AN ASSESSMNENT OF THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE
ORGANIZATION OF AFRICAN UNITY (O.A.U) TO THE
AFRICAN UNION (A.U), 1963 - 2007
Victor Osaro Edo
and
Michael Abiodun Olanrewaju
Abstract
The Organisation of African Unity (O.A.U) in 2002 transited and
transformed into the African Union (AU) after a period of 39 critical years.
This paper, therefore, assesses the existence of the O.A.U. between 1963,
when it was established and 2002 on the one hand and goes further to
examine the AU between 2002 and 2007 on the other. It establishes that the
democratic tenets sweeping across the continent from the time of
independence from colonial rule as well as Pan African dictates that is above
ideological and other primordial considerations led to the organization's
debut. It noted that the transformation was as a result of the failures and
constraints of the O.A.U. The work further looked at the emergence of the
AU as a corrective union and concluded by examining the AU in the light of
its new structure, that is, the New Partnership for Africa's Development
(NEPAD) as a radical transformation of Africa's response to international
affairs.
Introduction
The Organisation of African unity (O.A.U), the umbrella association the African
continent was established on 25 May, 1963 at Addis Aba Ethiopia. The charter
of the O.A.U was signed on that day by Heads State and Government of 32
independent African states at the end of a conference that started on 23 May,
1963. The organisation, which was an amalgam of the three ideological blocs
in Africa, namely, the Casablanca group led by Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana; the
Moronvia group led by Nigeria's Tafawa Balewa; and the Brazzaville group led
by Cameroon transformed in 2002 to the African Union (A.U). It is noteworthy
that the three blocs or groupings aimed at regional unity in spite of their
ideological differences.
By 1962, several African leaders got tired of the divisions within the African
continent and so jettisoned bloc politics. It was this development that eventually
led to the birth of the O.A.U on 25 May, 19634. It is significant that the signing
of the charter was a landmark in Africa Pan Africanist movement and provided
room for the fact that Africa would henceforth speak with one voice and be in
a position to resist imperial rule and neo-colonialism. This singular
development was watershed in inter - African relations. This was because the
charter stipulated the need for unity among members as well as co-opoeration
in their various endeavours.
The O.A.U., 1963 - 2002
As it were, the O.AU. lasted 39 years from 1963 to 2002, when it transformed
into the African Union (A.U). Within the period of 39 years, the O.A.U. tried to
accomplish the Aims and Objectives of the organization as far as it could.
Indeed, heads of African states believed that it was the inalienable right of all
people to control their own destiny, that freedom, equality, justice and dignity
were essential objectives for the achievements of the legitimate aspirations of
the African peoples, the harnessing of natural and human resources, the desire
to promote understanding and safeguard the independence and territorial
integrity of African states. Besides, other motivating factors included the
desire to establish conditions for peace and security in Africa, to ensure African
progress and cooperation among the states, to enhance the well being of
Africans and to establish common institutions. All these were contained in the
preambles to the charter of the OAU.
Indeed, the objectives and goals of setting up the OAU were clearly stated
in the organisation's charter, particularly Article II, which states inter alia:
1. The organisation shall have the following purposes;
a. To promote the unity and solidarity of the African states;
b. To co-ordinate and intensify their co-operation and efforts to achieve a
better life for the people of Africa;
c. To defend their sovereignty, their territorial integrity and independence;
d. To eradicate all forms of colonialism from Africa; and.
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2. To these ends, the member states shall co-ordinate and harmonize their
general policies, especially in the following fields:
a. Political and diplomatic co-operation;
b. Economic co-operation, including transport and communication;
c. Educational and cultural co-operation;
d. Health, sanitation and nutritional cooperation;
e. Scientific and technical co-operation; and
f. Co-operation for defence and security.
The principles underlining the stated objectives of the O.A.U are enunciated in
Article III of the Charter, which also states as follows:
The member states, in pursuit of the purposes stated in Article II
solemnly affirm and declare their adherence to the following
principles:
1. The sovereign equality of all member states;
2. Non-interference in the internal affairs of states;
3. Respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each member
state and for its inalienable right to independent existence,
4. Peaceful settlement of disputes by negotiations, mediation,
conciliation, or arbitration;
5. Unreserved condemnation, in all its forms, of political assassination as
well as of subversive activities on the part of neighbouring states or
any other states;
6. Absolute dedication to the total emancipation of the African territories
which are still dependent;
7. Affirmation of a policy of non-alignment with regard to all blocs.
In proclaiming the OAU's principles and objectives, the founding fathers of the
Organisation envisaged clearly a unity that transcended ethnic and national
differences. Hence, the Pan African interests at the onset made African
statesmen at the formative stage of the O.A.U. jettison their ideological and
philosophical persuasion in an era of thick cold war to begin a Continental
Organisation that united them beyond geo-political, colonial and primordial
exigencies. Thus, it is not surprising that the objectives of the O.A.U. at the
beginning were tailored towards the unity of the Continent at International fora
to be able to rid the Continent of the twin evils of colonialism and apartheid,
settle disputes between member states, maintain territorial integrity of member
states to wade off any form of suspicion among member states.
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The OAU, no doubt, successfully achieved the above aims and objectives.
Today, no African country is under colonial rule and apartheid South Africa has
regained its freedom since 1994. However, the O.A.U never had the capacity to
resolve major wars in Africa throughout its period of existence. Indeed, it had
no standing army. Little wonder, it was described as a bull dog that could only
bark, but could not bite. Besides, the O.A.U never developed to become an
economic union like other regional organizations, such as the European Union.
Perhaps, this
informed the initiative of some African leaders to campaign for it to be
transformed to the African Union that emerged in 2002, ten years ago.
O.A.U. Performance, 1963-2002
The performance of the Organisation of African Unity can be adequately
evaluated and justified in consonance with its stated objectives in the ever-
changing world. Thus, the positive changes that the actions of the organisation
brought into the continent as well as its inherent international political
dynamism in the different spheres are worthy of enumeration. This will now be
discussed piecemeal.
Political Achievements
In the annals of the Continent, the Organisation was able to supranational unity
that transcended any primordial considerations - ideological blocs, ethnic,
religious and even colonial attachments/cleavages. This bound of unity became
manifest at the international diplomatic levels where Africa was able to speak
with one voice at the United Nations. Africa as a continent started having
envoys to represent its general interest at the United Nations (U.N). Thus, a
radical change or departure from the past, when Africa presented their demands
in discordant manners. According to Agbi, "it indeed created a framework of
unity for Africa".
The OAU performed creditably well in areas of political liberation African
States from their colonial masters. The OAU Co-ordinating Committee for the
Liberation of Africa had organised diplomatic support and channeled financial,
military and logistical aids to liberation movements. This made liberation
struggle to be recognised as legitimate in the U.N. Even at liberation, countries
like Guinea Bissau, Angola and Mozambique received international support
through funding by the OAU. Given various actions like taking Portugal to the
International Court of Justice (ICJ) on the status of Namibia and the need to
grant the territory its independence; the U.N. boycott of racist South Africa,
pressure on Britain as the colonial power that allowed Ian Smith Unilateral
Declaration of Independence over Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) in 1965 to grant
independence. Thus, the embarrassment and condemnation that Portugal, racist
minority rulers of South Africa, Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) with their NATO allies
suffered in the hands of the African group in the U.N. contributed immensely
towards decolonisation of Africa.
According to Kio, the OAU could achieve the feats it did in political
liberation because:
Although none of the principles of the charter imposes legal obligations on
member states, the establishment of the O.A.U. Liberation Committee made
the assistance to liberation movements morally binding and virtually
compulsory. In addition, the resolutions passed by the OAU have themselves
become morally binding - being the implementation of the purposes and
principles of the charter to which the member states pledged their loyalty and
adherence.
This line of argument is further strengthened with the OAU Summit Declaration
on Dialogue at Addis Ababa in 1971. It is not surprising that liberation
movements from then became Associate Members of the OAU with their
observer status. This underscores the essence of funding liberation movements
aimed at total eradication of colonialism in Africa as adopted by the OAU
Summits at Cairo in 1964 and Accra in 1965. Attempts were made by South
Africa and its allies to blackmail the Dar-es-Salam headquarters of the
Liberation Committee as "Centre for Communist conspiracy against Africa",
but the OAU remained resolute in making the world know that it is the centre
for diplomatic co-ordination for total liberation of Africa. Not minding the time
and dimensions that it took, it is to the credit of the OAU that colonialism had
been totally eradicated from the African continent in accordance with Article II
(1) d of its 1963 charter.
Closely tied to political liberation were the organisation's efforts in the
struggle against apartheid and its demise. African group at the United Nations
sensitised, mobilised world opinions and campaigned vigorously against state
imposed racial discrimination as a state administrative policy in South Africa,
Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) and Namibia. This led to the exclusion of apartheid
South Africa from the Commonwealth of Nations, and international sports until
the black majority rule found its way in that part of the continent.
In the areas of defence of Member States' sovereignty and territorial
integrity, the OAU has achieved greatly. For instance, the OAU was resolute on
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preservation of cohesion of Nigeria as a single entity during the civil war (1967
- 1970). The ad hoc Committee set up strived to resolve the crisis within the
African context. Likewise, were the Sierra Leone and Liberia civil wars when
regional peace keeper of Economic Community of West African states led by
Nigeria intervened and restored peace in the war torn countries in the 1990s.
The same story was the case with Angola civil war, which lasted 29 years.
Restoration of peace to the belligerent political leaders at different African
countries such as Mozambique, Sudan (Dafur), Somalia, Niger, Chad, etc are
great changes that the OAU had performed in its decades of existence.
In a number of boundary disputes/conflicts, the OAU had decisively
resolved them in an African spirit without any foreign intervention. In the
Northern African region, border conflicts between Arab African brothers like
Morocco and Algeria was resolved, conflicts between Somalia and Ethiopia and
between Chad and Libya were resolved. In East Africa, conflicts between
Uganda and Kenya was also resolved, while the conflict between Gabon and
Equatorial Guinea in Central Africa was equally resolved. The ability of the
OAU through its Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration Commission to
resolve intra-African conflicts had received commendation from the United
Nations.
The concentration of the OAU performance on political emancipation from
colonialism, maintenance and restoration of territorial integrity, peace and
orderliness has made some scholars to accuse the OAU of being only a political
organisation thrusted towards effecting political changes that it has recorded in
Africa. However, it would be pertinent to examine some of the other fields that
the OAU tried to perform and make impact.
Economic Achievements
The OAU made many significant economic decisions. These included the
African Declaration on Economic Co-operation, Development and
Independence (May, 1973); the programme of Technical Co-operation (July,
1975); the Kinshasa Declaration (December, 1978), which paved the way for
the creation of the African Economic Group (AEG); the Monrovia strategy for
Economic Development in Africa (July, 1979); the Lagos Plan of Action (April,
1980); and the creation of the African Economic Group in Abuja, Nigeria in
1991.
By 1981, the African Economic Commission (AEC) was formed. Through
the OAU efforts, African countries were able to harmonise their policies on
UNCTAD, IBRD, IMF, UNIDO, ILO, which improved their terms of trade,
participation in a new international monetary system as well as attraction of
more multilateral aid. This had (he added advantage of propelling them to seek
for modification of international law on the Continental shelf and territorial
water.
The OAU laid the basis for a Continental telecommunications network as
well as efficient air and road transport that was beyond colonial vestige.
However, most of these economic decisions were limited to intra- governmental
levels to the exclusion of the private sector involvement as obtained in other
climes that contributed to prosperity of their citizenry.
Social Achievements
The organisation unified trade unions across the Continent through the
formation of the Organization of African Trade Union Unity (OATUU) with its
headquarters in Accra, Ghana. It also united African youths into African Youth
Organisations to prepare them for the challenge of future leadership of the
Continent.
In the field of Education, Science and Health, the OAU to fostered academic
exchange among African universities in particular, promoted pre-investment
studies, earth science as well as preventive medicine and public health.
In terms of conflict management and resolution, the OAU has achieved
success to a large extent. Ambassador Ronald D. Palmer in 2003 reported that
the New York_Times commented that this was a long step forward and "is a
testament to the duration of peace agreements reached by African nations with
minimal outside help or interference" with reference to Democratic Republic of
Congo crisis of 1998 - 2003. The O. A.U played prominent roles in restoring
peace to the Sudan, Somalia, Sierra Leone Liberia, Cole ď Ivoire, Madagascar,
Mozambique, Zambia, and Uganda Kenya, which Palmer called, "a possible
trend toward local resolution of disputes".
The OAU took concrete action towards the social problems of refuges
created by the pervading conflicts in the continent. With a bureau at the OAU
headquarters set up purposely for the educational placement refugees in Africa,
the 1969 Summit adopted the Convention. Thus, refugees' status and right of
asylum in accordance with Article 11 of the OAU Convention on Refugees
started operating. Refugees had a new lease of life are left territories where their
lives were threatened.
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Challenges of The OAU up to 2002
Political Instability and Military Coup
It was the central belief of the OAU that there should be non-interference in the
internal affairs or sovereignty of other member states. This promoted
dictatorship in the African political scene for several years.
This, in turn, aided political instability as coups and counter coups became
the order of the day. It is tragic to note that one of the founding fathers of the
OAU, Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, was overthrown in 1974 and
murdered by Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam. Mengistu Haile Mariam
declared his 'red terror', which was used to eliminate thousands of his
opponents. The OAU leaders did not frown at this, but converged at the
subsequent summit at Addis Ababa only to thank Mengistu for a warm hostage
of its meeting.
In the West African states of Ghana, Guinea, Mali, Nigeria, Sierra Leone,
Liberia, Gambia and Chad, the political leaders were overthrown by the military
at various times without any serious reaction from the OAU. Kwame Nkrumah
of Ghana who was a leading figure at the formation of the OAU was overthrown
in a coup d'état by Gen. Joseph Ankrah on February 24, 1966, halting the
growth and development of democracy in that country. Successive coups
followed in Ghana in 1967, 1972, 1977, 1978 and 1979 by Lt. Samuel Benjamin
Arthur, Lt. Col. Ignatius Kutu Acheampong, Lt. Col. George Minyila/ Attoh
Quarshie,
Gen. F.W.K. Akuffo and Fit. Lt. Jerry Rawlings respectively.
In Guinea, another founding figure, Sekou Toure of Guinea, was toppled in
another military putsch on February 16, 1968.1n Guinea Bissau. Maj. Joao
Bernardo Vierra toppled the democratic government on November 14. 1980
before he was also toppled by Col. Paul Correira in another coup in 1985. The
same thing happened in Mali where Lt. Moussa Traore staged a successful coup
that toppled the democratic government on November 19, 1968 and Chad where
Ahmed Abdullah led junta toppled the government on August 26, 1971 before
he was overthrown in another putsch by Gen. Noel Odigar in 1975. In Nigeria,
Alhaji (Sir) Abubakar Tafawa Balewa who was another founding father of the
O.A.U was overthrown by Major Kaduna Nzeogwu in January, 1966. General
Aguiyi Ironsi took over power was overthrown later by General Yakubu Gowon
on July 29, 1966. This military junta ruled Nigeria for 9 years before he was
toppled by General Murtala Muhammed on July 29, 1975.
An unsuccessful military coup against the administration of General Murtala
Muhammed on February 13, 1976 by Lt. Colonel Bukar Suka Dimka led to the
death of Gen. Muhammed, which made General Olusegun Obasanjo, who was
the second in command, to succeed him. He handed over to a civilian
democratic regime on October 1, 1979. General Muhammad Buhari overthrew
President Shehu Shagari on December 31, 1983.The Military President,
General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida in a palace coup on August 27, 1985
removed General Buhari. When attempts at handing over to a democratic
government was burgled with the annulment of June 12, 1993 election by the
Military Government, an Interim Government headed by Chief Earnest
Adegunle Shonekan was set up. This regime was overthrown by General Sanni
Abacha on November 17, 1993. And when Gen. Abacha suddenly died on June
7, 1998, he was replaced by General Abubakar Abdulsalam, who handed over
the reins of power to Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo (rtd.) as an elected civilian head
of state.
The vicious circle of coup d'etat was not peculiar to the West African sub
region. It was a common feature of all African regions. In Central African
Republic, there were ten coups with that of Gen. Soglo of November 15, 1965
being the first. In Congo Brazzaville, the democratic government was
overthrown on August 15, 1963, which was followed by another coup in 1967.
While in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Gen. Mobutu Sese Seko toppled
the democratic socialist government of Patrice Lumunba.
The essence of analysing these coups is to point out the fact that political
instability all over Africa was a feature that spanned decades, but to which the
OAU never articulated any solution. Instead of making military insurgency an
aberration and possibly ostracise and isolate the leadership of the insurgent/
military usurpers in the committee of nations, the OAU would openly welcome
and admit them to their summit. The failure of the OAU to solve the problems
of political instability, inherently influenced the search for a more responsive
organisations by member states.
Civil Wars and The OAU
Closely knit to the political instability was the prevalence of conflicts all
over the Continent, which the OAU could not resolve. For instance, there
5
was civil war from 1967 to 1970 in Nigeria, which the OAU could not resolve.
Likewise, armed conflict arose in Chad with the chaotic one beginning in 1965
spanning the era of the Transitional Government of National Unity from 1979
to 1982' including the Libyan intervention on the side of President Goukouni
Queddei against the former Defence Minister, Hussene Habre, in 1980. In Sierra
Leone, Foday Sankoh led Revolutionary United Front (RUF) began a civil war
in 1991 that lasted nine (9) years. In Liberia, following the coup led by Master
Sergeant Samuel Doe of the Peoples Redemption Council [PRC] against
President William Richard Tolbert on April 12, 1980, he embarked on the attack
of people from Nimba County where people like Charles Taylor came from.
This made Charles Taylor to leave Samuel Doe's Government and started an
assemblage of rebel forces named the National Patriotic Front of Liberia
(NPFL). The civil war in Mali, 1990-1996, had ethnic colouration as the revolt
of the Tuaregs who wanted seoarate autonomy led to the conflict.
Conflicts degenerating to civil wars were not peculiar to the West African
sub region. In the North African state of Algeria, the civil war was an armed
conflict between the Algerian government and various Islamist rebel groups,
which began in 1991 when the Islamic Salvation Front [FIS] party gained
popularity among Algerians and the National Liberation Front [FLN] party
fearing defeat cancelled elections after the first round. This led to the overthrow
of President Chadli Bendjedid in 1992 and the emergence of various Islamist
guerrillas or armed groups all over Algeria. The election of President AbdelAziz
Bouteflika in 1999 and his granting of amnesty to the armed groups led to the
decline of conflict.
In the Horn of Africa, the Ethiopian civil war began in 1974 when Emperor
Haile Selassie was overthrown and continued until a coalition of rebel groups
under the aegis of Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front
[EPRDF] got rid of Mengistu in 1991. Ditto for the Somali civil war, which was
an armed conflict in Somalia that started in 1988 that almost caused crisis at the
OAU summit on June 15, 1995 with non-recognition of Gen. Farah Aidid
Government. In the Sudan, the first civil war was from 1965 to 1972, which
reignited the North-South conflict in 1983-2005. They referred to these as
Anyanya 1 and Anyanya 2 with the Southern Sudanese liberation movement of
Southern Sudan People Liberation Army led by John Garang demanding for
autonomy from the Islamic North. In Central Africa, Zaire or Democratic
Republic of Congo had the First Congo war in 1997 that led to the overthrow
of one of the longest African serving despot, President Mobutu Sese Seko. The
second phase of this armed conflict was between 1998 and 2003. All these
armed conflicts led to the killings of millions of Africans, displacement from
homes, refugee crisis, child-soldier, economic dislocation and depression, just
to mention a few.
For decades of existence as a Continental Organisation, the "OAU never
evolved any concrete pro-active conflict resolution mechanism to deal with
intra and international conflicts within member states". It is an irony that foreign
aids from Europe, America and the United Nations were usually recourse to by
the OAU on conflict resolution in Africa. This was one of the challenges that
necessitated the desire for change in the OAU as an organisation.
Socio-Economic Challenges
Socio-economic weakness was a great challenge that the OAU did not take any
definitive stand on throughout its years of existence. Many of the member states
were so poor after their political independence, that payment of their financial
dues to the organisation was near impossible, if not totally impossible. Some of
them were so poor that they relied mostly on external funding to run their
administration and developmental programmes. In some of these countries, it
was only the projects sponsored by International Organisations like UNESCO,
UNDP, USAID, DFID and other multilateral bodies that were feasible.
The OAU did not do anything about the poverty level of the citizens in the
member states. The organisation at a stage assumed the position of a jamboree
instead of articulating issues that could promote good governance and improve
the standards of living of the citizenry in member states. Issues that could check
the imbalance in world trade disequilibrium that is affecting third world
countries with majority being in Africa were never articulated. Lack of
industrialisation policy that the OAU could have reversed for decades was left
unaddressed. The long years of military interregnum coupled with internecine
conflicts further compounded the economic woes of Africa, while the OAU
leadership treated them with lukewarm attitude, pretending as if all was well in
Africa. Foreign aids reduced life in some countries, especially the Southern
African region to mere existence with life expectancy being cut below what it
was about two centuries ago.
Since 1963 when the OAU was formed, the organisation never attempted to
integrate the economy of member states for collective bargaining in the
increasingly global economy with its increasing free-market philosophy.
6
Rather, the organisation encouraged regional economic development with the
West African States (ECOWAS), Southern African Development Coordinating
Commission (SADCC), North Africa-Greater Area Free Trade Area; Central
Africa-Economic Community of the Great lakes countries". All these economic
organisations were pursuing different goals vis-a-vis their regions. It was not-
until 1981 when the OAU established the African Economic Commission
(AEC) that it envisioned the need for mutual economic development of member
states through a collaborative effort that would ensure the creation of free trade
areas, customs Union, a single market, a central bank and a common currency.
The OAU's inability to achieve the ideal United Africa was further crippled
by their colonial legacy. At independence, the OAU could no break the ranks of
Francophone Countries, Anglophone Countries, the Arab League, Portuguese
Countries, and the Commonwealth of Nations. There was alignment along
colonial vestiges, which the OAU pretended not to be concerned about.
This, of course, leads neatly into another basic objective of the OAU and
that is the achievement of a better life for the peoples of Africa. Here, the
Organisation recorded total failure. The present conditions in Africa - famine,
hunger, apathetic poverty, illiteracy, and economic backwardness - are a
testimony to the failure of the OAU in this respect. African economies remain
over-dependent on the supply of raw materials and basic mineral products.
Technological development is, at best, in its infancy. It is a matter of great
sorrow that of the thirty-six least developed states in the world, twenty-four are
to be found in Africa.
The fact of the matter is that, in the first decade and even beyond, little or no
effort was made to deal with the issue of economic development. A great deal
of effort, time and energy, was spent on the political question. African nations
seem to have been influenced, as it were, by Nkrumah's political dictum: 'Seek
ye first the political kingdom and every other thing shall be added unto it'.
Reality had demonstrated that political independence without economic
underpinning is hollow and unreal.
Besides, instability which plagued many African nations has been
counterproductive to economic development. Moreover, the economies
inherited from the colonial powers have been in place, ignoring the fact that the
colonial economies were deliberately arranged to suit the interests of the
colonial powers. Thus, no attempt was made by the vast majority of African
countries to restructure their economies and tune them to serve the interests of
their people as a whole. The ex-colonial powers and the elite are the
beneficiaries of such economies. All these factors are responsible for the cruel
economic dilemma the continent now faces.
The Emergence of The African Union
Just like its predecessor, the emergence of the African Union was sudden. It was
a product of negotiation in tandem with the reality of dynamics of international
politics. Akindele observed:
In the last four decades of this century, the political liberation of Africa has
been the pre-eminent pan-African duty. In the twenty-first century, the
liberation of Africa from economic domination will be the central pan-
African task. Although member states of the organisation of African Unity
(OAU) are today reluctant to acknowledge the fact that they all conduct their
political affairs under the economic control of foreign powers, they will
sooner than later realise that neo-colonialism is the main bane of
contemporary Africa, the basic explanation for its desperate poverty.
Accordingly, the fight against neo-colonialism will, and should, form the
primary focus of OAU's activities and deliberations in the next century. . ..
Having identified the neo-colonial economic dependence of African states,
which the OAU failed to tackle, Akindele adduced that "And as the twenty-first
century matures, it will either be transformed into a more effective organisaton
or be relegated to functional irrelevance"
These scholarstic research coupled with the failures of the OAU in different
fields of endeavour earlier enumerated calls for its re-evaluation and
transformation as a Continental Organisation and consequent change inevitable:
It was not a surprise that the 35th OAU Summit of Heads of State and
Government held at the port city of Sirte, Libya witnessed the conception of
the African Union (AU) as a replacement of the Organisation of African
Unity (OAU). African leaders at the Summit accepted the invitation of
President Muammar Al Gaddafi to host the fourth extra-ordinary session of
the OAU in the port city of Sirte. It was at the extra -ordinary Summit at Sirte
held on September 8-9, 1999 that the OAU was actually re-evaluated and
transformation to the AU conceived in what is called Sirte Declaration. The
Sirte Declaration was the resolution adopted by the Organisation of African
Unity on September 9, 1999 at Sirte, Libya to create the African Union.
7
The Declaration was more of a revival of the Union of African States formed
by three West African States of Ghana, Mali and Guinea in the 1960s, which
was Marxist politically and led by African revolutionaries like Kwame
Nkrumah of Ghana, Sekou Toure of Guinea, until Guinea reached out to the
United States of America in 1962.
The OAU general secretariat in obedience to the Sirte Declaration drafted
all the legal documents creating the African Union for studying and discussion
with experts meeting on it at Addis Ababa on April 17-21, 2000, Tripoli on May
27-30, 2000 and a ministerial one on May 31 to June 2, 2000. The outcome as
institutional documents were submitted to the 36th Heads of State and
Government Summit at Lome, Togo, July 10-12, 2000 with the instruments
getting approval on July 11, 2000. 27 African states were reported to have
signed the instruments at the end of the Summit with Egypt joining a year later
after clearing the initial huddle and securing its parliamentary approval.
It was by acclamation that the Assembly of Heads of State and Government
in July 1999 in Algiers accepted an invitation from Colonel Muhammar Ghadafi
to the 4th Extraordinary Summit in September in Sirte. The purpose of the
Extraordinary Summit was to amend the OAU Charter to increase the efficiency
and effectiveness of the OAU. The theme of the Sirte Summit was
'Strengthening the OAU capacity to enable it to meet the challenges of the new
millennium'. This Summit concluded on 9 September, 1999 with the Sirte
Declaration aimed at:
- Effectively addressing the new social, political and economic realities in
Africa and the world;
- Fulfilling the peoples' aspirations for greater unity in conforming with the
objectives of the OAU Charter and the Treaty Establishing the African
Economic Community;
- Revitalising the Continental Organisation to play a more active role in
addressing the needs of the people;
- Eliminating the scourge of conflicts;
- Meeting global challenges; and
- Harnessing the human and natural resources of the continent to improve
living conditions.
To achieve these aims, the Summit, inter alia, decided to:
Establish an African Union in conformity with the ultimate objectives of the
Charter of our Continental Organisation and the provisions of the Treaty
establishing the African Economic Community. Accelerate the process of
implementing the Treaty establishing the African Economic Community, in
particular:
- Shorten the implementation periods of the Abuja Treaty,
- Ensure the speedy establishment of all the institutions provided for in the
Abuja Treaty; such as the African Central Bank, the African Monetary
Union, the African Court of Justice and in particular, the Pan- African
Parliament.
- Strengthening and consolidating the RECs as the pillars for achieving the
objectives of the African Economic Community and realising the envisaged
Union.
- Convene an African Ministerial Conference on Security, Stability,
Development and Co-operation in the Continent, as soon as possible'.
Objectives of the AU
In general, the African Union objectives are different and more comprehensive
than those of the OAU. The OAU had served its mission and was due for
replacement by a structure geared towards addressing the current needs of the
continent.
The aims of the OAU were:
- To promote the unity and solidarity of African States;
- To co-ordinate and intensify their co-operation and efforts to achieve a
better life for the peoples of Africa;
- To defend their sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence;
- To eradicate all forms of colonialism from Africa; and
- To promote international co-operation.
Comparatively, the objectives of the African Union, as contained in the
Constitutive Act, are to:
8
- Achieve greater unity and solidarity between the African countries and the
peoples of Africa;
- Defend the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of its
Member States;
- Accelerate the political and socio-economic integration of the continent;
- Promote and defend African common positions on issues of interest to the
continent and its peoples;
- Encourage international co-operation, taking due account of the Charter of
the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights;
- Promote peace, security, and stability on the continent;
- Promote democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and
good governance;
- Promote and protect human peoples' rights in accordance with the African
Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and other relevant human rights
instruments;
- Establish the necessary conditions, which enable the Continent to play its
rightful role in the global economy and in international negotiations;
- Promote sustainable development at the economic, social and cultural
levels as well as the integration of African economies;
- Promote co-operation in all fields of human activity to raise the living
standards of African peoples;
- Coordinate and harmonise the policies between the existing and future
Regional Economic Communities for the gradual attainment of the
objectives of the Union;
- Advance the development of the Continent by promoting research in all
fields, in particular in science and technology; and
- Work with relevant international partners in the eradication of preventable
diseases and the promotion of good health on the Continent.
OAU/AEC Summit, Lusaka 2001
The main objective of the Lusaka Summit was to look at the implementation of
the African Union.
The Secretary General was mandated to work out the modalities and
guidelines for the launching of the Organs of the Union, including the
preparation of the Draft Rules of Procedure of such Organs and to also ensure
the effective exercising of authority and discharging of their responsibilities.
The priority Organs are the Assembly, the Executive Council, the Commission
and the Permanent Representative Committee. Rules of Procedure for all these
Organs were developed prior to the First Summit of the African Union in July,
2002 (the Pan- African Parliament developed its own rules of procedures).
Decisions of the Lusaka Summit implementation
- The Secretary-General was mandated to, in consultation with Member
States, work with Member States through their Permanent Representatives
and Experts. A Representative Committee of Ministers was established for
this purpose, which would oversee the process and present its proposals and
recommendations to the Council.
- The Secretary-General was mandated to, in consultation with Member
States; submit proposals regarding the Structure, Functions and Powers of
the Commission.
- It is the responsibility of each Member State to popularise the African
Union and should in doing so, also involve citizens.
- NGOs, Professional Associations and Civil Society Organisations were
involved in the formulation and implementation of the Economic, Social
and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC) Programmes. Proposals and
recommendations on Structure, Function, Area of Competence and
relationships were submitted to the next Council of Ministers meeting.
Recommendations included the Procedure and Criteria in selecting
members of ECOSOCC as well as the Rules of Procedure.
- The ECOSOC (Economic and Social Council) as provided for in the Abuja
Treaty ceases to exist at the end of the transition period.
- The Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution
(Central Organ) was incorporated into the Union as an Organ and the
Secretary-General should undertake a review of its structure procedure and
working methods, including a possible change of name.
- The Secretary General should consult the Communities (RECs), and RECs
were involve and implementation of all Programmes of the Union. The
Protocol establishing the relations between the AEC and REC were
amended and a new Protocol is prepared. Summit also called upon the
policy organs of the RECs to initiate a reflection of their relationships with
the Union.
- The Secretary-General undertook a review of existing OAU Specialised
Agencies and made recommendations on possible incorporation as
Specialised Agencies of the African Union.
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- The Secretary General prepared and submit a report on all aspects of the
functioning of the Specialised Technical Committees.
- 25 May remains a commemoration day and an official public holiday of the
African Union, while 2 March will be recognised as a Union Day.
- The transitional period was one year following the adoption of this
Decision (Decision AHG/Dec. 1 (XXXVIII) that is, from 11 July, 2001 to
10 July, 2002.
- The Secretary General would continue to use the OAU symbols, that is
Logo, Flag and Anthem until such time that new symbols are decided upon.
The processes to decide on the new symbols should involve citizens and
competitions.
- The Secretary General should take the necessary measures for the
devolution of Assets and Liabilities of the OAU to the Union.
- The Secretary General was empowered to review and seek where
necessary, amendment of the OAU Agreements with "this historic effort
will require leadership, courage and willingness to depart from the ways of
the past, if it is to "do for Africa what the European Union has done for
Europe".
Those are the words of Kofi Annan, the secretary-general of the United Nations,
himself an African from Ghana. He was speaking about the newly-created
African Union (AU), which was to replace the Organisation of African Unity
(OAU).
Annan's address was delivered at the 37th OAU summit, which ended in
Lusaka, Zambia, and had prepared the ground for the transition and
transformation into the African Union. The AU was inspired by the European
Union and styled on other global Continental bodies in Asia and America.
But will it work?
The African Union is being touted as the Continental body that will pave the
way to a better life for all Africans. It is a tall order. In less than a year, the new
interim Secretary-General of the OAU, Cote d'lvoire's former Foreign Minister,
Amara Essy, must try to steer the Continent towards a semblance of unity and
development that will put Africa firmly on the global stage.
 Analysts warn that too much faith is being placed in a document that makes
more sense in theory than in practice. They say African leaders are rushing to
create what should be a more effective political and economic union without
enough thought, thanks to fears of being left trailing in the rapid race of
globalisation. The observers conclude that the timetable for trying to achieve
these goals is unrealistic and could backfire.
The Right Leadership?
Does the Current Continental leadership have what it takes? The answer is yes
and no. There are serving African leaders of vision and integrity, who are
competent and committed. There are others who have not lived up to high hopes
and expectations of their election and have manifestly failed their people.
There are hawks and doves, there are movers and shakers and there are those
leaders who delight in obstructing and thwarting progress. In short, Africa has
some leaders who are a credit to the Continent and others who are a disgrace.
Kofi Annan went straight to the point when he stressed that the resolution of
the many conflicts in Africa was essential to making the Continent work. But
he also pointed out that these were "in a great measure the result of misguided
leadership, which is unwilling or unable to put the people's interests first". He
told a news conference: "No one can say that 'My country has peace and
therefore conflicts in this or that country are not my responsibility.' No one
wants to invest in bad neighbourhoods, so we need to clean up our
neighbourhood".
The OAU, created in 1963, dedicated most of its resources and energy to the
fight against colonialism in Africa and backed the Frontline States and the
Continent in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. The priorities and
ambitions of the African Union will be different.
A new plan for Africa
The African Initiative, which is a merger of the Millennium African Recovery
Programme (MAP) spearheaded by South African leader, Thabo Mbeki, and the
Plan Omega proposed by Senegalese President, Abdoulaye Wade, was
promoted in Lusaka as a blueprint for the regeneration of Africa.
The Initiative calls on African leaders to consolidate democracy and
development on the continent and strive for prosperity. It urges the richer,
industrialised world to increase investment, assistance and confidence in Africa.
10
The plan, one of the many challenges facing Africa, was presented to the leaders
at the Lusaka summit.
In his opening remarks, the outgoing OAU Secretary-General, Salim Ahmed
Salim of Tanzania, said: "This summit must provide answers to the questions
that occupy the minds of our people, including the form and nature of the AU
that we are establishing. Is the Union merely the OAU in a different name?"
Salim asked.
Africans all over the Continent are asking the same question and hoping the
AU is not. Salim, who has occupied the top post for the past 12 years, was
referring to the lack of political clout, and perhaps more significantly funds for
the OAU to achieve its aims, including the resolution of the devastating regional
wars.
Design of the African Union
Of crucial importance in the establishment of the Organs of the Union is the
challenge to move away from the overly state-centric character of the OAU and
its concomitant lack of civil participation. The co-operation of African NGOs,
civil societies, labour unions, business organisations are essential in the process
of co-operation and implementation of the Abuja Treaty, as was expressed in
the Ouagadougou Declaration and provided for in the Sirte Declaration.
During the Lusaka Summit, several references were made to the African
Union being loosely based on the European Union model, in which respect it
was said that Africa 'should not re-invent the wheel’. However, it was agreed
that the African Union should be something new, with the emphasis on being
an African experience.
Whereas the OAU was in principle a political Organisation that also
discussed matters of economic and social concern, the African Union should be
an Organisation aimed at economic integration and social development, which
should lead to political unity.
Organs of the African Union
Pan- African Parliament (PAP)
The PAP is the highest legislative body of the African Union. The seat of the
PAP is at_Madrand, South Africa. The Parliament is composed of 265 elected
representatives from all fifty-three AU states, and intended to provide popular
and civil-society participation in the processes of democratic governance. They
meet at least twice in a year and adopt its own procedures. Decisions on any
African concern are taken with approval by two-thirds majority.
Assembly of the African Union
Composed of Heads of State and Government of AU states, the Assembly is
currently the supreme governing body of the African Union. It is gradually
devolving some of its decision-making powers to the Pan African Parliament.
It meets once a year and makes its decisions by consensus or by a two-thirds
majority.
African Union Commission
The secretariat of the African Union was composed of ten commissioners and
supporting staff and headquartered in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. In a similar
fashion to its European counterpart, the European Commission, it is responsible
for the administration and co-ordination of the AU’s activities and meetings.
African Court of Justice
To rule on human rights abuses in Africa. The court consists of eleven judges
elected by the Assembly. Kenya and Uganda expressed interests in hosting the
court, but it is now based in Nairobi, Kenya.
Executive Council
Composed of ministers designated by the governments of member states. It
decides on matters such as foreign trade, social security, food, agriculture and
communications. It is accountable to the Assembly and prepares materials for
the Assembly to discuss and approve. It meets at least twice in a year as it
prepares grounds for the Assembly meetings
Permanent representatives committee
Consisting of nominated permanent representatives of member states, the
committee prepares the work for the Executive Council. (European Union
equivalent of the Committee of Permanent Representatives (COREPER).
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Peace and Security Council
Proposed at the Lusaka Summit in 2001, it has fifteen members responsible
for similar programmes in intent and operation to the United Nat
Security Council.
Economic, Social and Cultural Council
An advisory organ composed of professional and civic representatives, similar
to the European Economic and Social Committee.
Specialised Technical Committees
These address Rural Economy and Agricultural Matters: Monetary and
Financial Affairs; Trade, Customs and Immigration matters, Industry, Science
and Technology, Energy, Natural Resources, and Environment, Transportation,
Communications and Tourism: Health, Labour and Social Affairs, Education,
Culture, and Human Resources.
Financial Institutions
- The African Bank
- The African Monetary fund
- African Investment Bank
Prof. Ibrahim Gambari opined that:
Africa is in the cusp of change and renewal so much so that observers point
to many parallels between the immediate post-independence era of the 1960s.
Then as now, there was considerable hope about the course of regional events.
Democracy was also in the ascendancy. There was a crop of (new) leaders in
most African countries, who were inspired by and committed to Pan-
Africanism. Where the Organization of African Unity (OAU) was formed in
1963 as a practical expression of political commitment to a regional political
solidarity, the African Union which was inaugurated in 2002 has reinforced
the growing importance of regionalism in an era of globalisation. Taken
together, the African Union and NEPAD - which was adopted in 2001 – are
key instruments for the region's political, economic and social renewal. The
African Union and NEPAD have come to symbolize the hope and progress in
Africa today; indeed, what some African leaders have referred to as the
African Renaissance.

Invariably, the African Union (AU) was launched in Durban, South Africa on
July 9, 2002 by its first Chairman, Thabo Mbeki of South Africa where the first
session of the Assembly was held. The second session of the Assembly was held
at Maputo in 2003 and third session at Addis Ababa in July 6, 2004.
The African Union as a Corrective Measure
The African Union (AU) was established as a corrective measure to observable
inadequacies in its predecessor, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). It
would be pertinent to examine some of these corrective measures that the AU
was to be:
African Union (AU) from inception was to correct the low economic growth
of Africa due to low intra and inter- African trade relations that has made the
continent to be heavily indebted to countries of Europe and America. The
paradigm shift of AU from neo-colonial economic dependence on foreign
trade would drastically reduce debt repayment and promote economic growth.
A focus shift from state - centrist economic control by the formation of the AU
to the involvement of the private sectors, especially the Non-Governmental
Organisations in economic activities apart from aiding inter-African trade
would go a long way to integrate Africa's economy with the World as it is the
private sector that forms the engine room of industrial and economic
developments in the advanced continents. New Economic Partnership for
African Development (NEPAD) as an instrument of AU presents Africa as a
continent working towards an integrated economy with prospects for a better
trade negotiation at the world trade in a globalised economy. In other to reduce
and checkmate endemic corruption by African governments, promote good
governance and protect the interest of the citizenry that has suffered in the
almost four decades of OAU, African countries are to subject themselves to a
"peer review" mechanism whereby all their records would be looked into and
properly audited by the intercontinental body.
As a corrective measure, the fact that the African Union adapted NEPAD as
an instrument, it has attracted international intervention in African problems.
This has influenced the European Union, United States of America and even the
United Nations to develop sudden change and have interest in Africa's socio-
economic improvements. It is of little wonder that international intervention
and aid in the fight against High Immune Deficiency Virus and Acquired
12
Immune Deficiency Syndrome (HIV / AIDS), malaria, tuberculosis, polio
meningitis as well other diseases increased greatly.
The AU set up peace and security committee unlike the OAU that has a
commission to manage crisis. The AU aims at permanent solution to African
crisis. Autocratic political dispensation was to be replaced by democratic
government.
The AU frowned at one - party democracy and military adventurism in
politics. Unlike the OAU era when autocrats, tyrants, like Idi-Amin Dada ruled
Uganda, Mobutu Sese Seko ruled Democratic Republic of Congo (Zaire) where
they brutalised citizens and foreigners alike, the AU stands to correct all these
political anomalies in the African states. The AU noted that civil wars and
various bloody conflicts can only be brought to an end by making the total
resolution of conflicts possible and restoration of peace. Thus, the AU peace
and security committee worked assiduously to restore peace to the Sudan in
September 2002, Angola in April, 2002, Sierra Leone in 2002, Liberia in 2003,
Cote d’Voire, Chad, Central African Republic, Uganda, Burundi, and
Zimbabwe. All these are indications of growing prospects for African solution
to African problems.
Despite the fact that African countries under the Organisation of African
Unity (OAU) signed the protocol on the protection of Human and Peoples
Rights, most, often, do not adhere to its implementation. The African Union
aims at correcting this by the institution of African Court of Justice.
And in streamlining a common African economy in the competitive global
economy, the AU aims to ensure a common African currency with a common
African Financial Institution under the African Central Bank in order to correct
the global lopsidedness of Africa in international trade and commerce.
In fact, all the structures of the AU like the Pan-African Parliament, the
Economic Council, Social Council, Specialised Commissions are geared
towards correcting the inadequacies of the OAU that necessitated its re-
evaluation and transformation after 39 years of existence.
Conclusion
From the aforestated, the African Union requires the international community,
in particular the G8 countries, to further take concrete programme of action in
line with commitments made in the United Nations Millennium Declaration in
2000 and the G8 Africa Action Plan in 2002. The NEPAD strategies and the
recommended actions of the UN Millennium Project and the Commission for
Africa provide the details of interventions required. Therefore, the lack of
concrete development strategies and action plans, sufficiently quantified and
detailed, can no longer be cited as a reason for lack of progress. The most critical
proposed actions are the following:
A commitment to provide increased budgetary support for the AU’s Peace
and Security programme on a predictable multi-year basis.
The doubling of development assistance in three years and further increases
thereafter to ensure that Africa is able to meet the MDGs by 2015.
The establishment and financing of a US$20 billion AU/NEPAD
Development Fund to fast track the implementation of NEPAD programmes in
infrastructure, agriculture, education and skills development, integrated health
systems, water and sanitation and capacity building, and the implementation of
the APRM programmes of action.
Agreement on the cancellation of the debts of all the Least Developed
Countries. Agreements on time frames for the abolition of trade-distorting
agricultural subsidies are essential.
Africa has made an excellent start, which is a tribute to the commitment of
its Heads of States to improving the continent and evidence of what can be
achieved by committed leadership, supported by a small secretariat of dedicated
experts, working in close collaboration with the AU Commission. The
increasing number of countries that are implementing progressive political and
economic governance policies and regulatory frameworks is further evidence
of the leadership of the Heads of States. Through NEPAD's work with all
stakeholders, Africa now has, for the first time in its history, a common rallying
point for the development of the continent. The challenge is to build on this
foundation by strengthening the partnership with the African people and the
international community, particularly the highly industrialised countries.
NEPAD is actualizing the AU vision of an Africa integrated, prosperous and
peaceful, community driven by its own citizens, a dynamic force in the global
arena". Yes, Africa has embarked on a long and difficult journey. It is going to
take time to reach the desired destination. However, we have every reason to be
proud of the progress made in the first five years and so far. NEPAD must
continue until glory and prosperity returns to Africa.
NEPAD was initially met with a great deal of scepticism from much of civil
society in Africa as playing into the 'Washington Consensus' model of economic
development. In July 2002, members of some 40 African social movements,
trade unions, youth and women's organisations NGOs, religious organisations
and others endorsed the African Civil Society Declaration on NEPAD rejecting
NEPAD. A similar hostile view was taken by African scholars and activist
13
intellectuals in the 2002 Accra Declaration on Africa's Development
Challenges. Part of the problem in this rejection was that the process by which
NEPAD was adopted was insufficiently participatory- the civil society was
almost totally excluded from the discussions by which it came to be adopted.
The poor quality of the actual XEPAD document is to some extent a reflection
of this lack of consultation.
More recently, NEPAD has also been criticised by some of its initial backers,
including, notably, Senegalese President Abdoulaye Wade, who accused
NEPAD of wasting hundreds of millions of dollars and achieving nothing. Like
many other intergovernmental bodies, NEPAD suffers from slow decision-
making, and a relatively poorly resourced and often cumbersome implementing
framework. There is a great lack of information about the day-to-day activities
of the NEPAD secretariat, the website is notably uninformative that does not
help its case.
However, the programme has also received some acceptance from those
initially very critical, and in general its status has become less controversial as
it has become more established and its programmes have become more
concrete. The aim of promoting greater regional integration and trade among
African states is welcomed by many, even as the fundamental macroeconomic
principles NEPAD endorses remain contested.
By and large, the transformation of the OAU to the AU has been more of
nomenclatural change as far reaching reforms in terms of economic integration
of Africa, in terms of Intra- African trade, common custom institution and
tariffs, common currency and banking institutions like the Central Bank of
Africa as well as an apex court of Justice and, change of the citizenries from
abject poverty to prosperity is concerned. While one would not dispute some of
the macro changes, but the micro changes that affect the downtrodden citizens
that the AU wanted to reach has not been achieved. In areas of globalization,
the AU has been able to make Africa to be prominent in international polities,
but impetus of positive change is yet to be felt by ordinary Africans. The
promotion of western democratic models to a large extent in Africa has been
tangibly done by the AU, while less than half of the African countries have
submitted themselves for peer review for good governance.
Some argued that the transformation of the OAU to the AU was a
reincarnation and vindication of the stand of the Cassablanca group at the
formative stage of the organization when they called for a Continental Union
Government or United States of Africa. We disagree completely with this school
of thought because the prime mover of the AU, Moammar al Ghadafí carried
out the military putsh that brought him into power in 1969 in Libya, six clear 5. J.O. Akinbi and D.O. Olupayimi "An Overview of the Organisation of African
years after the formation of the OAU. And above all, African Union Unity (DAU) Now called African Union (AU) in Gboyega Ajayi, J.O. Akanbi
Government remains a mirage till date. and F.O. Alao (eds), Themes in Humanities and African Experience, Lagos:
For the AU to become a complete transformation and correction of the OAU. Novec'kol publisher, 2006.
it has to take many pro-active actions and jettison the cosmetic purely western 6. T. Adeniran “The Relationship between the UAU and the UN: A case study of
model of approach to renewal and change in Africa. In spite of all its Congo Crisis, 1960-1964", Nigerian Journal of International Affairs, vol. 14,
comprehensive planning, the AU has not been able to stamp its feet firmly as a 1988, pp. 113-114,
Continental Organisation that would move Africa out of the doldrums in an age 7. "The charter of the O.A.U. Documentation: An extract from African Quarterly:
A Journal of African Affairs, vol. Ill April - June, 1963.
of globalisation not minding the fact that it inherited from its precursor, the
8. T. Adeniran, "The Relationship between O.A.U and the UN. . ., 1988, p. 38.
OAU, most of the things it is being criticised for as failings.
9. S.O. Agbi, The OAU and African Diplomacy; 1963-1979, Ibadan: Impact
However, the AU should be credited for noticeable transformation in areas
Publishers, 1986, p. 10.
of intervention in the internal affairs of member states to restore democracy as 10. "OAU Charter" @www.actraw.irci/0/actriv/telearan.oau/htm. Retrieved
it happened in Togo 2005, Island of Comoros 2007 as well as peace-keeping 12/2/2009.
operations in Burundi 2002, Liberia 2002, Sierra Leone 2003, Dafür, Sudan 11. A.I. Kio, "The OAU and the liberation movements in Southern Africa, 1963-
2007, which has been a complete departure from its predecessor, the OAU. It is 1978". B.A. Essay Submitted to the Department of History, University of
on this premise that lies the growth and sustainance of democracy in Africa Ibadan, Ibadan, 1980).
from the vampire of ambitious military interventionists who were always eager 12. Ibid.
to wrestle constitutional power from the civilian political elite with their barrel 13. Ibid.
of guns. 14. S. Sadigal, (1977), "OAU and Conflict Situations in Southern Africa, Idsa
Journal, vol. ix No. 4 p. 379.
Endnotes 15. Z. Červenka, The Unfinished Quest for Unity, Africa and the Organisation of
1. The Cabablanca group comprised Ghana, Guinea, Mali, Libya, Morrocco, and African Unity, 1977; London, p. 45.
the United Arab Republic. This group of radical African States believed that 16. T. Adeniran, "The Relationship between the OAU and the UN... p. 114.
radical action should be taken to uproot imperialism and colonialism from 17. G.O. Olusanya, "Reflections on the First Twenty - five years of OAU, Nigerian
Africa. Journal of International Affairs, vol. 14. No. 1, 1988, p. 69.
2. The Moronvia group consisted of Nigeria, Liberia, Tunisia, Sierra Leone and 18. B. Bukarambe,, "Regional order and Local Disorder: OAU and Civil Wars in
Congo. These were African States that believed that moderate approach should West Africa". Nigeria Journal of International Affairs vol. 14 No. 1, 1988, p.
be adopted towards decolonisation of African States. Indeed, they believed in 106.
negotiation before independence. 19. G.O. Olusanya, "Reflections on the first Twenty five years of OAU”. ...p. 70.
3. The Brazzarille group had 12 members, which included, Cameroon, Central 20. S.Y. Omoiya, "Pan Africanism, The OAU and The African Union", S.A. Ajayi
African Republic, Chad, Congo, Gabon, Ivory Coast (now Cote ď Ivoire); (ed.), African Culture and Civilisation. Ibadan: Alantis Books, 2005, p. 388.
Malagasy, Mauritania, Niger, Senegal and Upper Volta (now Burkina Fasso). 21. R.O. Olaniyan, "OAU; Perception and Strategy for the Management of Africa's
They were ultra conservative and comprised of independent Franco-phone Underdevelopment and Economic Crisis", Nigerian Journal of International
states in Africa still tied to the apron strings of France. They also believed in Affairs, vol. 14 No. 1,1988.
negotiation before independence. 22. Ibid.
4. C.O.C. Amate, Inside the O.A.U Pan Africarism in Practice, London: 23. “What kind of Africa by the year 2000”, International Institute of Labour
Macmillian Publishers, 1986, pp. 34-51. Also, "The Charter of the O.A.U studies, Addis- Ababa, pp. 14-15.
Documentation” Africa Quarterly: A Journal of African Affairs, vol. 11. April 24. Article 11, Treaty of ECOWAS, 1975.
- June, 1963 (No. 1) p. 60. 25. R.O. Palmer, Problems and Prospects of Africa, Lagos: Hememann, 20

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