au plus méritait-il de voir le jour, a raison
de la tournure étrange des citations bibliques sürement indépendantes de la
Vulgate hiéronymienne' (Morin, 'Traité priscillianiste', 153). Later on, Morin
submitted the text to the attention of T. Zahn, who noticed the evident
similarity of its language with that of the Würzburg tractates. In 1913 Morin
finally published the text, and listed in his detailed introduction all the
identical or similar words and expressions found in it and the Würzburg
tractates.
On the Trinity of Catholic Faith (De Trinitate Fidei Catholicae) can be briefly
described as a detailed exposé of the Priscillianist Monarchian doctrine on the
Trinity, which is never expounded or discussed in a systematic and articulate
way in the Würzburg tractates. Therefore it is extremely interesting and
significant from a historical-theological point of view. On the other hand, its
importan ce as a literary piece of work is unquestionably inferior, beca use its
style, rhythm, and use of syntax are in general quite awkward and tedious,
and the language is often extremely obscure. Its paternity can be safely
attributed to an anonymous Priscillianist probably writing just after
Priscillian's death, between the last years of the fourth century and the first of
the fifth ( cf. also Introduction, 19-20).
1-19 In terris uisus est . .. nisi filium patremque non posse?: in these opening
lines the Priscillianist writer immediately reveals his typically Monarchian
conception of the Trinity: the invisible God showed himself to human beings
in the Son, i.e. appeared on earth in the form of the Son: Alioquin quemad-
Commentary / 309
modum inuisibilem deum, quem nema uidit unquam, scire aut uidere possumus,
nisi ipse no bis se ostendisset in filio (De Trinitate, 2-3 ); cf. Tractate XI: inuisibi-
lis in patre, uisibilis in filio (13-14). In addition, he also demonstrates that
God 'comes as Son of the Father andas firstborn among brothers. He says in
Ps 21:23, 'I will proclaim your name to my brothers', but in Is 8:18, 'Behold, I
and the sons whom God gave me'. The same person cannot have both sons
and brothers unless he is father and son. Accordingly, Father and Son are
names for the same person' (Chadwick, Priscillian, 1O1): cf. De Trinitate, 11-
18. A very similar concept is found in Tractate XI, in which Priscillian invokes
God by calling him tu animarum pater, tu frater filiis, tu filius fratribus (22): cf.
Morin, 'Traité Priscillianiste', 159.
5 in nobis?: I have added a question-mark after in nobis, since this phrase
appears to close logically a direct interrogative sentence: see also Mercati,
Opere M., 508.
19-50 Pulchre igitur ait ... quae uult ipse sibi loquitur: the Joahannine
prologue is the basis to prove the absolute unity of God. God is Word. Word is
sense and sound, intellect and speech. The Father represents the Lagos as
intellect, the Son as uttered word: they cannot be separated because they are
indivisible parts of the same reality: cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 101; for a very
detailed and clever analysis ofthis passage, see Orbe, 'Doctrina', 510-32.
28 quem: Merca ti pro poses to emend quem into aliquem, which would be
definitely more natural in Latin: cf. Mercati, Opere M., 508-9. However,
aliquem seems not to fit in with the logical development of the argument
expounded by the author. I presume that here the relative quem is simply used
with the value of a demonstrative, and I have translated itas 'that'.
50-73 Audi qui loquitur . .. tamquam si umquam careri posset, euellere: after
describing God in his aspects of Father and Son, and the role which each of
these aspects plays in the absolute unity and perfection of the godhead, the
author passes to a depiction of the Holy Spirit. In the Priscillianist Trinity
the Holy Spirit appears to be identified with God's Wisdom, namely with the
expression of the will of the Father: Sapientia enim opus uoluntatis et uerbi
spiritus sancti forma, cum perfecto orbe laetaretur, agnitionem inuisibilis dei per
uisibilia uisibilibus ostendens, factorem per Jacta [for the emendation of per-
fecta into per Jacta, see below: 56]) declarat (54-6). At the same time, it is the
agent that enables human beings to acquire a certain knowledge of God,
namely the Holy Spirit leads human senses to a knowledge first of the Son
and then of the Father through Wisdom, which is another name of the Holy
Spirit itself. Orbe has summarized with extreme clarity this concept: 'El
(Padre) Invisibile se torna visibile en el Hijo (Cristo), "imagen visibile del dios
invisibile". Mientras el Hijo Visibile se hace sensibile (saludablemente) para el
310 Commentary
hombre, con la efusión del Espíritu Santo. Viceversa, por camino contrario, el
hombre acoge en fe al Espíritu Santo, esto es, a la Sabiduría operante "sensi-
bus nostris"; con la Sabiduría conoce al Hijo Visibile, y por él ("per filium")
sube gradualmente al Conocimiento del Padre' ('The Invisible (Father)
becomes visible on the Son (Christ). "visible image of the invisible god".
While the Visible Son makes himself sensible (to bring salvation) for man,
with the effusion of the Holy Spirit. Vice versa, by a reverse process, man
receives in faith the Holy Spirit, that is, Wisdom operating sensibus nostris, by
Wisdom he recognizes the Visible Son, and through him (per filium) he
gradually ascends to knowledge of the Father': Orbe, 'Doctrina', 537). It is
unquestionable that this system centred on a progressive approach to the
knowledge of God through the Holy Spirit repeats certain typical ideas of
Neoplatonism.
78-83 Quod si nos ipsi aliud non sumus . .. et sine ipso factum est nihil?: in
order to clarify again the nature of God, who appears to have different aspects
or components, the author makes a parallel with human personality, which is
made of different indivisible and inseparable components all working
together in harmony. It is interesting to notice how another Spanish author
chronologically close to our text, Potamius of Lisbon (second half of the
fourth century), makes a parallel between the different components of
human body (not of human personality) and the Trinity in order to clarify
how the the different persons of the Trinity work in perfect harmony: cf.
Potamius of Lisbon, Epistula de Substantia, 356-638, CCSL 69A:241-63.
83-98 Sequitur deinde ... in deo aliquando non fieret: 'All that has come
from God remains in God, because God is life, without beginning and with-
out end. It is mere secular sophistry to say that life, which is in God and is
made from God, once was not in God' (Chadwick, Priscillian, 1O1). The
impression deriving from this passage, which Chadwick has brilliantly
summarized in his monograph, is that of a sort of Pantheistic or Monistic
vision of God, which seems to be a natural consequence of Priscillianist
Monarchianism, and is actually attested also in the Würzburg tractates: cf.
Tract. VII, 22-7; X, 16-19.
98-113 Unius igitur dei patris . .. an rationem quoque fidei nostrae?: the life
that comes from the Father is known in the Son, and this life that is known in
the Son is the Holy Spirit. Therefore, the Holy Spirit is of crucial importance
as the basis of Christian faith, beca use it reveals itself as the life in its eternally
saving form. At the same time, this life which comes from the Father and
is known in the Son demonstrates that the Father and the Son are one
God, because they have the same life in common: cf. also Chadwick,
Priscillian, 10 l.
Commentary 1 311
113-82 Certe enim subditus patri est ... quoniam in me pater: this long
passage comments in detail on John 10:38, Scitote quoniam in me pater, et ego
in patre. After analysing what is the position of the Son in the divine economy
and his apparent subordination to the Father, and then the action of the Son
in the world and the problem ofhis apparent passibility, the author concludes
that there is absolute equality between the Father and the Son, an equality
that can only reveal the one God, who is not passible nor affected by earthly
reality in any way. He says that, if we conceived the Father and the Son as
two distinct persons, we might believe that in John 10:38 the evangelist is
describing the Father and the Son as two vases which are contained one inside
the other, but this is pure nonsense. The truth is in the oneness of God, who
cannot be separated into persons, but assumes the role and aspects that his
different functions and actions require.
182-236 Itemque dici de filio legimus ... et pater in me: the divine truth
contained in John 10:38 (Scitote quoniam in me pater, et ego in patre) is now
expounded and confirmed through further biblical parallels. The Priscillianist
author especially concentrates on the words of Col1:15, which state that the
image of the Son is the 'image of the invisible God'. His conclusion is that
'the Father is only seen in the Son, and the Son does nothing different from
the Father' (cf. 232-3: Testatur patrem nisi in filio non uideri, nec filium
aliud agere quam patrem), so that there is perfect identity between the Father
and the Son, who are both aspects of the one God. This is the actual meaning
of the words: in me pater, et ego in patre.
236-89 Addidit deinde: Uerba quae ego loquor ... qui est patris et filii: this
passage focuses on a detailed analysis of Deut 19:15 (in duobus et tribus
testibus totius uerbi constare rationem), which is also quoted in Mt 18:16 and 2
Cor 13: l. In the first place it must be noticed that the Priscillianist author
follows the text of the Vetus Latina (LXX) and 2 Cor 13:1 (cf. also Tract. III,
31, where Priscillian himself uses this same quotation in the same form),
which reads in duobus et tribus instead of in duobus veZ tribus, which is
attested in both Mt 18:16 and the Vulgate (cf. also Morin, 'Traité priscil-
lianiste', 167). On the basis of the text of Deuteronomy, the author gives an
organic role in the Trinity to the Holy Spirit that is indispensable in the divine
economy and cannot be 'separated by any gap of distinction from the body of
the two', i.e. of the Father and the Son: ut nullo interuallo distinctionis alicuius
a duorum corpore separetur (284-5).
In the course of the fourth century the Fathers appear to conceive the
Trinity as a mostly twofold entity, in which the role of the Holy Spirit is
marginal and secondary. Only with Gregory of Nyssa's De Spiritu Sancto, and
the formulas of the Council of Constantinople (381), does the role of the
312 Commentary
Holy Spirit in the Trinity assume a precise and definitive profile. Our text
seems to be influenced in its language by Gregory of Nyssa's De Spiritu
Sancto. The same definition of the Holy Spirit as 'being of the Father and the
Son' (Greg. Nys. De Spir. Sane. 2) we find also at the end of our passage:
nihilominus additur spiritus sanctus, qui patris et filii (288-9). This may
place the possible date of composition of our text at the very end of the fourth
century or early fifth.
From the linguistic point of view, we can notice the use of a hapax, namely
the verb expedito (268): cf. A Blaise, Dictionnaire Latin-Fran~ais des auteurs
chrétiens (Strasbourg, 1954), 332; and the extremely rare verb obseruio (276):
cf. TLL IX.2, 201-2.
Finally it is worth mentioning that in Priscillian's Canones (Can. XLVI) the
text of Deut 19:15 is paraphrased in the form: duorum uel trium testimonio,
which can be easily explained as a correction by Peregrinus.
289-359 Quin etiam hoc ipso ... non posse se praedicat: two important ideas
already expounded in the previous sections of the tractate are here repeated
and confirmed by using, as usual, further biblical parallels. The first idea
concerns the role of the Holy Spirit as the agent that enables human beings to
acquire a certain knowledge of God (cf. above, Comm. 50-73): this idea is
repeated and summarized here through a quotation of Jn 16:13: In omnem,
ait, ueritatem deducet uos spiritus missus a patre (333-4). The second idea
concerns the role of the Holy Spirit as an indispensable and essential com-
ponent of the Trinity (cf. above, Comm. 236-89). Again the author uses Jn
16:13+ 14 to repeat and confirm this decisive argument: et quamuis diuidi ab
eo non possit spiritus dei peculiaris, tamen additur monentis iteratio, qua ait:
'Non enim loquetur a se, sed quaecumque audierit loquetur, et adnuntiabit
uobis. Ille me honorabit, quía de meo accipiet.' Ecce plena symboli fides: pater et
filius et spiritus sanctus unus est deus (334-8).
359-90 Ait enim apostolus . .. in eo nomen patris agnosci: in this passage the
Priscillianist author appears to consider Father, Son, and Holy Spirit as mere
names of God: Spiritus sanctus nomen est filii: item filius nomen est patris, et
filii pater (364-5). Not only there is no real division into persons, but not even
into names, if the names of Father, Son, and Holy Spirit can be indifferently
used to indica te each aspect of the single, united godhead. This passage has
particularly attracted the attention of scholars because of the presence of an
unidentified biblical quotation (Ait enim apostolus: Nomen patris est filius,
itemque filii pater, 359-60; cf. also 374-5), which can only belong toan apoc-
ryphal text. According to Morin, this quotation confirms that the Priscillian-
ists made a free use of apocryphal works, according to the principies
expounded by Priscillian himself in Tractate III. Morin also sees a parallel of
Commentary 1 313
our quotation in Tractate III, 101-3, which reads: qui apostolis suis symbolum
tradens, quod fuit est et futurum erat, in se et in symbolo suo monstrans nomen
patris filium itemque fili patrem, ne Binionitarum error ualeret edocuit (cf.
Morin, 'Traité Priscillianiste', 167-8; Chadwick, Priscillian, 87).
Unfortunately, it has not been possible to locate this quotation in the form
used in On the Trinity in any of the available apocryphal texts. M. Zahn and
E. von Dobschütz, in letters sent to Morin, suggest that the quotation must
be from one of the apocryphal Acts of the Apostles, and indica te the closest
parallel in Acta Johannis 109 (R. A. Lipsius, and M. Bonnet, Acta Apostolo-
rum Apocrypha, II.l (Leipzig, 1891-1903; repr. Darmstadt 1959), 207,
line 9; CCSA 1:301.3-5). They also believe that, since large sections of the
apocryphal Acts of the Apostles are lost, it is likely that our quotation was in
one of those lost sections (cf. Morin, 'Traité priscillianiste', 168). In their
detailed commentary on Acta Iohannis, included in their edition for the
Corpus Christianorum, Junod and Kaestli surprisingly appear to ignore
the Priscillianist tractate On the Trinity, which they do not even mention
(cf. CCSA 1:300, n. 1).
390-451 Quod nisi ita est ... profecto sine filio inuisibilis est?: one of the
typical motifs of the Würzburg tractates, namely that of the limitations of
human mind (cf. Tract. IV, 1-17; VI, 1-15; X, 49-62; XI, 11-21), which needs
to be guided and helped in order to grasp the profundity of the divine truths,
is repeated and developed through different biblical quotations in this long
passage. The conclusion of the Priscillianist author is that, 'since invisible
things are only proven to human weakness through visible ones, after the
Father has been grasped through faith, the Son comprehended through know-
ledge completes the understanding of the one God', i.e. through the use of
visible examples the weak mind of humans can be led to the knowledge of
God: !taque quía infirmitati humanae inuisibilia nisi uisibilibus non probantur,
postquam fide conceptus est pater, scientia filius comprehensus perfici intelli-
gentiam unius dei (444-6).
452-527 Ubi enim inueniri potest ... ipse se monstrat: this section of the
tractate is centred on the contrast between the incompleteness of the age of
the law and the fullness of the Christian era, when the faithful have been
finally made capable of achieving a complete faith, i.e. the knowledge of the
Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit: sed fidei ipsius plenitudo desideratur,
patrem et filium et spiritum sanctum, hunc unum deum scire, quem credidit
(506-7). Now, this new faith in full form is only given by the Son, and
therefore for human beings 'the perfection of the entire divine comprehen-
sion and recognition is the Son who, as he can show us the Father, reveals
himself as well': Complementum itaque nobis totius diuinae intelligentiae
314 Commentary
atque agnitionis est filius: qui, ut patrem no bis potest ostendere, ipse se monstrat
(525-7).
527-629 Ait enim: Qui audit ... in saecula saeculorum. Amen: the motif of
the limitations of the human mind is resumed and brought to completion in
this final section of the tractate. What is particularly interesting is the way in
which the author individuates in human psychology the origin of doubt and
error. Since human beings are unable to take their minds off what is visible
and material, they cannot conceive what is invisible and divine. Now, the task
of the Son was that of leading the mind of people from his visible image to
the eterna!, divine and invisible image of the Father, i.e. to the image of the
one God: Sciet [sc.fidelis], inquit [se. Christus], hunc, quemfilium credit, esse
unum deum: uidebit, in memetipso utique, quem legem accipiens propheta
quaerebat (557-8). So only through Christ and after his advent were people
allowed to reach a full knowledge of God, whom they finally recognized as the
one God in his roles of Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. The openly Monarchian
outlook of the author is summarized again in the final words of the tractate,
where it can be noticed that he uses the names of Pater and Dominus instead
of Pater and Filius: Et unus nobis deus, in nomine patris et domini: patris
utique qua genuit, domini qua redemit (627-8).
Prologues of the Monarchians (Prologi Monarchianorum)
The so-called Prologues of the Monarchians, which are included in a large
number of manuscripts of the Vulgate (more than 100), were actually
ascribed to the Priscillianists only at the beginning of twentieth century, when
J. Chapman carefully compared them with the text of the Würzburg tractates
published by Schepss (cf. J. Chapman, 'Priscillian the Author of the
Monarchian Prologues to the Vulgate Gospels', RB 23 (1906), 335-49; id.,
Notes, 217-88), and demonstrated that the two works were unquestionably
linked from both the linguistic and doctrinal point of view. After listing a long
series of parallels between the Prologues and the Würzburg tractates
(cf. Chapman, Notes, 241-50), Chapman writes, 'The heresy of Priscillian-
Monarchianism, Panchristism, Apollinarism-is accurately given in the Pro-
logues. It is given in Priscillian's own words, his own favourite expressions
being employed' (ibid. 250-1). Chapman claims also that the style of the
Prologues and the tractates is very similar (cf. ibid. 251-3 ), but I disagree
with his opinion. I believe that, beyond the general similarities due to the
literary genre and the typical characterics of late Latin, the Prologues present
an undeniably naive and sometimes awkward style, which removes them
from the dense, complicated, and often involved diction of the Würzburg
Commentary 1 315
trac~ates, and suggests that they may have been written for a more popular
aud1ence. If I can make a comparison, I would say that the Prologues are
to the Würzburg tractates as the Corpus Hermeticum is to the Dialogues of
Plato.
Before Chapman's ground-breaking work, the Prologues were believed to
date from the beginning of the third century: cf. E. von Dobschütz, Studien
zur Textkritik der Vulgata (Leipzig, 1894), 35-7; P. Corssen, Monarchianische
Prologe zu den vier Evangilien: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Kanons, Texte
und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Litteratur 15
(Leipzig, 1~96), 5-10. Now that their unquestionable Priscillianist origi~ has
been estabhshed, I would suggest that they, just like On the Trinity, date from
an early phase of Priscillinianism: their linguistic affinity with the tractates is
ext_remely close, and this excludes the possibility that they might have been
wntten at a later date. My hypothesis is that they might have been written by
Priscillianist teachers who preached among both educated and uneducated
people, and therefore tried to give their writings a more popular style and
approach (cf. also Introduction, 20-1).
Prologue to the Gospel of Matthew
1-13 Mattheus ex iudaea sicut ... deus christus est: after an introduction in
typical popular hagiographical style, in which he reports a few details of
Matthew' s biography ( 1-3), the author explains how the evangelist organized
the genealogy leading to Christ, which he divided into three sections of four-
teen generations (quaternario denario numero triformiter pasito, 6): cf. Chap-
man, Notes, 223. The first section begins with Abraham, whose circumcision
was in the flesh (cuius prima circumcisio in carne, 4), the second with David,
whose_election was according to the heart (cuius secundum cor electio fuit, 5),
the ~h1rd with the transmigration to Babylon (a transmigratione usque in
Chnstum, 8), which also signifies the final conversion to Christ. The author
a~ds that Matthew demonstrated how Christ was responsible from the begin-
nmg for all these generations ( Christi operantis a principio testimonium non
negaret, 11), beca use he was in the fathers, i.e. he was the cause of the exist-
ence of the fathers (in patribus christus, 5).
Chadwick supposes that this section of the Prologue to Matthew has its
closest parallel in Tractates I, 537-59 and III, 179, and suggests that the
Priscillianists considered 'the gospel genealogy as being in sorne way related
to the Lord' s predestination of his elect from the beginning of the world and
to the universal outpouring of the prophetic Spirit' (Chadwick, Priscillian,
104). I think that it is quite difficult to talk here of predestination of the elect
which is an issue that seems to be quite distant from the mentality of th~
316 Commentary
Priscillianists. What is very evident, in my opmwn, is the typical pan-
Christism of Priscillianist Monarchianism, which is openly declared at the
end of the passage: quarum omnium rerum tempus, ardo, numerus, dispositio,
veZ ratio, quod fidei necessarium est, deus Christus est ( 12-13 ).
13-17 Qui factus ex muliere factus ... quia unus est: in this passage the
attention of scholars has been especially attracted by the sentence: omnia in
cruce fixit ut, triumphans ea in semet ipso, resurgens in corpore, et patris nomen
in patribus filio et filii nomen patri restituerat in filiis, sine principio, sine fine,
ostendens unum se cum patre esse, quia unus est (14-17). Both Chadwick and
Chapman admit its extreme obscurity, and their conclusion is that it signifies
a complete identification of the Father with the Son. Chadwick also adds that
'the doctrine that Christ wrought redemption by "fixing all things to the
cross" is characteristic of the Würzburg Tractates (cf. Tract. I, 245-6; IV,
51-6; VI, 156-7)' (Chadwick, Priscillian, 104-5; cf. Chapman, Notes,
224). I certainly agree with this interpretation, but think that also the first part
of the passage should be taken into consideration, where Christ is defined as
factus ex muliere: qui factus est ex muliere, factus sub lege, natus ex virgine,
passus in carne (13-14). I think that the Priscillianist author shows here a sort
of popular Christology, which seems to ignore the terminology of the Arian
controversy, where the expression factus, when referred to the Son, had a very
precise meaning. He appears to describe, through a naive and oversimplified
language, a sharp distinction between the natures of Christ: Christ is perfectly
identified with the Father in his divine nature, but his bodily nature was made
in order to be used within the dimensions of time and reality. The author
seems to suggest that there are not two perfectly harmonious natures, divine
and human, but there is God who uses a body, which was made.
17-23 In qua euangelio utile ... quaerentibus non tacere: the final exhort-
ation to those who desire God 'to know the first, the middle, and the perfect
things': utile est desiderantibus deum sic prima vel media veZ perfecta cognoscere
(17-18) refers to the different and complementarylevels ofknowledge, which
the faithful attain within the Priscillianist gro u p. The content and tone of this
sentence seem to corroborate the hypothesis that the Prologues were used for
preaching or within a Priscillianist school. Frequent parallels can be found in
the tractates, where the same sentence is used in different contexts: cf. Tract.
JI, 40-1; V, 110-15; VI, 178-80; 231; X, 25 (cf. also Chadwick, Priscillian, 105).
Prologue to the Cospel of ]ohn
25-50 Hic est iohannes euangelista ... deo magisterii doctrina seruetur: in
this prologue the hagiographical content largely prevails over the theological,
so that the author concentrates on the details ofJohn's life and especially on
Commentary 1 317
his virginity, which made him Jesus' beloved disciple: prae ceteris dilectus a deo
dicitur (28). It is quite evident, in my opinion, that the author wants to
summarize in this prologue the moral principies of Priscillianism, which are
centred on a rigorous asceticism, of which virginity is the most glorious
aspect (cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 105-6). The expression: uerbum caro factum
esse (31) is well attested in Hilary, and confirms the influence of this author
on early Priscillianist literature: cf. Hil. De Syn. 49.12, PL 10:516B; Tract. sup.
Psal. 53.4, PL 9:339B.
Prologue to the Cospel of Luke
52-9 Lucas Syrus natione ... alia esse descripta: the Prologue on Luke begins
with the usual hagiographical introduction, which is common to all the
Prologues of the Monarchians. The death of Luke in Bithynia belongs to a
secondary tradition (he is usually said to have died in Boeotia): cf. Chadwick,
Priscillian, 106; T. Zahn, Kommentar zum Neuen Testament: III, Das
Evangelium des Lucas (Leipzig, 1913), 17, n. 3.
59-71 Cui extra ea quae ardo ... iter praebebat in Christo: the Priscillianist
writer explains the reasons that prompted Luke to write his gospel. The first
was that of revealing to the Greeks the advent of Christ, and keeping them
safe from the seductions of Judaism and heresy: ea maxime necessitas laboris
fuit, ut primum Graecis fidelibus om ni perfectione venturi in carnem dei mani-
festata, ne Iudaicis fabulis intenti in solo legis desiderio tenerentur neve hereticus
fabulis et stultis sollicitationibus seducti excederent a veritate, elaboraret
(59-63). The second was that of demonstrating the indivisibility of God
(indispartibilis deus), who appeared in the aspect and under the name of
Christ to redeem humanity throughout its entire history, from the age of
perfection, i.e. the Christian age, back to the first man, i.e. Adam: dehinc ut
in principio evangelii Iohannis nativitate praesumpta cui evangelium scriberet et
in qua electus scriberet indicaret, contestans in se completa esse quae essent
ab aliis inchoata. Cuí ideo post baptismum filii dei a perfectione generationis
in Christo impletae et repetendae a principio nativitatis humanae potestas
permissa est, ut requirentibus demonstraret, in qua adprehendens erat, per
Nathan filium introitu recurrentis in deum generationis admisso, indispartibilis
deus praedicans in hominibus Christum suum perfecti opus hominis redire in se
per filium faceret, qui per David patrem venientibus iter praebebat in Christo
(63-71).
71-9 Cuí Lucae non immerito ... fastidientibus prodidisse: this final passage
refers to Luke's task of writing the Acts of the Apostles. After Christ's ascen-
sion (deo in deum pleno, 73: cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 107), the final number
of the apostles was completed with the conversion of Paul, who brought
318 Commentary
Christianity to the Greeks. Therefore Luke, whose gospel was written for the
sake of the Greeks, was the most suitable author of the Acts.
Prologue to the Cospel of Mark
81-5 Marcus euangelista dei ... deberet et Christo: in his hagiographical
introduction the author reports the usual biographical details on Mark (his
being Peter's son by baptism and his previous role as a Levite), derived from
Acts 4:36 and Col4:10: cf. Chadwick, Priscillian, 107.
85-92 Nam initium principii in uoce ... in consonantibus perdiderat, inu-
eniret: the Christology expounded in this passage appears to be a variant of
the primitive Logos-Sarx doctrine: the Word animates the body of Christ. A
very similar idea is expressed in the Prologue of Matthew: cf. above Comm.
on 13-17; see also Chadwick, Priscillian, 108: 'The implied doctrine here
looks close to the Christology of Tractate VII (90-1) where "our God
assumed flesh, taking to himself the form of God and man, that is of a divine
soul and earthly flesh". Except in a loose and generalised sense, it is not quite
precise to label the doctrine "Apollinarian", though no doubt what is meant is
precisely that the divine nature is the animating principie of the body derived
from Mary.'
A difficult expression is: in se verbum vocis quod in consonantibus perdiderat
inveniret (91-2). What are the consonants to which the author is referring?
Sedulius Scotus supposed that the author was referring to the Synoptic Gos-
pels (cf. Sed. Scot. Expl. in Praef S. Hier. ad Evan., PL 103:283A), but his
hypothesis has been rejected by both Chapman and Chadwick (cf. Chapman,
Notes, 234; Chadwick, Priscillian, 108). I believe that Chadwick is right in
suggesting that the reference is actually to the 'consonantal text of the Hebrew
Old Testament', which 'is given its fulfilment and true meaning by a vocalisa-
tion which the coming of Christ supplies' (Chadwick, Priscillian, 108).
92-106 Denique et perfecti ... praestat deus est: after concentrating the
theological contents in the centre of the prologue, as usual the author closes
his writings with more hagiographical details (the amputation of the
thumb and the election to the see of Alexandria: denique amputasse sibi
post fidem pollicem dicitur ut sacerdotio reprobus haberetur; sed tantum con-
sentiens fidei praedestinata potuit electio, ut nec sic in opere verbi perderet
quod prius meruerat in genere, nam Alexandriae episcopus fuit, 98-101), and
a moral maxim or exhortation to the reader: quae et nos primum requiri
dehinc inquisita volumus agnosci, habentes mercedem exhortationis, quoniam
qui plantat et qui rigat unum sunt, qui autem incrementum praestat deus est
(103-6).
1
Select Bibliography
Works by Priscillian
(1) Genuine Works
Editions
(a) Tractates; Canons on the Letters of the Apostle Paul; Fragment Quoted by Orosius
G. Schepss (ed.), Priscilliani quae supersunt maximam partem nuper detexit adiectisque
commentariis criticis et indicibus primus edidit Georgius Schepss. Accedit Orosii
Commonitorium de errare Priscillianistarum et Origenistarum, Corpus Scriptorum
Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, 18 (Vienna, 1889), 3-106, 109-47, 153.
(b) Tractates and Canons on the Letters of the Apostle Paul
PLS II: 1391-1413 (Canons)
PLS II: 1413-1483 (Tractates)
(e) Tractatus XI
L. C. Mohlberg (ed.), Missale Gallicanum Ve tus (Cod. Va t. PaZ. La t. 493 ), in Verbinding
mit L. Eizenhüfer und P. Siffrin, Rerum Ecclesiasticarum documenta. Series Maior,
Fontes 3 (Rome, 1958), 103-105.
(d) Canons on the Letters of the Apostle Paul
A. Mai, Spicilegium Romanum, IX (Rome, 1843), 744-63.
J. Wordsworth and H. J. White, Nouum Testamentum Domini Nostri Iesu Christi Latine
secundum editionem Sancti Hieronymi, vol. II,1 (Oxford, 1913), 17-32.
D. De Bruyne, Préfaces de la Bible latine (Namur, 1920), 224-34.
(e) Fragment Quoted by Orosius
K.-D. Daur (ed.), Aurelii Augustini Opera, XV,3, Corpus Christianorum Series Latina,
49 (Turnhout, 1985), 159.
Translations
(a) Tractates and Canons on the Letters of the Apostle Paul
A. B. J. M. Goosen, Achtergronden van Priscillianus' christelijke ascese, 2 vals.
(Nijmegen, 1976), ii. 270-368.
B. Segura Ramos, Prisciliano: Tratados y cánones, Preámbulo, traducción y notas de
B. Segura Ramos, Biblioteca de visionarios, heterodoxos y marginados, 1 (Madrid,
1975).
(b) Tractate V
A. Orbe, 'Heterodoxia del [Priscilliani] Tractatus Genesis', Hispania Sacra, 33 (1981),
286-94.
320 Select Bibliography Select Bibliography 1 321
(e) Fragment Quoted by Orosius daemonum, De cura pro mortuis gerenda, De patientia, Corpus Scriptorum
H. Chadwick, Priscillian of Avila: The Occult and the Charismatic in the Early Church Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, 41 (Vienna, 1900), 467-528.
(Oxford, 1976), 192.
C. L. Hanson, Pacían of Barcelona, Orosius of Braga, Iberian Fathers, vol. 3, Fathers of (2) The So-called Apocrypha Priscillianista
the Church, Catholic University of America (Washington, DC, 1999).
Editions

(a) Collectarium de diuersis sententiis, Apocalypsis, Sermo Sancti Augustini Episcopi,

(2) Spurious Works Homilía de die Iudici, De parabolis Salomonis, Líber 'canon in ebreica' Hieronimi
Editions presbiteri
D. De Bruyne, 'Fragments retrouvés d'apocryphes priscillianistes', RB 24 (1907),
(a) On the Trinity 318-35.
G. Morin, 'Traité priscillianiste inédit sur la Trinité', in Études, textes, découvertes: PLS 2:1508-1522.
contributions a la littérature et a l'histoire des douze premiers siecles, I (Maresdous,
1913), 151-205 (Latin text, pp. 178-205). (b) Consensoria Monachorum
PLS II:1487-1507. D. De Bruyne, 'La Regula Consensoria. Una regle des moines priscillianistes', RB 25
(1908), 83-8.
(b) Monarchian Prologues
J. Wordsworth and H. J. White, Nouum Testamentum Do mini Nostri Iesu Christi Latine (3) Epistula Tití de Dispositione Sanctimonii
secundum editionem Sancti Hieronymi, vol. I (Oxford, 1889-98), 15-17 (Matthew),
171-3 (Mark), 269-71 (Luke), 485-7 (John). Editions
P. Corssen, Monarchianische Prologe zu den vier Evangilien: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte D. De Bruyne, 'Epistula Titi, discipuli Pauli, de Dispositione Sanctimonii', RB 37
des Kanons, Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Littera- (1925), 47-72.
tur, 15 (Leipzig, 1896), 5-10. PLS 2:1522-42.
J. Chapman, Notes on the Early History of the Vulgate Gospels (Oxford, 1908),
217-22. (4) Apocalypsis Thomae
H. Lietzmann, 'Das Muratorische Fragment und die monarchianischen Prologe zu Edition
den Evangelien', in Kleine Texte l, (1902); repr. in K. Aland, Synopsis Quattuor P. Bihilmeyer, 'Un texte non interpolé de l'Apocalypse de Thomas', RB 28 (1911),
Evangeliorum (Stuttgart, 1964), 547-8. 270-82.
D. De Bruyne, Préfaces de la Bible latine (Namur, 1920), 170-4.
(5) Fragmentum de Creatione Mundi
Translations
Editions
Monarchian Prologues A. Dold and L. Eizenhüfer, Das Prager Sakramentar (Cod. O. 83, Fol. 1-20, der
J. Chapman, Notes on the Early History of the Vulgate Gospels (Oxford, 1908), 225-6, Bibliothek des Metropolitankapitels), Texte und Arbeiten. Abt. 1, Beitrage zur
228-9,231-2,235-6. Ergründung des alteren lateinischen christlichen Schrifttums und Gottesdienstes,
2 vols. (Beuron in Hohénzollern, 1944-9), 185-7.
PLS 2:1484-5.
Writings from the Priscillianist Milieu Written After Priscillian's Death
(1) Dictinius (6) Vita S. Heliae
Editions Edition
Fr. Lezius, 'Die "Libra" des Priszillianisten Diktinius von Astorga', in Abhandlungen G. Antolín, 'Estudios de códices visigodos: Códice a. II.9. de la Biblioteca del Escoriar,
für A. van Oettingen (Munich, 1898), 113-24. BRAH 54 (1909), 122-8, 204-46, 265.
J. Zycha (ed.), Augustinus: De fide et symbolo, De fide et operibus, De agone christiano,
De continentia, De bono coniugali, De virginitate, De bono viduitatis, De adulterinis
coniugiis, De mendacio, Contra mendacium, De opere monachorum, De divinatione
322 Select Bibliography
(7) Tractatus de Ratione Paschae
Edition
C. W. Barlow, Martini episcopi Bracarensis opera omnia (New Haven, 1950), 270-275.
Ancient Sources
Acta Concilii Caesaragustani, PL 84:315-18; Critica! edition: F. Rodríguez, "Concilio
I de Zaragoza: Texto Crítico", in Primiero Concilio Caesaraugustano: MDC ani-
versario (Zaragoza, 1981).
Acta Concilii Toletani I, PL 84:327-34; Critica! edition in H. Chadwick, Priscillian of
Avila: The Occult and the Charismatic in the Early Church (Oxford, 1976), 234-239.
Ambrose, De Pide, PL 16:523-698; CSEL 78.
- - De Spiritu Sancto, PL 16:697-816; CSEL 79.
- - Epistulae, PL 16:875-1286; CSEL 82,1-3.
Augustine, Ad Consentium contra mendacium, PL 40:517-548.
- - Ad Orosium contra Priscillianistas et Origenistas, PL 42:669-78.
- - De Haeresibus, 70, PL 42:44.
Consentius, Epistulae ad Augustinum 11-12, in J. Divjak (ed.), Sancti Aurelii Augustini
opera: Epistulae ex duobus codicibus nuper in lucem prolatae, CSEL 88:57-80.
Hydatius, Chronicon, PL 51:870-90; SC 218-19.
Jerome, Commentarii in Isaiam, 17.64, PL 24:622-3.
- - Commentarius in Amos, 1.3, PL 25:1018.
- - Contra Vigilantium, PL 23:353-68.
- - De Uiris Inlustribus, 121-3, PL 23:750-1.
- - Epistulae, PL 22:235-1182.
- - Praefatio in Pentateuchum, PL 28:147-52.
Magnus Maximus (emperor), Epistula ad Siricium Papam, PL 13:589-92.
Orosius, Commonitorium de Errare Priscillianistarum et Origenistarum, CSEL
18:151-7.
Sulpicius Severus, Chronicorum libri duo, PL 20:95-160; SC 441.
- - Vita Martini, PL 20:159-76; SC 133-5.
- - Epistulae, 1-3, PL 20:175-84.
- - Dialogi, PL 20:183-222.
Modern Studies
Amengual Batle, J., 'Una trilogía agostiniana antipriscilianista y unas sugerencias para
una nueva cronología', REAug44.2 (1998), 205-21.
Anonimo, 'Bachiarius illustratus sive de Priscilliana Haeresi Dissertatio', in Raccolta
d'opuscoli scientifici efilologici, 27 (Venice, 1742), 61-157.
Arias, L., 'El priscilianismo en san Agustín', Augustinus, 25 (1980), 71-82.
Arnold, G. Unpartheinische Kirchen und Ketzer-Historie vom Anfang des Neuen
Testaments bis auf das Jahr Christi 1688 (Frankfurt am Main, 1699-1700).
Babut, E. Ch., Priscillien et le Priscillianisme (Paris, 1909).
Select Bibliography 1 323
Bardy, G., 'L'Église et l'einsegnement au IVe siecle', RSR 14 (1934), 525-49; 15 (1935):
1-27.
Baronius, C., Annales Ecclesiastici (Rome, 1588-1607).
Bianco, G. M., 'Tematiche astrali nei Trattati di Würzburg', SMSR 13 (1989), 223-34.
- - 'Priscilliano e le potestates ventorum', SMSR 16 (1992), 275-88.
Birley, A. R., 'Magnus Maximus and the Persecution of Heresy', BJRL 66 (1983-4),
13-43.
Blazquez Martínez, J. M., 'Prisciliano: estado de la cuestion', in Prisciliano y el
Priscilianismo, Cuadernos del norte (Oviedo, 1982), 47-52.
- - 'Prisciliano, introductor del ascetismo en Hispania', in Primero Concilio
Caesaragustano: MDC anniversario (Zaragoza, 1981), 65-121.
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 1
'

INDEX OF BIBLICAL QUOTATIONS

The abbreviation refers to the title of the work (e.g. Tract. V= Würzburg Tractate V)
and the number to the line/lines of the Latin text

Abbreviations: 33:11 Tract. V, 19-20

Tract. = Würzburg Tractates 33:13, 18 De Trinit., 559; 563; 567-8
Can. = Canons on the Letters of the Apostle 33:23 De Trinit., 577; 588-9; 593
Paul 34:33 De Trinit., 589-90
De Trinit. = On the Trinity of Catholic Faith
Pral. = Prologues of the Monarchians Leviticus
11:13,44 Tract. I, 81-2
Genesis
1:1 Tract. V, 55 Numbers
1:3 Tract. V, 59; Tract. V, 108 23:22 Tract. I, 391
1:21 Tract. V, 69 24:7-9 Tract. I, 438-43
1:26 Tract. I, 63-64; Tract. X, 135; 24:9 Tract. I, 151
De Trinit., 620 25:11 Tract. IX, 14
1:26, 27; 2:7 Tract. I, 318-20
1:27 Tract. V, 68; De Trinit., 623-24 Deuteronomy
1:27-28 Tract. I, 473-74 5:6-8 Tract. II, 95-8
2:7 Tract. I, 319-20 6:4 Tract. I, 37; II, 83-4
3:16 Tract. I, 322-23 14:12 Tract. I, 81-2
4:24 Tract. I, 294 19:15 Tract. III, 30-1; De Trinit., 253; 256;
6:16 De Trinit., 271-272 258
25:22 Tract. X, 122 32:8 Tract. VI, 175
25:22-34 Tract. VII, 51-54
34:1 Tract. X, 179-80 Joshua
34:1-31 Tract. X, 183 3:15-17 Tract. IV, 70
49:10 Tract. X, 198-99 5:13 Tract. I, 517
5:14 Tract. I, 518
Exodus 16:10 Tract. V, 24-5
3:6 Tract. II, 65-7
3:17 De Trinit., 497 Judges
6:2-3 De Trinit., 475-76 1:29 Tract. V, 24-5
6:3 De Trinit., 594 14:18 Tract. I, 428
7:1 Tract. III, 47-8
12:3 Tract. VI, 177-8 Ruth
12:4 Tract. VIII, 12-13 4:13-17 Tract. X, 187-8
12:5 Tract. VI, 77; VI, 186
12:11 Tract. VI, 212-13 1 Samuel (1 Kings or Kingdoms)
12:13 Tract. VI, 220-3 5:2-7 Tract. X, 189-91
12:27-32 Tract. V, 14; VI, 61
20:2-4 Tract. II, 95-8 1 Kings (3 Kings or Kingdoms)
20:4 Tract. VI, 144-5 19:10 Tract. III, 64-5
22:18 Tract. I, 391
25:40 De Trinit., 587-8 2 Kings (4 Kings or Kingdoms)
29:36 Tract. VI, 193 25:9 Tract. III, 174
330
2 Chronicles
9:29 Tract. III, 131; 138
12:15 Tract. III, 140
13:22 Tract. III, 141
20:34 Tract. III, 134
25:26 Tract. III, 142
28:26 Tract. III, 144
33:18, 19 Tract. III, 144-6
4 Ezra (Hesdra)
14:21 Tract. III, 174-5
14:43 Tract. III, 181-2
Tobit
4:13 Tract. I, 551-2; Tract. III, 34-6
6:17 Tract. I, 89-90
Job
5:10 Tract. I, 395; Tract. V, 35-6
10:8-12 Tract. I, 341-5
38:31 Tract. I, 432-3
38:39-40 Tract. I, 150-2
39:9 Tract. I, 149-50
39:34 Tract. I, 156-8
40:3 Tract. I, 160-1
40:5-14 Tract. I, 161-9
40:16 Tract. I, 396-7
40:20-3 Tract. I, 152-5
41:5-7 Tract. I, 398-400
41:9-13 Tract. I, 400-4
41:20-5 Tract. I, 404-9
Psalms
1:1 Tract. VII, 3-5; VIII, 26-7
1:3 Tract. VII, 59-60; VII, 63; VII, 63-4
2:1 Tract. VIII, 28-9
2:3 Tract. I, 219; Tract. X, 15
2:4 Tract. I, 221
3:2, 1 Tract. VIII, 1-2
8:3(2) Tract. I, 431-2
8:5 Tract. XI, 44-52
18:13 Tract. X, 35
21:13-14 Tract. I, 135-7
21:16-17 Tract. I, 144-5
21:17 Tract. I, 146-7
21:23 De Trinit., 14-15
24:7 Tract. VIII, 35-6
48:13 Tract. VI, 34-5
50:5 Tract. X, 35-6; X, 87-8
59:1 Tract. X, 62-3; X, 107-8
59:3 Tract. X, 98
Index of Bíblica! Quotations
59:5-6 Tract. X, 155-6
59:6 Tract. X, 156
59:8 Tract. X, 160; X, 178; X, 193
59:9 Tract. X, 184; X, 186
59:10 Tract. X, 188: X, 189;
X, 189-91
59:11 Tract.X, 201
70:17, 19,20 Tract. X, 109-11
79:14 Tract. I, 208; I, 208-9
90:7 Tract. I, 210-11
90:13 Tract. I, 211-12
101:27-8 Tract. V, 9-11
105:30 Tract. IX, 14
110:10 Tract. I, 92-3
113:16 Tract. V, 106
115:10 Tract. III, 236
118:1 Tract. VII, 59
142:3 Tract. X, 155-6
146:4 Tract. XI, 36-37
Proverbs
5:19 Tract. I, 429
8:22-36 De Trinit., 31; 34-5
9:1 Tract. V, 116-17
16:16 Tract. I, 233
Wisdom of Solomon
2:23 Tract. XI, 61-2
7:17-21 Tract. I, 126-32
8:8 Tract. I, 93-4
9:15 Tract. V, 31-2; VI, 72-3;
VII, 33-4
10:1 De Trinit., 616
11:15-16 Tract. I, 132-5
11:16 Tract. I, 81-2
14:3 Tract. I, 435-6
17:10 Tract. I, 447
Sira eh (Ecclesiasticus)
1:18 Tract. VI, 18
2:11-12 Tract. I, 268-9
4:30 Tract. I, 141-2
6:2-3 Tract. I, 142-3
7:3 Tract. I, 223-4
15:17-18 Tract. I, 224-5: X, 151
17:30 Tract. I, 363-4; V, 34-5
34:1 Tract. X, 148
39:2 Tract. I, 93-4; I, 466
Isaiah
3:12 Tract. VII, 48-9; X, 60-2
Index of Bíblica! Quotations / 331
7:9 Tract. I, 192; De Trinit., 418 Rosea
7:14 Tract. I, 455-6; II, 51-2 2:2 Tract. I, 295-9
8:9 Tract. I, 218-19 2:6-7 Tract. I, 324-7
8:18 De Trinit., 14-16 2:9-10 Tract. I, 299-301
9:7 Tract. II, 185 2:17 Tract. I, 122-3
16:1 Tract. V, 108 2:18 Tract. I, 123-4
26:2-4 Tract. IV, 28-9 4:5-6 Tract. I, 305-6
26:18 Tract.X, 111-12 4:13, 19 Tract. I, 88-9
28:16 Tract. V, 82-6 4:14 Tract. I, 87-8
30:15 Tract. I, 467-8 13:4 Tract. VI, 185
31:9 De Trinit., 514-15 13:14 Tract. I, 33-4
35:4 Tract. I, 525-6 14:10 Tract. IX, 1-3
40:6-8 Tract. VII, 45-6; IX, 6-8
(41:2) Tract. VII, 9 Joel
42:8 Tract. I, 452-3 2:23 Tract. I, 394
43:1 Tract. XI, 36-7 2:28-32 Tract. I, 540-5
43:10-11 Tract. I, 35-6; V, 96-7
44:6 Tract. I, 34; V, 97-8 Amos
44:7 Tract. I, 35; V, 98 5:8 Tract. I, 393-4; V, 35-6
44:22 Tract. VII, 11-12
45:21 Tract. I, 33 Micah
48:11 Tract. I, 452-3 5:5 Tract. I, 225-6
53:4 Tract. I, 348-9
53:12 Tract. II, 55 Habakkuk
56:11 Tract. I, 147-8 2:1 Tract. VII, 46-8
58:6 Tract. IV, 36 2:18 Tract. I, 213-15
58:6-7 IV, 39-44 2:19 Tract. I, 206-7; III, 222-3
58:9 Tract. I, 430-1
58:10-11 Tract. IV, 44-7 Zephaniah
66:24 Tract. I, 360 3:8 Tract. II, 56
Jeremiah Malachi
2:23, 20 Tract. I, 303-4 4:5 Tract. VI, 216
17:5 Tract. II, 86-7
Matthew
Baruch 1:21 Tract. I, 465-6
3:36 Tract. I, 497-8 1:23 Tract. I, 455-6; II, 51-2
3:36-38 Tract. I, 37-40; II, 75-7; III, 105-8; 2:6 Tract. X, 198-9
V, 98-101 2:14-15 Tract. III, 80-3
3:38 DeTrinit., 5:6 Tract. V, 89
5:37 Tract. III, 4; III, 6; De Trinit., 459
Ezekiel 6:19 Tract. I, 252-3
16:3, 45 Tract. I, 305-6 7:7 Tract. VIII, 6
20:7 Tract. I, 220 8:17 Tract. VI, 116-17
36:35 Tract. V, 107 8:29 Tract. I, 61-2; II, 93-4
38: 14+ 17 Tract. III, 125-7 10:35, 36 Tract. I, 248-50
11:27 De Trinit., 453-4; 460-1; 520; 525
Daniel 12:37 Tract. I, 187-8
3:34, 43 Tract. I, 436 13:9 De Trinit., 420
7:2-7 Tract. I, 102-10 13:29 Tract. III, 56
13:5 Tract. III, 116-17 16:16 Tract. I, 58
332 Index of Bíblica! Quotations Index of Biblical Quotations / 333

16:26 Tract. XI, 44-52 1:3-4 De Trinit., 84 16:14 De Trinit., 340 7:24-5 Tract. I, 191-2
18:6 Tract. III, 49-51 1:14 Tract. I, 41 16:15 Ii·act. I, 410; VI, 30; 8:5-6 Tract. I, 289-91
18:7 Tract. I, 458-9 1:18 De Trinit., 2; 423-4 De Trinit., 345-6; 348 8:9 Tract. VI, 124; De Trinit., 60
18:16 Tract. III, 30-1 2:15 Tract. VI, 64 17:6 De Trinit., 369; 375; 470-1 8:15 Tract. VI, 224
19:23 Tract. I, 253-4 3:5 Tract. I, 21-2; II, 62-3 17:12 Tract. VIII, 46 8:29 De Trinit., 12-13
21:9 Tract. III, 211-12 3:36 Tract. II, 90-1 17:21 Tract. I, 60 10:2 Tract. X, 148
22:31-2 Tract. II, 65-7 4:20 De Trinit., 8-9 19:29-30 Tract. I, 353-4 10:10 Tract. I, 14-15; II, 10; III, 236-7
26:38 Tract. VI, 95 4:23 De Trinit., 412-13 20:22-3 De Trinit., 304-6 10:17 Tract. III, 247-8
26:41 Tract. VI, 105-6 5:19 De Trinit., 234 20:25-7 Tract. I, 346-7; I, 352 11:9 Tract. I, 202
28:18 TI·act. VI, 30 5:22 De Trinit., 175-76 11:13 De Trinit., 217
28:19 Tract. II, 70-1; De Trinit. 300-1; 5:39 Tract. I, 169; I, 189; III, 77; III, 150 Acts of the Apostles 11:16 Tract. III, 94
309-10 5:43 De Trinit., 148-50 1:11 Tract. II, 60 11:33 De Trinit., 329-30; 487
5:46 Tract. II, 85 2:17-21 Tract. I, 540-5 13:12 Tract.I, 211;IV, 7l;IX, 3;X, 15;X, 69
Mark 6:35 Tract. V, 89 3:6 Tract. I, 451-2 13:12-13 Tract. V, 51
1:24 Tract. I, 61-2 6:38 De Trinit., 171-2; 341-2 4:12 Tract.I, 489-90; De Trinit., 361; 366-7 15:4 Tract. X, 10
4:11-12 Tract. III, 266-7 6:45-6 De Trinit., 391-2; 399-400 7:5 De Trinit., 499
5:19 Tract. II, 88-9 6:46 De Trinit., 424-5 7:24 Tract. V, 14; VI, 61 1 Corinthians
9:22 Tract. VIII, 6-7 6:68-70 De Trinit., 227-29 7:32 De Trinit., 475-6 1:8,28 Tract. X, 107-8
9:39 Tract. III, 251-2 8:15-16 De Trinit., 244-5 7:55 Tract. II, 58-9 1:23-4 De Trinit., 319
9:41 Tract. III, 49-51 8:16 De Trinit., 251-2 9:15 Tract. VIII, 16 1:24 Tract. I, 475
12:43 Tract. IX, 13-14 8:19 De Trinit., 180-1 17:11 Tract. III, 190-91 2:2 Tract. I, 350
13:27 Tract. I, 537 8:25 De Trinit., 379; 380 17:28 Tract. VI, 71; X, 27-8; X, 129-30 2:14-15 Tract. I, 286-8
14:34 Tract. VI, 95 8:28-9 De Trinit., 130-3 20:35 Tract. III, 114 3:16 Tract. VII, 17-18
8:29 De Trinit., 138 3:16, 17 Tract. I, 339
Luke 8:44 Tract. I, 307-8; V, 48 Romans 3:16-17 Tract. V, 77-8
1:1 Tract. X, 19 10:9 Tract. V, 89 1:14 Tract. III, 191 3:17 Tract. VII, 18; VII, 30
1:2 Pral., 64 10:30 Tract. I, 59-60 1:17 Tract. X, 113-14 3:19 Ii·act. V, 52-3; Can., 21-2
1:35 Tract. II, 52-4 10:37-8 De Trinit., 143-4 1:20 Tract. I, 482-3; V, 4; X, 38 3:22 Tract. X, 20-1
1:68-70 Tract. I, 548-50 10:38 De Trinit., 147; 153-4; 219; 222 1:21, 23 Tract. VI, 140-2 3:22-3 Tract. I, 499-501; IV, 15-17
2:14 Tract. I, 45 12:44 De Trinit., 184-5 1:21-3 Ii·act. I, 113-17 5:7 Tract. IV, 48; VI, 3; VI, 85
4:2-13 Tract. IV, 75 12:49 De Trinit., 338-40 1:29 Tract. X, 146-7 5:11 Tract. II, 106
8:10 Tract. III, 266-7 13:31 De Trinit., 196-7 2:16 De Trinit., 177-9 6:13 Tract. VI, 207; X, 195
9:48 De Trinit., 350-1; 354-5 13:32 De Trinit., 213-14 4:21 Tract. I, 267 6:15 Tract. VII, 22-3
11:9 Tract. VIII, 6 14:2 Tract. II, 41; X, 137-8 4:24, 23 Tract. I, 170 7:6 Tract. II, 44-6
11:50-1 Tract. III, 61-3 14:6 De Trinit., 394-5 5:8 Tract. VI, 116; X, 116-17 7:25 Tract. IV, 62-3; VI, 228-9
12:53 Tract. I, 248-50 14:6-7 De Trinit., 109-11 6:4 Tract. IV, 56-7; X, 43-4; X, 154-5 7:31 Tract. VI, 68
13:24 Tract. IX, 8-9 14:8 De Trinit., 402-3; 404 6:5-6 Tract. VI, 86-8 7:40 Tract. III, 229
14:26 Tract. II, 17 14:9 De Trinit., 227; 455-6 6:6 De Trinit. 6:14 8:5 Tract. I, 207
16:22 Tract. IX, 14-15 14:9-10 De Trinit., 230-2; 448-9 6:10 Ii·act. VI, 88-9 8:6 Ii·act. I, 65-7; II, 48-9; II, 49-50
19:38 Tract. III, 211-12 14:10-11 De Trinit., 236-8 6:16, 18 Tract. I, 329-30 9:9 Tract. VI, 197-8
19:40 Tract. III, 213-14 14:11 Tract. I, 44; De Trinit., 235-6; 241; 6:19,23 Tract. VI, 126-9 9:9-10 Ii·act. I, 185-6
20:34-36 Tract. VI, 239-41 377 6:20-1 Tract. VIII, 38-9 9:10 Tract. I, 170; V, 114-15
20:38 Tract. II, 65-7 14:16 De Trinit., 293-4; 301-2; 353-4 6:21 Tract. I, 23; VII, 57-8; X, 95-6 9:19 Tract. II, 44-6
21:3 Tract. IX, 13-14 14:16-17 De Trinit., 306-8; 311-15 6:22 Tract. VI, 57-8; X, 73 9:22 Tract. VI, 27
22:37 Tract. II, SS; X, 43 14:21 De Trinit., 527-9; 534; 547; 601-2 6:23 Tract. I, 125-6; VII, 58 10:6 Tract. VIII, 8; VIII, 42
14:28 De Trinit., 169 7:4-6 Tract. VI, 205 10:11 Ii·act. V, S; X, 37
John 15:5 Tract. V, 90-1 7:8, 11 Tract. VIII, 44-5; X, 58 10:19-20 Tract. I, 91-2; VI, 150-1
1:1 De Trinit., 24-5; 27; 30; 32; 381 15:27 Tract. VI, 228 7:14 Tract. I, 118; I, 309-10; VI, 208; 10:20 Tract. III, 224
1:1-3 De Trinit., 19-21 16:13 De Trinit., 333 VIII, 16-17 10:21 Tract. I, 46
1:1-4 De Trinit., 99-102 16:13-14 De Trinit., 335-7 7:18 Tract. I, 120-1; II, 43; VII, 41 11:3 Tract. I, 475-6; VI, 198-9
1:3 De Trinit., 53-4;, 83 16:13-15 De Trinit., 325-9 7:23 Tract. VII, 39-41; X, 124-5 12:3 Ii-act. I, 510-11; II, 169-70; III, 164-5
 334
12:6 De Trinit., 344-5
12:11 De Trinit., 297
13: l Tract. I, 240-l
14:4 Tract. X, 139-40
14:20 Tract. VI, 187-8
15:28 De Trinit., 116-17; 128
14:31 Tract. I, 556-7
14:32 Tract. I, 557
15:23 Tract. VI, 160
15:45 De Trinit., 616-17; 617
15:47 Tract. I, 331; I, 336
15:48 Tract. I, 293-4
15:49 Tract.I, 3ll-l2;I, 312-l3;VI, 59-60;
X, 128-9
15:50 Tract. VII, 51
16:22 Tract. I, 385; III, 269
2 Corinthians
3:5 Tract. I, 378-9
3:17 Tract. III, 228
3:18 De Trinit., 608-9
4:4 Tract. I, 529-31
4:13 Tract. II, 9
4:16 Tract. I, 330-l
4:18 Tract. V, 53-4
5:7 Tract. VIII, 7
5:17 Tract. VI, 58-9
5:19 De Trinit., 135-6
6:14 Tract. I, 96
6:14-15 Tract. X, 134
6:15 Tract. I, 97
6:16 Tract. I, 339; V, 77-8
10:3 Il·act. IV, 60; VI, 82-3
11:2 Tract. I, 476-7
13:1 Tract. III, 30-l; De Trinit., 253; 256;
258
Galatians
1:8-9 Tract. I, 70-l
1:15, 16 Tract. I, 327-8
2:18 Tract. X, 56; X, 107-8
2:19-20 Tract. VI, 78-9
3:16 Tract. II, 73-5
3:19 Tract. I, 492-3
3:27 Tract. I, 25-6; II, 11; V, 49-50
3:28 Tract. I, 477-8
4:6 Tract. VI, 224
4:10 Tract. I, 238-9
5:l7Tract.X, 76-8
5:19-21 Tract. I, 331-4
5:19,22-3 Tract. I, 337-9
Index of Biblical Quotations Index of Biblical Quotations 335
1
5:20, 19 Tract. X, 146-7 1 Timothy 1:23 Tract. V, 119-20
5:22-3 Tract. X, 145-6 l: l Tract. II, 44-6 1:24 Tract. VII, 45-6; IX, 6-8
1:9 Tract. VII, 9-10
5:24 Tract. V, 103-4; VI, 229-30; 1:25 Tract. X, 49
X, 126-7; De Trinit., 614 1:15 Tract. I, 74-5 1:33 Tract. VI, 212-13
5:25 Tract. VI, 21 1:19 Tract. I, 371 2:5 Tract. VI, 210; IX, 4-5
6:14 Tract. VI, 64; VI, 156 2:4 Tract. X, 138-9 2:6-8 Tract. V, 82-6
2:7 Tract. VIII, 16 2:11 Tract. IV, 32-33
Ephesians 2:14-15 Il·act. I, 320-2 3:15 Tract. I, 9-10
1:21 Tract. I, 495-7; III, 104; V, SO 5:19 Tract. III, 30-1 4:10 Tract. IV, 21-2
1:22 Tract. I, 498 6:10, 16 Tract. X, 148 5:1 Tract. IV, 62-3
1:23 Tract. I, 494-5; I, 498-9 6:15 Tract. I, 421-2 5:4 Tract. X, 71
2:2 Tract. I, 226 6:17, 18 Tract. IX, 18-19 5:8-9 Tract. I, 139-41
2:2-3 Tract. I, 277-9 6:18 Il·act. IV, 38
2:5 Tract. I, 243; I, 312 2 Peter
2:10 Tract. I, 316-18; XI, 55-8; 2 Timothy 1:4 Tract. VI, 23
De Trinit., 613-14 1:14 Tract. VI, 124 1:20 Tract. I, 119; VI, 6-7; VIII, 17-18
4:4-6 De Trinit., 624-6 2:23 Tract. VI, 120 2:3 Tract. I, 77; V, 41-2
4:5 Tract. I, 68-9; II, 99 3:8 Tract. I, 370-1 2:5 Tract. III, 44-5
4:5-6 Tract. I, 29 3:14 Tract. VI, 187-8
4:11-16 De Trinit., 609-12 Titus
4:12-13 Tract. I, 263-6 1:13 Tract. II, 89 1John
4:14 Tract. I, 238 3:1 Tract. X, 44 1:1-2 De Trinit., 104-8
4:20 Tract. I, 308-9 3:9 Tract. II, 3-4; VI, 120 2: l-2 De Trinit., 363-4
4:20-1 Tract. I, 309 2:12 Tract. II, 63-4
4:22-4 Tract. I, 313-16 Hebrews 2:16 Tract. X, 149
5:8 Tract. VIII, 11-12 1:1 Tract. I, 469 2:16-17 Tract. X, 47-9
5:23 Tract. I, 475-6 1:6-7 Tract. I, 493-4 2:22 Tract. I, 76-7
6:11 Tract. I, 211; IV, 71; IX, 3 2:11 Tract. VI, 193 2:23 Tract. I, 77-8; De Trinit., 44-5; 458
6:11-17 Tract. X, 15; X, 69 3:6 Tract. VI, 195-6 4:2-3 Tract. I, 512-13; II, 167-9
6:12 Tract. I, 177-9; X, 81-3; X, 92 10:1 Tract. VI, 24 4:3, 2 Tract. III, 162-3
6:14-17 Tract. X, 13 10:29 Tract. I, 64 5:8, 7 Tract. I, 46-8
6:15 Tract. X, 201-2 10:35 Tract. IV, 28 5:12 Tract. I, 58-9; II, 90-1
6:16 Tract. X, 156 11:5 Tract. III, 11-13 5:19 Tract. IV, 11-12
12:1 Tract. III, 111
Philippians 12:6, 10 Tract. X, 103-4 2 John
2:3 Tract. X, 147 2:7 Tract. I, 514-15
2:10-11 Tract. I, 425-6; V, 93-5 James
2:11 Tract. III, 207-8; De Trinit., 124-5 1:14, 15 Tract. VIII, 46 Jude
2:13 Tract. VI, 219-20 2:5 Tract. I, 258-9 12-13 Tract. V, 38-41
3:13, 12 Tract. I, 71-3 2: 19 Tract. I, 446-7 14-15 Tract. I, 553-4; III, 11-13
3:15 Tract. I, 120-1 4:1 Tract. IV, 32-3; V, 25-6; X, 88-90 23 Il·act. I, 483
3:19 Tract. I, 85; X, 148-9; X, 149 4:4 Tract. IV, 4; IX, 10-11; X, 46
4:12 Tract. V, 80-1 Revelation (Apocalypse)
1 Thessalonians 5:13 Tract. I, 254-8 1:5 Tract. I, 411
2:16 Tract. I, 531-2 1:8 Pral., 40
4:3 Tract. VI, 57-8; X, 73 1 Peter 1:13-16 Tract. I, 414-17
5:8 Tract. X, 13 1:14 Tract. I, 23; I, 117; VII, 57 1:16 Tract. X, 14
5:19-20 Tract. III, 227-8 1:18-19 Tract. I, 228-30 1:18 Tract. I, 417-18
1:22 Tract. I, 21-2; IV, 14; IV, 31-2; 2:9; 3:9, 6 Tract. X, 139-40
2 Thessalonians IV, 37-8; V, 102-3; VI, 209; VII, 56-7; 2:17 Tract. I, 418-19
2:3 Tract. VIII, 46 IX, 3-4; IX, 5-6 2:24 Tract. I, 190
336 Index of Biblical Quotations
3:15-16 Tl·act. I, 459-60 16:2 Tract. I, 94-5 1
3:19, 18 Tract. I, 461-2 16:13-14 Tract. I, 179-81;
5:1,4 Tract. Vi, 235-6 X, 84-6
5:5 Tract. I, 427 17: 11 Tract. I, 222 INDEX
7:4-8 Tract. VI, 236-7 17:15 Tract. I, 172-3
9:11 Tract. I, 274-5 18:2, 3 Trae t. I, 174-5
12:9 Tract. I, 280-2 (NOTICE: The generic references to God and Christ, which are extremely frequent in
18:9 Tract. I, 175-6
13:1-2 Tract. I, 99-102 all Priscillian's works, have not been recorded in this index)
19: lO Tract. I, 523-5
13:11 Tract. I, 276 19:13 Tract. I, 453-5
13:18 Tract. VI, 161-2; VI, 234; VI, 237 Abaddon, 48, 49 Animals (worship of), 40-5, 124-25,
19:20 Tract. I, 94-5
14:9 Tract. I, 97-8 Abdia, 90, 91 261-62
21:17 Tract. VI, 238
14:18 Tract. VII, 61 Abe!, 86,87 Anonimo, author of Bachiarius illustratus
22:4 Tract. VI, 225
Abraham 1 Abram, 48, 49, 64, 65, 72, 6 n. 37
73, 84, 85, 96, 97, 142, 143, 198, 199, Antichrist, 36, 37, 52, 53, 62, 63, 206,
240,241,242,243,246,247,274,275, 207
315 Antioch, 200, 201, 254, 255, 265
Absalom (Abessalon), 138, 139, 140, 141, Apocalypse (canonical), 42, 43, 48, 49, 62,
294 63,130,131,252,253,
Achaia, 254, 255 Apocalypse of Adam, 263
Achia the Selonite, 90, 91 Apocalypse ofHesdra, 275
Acta Concilii Caesaraugustani, 1 n. 6, Apocryphal Literature/Writings, 15, 17, 21,
17 n. 107 23,24,54,55,83,261,262,267,272,273,
Acts of Andrew, 275 274,275,276,277,278,313
Acts of ]ohn, 275, 276 Apollon, 48, 49
Acts of Paul, 275 Apollos, 62, 63, 144, 145
Acts of Peter, 275 Apologeticum, 22 and n. 129
Acts of the Apostles, 94, 95, 254, 255, Apostles (The), 78, 79, 82, 83, 84, 85, 88,
313,317 89, 91, 92, 96, 97, 188, 189, 190, 191, 198,
Acts of the Apostles (apocryphal), 313 199,200,201,230,231,236,237,244,
Acts ofThomas, 275 245,246,247,248,249,254,255,276,
Adam, 50, 51, 64, 65, 82, 83, 96, 97, 178, 317
179,248,249,263,285,317 Apuleius, 22 n. 128
Adonin, 261 Aquitaine, 1, 3
Adoptionism, 270 Arians, 54, 55, 72, 73, 260, 265, 317
Advent ofthe Lord, 64, 65, 141,206,207, Armaziel, 62, 63, 266
250,251,254,255,314,318 Armenius, 5
Africa, 305, 306 Arnold, G., 6 n. 38
Agape, pupil of Mark of Memphis, 1 and Apocryphon of ]ohn, 261, 263, 266, 267
n.2 Archon/Archons, 261,263,267,292
Aland, K., 29 n. 167 Arnaud-Lindet, M.-P. 306
Alexander of Lycopolis, 264 Asaqlun, 263
Alexandria, 256,257,265, 318 Asarius 1 Asarbius, 5, 32, 33, 259
Allogenes, 267 Ascensio Isaiae, 263, 276
Amantia, 26 Asia, 252, 253
Ambrose, vi, 2, 3, 5, 6, 19, 76, 77, 272, 273, Asmodeus, 263
280 Astaphaios, 261
Amessia, 90, 91 Astrological 1 Astrology, 263, 265, 266, 307
Amerite (Amorreus), 50, 51 Athoth, 261
Anani, 90, 91 Aurelius, 5
Anathema, 36, 37, 44, 45, 48, 49, 52, Augustine, vi and n. 3, 6 n. 34, 19, 28, 275,
53,54,55,62,63, 78,92,93,98,99, 280,306
278 Avila, 2, 5, 25, 267, 268, 272
338
Baal, 40, 41, 50, 51
Babut, E., Ch. 1 n. 2; 3 n. 20; 6 n. 33; 7 and
n. 50, 52; 16 n. 102; 19 n. 118; 259; 268;
276;278;283;288;304;305;307
Babylon, 42,.~ 88, 89, 315
Bachiarius, 3)14 .?lo3
Baetica, 1
Barbilon, 62, 63, 267
Barnabas, 200, 201
Baronius, C., 6 and n. 38
Balsamus, 62, 63, 267
Baptism, 34, 35, 36, 37, 58, 59, 64, 65, 72,
73, 74, 75, 104, 105, 120, 121, 128, 129,
152,153,202,203,204,205,248,249,
254,255,256,257,260,281,287,318
Beliar 1 Belias, 38, 39, 48, 49, 152, 153, 263,
299
Belzebuth 1 Belzebub, 48, 49, 263
Bianco, G. M., 261, 283, 284, 288, 298
Binionites, 34, 35, 88, 89,260,265,277,313
Bithynia, 254, 255, 317
Blaise, A., 265,290,292, 302, 312
Borborita 1 Borborites, 54, 55, 265
Bordeaux, 3, 4, 5, 16, 17,265
Braulio of Saragossa, 306
Bravo, G., 8 n. 59
Brinkmann, A. 264
Britannus, bishop of Trier, 4
Burrus, V., v n. 1; vi n. 3; 1 n. 2, 6; 2 n. 8, 9,
12, 14, 15; 3 and n. 16; 3 n. 21; 4 n. 26, 27;
5 n. 30; 6 n. 33; 9 n. 61; 10; 11 and
n. 68, 72; 15 n. 91; 16 and n. 99, 102; 259;
260;262;263;266;268; 269;271;272;
273
Cacciari, P. Th., 6 n. 37
Caín, 50,51
Canaan 1 Canaanites, 50, 51, 108, 109, 154
n.68
Canon 1 Canonical Scriptures, 23, 54, 55,
78,79,82,83,84,85,86,87,88,89,90,91,
92,93,94,95,96,97,98,99, 106,107,
252,253,254,255,274,275,276,277,
280,292
Canons on the Letters of the Apostle Paul,
17-19,21,24-5,27-8,164-209,
303-5
Cataphrygia, 55, 56, 265
Catholic (Universal) 1 Catholicism, vi, 18
andn. 113,32,33,34,35,36,37,54,55,
62,63,68,69,72,73,76, 77,78,79,80,81,
Index
90, 91, 92, 93, 98, 99, 112, 113, 164, 165,
212,213,226,227,228,229,261,263,
267,268,279,285,307
Cava dei Tirreni, 27, 303
Cephas, 62, 63, 144, 145
Chadwick, H., 1 n. 1, 2, 3; 2 n. 10, 13;
3 n. 16, 20; 4 n. 26, 27; 5 n. 29, 30; 6 n. 33;
9 n. 61; 13 n. 76, 80; 14 n. 87; 15 and
n. 94, 96; 16 n. 101; 17 n. 106, 107; 18 and
n. 110,112, 114; 19 n. 117; 20 and n.122,
123, 124; 21 and n. 126; 24 and n. 135; 25
n. 140; 26 and n. 146, 147, 148; 259; 260;
261;262;263;264;266;267;268;270;
271;273;274;275;276;277;278;279;
284;285;288;293;294;295;299;303;
304; 305; 306; 307; 309; 310;311;313;
315;316;317;318
Chapman, J., 20; 21 n. 125; 24 n. 133; 29
andn. 167;303;304;315;316;317;318
Chastity 1 Continence, 116, 117, 118, 119,
279,286
Christian 1 Christians 1 Christianity, v, vi, 1
and n.6,3,6, 7, 14, 15,22,69, 70, 72, 73,
74, 75, 76, 77,92,93,98,99, 166,167,
184,185,188,189,202,203,259,260,
262,270,274,276,277,279,280,281,
282,287,290,291,294,298,300,311,
314,317
Christology, 270,276, 288,303,317, 319
Chronicles (Book of the), 90, 91
Cícero, 270
Circumcision, 118, 119, 196, 197,250, 251,
286,315
Clement of Alexandria, 261, 265
Conti, M., 276
Corsini, E., 306
Corssen, P., 20 n. 124,29 and 166, 315
Council ofBordeaux (384), 4 and n. 27, 16,
17,265
Council of Constantinople (381), 312
Council of Saragossa (380), 1 and n.6; 2
and n. 8; 3 n. 17; 16; 17 n. 107; 70; 71; 76;
77; 78; 79; 80; 81;269;270;272
Council ofSirmium (351), 270
Creation, 14, 42, 43, 48, 49, 50, 51, 60, 61,
108, 109, 110, 111, 124, 125, 160, 161,
162,163,202,203,216,217,248,249,
263,264,281,282,283,285,289,292,
298,301
Cross (crux), 46, 47, 58, 59, 82, 83, 102,
103, 104, 105, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124,
Index
125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 152, 153, 174,
175,182,183,252,253,279,280,307,316
Dagon, 154,155,156,157,300
D'Alés, A., 8 and n. 55, 56
Damasus (pope), 3, 15, 17, 23, 68, 69,
78-80
Daniel, 38, 39, 88, 89
Daur, K.-D., 28 and n. 159; 308
David, 40, 41, 58, 59, 64, 65, 96, 97, 132,
133,138,139,141,144 n.1, 146,147,148,
149,150,151,174,175,254,255,294,
295,297,315,317
Davids, J. A., 8 and n. 54
Day of the Lord, 64, 65, 96, 97, 102, 103,
112, 113, 128, 129
De Bruyne, D., 27 and n. 152, 153; 28 and
n. 157; 29 and n. 164, 168; 303
Decalogue, 126, 127
Delphinus, 2 n. 8; 3 and n. 17
Demons 1 Demonic, 12 n. 75, 36, 37, 38, 39,
42,43,44,45,46,47,48,49,50,51,52,53,
54,55,58,59, 74, 75,94,95, 124,125,
148,149,170,171,220,221,261,262,
263,266,283,284,288,289,298,
Devil 1 Devilish 1The Beast, 14, 32, 33, 38,
39,40,41,42,43,48,49,50,51,56,57,86,
87,92,93,94,95,96,97, 104,105,108,
109, 126, 127, 130, 131, 134, 135, 146,
147, 148, 149, 150 and n. 37, 151, 152,
153,256,257,283,292,298
Di Berardino, A., 259
Dina 1 Dinah, 154 n. 70, 300
Dobschütz, von E., 20 n. 124,313,315
Docetism, 26.0, 263
Dualistic 1 Dualism, 262,263,283, 289,
298,299,300,307
Easter (Pascha), 100, 101, 102, 103, 104,
105,118, 119, 120, 121, 126, 127, 128,
129,130,131,279,280,287,289,290
Eauze, 3
Ebionites, 260
Edom, 90,91
Egypt 1 Egyptians, 1 n.1, 46, 47, 58, 59, 86,
87, 106, 107, 120, 121, 130, 131, 154, 155,
156,157,276
Elchasaites, 260
Elijah, 86, 87,280, 281
Eloaiou, 261
Emmanuel, 59, 60, 70, 71
1 339
Ennius, 287
Enoch, 64,65,82,83,274
Epaphroditus, 200, 201
Ephesus, 252, 253
Ephraim, 108, 109, 154, 155, 156, 157,
300
Epiphanius, 265, 270
Esau, 134, 135
Eschatology (ofthe Manichaeans), 264
Escribano Paño, M. V. v n.1; 1 n. 6; 9 n. 61
Euchrotia, 1 n. 2; 3 and n. 18; 5
Eunomius, 288
Eve, 50, 51, 263
Evodius, 5
Ezekiel, 50, 51, 90,91
Faith (Pides), 10 and n. 64, 11, 18 n. 113,
32,33,34,35,36,37,40,41,42,43,44,45,
46,47,48,49,52,53,54,55,60,61,62,63,
64,65,66,67,68,69,70,71,74,75,76,77,
78,79,80,81,82,83,84,85,86,87,88,89,
90,91,92,93,94,95,96,97,98,99, 100,
101, 102, 103, 104, 105,106, 107, 112,
113, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124,
125,128, 12~ 134,135, 13~ 13~ 13~
139, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148,
149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156,
157, 164, 165,166, 167, 172, 173,180,
181, 186, 187, 188, 189, 192, 193, 194,
195,196,197,198,199,212,213,218,
219,220,221,222,223,224,225,226,
227,228,229,230,231,232,233,234,
235,236,237,238,239,240,241,242,
243,244,245,246,247,248,249,250,
251,252!,253,256,257,281,292,299,
310, 311, 314
Father 1 Pater (person of the Trinity), 20,
34,35,36,37,70,71,72,73,74,75,88,89,
94, 95, 112, 113, 122, 123, 134, 135, 140,
141,146,147,158,159,174,175,204,
205,208,209,212,213,214,215,216,
217,218,219,220,221,222,223,224,
225,226,227,228,229,230,231,232,
233,234,235,236,237,238,239,240,
241,242,243,244,245,246,247,248,
249,252,253,271,280,287,292,301,
309,310,311,312,314,316
Felicissimus, 5
Fernandez Ardanaz, S., 10 and n. 66, 262,
281,282
Ferreiro, A., v and n. 1, vi n. 3, 261, 282
 340
Pides S. Ambrosii (work misattributed by
sorne scholars to Priscillian), 12 n. 76
Fink-Errera, G., 306
Fischer, B., 12 n. 76, 303
Flaccius Illyricus, M., 6 n. 38
Flesh (Caro), 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43,
46,47,48,49,50,51,52,53,60,61,62,63,
64,65, 72, 73,88,89,96,97, 102,103,
104, 105, 106, 107, 110, 111, 116, 117,
118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 126, 127,
128, 129, 130, 131, 134, 135, 138, 139,
142, 143, 146, 147, 148, 149, 152, 153,
154, 155, 156, 157, 168, 169, 172, 173,
174,175,178,179,180, 181, 182,183,
186,187,204,205,210,211,224,225,
250,251,252,253,254,255,256,257,
286,294,298,307,308,315,318
Fragment (by Priscillian) quoted in
Orosius' Commonitorium, 17 n. 108, 19
and n. 117-18,21,24-5,28,210-11,
265,300-1,302,303,305-8
Galaad, 154, 155
Galicia, 1, 8 and n. 60, 26
Gaul, 4, 27
Gehenna, 44, 45, 46, 47, 54, 55, 56, 57, 142, Hesdra, 92, 93, 275, 277
143
Genesis, 15, 106, 107, 252, 253, 281, 282
Gentiles (The), 10 and n. 64, 11, 44, 45, 94,
95,97, 154,155,178,179,198,199,200,
201, 230,231,261
Girvesius, F., 6 n. 37
Gnostic 1 Gnostics 1 Gnosticism, 1 and
n. 1,6,261,263, 265,266,267,282,283,
284,288,289,292,307
goeteia, 266
Gog, 90,91
Gomorrah, 36,37
Goosen, A. B. J. M., v n. 2, 8 n. 58
Gospel 1 Gospe!s (Evangelium), 20, 36, 37,
50,51,52,53,62,63,64,65,70, 71,72,73,
74, 75, 78, 79,84,85,86,87,96,97, 104,
105, 112, 113, 120, 121, 130, 131, 142,
143, 156, 15~ 172, 17~ 184, 185, 186,
187, 190, 191, 194, 195, 198, 199, 200,
201,202,203,222,223,234,235,250,
251,252,253,254,255,256,257,287,
315,316,317,318
Cospel of Judas, 263, 267
Cospel of Mary, 266
Cospel of the Egyptians, 263, 267
Index
Gratian (emperor), 2 and n.14, 3, 4, 17, 18,
23,269,272,273
Greek ( Craecus), v, 48, 49, 56, 57, 254, 255,
261,265,317
Creek Magical Papyri, 267
Gregory (pretorian prefect), 4
Gregory ofNyssa, 312
Hamman, A. G., 132 n. 2, 292
Hanegraaff, W. J., 265
Heaven 1 Heavens (caelum), 34, 35, 36, 37,
42,43,44,45,48,49,50,51,52,53,58,59,
62,63,64,65, 72, 73, 74, 75,94,95, 102,
103, 106, 107, 110, 111, 112, 113, 118,
119, 120, 121, 126, 127, 130, 131, 138,
139, 140, 141, 152, 153, 172, 173, 184,
185, 198, 199,206,207,210, 211, 234,
235,264,285
Hebrews (Letter to the), 83
Helpidius, pupil of Mark of Memphis,
1 and n. 1, 2 and 6
Heresy 1 Heretics, v, vi, 1 and n. 1, 6, 7, 8,
15,36,37,54,55,82,83,265,274,315,
317
Herod, 86, 87
Hierobeam, 90, 91
Hilary ofPoitiers, 259, 262, 271, 279,280,
286,287,288,293,294,296,297,299,
300,301,317
Hippo, 19, 306
Hippolytus, 261, 265
Hittite, 50, 51
Holocaust, 120, 121
Holy Spirit (Spiritus Sanctus), 34, 35, 62,
63,70,71,72,73,74,75,78,79,88,89,92,
93,158,159,180,181,186,187,214,215,
216,217,218,219,226,227,228,229,
230,231,232,233,234,235,242,243,
254,255,281,282,286,301,310,311,
312,313, 314
Homuncionita 1 Homuncionites, 54, 55,
265
Hosea, 263
Hydatius ofMerida, 1; 2 and n. 8, 10; 4 and
27; 5; 18; 23; 68; 69; 70; 71; 74; 75; 76; 77;
78;79;269;271;272;273
Hydatius (chronicler), 1 n. 1
Hyginus ofCorduba, 1, 2 n. 8, 74, 75, 76,
77,271
Hypostasis of the Archons, 263
Index 341
Idols 1 Idolatry, 9, 10 and n. 64, 11, 12, 38, Klijn, A. F. J. 275,
/
39,44,45,46,47,52,53,58,59, 74, 75,94, Künstle, K., 8 and n. 53; 12 n. 76
95,116,117,124,125,154,155,289,290
Idumea, 154, 155 Lamb (agnus), 46, 47, 118, 119, 120, 121,
Instantius, 1 n. 6, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 14, 16, 268, 126, 127, 128, 129
271, 272 Lamech, 50, 51
loe! (Eilo ), 62, 63, 267 Laodicean 1 Laodiceans, 96, 97
Iosaphat, 90, 91 Laon, 19 n. 119, 20 and 121, 28, 308
Irenaeus, 261, 265, 280 Latronianus, 5
Isaac, 64,65,72, 73,84,85,96,97, 176,177, Law (Lex), 38, 39, 50, 51, 68, 69, 72, 73, 104,
240,241,242,243,246,247,274,275 105, 106, 107, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120,
Isaiah, 40, 41, 86, 87, 150, 151, 276 121, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130,
Israel (Patriarch), 34, 35, 72, 73, 88, 89, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138,
112, 113 139, 150, 151, 152, 153, 178, 179, 192,
Israel (Kingdom), 62, 63, 90, 91, 198, 199, 193,196,197,198,199,244,245,246,
256,257,281 247,248,249,252,253,254,255,256,
Italy, 3, 26, 254, 255, 256, 257 257,290,314
Ithacius, 2 and n. 8; 4 and n. 27; 5; 7 n. 52; Ledam, 90, 91
16; 18 Lent 1 Lenten, 14, 15, 100, 101, 278, 279,
280,290,291,300
Jacob,34,35,64,65, 72, 73,84,85,88,89, Letter to Ctesiphon (by Jerome), vi n. 3,
96, 97, 112, 113, 134, 135, 154, 155, 240, 282
241,242,243,246,247,274,275,280 Letter to the Laodiceans (Pseudo-Pauline),
Jacobs, A. A., 273, 275, 277 96,97,275,278
James, 200, 201 Levite 1 Levítica!, 256,257,319
Jeremiah, 34, 35, 50, 51, 58, 59, 112, 113 Lietzmann, H., 15 n. 94; 29 and n. 167;
Jerome, vi and n. 3; 1 n. 1; 5 n. 30; 7 and 315
n. 46; 11 and n. 69; 19; 20; 25 and n. 141; Light-aeon, 266
164; 165;259;280;282;304 Lipsius, R. A. and Bonnet, M., 313
Ps-Jerome, 260 Lohr, W. A., 265
Jew 1 Jewish, 198, 199,254,255 Logos, 271, 309, 319
Jewish-Christian, 260 Lowe, E. A., 26 and 145; 27 and 149
Job, 40,41,42,43,52,53,56,57 Lucifer of Calaris, 269
John (Evangelist), 20, 29 n. 168, 34, 35, 38, Luke, 20, 29 n. 168, 86, 87, 94, 95, 254, 255,
39,42,43,46,47,58,59,62,63, 130,131, 263,315,317
148, 149,200,201,252n. 1,252,253,254 Lusitania, 1, 4
andn.3,255,256,257,275,311,316
John, pupil ofPriscillian, 5 Macedonius, 3, 4, 273
Jordan, 104,105,280,281 Magdalen College, 19, 308
Joseph (Saint 1 Husband ofMary), 86, 87, Mai, A., 27 and 154
122, 123 Manasse 1 Manasseh, 155, 156
Joseph (Patriarch), 154, 155, 300 Mani, 54, 55, 260, 264
Jesus (Joshua) ofNun, 62, 63, 104, 105 Manichaean/Manichaeanism, 1, 2 and
Judah, 58, 59, 90, 91, 154, 155, 156, 157 n. 14, 6, 74, 75, 76, 77, 80, 81, 260, 261,
Judaism, 317 263,264,266,271,272,282,283,284,
Jude (apostle), 64, 65, 82, 83, 274 289,307
Jupiter, 10 and n. 64, 44, 45, 46, 47, 262 Marcellus of Ancyra, 271
Junod, E. and Kaestli, J.-D., 313 Marihamm! Mariame, 266
Mark (evangelist), 20, 29 and n. 168, 254
Kephalaia, 263 andn.4,255,256,257,263,318
Kingdoms (Book of), 86, 87 Mark of Memphis, 1
 342
Marrou, H. I., ll n. 70,
Mars, lO and n. 64, 44, 45, 46, 47, 262
Martin ofTours, 5, 6, 19
Martin, J., 16 n. lOO
Mary 1 The Virgin, 58, 59, 60, 61, 70, 71,
102,103,122,123,154,155,252,253,
254,255,271,318
Matthew, 20, 29 and n. 168, 86, 87, 250,
251,254 and n. 4, 255,263,276, 315,
318
Maximus Magnus (emperor), 4, 5
Medea (by Ennius), 287
Mercati, G., 28 and 163, 309, 310
Mercury, lO and n. 64, 44, 45, 46, 47, 262
Merida 1 Meridan, l, 2, 16, 76, 77, 268,271,
272
Migne, P., 12 n. 76
Milan, 2, 3 and n. 24, 27 and 153, 273, 305
Milesian (philosophers), 282
Moab 1 Moabite, 154, 155
Mohlberg, L. C., 27 n. 151
Monarchian 1 Monarchians 1
Monarchianism, 6, 13 n. 76, 20, 21, 260,
264,270,271,276,287,288,301,309,
3li, 314,315
Monistic, 311
Moon (Luna), 44, 45, 46, 47, 54, 55, 64, 65,
74, 77,108,109,126,127,262,263,264,
266,282
Morin, G., 8 and n. 57; 14 and 84; 16 n. 103;
19; 20 and n. 120, 121; 28 and 162; 267;
268;308;309;312;313
Moses, 34, 35, 50, SI, 62, 63, 72, 73, 84 n. 8,
104, lOS, 106, 107, 124, 125, 178, 179,
196,197,246,247,248,249,275,280,
281,282
Mythology, 263, 264, 308
Nabat, 90, 91
Nathan, 90, 91, 254,255,317
New Testament, 14, liS, li9, 120, 121,270,
277,287,294
Nicholaitans 1 Nicholaitism, 36, 37, 54, 55,
260,261,265
Noah, 64,65,84,85,96,97,274,275
Nasbodeus, 48, 49, 263
Nebro, 263
Nebroel, 48, 49, 52, 53, 263
Nemrael, 263
Novatian 1 Heresy ofNovatian, 36, 37, 54,
55, 74,75,260,265,271
Index
Old Testament, liS, li9, 120, 121, 196,
197,257,274,279,287,293,300,318
Olivares Guillem, A., v n. l; 5 and n. 31;
6 n. 35, 42; 7 n. 47, 48, 50; 8 n. 55, 58, 59,
60; 9 and n. 61, 62, 63; 13 and n. 78;
26 n. 142; 303
On the Trinity of Catholic Faith
(Priscillian's spurious work), 12 n. 76,
19-20,28,212-49,308-15
Ophites, 54, 55, 74, 75, 265, 271
Orbe, A., v n. 2, 282, 283,307,310
Orion, 58, 59
Orosius, 6 n. 34, 17 n. 108, 19, 21, 24, 25,
26,28,210,211,265,300,302,303,305,
306,307
Palestine, 19
Pan-Christism, 287,316
Pantheistic, 3li
Paret, F., 19 n. liS, 283
Parmenides, 282
Passion, 82, 83, lOO, 101, 104, lOS, 122,
123, 128, 129, 144, 145, 156, 157, 174,
175,307
Passover (Pascha Iudeorum), 104, lOS, 120,
121,126,127,287,288
Pathmos, 252, 253
Patriarchs (The), 130, 131,210, 2li, 291,
308
Patricius, 5
Patripassian 1 Patripassianism, 36, 37, 54,
55, 72,73,260,264,265,270,271
Paul, 17, 21,24 and n. 134,25, 26, 27, 52,
53,62,63, 70, 71,82,83,88,89,94,95,
116, 117, 120, 121, 124, 125, 128, 129,
132, 133, 134, 135, 138, 139, 144, 145,
148, 149, ISO, 151, 164, 165, 166, 167,
194,195,254,255,274,275,278,280,
292,303,304,305,317
Pearson, B. A., 265
Peregrinus, editor of Priscillian's Canons,
l8,24,27n. 153,164,165,303,304,305,
312
Peter, 36, 37, 68, 69, 96, 97, 138, 139, 200,
201,244,245,275,278,280
Pharaoh, 84, 85
Pharisee, 94, 95
Philip, 226, 227, 236, 237
Philistine 1 Philistines, 154, 155, 156, 157,
300
Phinehas, 142, 143
Index
Photinus, 72, 73, 270, 271
Physiologus, 261
Pilate, 70, 7l
Plato 1 Platonism 1 Neoplatonism, li, 262,
266,282,289,307,308,310,315
Pleiades, 58, 59
Potamius ofLisbon, 276, 3li
Potamius, pupil of Priscillian, 30
Prophets (The), 38, 39, 58, 59, 62, 63, 64,
65,72, 73,78,79,84,85,86,87,90,91,92,
93,96,97, lOO, 101,146,147,188,189,
190,191,246,247,248,249,261,276,286
Psalm 1 Psalms, 15, 58, 59, 132, 133, 136,
137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 145, 146, 147,
148, 149, ISO, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155,
184,185,291,293,294,297,298,299,300
Preisendanz, K., 267
Priscillian: Life, 1-5; Priscillian the
heresiarch, 5-12; Priscillian's works,
12-21; Priscillian the writer, 21-5
Procula, 3 and n. 18
Prologues of the Monarchians (Priscillian' s
spurious work), 12 and n. 76, 20-l, 29,
251-57,315-18
Puech, A., 283
Questions of Bartholomew, 263
Ramos, Segura B., v n. 2; lO n. 67
Rebecca, 134, 135, ISO, 151
Red Sea, 281
Rescript of Gratian, 2 and n. 14, 3, 17, 18,
23,272,273
Rescript of Gregory, 4
Rescript of Macedonius, 3
Roboam, 90,91
Romero-Pose, E., 307
Ruth (the Moabite), 154, 155, 300
Sabaoth, 261
Sabbath, 110, lli, li4, liS
Sabbede, 261
Sabellian 1 Sabellianism, 20, 260, 264
Sacias, 48, 49, 50, SI, 52, 53,263
Sáenz de Argandoña, P. M., 307
Saints (The), 18 n. li6, 76, 77, 84, 85, 96,
97, 98, 99, 142, 143, 154, 155, 172, 173,
180, 181, 182, 183, 186, 187, 188, 189,
194, l95,204,205,2l0,2ll,308
Salvianus, l n. 6, 2, 3 n. 24, 268, 271, 272
Samael, 48, 49, 263
1 343
Samea, 90, 91
Sarah, 48, 49
Satan, 12 n. 75, 44, 45, 48, 49, 152, 153, 190,
191,299
Saturn, lO and n. 64, 44, 45, 46, 47, 262
Saturnine Heresy, 54, 55, 265
Schatz, W., 19 n. liS
Schepss, G., 7 and n. 45, 13, 14, 15, 19, 20,
26,27 and n. 151,28,259, 260, 261,262,
266,270,271,273,274,279,286,292,
293,294,296,302,304,308,315
Schipper, R., 306, 307, 308
Sed (Seth), 96 a11d n. 58, 97
Sedulius Scotus, 319
Sicima (Secima) 1 Sychemites, 154, 155,
300
Simonetti, M., 259, 271
Sin (Peccatum), 33, 34, 36, 37, 40, 41, 50,
51,52,53, 74, 75,80,81,82,83,86,87,
106, 107, li2, li3, liS, li9, 120, 121,
122, 123, 124, 125, 128, 129, 132, 133,
134, 135, 136, 137, 140, 141, 146, 147,
148, 149, ISO, 151, 154, 155, 172, 173,
174,175,176, 177,178,179, 180, 181,
198,199,204,205,206,207,234,235,
274,279,285,287,291,292,294,295,
297,298
Si11ai, 280
Sodom, 36, 37
Solomo11, 40, 41, 46, 47, 90, 91
Son 1 Filius (Person of the Trinity), 20, 36,
37,48,49,56,57, 72, 73, 74, 75,88,89,
122, 123, 140, 141, 158, 159, 160, 161,
174,175,212,213,214,215,216,217,
218,219,220,221,221,223,224,225,
226,227,228,229,230,231,232,233,
234,235,236,237,238,239,240,241,
242,243,244,245,246,247,248,249,
252,253,254,255,271,287,288,301,
309,3l0,3ll,3l2,3l4,3l6
Son ofMan (Filius Hominis), 72, 73
Son ofPerditio11 (Filius Perditionis), 140,
141
Spain, 3,4, 7,19,27,268,269,305
Stoic, 260
Sulpicius Severus, l and 11. 6; 2 n. 14; 3 and
18;4; 15;259;260;269;272
Sun (So[), 44, 45, 46, 47, 54, 55, 64, 65, 74,
77,108,109,126,127,262,263,264,266,
282
Svennung, J., 27 11. 151
344 Index 1
Symposius, 2 n. 8, 74, 75, 76, 77, 271 Van Den Broek, R., 265
Syria 1 Syrias 1 Syrian, 148, 149, 254, 255, Venus, 10 and n. 64, 44, 45, 46, 47, 262
298 Veronese, M., 10 and n. 65, 11 n. 68, 259,
270,271,274,274,278,279,280,281,
Tabernacle, 56, 57, 120, 121, 154, 155, 158, 285,286,287,288,294,296,297,300,
159 301
Tarragona, 8 and n. 60 Vetus Latina (Bible), 20, 292,300,312
Teacher 1 Doctor, 1, 54, 55, 74, 75, 78, 79, Vilella, J., 306
138,139,184,185,236,237 Vincent of Lerins, 304
Temple, 52, 53, 56, 57, 92, 93, 110, 111, 120, Vollmann, B., 9 n. 61; 14 and n. 86; 15 and
121, 132, 133, 142, 143, 158, 159, 180, 181 n.92; 16n. 103;267;268;278;281;288;
Tertullian, 22, 280 293;295
Ps-Tertullian, 265 Volventius, 4
Tertullus, 5 Vouaux, L., 275
Testament of Saloman, 263 Vries, de S., 6 and n. 41
Theophilus, 254 n. 6 Vulgate Bible, 17, 20, 26, 27, 29, 303, 308,
Thomas (apostle), 274, 275 312,315
Thurn, H., 26 n. 144; 27 and n. 150
Tiberianus, 5, 32, 33, 259 Waldstein, M. and Wisse, F., 261
Tillemont, de S. L., 6 and n. 38 Watts, E. J., 11 n. 70
Timothy, 200,201 J. Wordsworth, J. and White, H. J., 27 and
Tobit 1 Tobias, 64, 65, 84, 85, 263, 274, 275 n. 156; 28; 29 and n. 165
Tranoy, A., 8 n. 60 Würzburg Tractates, 7, 9-12, 13-17,22-4,
Trier, 1 n. 2, 4, 5, 16, 259,265 25-7,32-163,259-302
Trinity 1 Trinitarian, 20,226, 227, 281, 286,
288,301,303,309,310,311,312,313 Yaltabaoth, 263
Turibius, 275 Yao, 261
Turner, C. H., 19, 308
Zahn, M., 313
Unionita, 260 Zahn,T., 19,309,317
Zechariah, 86, 87, 256, 257
Vahlen, J., 287 Zeu, 90,91
Van Dam, R., 8 n. 59 Zion, 110,111,242,243