TIAONG GEC03 CaringalA Ist 1

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READINGS IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY
Southern Luzon State University

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Chapter
1 Meaning of Relevance of History; distinction of primary and secondary
resources; external and internal criticism; repositories of primary sources, and
different kinds of primary sources.
Overview
This chapter introduces history as a discipline and as narrative. It presents the

definition of the history, which transcends the common definition of history as the study of
the past. This chapter also discusses several issues in history that consequently opens up
for the theoretical aspects of the discipline. The distinction between primary and secondary
sources is also discussed in relation to the historical subject matter being studied and the
historical methodology employed by the historian. Ultimately, this chapter also tackles the
task of the historian as the arbiter of facts and evidences in making his interpretation and
forming historical narrative.
Objectives
At the end of the module, the student is expected to:
1. To understand the meaning of history as an academic discipline and to be familiar with
the underlying philosophy and methodology of the discipline.
2. To apply the knowledge in historical methodology and philiosophy in assenting and
analyzing existing historical narratives.
3. To examine and assess critically the value of historical evidences and sources.
4. To appreciate the importance of history in the social and national life of the Philippines.
Discussion
Definition and Subject Matter
History has always been known as the study of the past. Students of general
education often dread the subject for its notoriety in requiring them to memorize dates,
places, names and events from the distant eras. This low appreciation of the discipline may
be rooted from the shallow understanding of history’s relevance to their lives and to
their respective contexts. While the popular definition of history as the study of the past

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is not wrong, it does not give justice to the complexity of the subject and its importance to
human civilization.
History was derived from the Greek word historia which means “knowledge acquired
through inquiry or investigation.” History as a discipline existed for around 2,400 years and is
as old as mathematics and philosophy. This term was then adapted to classical Latin where
it acquired a new definition. Historia became known as the account of the past of a person or
a group of people through written documents and historical evidences. The meaning stuck
until the early parts of he twentieth century. History became an important academic
discipline. It became the historian’s duty to write about the lives of important individuals like
monarchs, heroes, saints, and nobilities. History was also focused on writing about wars,
revolutions, and other important breakthroughs. It is thus important to ask : What counts as
history? Traditional historians lived with the mantra of “no document no history.” It means
that unless a written document can prove a certain historical event , then it cannot be
considered as a historical fact.
But as any other academic disciplines, history progressed and opened up to the
possibility of valid historical sources, which were not limited to written documents, like
government records , chronicler’s accounts, or personal letters. Giving premium to written
documents essentially invalidates the history of other civilizations that do not keep written
records. Some were keener on passing their history by word of mouth . Others got their
historical documents burned or destroyed in the events of war or colonization. Restricting
historical evidence as exclusively written is also discrimination against other social classes
who were not recorded in paper . Nobilities, monarchs, the elite , and even the middle class
would have their birth , education, marriage and death as matters of government and
historical record. But what of peasant families or indigenous groups who were not given
much thought about being registered to government records? Does the absence of written
documents about them mean that they were people of no history or past? Did they even
exist?
This loophole was recognized by historians who started using other kinds of
historical sources, which may not be in written form but were just as valid. A few of these
examples are oral traditions in forms of epics and songs, artifacts, architecture and memory.
History thus become more inclusive and started collaborating with other disciplines as its
auxiliary disciplines. With the aid of archaeologists, historians can use artifacts from a
bygone era to study ancient civilizations that were formerly ignored in history because of lack
of documents. Linguists can also be helpful in tracing historical evolutions, past connections
among different groups , and flow of cultural influence by studying language and the
changes that it has undergone . Even scientists like biologists and biochemist can help with
the study of the past through analyzing genetic and DNA patterns of human societies.
Questions and Issues in History
Indeed, history as a discipline has already turned into a complex and dynamic
inquiry. This dynamism inevitably produced various perspectives on the discipline regarding
different questions like: What is history? Why study history? And history for whom? These
questions can be answered by historiography is the history of history. History and
historiography should not be confused with each other. The former’s object of study is the
past , the events that happened in the past , and the causes of such events . The latter’s
object of study, on the other hand is the history itself (i.e., How was a certain historical text
written ? Who wrote it? What was the context of its publication? What particular historical
method was employed? What were the sources used?) Thus, historiography let the
students have a better understanding of history . They do not only get to learn
historical facts , but they are aldo provided with the understanding of the fact’s and the
historian’s contexts. The methods employed by the historian and the theory and

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perspective , which guided him, will also be analyzed. Historiography is important for
someone for someone who studies history because it teaches the student to be critical in the
lessons of history presented to him.
History has played various roles in the past. States uses History to unite a nation. It
can be used as a tool to legitimize regimes and forge a sense of collective through collective
memory. Lessons from the ast can be used to make sense of the present . Learning of past
mistakes can help people to not repeat them. Being minded ogf a great past can inspire
people to keep their good practices to move forward.
Positivism is the school of thought that emerged between the eighteenth and nineteenth
century. This ought requires empirical and observable evidence before one can claim that a
particular knowledge is true. Positivism also entails an objective means of arriving at a
conclusion. In the discipline of history , the mantra “no document , no history” stems from
this very same truth , where historians were required to show written primary documents in
order to write a particular historical narrative . Positivist historians are also expected to be
objective and impartial not just in their arguments but also on their conduct of historical
research.
As a narrative, any history that has been taught and written is always intended for a
certain group of audience . When the illustrados, like Jose Rizal, Isabelo de los Reyes and
Pedro Paterno wrote history , they intended It for the Spaniards so that they would realize
that Filipinos are people of their own intellect and culture. When American historians
depicted the Filipinos people as uncivilized in their publications, they intended that narrative
for their fellow Americans to justify their colonization of the islands . They wanted the
colonization to appear not as a means of undermining the Philippine‘s sovereignty , but as a
civilizing a mission to fulfill what they called as the “ white man’s burden .” The same is true
for nations which prescribe official versions of their history like North Korea, Tha Nazi
Germany during the war period , and Thailand. The same was attempted by Marcos in the
Philippines during the 1970s.
Postcolonialism is a school of thought that emerged in the early twentieth century when
formerly colonized nations grappled with the idea of creating their identities and
understanding their societies against the shadows of theie colonial past. Postcolonial history
looks at two things in writing history : first is to tell the history of their nation that will highlight
their identity free from that of colonial discourse and knowledge , and the second is to
criticize the methods , effects and idea of colonialism. Postcolonial history is therefore a
reaction and an alternative to the colonial history that colonial powers created and taught to
their subjects.
One of the problems confronted by the history is the accusation that the history is
always written by victors. This connotes that the narrative of the past is always written from
the bias of the powerful and more dominant player. For instance, the history of the Second
World War in the Philippines always depicts the United States as the hero and the Imperial
Japanese Army as the oppressors; Filipinos who collaborated with the Japanese were
lumped in the category of traitors or collaborators. However, a more thorough historical
investigation will reveal a more nuanced account of the history of that period instead of a
simplified narrative as a story of hero versus villain.
History and Historian

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If history is written with agenda or is heavily influenced by the historian, is it possible to
come up with an absolute historical truth? Is history an objective discipline? If it is not , is it
still worthwhile to study history? These questions have haunted historians for many
generations. Indeed , an exact and accurate account of the past is impossible for the very
simple reason that we cannot go back to the past. We cannot access the past directly as our
subject matter. Historians only get to access representation of the past through historical
sources and evidences.
Therefore, it is the historian’s job not just o seek historical evidences and facts but also
interpret these facts. “facts cannot speak for themselves .” It is the job of the historian to give
meaning to these facts and organize them into a timeline, establish causes, and write
history. Meanwhile, the historian is not a blank paper who mechanically interprets and
analyzes present historical fact. He is a person of his own who is influenced by his own
context, environment , ideology, education, and influences , among others. In that sense, his
interpretation of the historical fact is affected by his context and circumstances. His
subjectivity will inevitably influence the process of his historical research: the methodology
that he will use, the facts that he shall select and deem relevant, his interpretation, and even
the form of his writings. Thus , in one way or another, history is always subjective. If that is
so , can history still be considered as an academic and scientific inquiry?
Historical research requires rigor. Despite the fact that historians cannot ascertain
absolute objectivity, the study of history remains scientific because of the rigor of research
and methodology that historians employ. Historical methodology comprises certain
techniques and rules that historians follow in order to properly utilize sources and historical
evidences in writing history . Certain rules apply in cases of conflicting accounts in different
sources, and how to properly treat eyewitness accounts and oral sources as valid historical
evidence. In doing so,
Historical claims done by historians and the arguments that they forward in their historical
writings, while may be influenced by the historian’s inclinations, can still be validated by
using reliable evidences and employing correct and meticulous historical methodology.
The Annales School of History is a school of history born in France that challenged the
canons of history. This school of thought did away with the common historical subjects that
were almost related to the conduct of states and monarchs. Annales scholars like Lucien
Febvre , Marc Bloch, Fernand Braudel, and Jacques Le Goff studied other subjects in a
historical manner ,They were concerned with social history studied the history of peasantry,
the history of medicine , or even the history of environment. The history from below was
pioneered by the same scholars. They advocated that the people and classes who were not
reflected in the history of the society in the grand manner be provided with space in the
records of mankind . In doing this, Annales thinkers married history with other disciplines like
geography, anthropology, archaeology, and linguistics.
For example, if a historian chooses to use an oral account as his data in studying
the ethnic history of the ifugaos in the Cordilleras during the American Occupation, he needs
to validate the claims of his informant through comparing and corroborating it with written
sources. Therefore, evidences that back up his claim . In this sense , the historian need not
let his bias blind his judgment and such bias is only acceptable if he maintains his rigor as a
researcher.
Historical Sources
With the past as history’s subject matter, the historian’s most important
research tools are historical sources. In general, historical sources can be classified

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between primary and secondary sources. The classification of sources between these
categories depends on the historical subject being studied. Primary sources are those
sources produced at the same time as the event, period, or subject being studied. For
example , if a historian wishes to study the Commonwealth Constitution convention of
1935,his primary sources can include the minutes of the convention, newspaper clippings,
Philippine Commission reports of the U.S. Commissioners, records of the convention, the
draft of the constitution , and even photographs of the event. Eyewitness accounts of
convention, delegates and their memoirs can also be used as primary sources. The same
goes with the other subjects of historical study. Archival documents, artifacts, memorabilia,
letters, census and government records, among others are the most common examples of
primary sources.
On the other hand, secondary sources are those sources, which were produced by
an author who used primary sources to produce the material. In other words, secondary
sources are historical sources, which studied a certain historical subject. For example, on
the subject of the Philippine Revolution of 1896, students can read Teodoro Agoncillo’s
Revolt of the Masses: The Story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan published originally in 1956.
The Philippine Revolution happened in the last years of the nineteenth century while
Agoncillo published his work in 1956, which makes the Revolt of the Masses a secondary
source. More than this, in writing the book, Agoncillo used primary sources with his research
like documents of the Katipunan. Interview with the veterans of the Revolution, and
correspondence between and among Katipuneros.
However, a student should not be confused about what counts as a primary or a
secondary source. As mentioned above, the classification of sources between primary and
secondary depends not on the period when the source was produced or type of the source
but on the subject of the historical research. For example, a textbook is usually classified as
secondary source, a tertiary source even. However, this classification is usual but not
automatic. If a historian chooses to write the history of education in the 1980’s, he can utilize
textbooks used in the period as a primary source. If a historian wishes to study the
historiography of the Filipino- American War for example, he can use works of different
authors on the topic as his primary source as well.
Both primary and secondary sources are useful in writing and learning history.
However, historians and students of history need to thoroughly scrutinize these historical
sources to avoid deception and to come up with the historical truth. The historian should be
able to conduct an external and internal criticism of the source, especially primary sources
which can age in centuries. External criticism is the practice of verifying the authenticity of
evidence by examining its physical characteristics: consistency with the historical
characteristic of the time when it was produced; and the materials used for the evidence.
Examples of the things that will examined when conducting external criticism of a document
include the quality of the paper , the type of ink, and the language and words used in the
material, among others.
Internal criticism, on the other hand , is the examination of the truthfulness of the
evidence. It looks at the content of the source and examines the circumstance of its
production. Internal criticism looks at the truthfulness and factuality of the evidence by
looking at the author of the source , its context, the agenda behind its creation, the
knowledge which informed it, and its intended purpose, among others. For Example,
Japanese reports and declarations during the the period of war should not be taken as
a historical fact hastily. Internal criticism entails that the historians acknowledge and
analyze how such reports can be manipulated to be used as war propaganda.

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Validating historical sources is important because the use of unverified, falsified and
untruthful historical sources can be lead to equally false conclusions. Without through
criticism of historical evidences, historical deceptions and lies will be highly probable.
One of the most scandalous cases of depiction in Philippine history is the hoax
Code of Kalantiaw. The Code was set of rules contained in an epic, Maragtas , which
was allegedly written by a certain Datu Kalantiaw. The document was sold to the
national Library and was regarded as an important precolonial document until 1968,
when American historian William Henry Scott debunked the authenticity of the code
due to the anachronism and lack of evidence to prove that the code existed in the pre -
colonial Philippine society. Ferdinand Marcos also claimed that he was a decorated
World War II soldier who led guerilla unit called Ang Maharlika. This was widely
believed by students of history and Marcos had war medals to show. This claim,
however ,was disproven when historians counterchecked Marcos’ claims, with the war
records of the United States . These cases prove how deceptions can propagate
without rigorous historical research
The task of the historians is to look at the available historical sources and select
the most relevant and meaningful for history and for the subject matter that he is
studying. History, like other academic discipline, has come a long way but still has a lot
of remaining tasks to do so. It does not claim to render absolute and exact judgment
because as long as questions are continuously asked, and as long as time unfolds , the
study of history can never be complete . The task of historian is to organize the past
that is being created so that it can offer lessons for nations, societies , and civilization.
It is the historian’s job to seek for the meaning of recovering the past to let the people
see the continuing relevance of provenance , memory , remembering, and historical
understanding for both the present and the future.
Philippine historiography underwent several changes since the precolonial

period until the resent. Ancient Filipinos narrated their history through communal
songs and epics that they passed orally from a generation to another , When the
Spaniards came, their chroniclers started recording their observations through
written accounts , The perspective of historical writing and inquiry also shifted .
The Spanish colonizers narrated the history of their colony in a bipartive view.
They saw the age before colonization as a dark period in the history of the
islands , until they brought light through Western thought and Christianity. Early
nationalist refuted this perspective and argued the tripartite view. They saw the
precolonial society as a luminous age that ended with darkness when the

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colonizers captured their freedom . They believed that the light would come again
once the colonizers were evicted from the Philippines . Filipino historian Zeus
Salazar introduced the new guiding philosophy for writing and teaching history:
pantayong pananaw ( for us- from us perspective). This perspective highlights the
importance of facilitating an internal conversation and discourse among Filipinos
about our own history, using the language that is understood by everyone.
Primary, Secondary, and Tertiary Sources
Sources of information or evidence are often categorized as primary,

secondary, or tertiary material. These classifications are based on the originality of the
material and the proximity of the source or origin. This informs the reader as to whether
the author is reporting information that is first hand or is conveying the experiences and
opinions of others which is considered second hand. Determining if a source is primary,
secondary or tertiary can be tricky. Below you will find a description of the three
categories of information and examples to help you make a determination.
Primary Sources
These sources are records of events or evidence as they are first described
or actually happened without any interpretation or commentary. It is information that is
shown for the first time or original materials on which other research is based. Primary
sources display original thinking, report on new discoveries, or share fresh information.
Examples of primary sources:
Theses, dissertations, scholarly journal articles (research based), some

government reports, symposia and conference proceedings, original artwork, poems,
photographs, speeches, letters, memos, personal narratives, diaries, interviews,
autobiographies, and correspondence.
Secondary Sources
These sources offer an analysis or restatement of primary sources.

They often try to describe or explain primary sources. They tend to be works

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which summarize, interpret, reorganize, or otherwise provide an added value to a

primary source.
Examples of Secondary Sources:

Textbooks, edited works, books and articles that interpret or review
research works, histories, biographies, literary criticism and interpretation, revi ews of
law and legislation, political analyses and commentaries.
Tertiary Sources
These are sources that index, abstract, organize, compile, or digest other
sources. Some reference materials and textbooks are considered tertiary source s when
their chief purpose is to list, summarize or simply repackage ideas or other information.
Tertiary sources are usually not credited to a particular author.
Examples of Tertiary Sources:

Dictionaries/encyclopedias (may also be secondary), almanacs, fact
books, Wikipedia, bibliographies (may also be secondary), directories, guidebooks,
manuals, handbooks, and textbooks (may be secondary), indexing and abstracting
sources.

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Evaluation:
Name_____________________________________________________________
Year/Section________________________________________Date____________
A. True or False. Write true if the statement is true. Otherwise, write false in
the space provided.
_________1. History is the study of the past.

_________2. Historical sources that were not written should not be used in
writing history.
_________3. The subject of historiography is history itself.
_________4. History has no use for the present, thus, the saying “past is
past” is true.
_________5.History is limited to the story of a hero versus a villain.
_________6. Only primary sources may be used in writing history.
_________7. There are three types of sources : primary ,secondary , and
tertiary sources.
_________8. External criticism is done by examining the physical
characteristics of a source.
_________9. Internal criticism is done by looking at a source’s quality of
paper and type of ink, among others.
_________10. The historians are the only source of history.
B. What source? Read the following scenarios and classify the sources
discovered as primary and secondary and Tertiary. Write your answer in the
space provided.
1. Jose was exploring the library in his new school in Manila. He wanted to
study the history of Calamba, Laguna during the nineteenth century . in one of
the books , he saw an old photograph of a woman standing in front of an old
church, clipped among the pages . At the back of the photo was a fine
inscription that says “ Kalamba ,19 de Junio 1861.
Is the photograph a primary, secondary or a tertiary source?
Answer______________________________________________________(5
pts)
2. Lorena was a new teacher of Araling Panlipunan in a small elementary school

in Mauban , Quezon. Her colleagues gave her the new textbook that she
ought to use in class. Before the class started, Lorena studied the
textbook carefully. She noted that the authors used works by other
known historians in writing the textbook. She saw the bibliography

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included Teodoro Agoncillo’s The Revolt of the Masses and the Fateful
Years : Japan’s Adventure in the Philippines,1941-45. She also saw that the
authors used Ma. Luisa Camagay’s Working Women of Manila During the 19 th
Century and many Others.
Is the textbook a primary , secondary or tertiary source?
Answer______________________________________________________(5
pts)
3. Gregoria loved to travel around the country. She liked bringing with her a
travel brochure that informs her of the different sites worth visiting in the area.
Her travel brochure was usually produced by the tourism department of the
province . It shows pictures of destinations visited by tourists and a few basic
information about the place like the origin of the name , the historical
significance of the place , and some other information acquired by the office’s
researchers and writers.
Is the travel brochure a primary, secondary or a tertiary?
Answer_____________________________________________________(5pts)
4.
Old Newspaper
a. Primary
b. Secondary
c. Tertiary
Answer___________________________________________________(
5pts)

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5.
Interview Manuscript
a. Primary
b. Secondary
c. Tertiary
Answer_________________________________________________________(5pts)
C. Essay
Why is it important to study history?
______________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________

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References
Candelaria, John Lee et al , (2018) Readings in Philippine History.
Louis Gottschalk, Understanding History, (pp. 41-61; 117- 170)
Howell and Prevenier, From Reliable Sources,(pp. 17-68)
Santiago Alvarez, Katipunan and the Revolution: Memoirs of a General, (pp. 82-88)
Teodoro Agoncillo, History of the Filipino People(pp 184-187)
Robert Fox, The Tabon Caves, (pp. 40-44; 109-119)

[Human remains and artifacts]
William Henry Scott, Pre-Hispanic Source Materials for the Study of Philippine History (pp.
90-135)
INTERNET SITES:
https://www.proprofs.com/quiz-school/story.php?title=primary-secondary-tertiary_1
https://www.google.com/search?q=sample+of+old+newspaper+in+history+in+the+philippine
s&rlz=1C1AVSK_enPH704PH719&sxsrf=ALeKk020-XePaO65rUpIFNZFkmqdxTz7p

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Chapter
2 Comparative Analysis of Primary Sources
Overview _____
Historical research /writing is dependent on the availability of primary sources,

documentary sources, secondary event or testimonies of the authorities. Historical sources
can be categorized into written, material and traditional. Written sources can be subdivided
into literary and official. The former is the interpretation of writer which involves his
subjectivity while the latter is the record produced when transacting business. Traditional
sources such as folklore, oral tradition; epic and indigenous materials are also used as
sources of history. Although history, as part of social science ,follows th scientific way of
viewing things, historians continued to use traditions as one of the sources of history.
Material objects such as money, guns church bells and other materials which served as part
of the events are undeniably important sources of history.
Objectives
5. To familiarize oneself with the primary and secondary documents.
6. To learn history through primary source and secondary source
7. Compare and analyze the content of primary source and secondary source.
8. Value the Filipino history and culture through the primary sources.
Discussion
Primary Source
Memoirs of a General by Santiago Alvarez a.k.a Gen. Apoy
The assembly at Tejeros was finally convened on March 1897. The invitations to
the meeting were signed by Secretary Jacinto Lumbreras of the Magdiwang Council, and he
presided over the assembly. Seated with Lumbreras at the long presidential table were the
Supremo Andres Bonifacio, Messrs. Mariano M. Alvarez, Pascual Alvarez, Ariston
Villanueva, Mariano C. Trias, Diego Mojica, Emiliano R. de Dios, Santiago V. Alavrez,
ArtemioRicarte, Santos Nocon, Luciano San Miguel, Pablo Mojica, Severino de las
Alas and Santiago Rillo, all of them of the Magdiwang. Among the Magdalo seated at

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the head table were Messrs. Baldomero Aguinaldo, Daniel Tirona, and CayetanoTopacio.
It must be mentioned that, before the assembly was convened, Secretary of War
Ariston Villanueva of the Magdiwang Council received the confidential information that
Mr.DanielTirona of the Magdalo faction was set to undermine the proceedings of the
assembly and that he had already succeeded in enjoining many among theMagdiwang
leaders to ally with him. Secretary Villanueva kept silent, but nevertheless alerted Captain
General Apoy, who had troops in readiness for any sudden eventuality.
The leaders were seated at the presidential table, as previously described, and all
the others were standing in groups on both sides of those seated. After chairman Jacinto
Lumbreras had declared the assembly open, he announced the main topic of discussion,
which was how to bloster the defenses in the areas still under Magdiwang control. Presently,
Mr. Severino de las Alas rose to speak and when he was recognized he said, “Before we
discuss minor details, let us first tackle the major issue such as what kind of government we
should have and how we should go about establishing it. Once we make a decision about
these questions, the problem of organization and strengthening of defenses will be
resolved.”
“As initiator of the Revolution,” Chairman Lumbreras replied, “the Katipunan now
holds authority over the islands. It has a government of law and a definite program. It is
obeyed and respected by all because it stands for freedom, brotherly love, and a well-
organized and well-run government. The purpose of this meeting is to discuss the best
measures to take to strengthen the Magdiwang government vis-à-vis the enemy. We should
avoid surrendering the headquarters of the Katipunan army should the Magdalo eventually
lose out.”
The chair next organized the Supremo. He concurred with what Chairman Lumbreras
had just said and explained that the “K” in the middle of the sun in the Katipunan flag used in
the Revolution stood for Kalayaan(freedom).
Mr. Severino de las Alas spoke again. He countered that the letter “K” and the sun on
the flag did not indicate whether the revolutionary government was democratic or not. The
Supremo replied that from the rank and file to the highest levels, the Katipunan was united in
its respect for universal brotherhood and equality of men. It was risking bloodshed and life
itself in its struggle against the king, in order to establish a sovereign and free government.
In short, it stood for people’s sovereignty, not a government led by only one or two.
Mr. Atonio Montenegro spoke in defense of Mr. Severino de las Alas stand. He
argued that if they would not agree on the kind of revolutionary government they were to
have and that if they were to let the status quo prevail, then they who were in the Revolution
would be no better than a pack of bandits or of wild, mindless animals.
General Apoy was hurt by these words of Mr. Montenegro. He quickly stood up and
look angrily at the previous speaker.
“We of the Katipunan,”he begun, “are under jurisdiction of our respected Highest
Council of the Sons of the People. This Council is the defender of, and has authority over,
the Magdiwang and Magdalo governments of Cavite. We are true revolutionaries fighting for
freedom of the native land. We are not bandits who rob others of their property and wealth.
Nor should we be likened to beasts, for we know how to protect and defend others,
especially the political refugees who seek asylum with us. We are rational and we do
not expose those who talk big but do not accomplish anything. If you want to establish
a different kind of government that is to your liking, you must do as we have done. Go

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back to your localities and snatch them from Spanish control! Then you can do what pleases
you; but don’t you dare seek refuge among cowards who might call you bandits and beasts.
And for everybody’s satisfaction, I am now ordering your arrest!”
Captain General Apoy stopped speaking and looked intently at the person he was
alluding to and ordered a detachment under Maj. DamasoFojas to keep him under guard.
After a short while, Dr. Jose Rizal’s sister, Trining, and his widow, Josephine, pleaded with
General Apoy not to arrest Mr. Montenegro, but to let him stay at the state house where they
themselves were staying. They volunteered to be held personally responsible for Mr.
Montenegro while in their custody. Captain General Apoy easily acceded to the request.
The strong and excited denunciation by Captain General Apoyof Mr. Montenegro
alerted the Magdiwang troops. The leaders eyed everyone suspiciously and were only
awaiting a signal form General Apoy for them to begin shooting. Disorder ensued and
disrupted the assembly. When orders was restored, some wanted the convention adjourned,
but the SupremoBonifacio prevailed upon the others to continue. However, the presiding
officer, Mr. Lumbreras, refuse to resume his role of chairman. He wanted to yield the chair to
the Supremo whom he thought to be the rightful chairman.
“The Katipunan, as you know,” Mr. Lumbreras explained, “was responsible from the
beginning for the spread of the revolutionary moment throughout the Philippines. But
because of the disaffection of some, this assembly was called to establish a new overall
revolutionary council. If we are to pursue this ambitious and important undertaking, only the
Supremo has the right to preside at this assembly, for he is the Father of the Katipunan and
the Revolution.”
Mr. Lumbreras speech was well received and his proposal was unanimously
accepted. The SupremoBonifacio assumed the chairmanship accordingly and said, “Your
aim is to establish a new overall government of the Katipunan of the Sons of the People.
This would repudiate the decisions made at the meeting held at the friar estate house in
Imus. In my capacity as “President-Supremo” of the Most Venerable Katipunan of the Sons
of the People. I agree and sympathize with your aspirations. But I wish to remind you that we
should respect all decision properly discussed and approved in all our meetings. We should
respect and abide by the wishes of the majority.”
Because of the repeated clamor for the approval of the establishment of a
government of the Philippine Republic, the chair proceeded to prepare for an election to the
following positions: president, vice-president, minister of finance, minister of welfare, minister
of justice, and captain general.
The Supremo spoke again before the election began. He said that the candidate who
would get the most number of votes for each position should be the winner, no matter what
his station in life or his educational attainment. What should matter was that the candidate
had never been a traitor to the cause of the Motherland. Everyone agreed and there were
shouts of approval such as, “That is how it should be – equality for everyone! Nobody should
be the higher nor lower than the other. May love of country prevail!”
The SupremoBonifacio appointed Gen. ArtemioRicarte as secretary. Then, with the
help of Mr. Daniel Tirona, he distributed pieces of paper to serve as ballots. When the ballots
had been collectedand the votes wre ready to canvassed, Mr. Diego Mojica, the Magdiwang
secretary of the treasury, warned the Supremo that many ballots distributed were
already filled out and that the votershad not done this themselves. The Supremo

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ignored this remark. He proceed with the business at hand as if nothing unusual had
happened.
When the votes for president were counted, Mr. Emilio Aguinaldo won over Mr.
Andres Bonifacio, the Supremo. The winner was acclaimed by applause and shouts of
“Mabuhay” (Long live!)
Mr. Severino de las Alas spoke again to say that since the SupremoBonifacio had
received the second highest number of votes for presidency, he should be proclaimed vice-
president of the government of the Philippines Republic. When nobody signified approval or
disapproval of the proposal, the presiding officer, the SupremoBonifacio, ruled that election
be continued. For vice-president, Mr. Mariano Trias won over Mr. Mariano Alvarez and the
SupremoBonifacio. General Vibora was elected captain over General Apoy. General
Viborademmured, saying that he had neither the ability nor the right to assume the new
position. But General Apoy cut short his objections by saying that he personally vouched for
General Vibora’s competence and right to occupy the position to which he was elected.
GenerlasApoy’s endorsement was greeted with shouts of “Long live the new elected captain
general!”
Mr. Baldomero Aguinaldo wanted the elections to be finished before it got too dark.
To facilitate the counting of votes, he suggested that for all other positions to be voted upon,
voters should stand on one side of the hall if in favor and on the other side if against. The
suggestion was adopted for the rest of the election. For the position of the secretary of war,
Mr. Emiliano R. de Dios was elected overwhelmingly over Messrs. Satiago V. Alvarez,
Ariston Villanueva, and Daniel Tirona. After the voters had given the proper honors to the
new secretary of war, they proceeded to elect the secretary of the interior. Mr. Andres
Bonifacio, the Supremo, won over Mr. Mariano Alvarez. The crowd broke into shouts of
“Mabuhay!” Mr. Daniel Tirona requested for a restoration of order and then spoke aloud.
“My brethren, the office of secretary of the interior is of so great a scope and of such
sensitivity that we should not entrust it to one who is not a lawyer. One among us here is a
lawyer. He is Mr. Jose del Rosario. Let us reconsider choice for the last position, for he has
no credentials to show attesting to any educational attainment.
Then in as loud a voice as he could muster, Tirona shouted, “Let us elect Mr. Jose
del Rosario, the lawyer!”
Greatly embarrassed the Supremo Bonifacio quickly stood up and said, “We agreed
to abide by the majority vote and accept its choice no matter what the station in life of the
person elected. And because of this, I demand from you Mr. Daniel Tirona, an apology. You
must restore the voters and the one they elected the honor you have only now besmirched.”
Then he pulled out his revolver and took aim.
Instead of replying, Mr. Tirona ignored the Supremo’s remarks and perhaps because
of fear, he slid away and got lost in the crowd. Disorder ensued as the convention secretary
tried to disarm the Supremo, who was intent on shooting Mr. Tirona. The people began to
disperse and the Supremo adjourned the meeting with these words.
“In my capacity as chairman of this convention and as President-Supremo of the
most Venerable Katipunan of the Sons of the People which association is known and
acknowledge by all, I hereby declare null and avoid all matters approved in this
meeting.”

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Then he left quickly and was followed by his aides and some others present.
Mr. Baldomero Aguinaldo, the Magdalo president, did not leave San Francisco de
Malabon that night, in order to convince the Magdiwang leaders to reconvene the disrupted
meeting the following day. They agrred to his proposal. That same night, rumor had it that
Messrs. Mariano Trias, Daniel Tironal, Emiliano R. de Dios, Santiago Rillo, and others were
in the parish house of the Catholic church at Tanza (Santa Cruz de Malabon), and that they
were conferring with the priest, Fr. CenonVillafranca. Many attested to seeing them, but no
one knew what they talk about.
On the request of Magdalo. Pres. Baldomeroo Aguinaldo, a meeting was called at
the same friar estate house in Tajeros. Called on the day after the tumultuous convention, its
purpose was to continue and revalidate the proceedings of the elections meeting, to revive
their former alliances, and to restore cordiality and fraternal love in their relations. Aside from
the Supremo Andres Bonifacio, among the Magdiwang leaders who attended were Messrs.
Mariano Alvarez, Diego Mojica, Ariston Villanueva, Pascual Alvarez, Jacinto Lumbreras,
Santiago Alvarez, ArtemioRicarte, Nicolas Portilla, Santos Nocon and Fr. Manuel Trias, the
parish priest of San Francisco de Malabon. They waited until five that afternoon, but not of
the Magdalo members came, not even their president who had initiated what would have
been a reconciliation meeting.
That same night it was rumored that the Magdalo leaders were currently holding their
own meeting at the parish house in Tanza. Though it had reason to be apprehensive
because the Magdalo were meeting in territory under its jurisdiction, the Magdiwang
leadership looked the other way because the Magdalo were hard-pressed for meeting places
since its territories had all been taken by the Spanish enemy.
The next morning, 27 March 1897, eyewitnesses who had spied on the proceedings
revealed that, indeed, a meeting had taken place at the Tanza parish house and that the
Supremo’s decision regarding the election at the friar estate house were not respected.
These revelations surfaced despite denials from many sectors.
At the gathering in the Tanza parish house, those elected at the Tajeros convention
knelt before a crucifix and in the name of the Holy Father, the highest pontiff of the Roman
Catholic church, invoked the martyred saints solemnly took their office. Fr. Cenon Villafranca
officiated. With Messrs. Severino de las Alas and Daniel Tirona as witnesses, the following
took their oaths of office: Messrs. Emilio Aguinaldo, Mariano C. Trias, and Artemio Ricarte.
Conspicuously absent was the Supremo Andres Bonifacio, who was not invited although he
was one of those elected to office. It will be recalled that as chairman of the Tajeros
convention, he declared null and avoid all matters approved by the assembly because of
grave violation of a principle agreed upon before the election.
It should be noted here that, unknown to the Magdiwang Council, the Magdalo
posted troops to guard the Tanza parish house for their oath-taking ceremonies. The troops
were under strict orders not to admit any of the unwanted Magdiwang partisans. If the news
about the secret ceremony had leak out earlier, and the underdogs in the power struggle had
attempted to break into it, they would have been annihilated then and there.
Secondary Source
Revolt of the Masses by Teodoro Agoncillo

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In the first flush of rebel victory climaxing the simultaneous attacks upon the
Spanish garrisons and convents, followed by the dismal failure of Governor-General Blanco
to smash the insurgent power, the Katipunan of Cavite, divided into two factions, the
Magdiwang and the Magdalo, immediately proceeded to reorganize the province along
partisan lines. Each faction exercise sovereign power over a number of towns including
those in Batangas borthering Cavite. Thus, Talisay, a town in Batangas, was under the
Magdalo government, while Nasugbu, Tuwi and Look in the same province, belonged to the
Magdiwang. As independent entities, the leaders of two provincial council never got together
to elect one supreme council that would hold sway over the entire province. The Magdiwang
proceeding with its election independently of the Magdalo, chose the following men to
administer its government: Mariano Alvarez, President; Pascual Alvarez, Executive
Secretary; Emiliano Riego de Dios, Minister of the Interior (Pagpapaunlad); Mariano Trias,
Minister of Grace and Justice; Ariston Villanueva, Minister of War; Santiago Alvarez,
Commander-in-chief; Diego Moxica, Minister of finance; ArtemioRicarte and Mariano Riego
de Dios, Military commanders with the rank of Brigadier-General. On the other hand, the
Magdalo elected the following to take the reins of its government: Baldomero Aguinaldo,
President; CandidoTirona, Minister of War; CayetanoTopacio, Minister of Finance; Emilio
Aguinalno, Commander-in-chief; Edilberto Evangelista, Lieutenant General; Vito Belarmino
and Crispulo Aguinaldo Military commanders with the rank of Brigadier-General. Since the
organization of Magdiwang, its capital had been Noveleta, but in the early part of November,
when General Blanco began his offensive, the capital was moved to San Francisco de
Malabon and later to Naik. The Magdalo, for its part, had its capital in Kawi and when it fell,
Imus, San Francisci de Malabon, Naik, angmaragondon successively became its seat.
An attempt was made by both factions to make their respective armies wear the
same uniform. It was agreed to adopt the following insigma: for the President’s cap, a sun
with golden rays on a white background, a K (Katipunan), and the letters A.N.B (Anakng
Bayan) in the middle. The same insigma was used for the sleeves. The Minister had the
same insigma as the President’s exept that the letters A.N.B were not included the bands of
the sleeves of a Minister, including the K, were of different colors according to the Ministry to
which each belonged. The Minister of War had a red K on a white background, a sun on the
cap, a sun on the left breast but none of the sleeves. The plan, however, did not go beyond
the paper stage, as the rebels did not have the means to buy the uniform.
When Cavite, led by its rival factions, successfully rose in revolt, the leaders fell into
disputes arising from the desire of one group to lord it over the other. Since both groups
were responsible for the rebel victories, neither with bow to the other or allow itself to be
place under its rival’s command. There was no serious open breach, but the silent conflict,
more ominous than it appeared on the surface, threatened to wreck the unity that in the
beginning had done much to prevent the foe form overrunning the whole province and
annihilating the revolution at its very inception. It was this conflict, more than anything else,
that led to the rebel’s defeat at the hands of Polavieja. The Magdiwang faction, believing that
as the initiator of the revolution in Cavite it had the priority right to rule over the insurgents of
the province, looked with disdain at the way the Magdalo men refuse to cooperate with it.
The Magdalo followers, believing that the most of the victories in the whole territory were
won by their leaders,wanted to appear the stronger and, therefore, the better fitted to rule.
The situation, though not serious on the surface, led the Magdiwang men to invite
Andres Bonifacio to visit Cavite and see for himself all that had been accomplished by the
revolutionists in that area and to intervene in the conflict. A delegate was sent to look
for the Supremo in the mountains of Montalban and Mariquina to apprise him of the
urgent necessity of mediating of the widening rift between the two popular council.

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Bonifacio informed of the situation, refuse to heed the request of the Magdiwang leaders on
the ground that in order to succeed in the revolution against Spain the leaders must not be
concentrated in a single place. This preliminary contact with the Supremo resulted in the
periodic exchanges of communications between him and the Magdiwang chieftains. On the
third invitation written by ArtemioRicarte upon the instruction of Mariano Alvarez, Bonifacio
acceded to the request. With his wife and two brothers, Ciriaco and Procopio, Bonifacio left
for Cavite about the middle of December 1896. Emilio Aguinaldo, CandidoTirona and
Edilberto Evangelista were on hand to meet the Supremo and his entourage at Zapote. It
was at this preliminary meeting that a misunderstanding arose between the Magdalo leaders
and Bonifacio, for the former, rightly or wrongly, saw from Bonifacio’s gesture and behavior
that he regarded himself superior and “acted as if he were a king.” Even so, the hard feelings
that Bonifacio’s unconscious and unintentional actions engendered remained submerged
and flared up only in the Imus Assembly.
Bonifacio was brought by the rebel leaders to the house of Juan Castañeda in Imus,
where he was visited by Baldomero Aguinaldo, Daniel Tirona, Vicente Fernandez and
others. The Supremo, upon seeing Fernandez, ordered his arrest. For Bonifacio,
remembering that Fernandez was the same man who had promised, before the battle of San
Juan, to attack the Spaniards in Laguna and Morong simultaneously with Bonifacio’s
offensive in San Juan del Monte but whose promise was never carried out, now saw his
chance to punish the offender. Bonifacio blamed him for the defeat in San Juan and was
determine that he should not go unpunished. As Supreme Head of the Katipunan, Bonifacio
took it for granted that he would be obeyed by all. To his surprise and dismay, the Magdalo
chieftains to whom Fernandez had run for shelter, refused to give up their man. The
Supremo by then had realized that he had very little, if any, influence in the Magdalo area.
With doubts crisscrossing his mid and misgiving assailing his heart, Bonifacio, on January 2,
1897, wrote from San Francisco de Malabon to his uncle-in-law, Mariano Alvarez.
President Mainam: Don’t fail to come at this very moment for I want to talk to you
privately about what happened to me and Magdalo and so that you might explain their
organization to me.
Meanwhile, Esteban San Juan invited Bonifacio to attend the demonstration of the
Magdiwang rebels in Noveleta. Accompanied by San Juan himself, Baldomero Aguinaldo
and CandidoTirona, Bonifacio arrived at Noveleta amidst the enthusiastic acclamation of the
people. At three in the afternoon, a parade took place in which Bonifacio, riding in the
carriage and flanked on both sides by the Magdiwang soldiers in red uniform, was the object
of the demonstration as the parade wound its way toward San Francisco de Malabon, the
people shouted, “Long live the ruler of the Philippines!” to which Bonifacio answered: “Long
live Philippine liberty!” upon arriving at Malabon, he was quartered in the house of Santos
Nocon and later in the house of Mrs. Estefania Potente, where stayed until the Spaniards
captured the town in April 1897.
The misunderstanding that existed between the followers of the Magdiwang and the
Magdalo, so destructive of the Katipunan plans, deepened into mutuat suspicion and
jealousies that resulted in military reverses in several sectors. Polavieja’s counter-offensives
led to the fall of several towns hitherto held by the rebels, and the attitudeof non-cooperation
exhibited by one faction when the other was harassed by the enemy led, as it must, to
disaster in the field. The situation, both camps believe, could only be remedied by coming
together and threshing out differences of opinion and solving, ultimately, the question
of leadership in the province. For this purpose, the leaders of the Magdiwang and the
Magdalo decided to call a convention or assembly at Imus.

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In the assembly hall, the two faction met and exchange the usual greetings.
Bonifacioentered, proceeded to the head of the table and unceremoniously occupied the
chair. He beckoned to the Magdiwang Minister to sit at his right side. This obvious partiality
to the Magdiwang was resented by the Magdalo for as Supreme Head of the Katipunan who
was called upon to mediate between the two factions, Bonifacio was expected to show
impartiality. But his actions in the case were motivated by his regard by his wife’s uncle,
Mariano Alvarez, the President of Magdiwang a fact that aggravated the situation. Even so,
the Magdalo men did not show their resentment but kept silent in order to prevent further
misunderstanding between the followers of both camps. Seeing the Bonifacio had called his
Ministers, Baldomero Aguinaldo, President of the Magdalo, without being invited, sat to the
left of Bonifacio. General Emilio Aguinaldo, seeing his position as a purely military one, was
content to be a mere observer. He had, however, a plan of his own. Since it was the
intention of his faction to propose the establishment of a revolutionary government, he had
decided beforehand that in the coming election for the presidency he would nominate and
support Edilberto Evangelista, since among them all “Evangelista was the best
educated.”Bonifacio knew of Aguinaldo’s active electioneering in favor of Evangelista and
was deeply hurt, for as founder and Supreme Head of the Katipunan he left that the
presidency should be given to him as a reward.
The assembly open Bonifacio as Chairman, it was evident, when Baldomero
Aguinaldo made the proposal to establish a revolutionary government that the two factions
would never come to an understanding. The Magdalo men contended that the continuance
of the Katipunan government was no longer necessary, for since the start of the Revolution
the Society had ceased to remain a secret society and must therefore be supplanted by one
that would better fit the situation. The Magdalo people further contented that being small,
Cavite must not be divided between the two factions. On the other hand, the Magdiwang
followers argue that Katipunan already had a constitution and by-laws duly approved and
enforced in the Islands and that, by virtue of this provincial and municipal governments in
and around Manila had already been established. There was therefore, no necessity of
establishing a new government. Even so, the Magdiwang Minister of War, Ariston
Villanueva, stood up and said that if s new government was to be established, Andres
Bonifacio, who had organized and planned the entire revolutionary movement, must f right
occupy the presidency without any election. Further he pointed out that as Chairman and
Supremo, Bonifacio should be given blanket authority to appoint the Ministers. The Magdalo
group strenuously objected and insisted on an election. The discussion became heated and
did not accomplish any tangible result. The assembly was adjourned and each faction left
without any definite understanding.
Suspicions and jealousies continued to plague the ranks of the rebels, and even
among the members of the same faction petty quarrel continued to come up. The Magdalo
followers suspected the Magdiwang of courtingthe favor of the Spaniards, while the same
suspicions was in the Magdiwang as regards the Magdalo. In a situation where the Magdalo
needed the help of the Magdiwang, the latter, to which Bonifacio belonged refused to come
to the aid of the former. Moreover, the Magdiwang followers were themselves occupied, now
and then, with petty jealousies and quarrels that tended to demoralized the soldiers. Thus,
when the town fiesta of San Francisco de Malabonwas held in January 1897, the rebels then
enjoying the afternoon games, were disturbed by a series of rifle shots that sent them
scampering away to places of safety. Thinking that the enemy was approaching, Ariston
Villanueva and Santiago Alvarez gathered there men and prepared to meet an attack
they later found out that the rifle shot came from the men of Captain Mariano San
Gbriel, also a Magdiwangman,who, trigger-happy, had fired several shots in the air.

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Alvarez’s men tried to disarm the offending soldier, but instead were themselves disarmed,
Alvarez was furious and demanded that San Gabriel disarm his men. The latter refused and
left for Noveleta. It was only through Ricarte’s intervention that the two men, Alvarez and
San Gabriel, were brought together again as comrades.
The situation had not eased up a bit when the leaders of the Magdiwang planned to
hold another convention, this time the estate-house of Tajeros a MAgdiwang territory
situated about two kilometers from San Fracisco de Malabon and about half kilometer from
the town proper of Salinas. The government under the Magdalo, comprising the towns of
Kawit, Bakoodang Imus, was at the time seriously threatened by the Spanish army which
occupied the estate-house of Salitran and which had dug in as a preparatory step to the
battle that was about to commence. General Emilio Aguinaldo, leading the Magdalo soldiers,
faced the Spaniards in Salitran, a barrio between the towns of Imus and Dasmariñas. It was
March 22, 1897, Aguinaldo’s birthday, when simultaneously the battle rage and the
assembly convened Tajeros.
The delegates, mostly belonging to the Magdiwang, lazily troop that sultry afternoon
to the spacious estate-house of Tajeros. Some of the men were barefoot; others wore buri
hats or were dressed in barong tagalog. They came from all directions: from Kawit, Noveleta
and Imus to the North: from Tanza to the west: and from San Francisco de Malabon from the
northeast. The estate-house surrounded by stone walls and build in the middle of the six-
hectare farm owned by the friars and now in rebel hands, had a 60-meter frontage. The
entrance was through an arched gate connected to the rear arched gate by a long wide
corridor. To the right, a few meters from the front gate, were the stairs. Directly opposite the
stairs was a storage room, and next to it, to the near, was chapel. Directly opposite this and
next to the stairs was another storage room. Up the stairs was the big hall, with the doors of
thirty-four rooms opening to it. In the rear of a room the right were the dining room and the
azotea that commanded a beautiful view of the fields around and the murky IlogKawayan on
whose banks thick clumps of bamboo protected the house from the glare of the sun. The
estate-house stood alone in that wide expanse of Riceland.
Directly opposite the house and across the road was more Riceland (tubigan). The
long road that commenced from the town of Salinas led directly to San Francisco de
Malabon, and half a kilometer from the estate-house it branched off the right, where a bridge
connected the latter town to the town of Tanza or Santa Cruz de Malabon.
It was this place, the former summer resort of the friars that witnessed the first
important election held under the auspices of the Katipunan government. An invitation was
sent by the Magdiwang chieftains to the Magdalo followers to attend the meeting, but
because of the battle then raging around the locality not all the Magdalo leaders were able to
attend. The Magdiwang was respresented by Andres Bonifacio, Mariano Alvarez, Pascual
Alvarez, Santiago Alvarez, Luciano San Miguel, Mariano Trias, Severino de las Alas, Santos
Nocon and others while the Magdalo was represented by Baldomero Aguinaldo, Daniel
Tirona, CayetanoTopacio, Antonio Montenegro and others. The estate-house buzzed with
life as more rebels, some of them uninvited, came to the convention. It was past two in the
afternoon when the meeting was formally opened.
Jacinto Lubreras, acting president of the Magdiwangtook the chair and open the
convention with introductory remarks summing up the purpose of the meeting. To his right
sat Teodoro Gonzales, also a Magdiwang acted as secretary. Severino de las Alas, a
Magdiwang, immediately took the floor and explained that before discussing ways and
means of defending such a small area as Cavite, the convention assembled should
first of all agree upon the kind of government that should be set up to administer the

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whole country under the prevailing circumstances. “From this government,” he said,
“Anything that is necessary in the defense of the country can emanate.” The presiding officer
however reminded the speaker that a government had already been established upon the
founding of the Katipunan, its Supreme Council, its Provincial Councils and its Popular
Council, and that the meeting was called to adopt defensive measures. At this juncture,
Bonifacio spoke and supplemented Lubreras’ explanation, calling the attention of those
assembled to the Katipunan flag with a K in the middle, which embodied the ideal of the
revolutionist, namely, liberty. De las Alas, not contended with the Supremo’s explanation,
contered that the K in the flag of the Katipunandid not in any way identity the kind of
government that they had, whether such government was monarchial or republican.
Bonifacio remark that all Katipuneros, from the Supreme Head to the lowest member,
recognized the principle of Unity, Fraternity, and Equality. “It can be seen,” He said, “that the
Government of the Association of the Sons of the people is republican in form.”
The discussion was going nowhere and tempers ran high as the men insisted on
their own points of view. So far, the discussion was between the men of the same faction. In
an unfortunate moment, a Magdalo man, Antonio Montenegro, stood up and shouting at the
top of his voice, took issue with Bonifacio. “If we do not act upon the suggestion of Mr. De
las Alas,” he said, “we, the rebels, will be likened unto a mere pack of highway robbers, or
worse, like animals without reason.” the words, uttered in good faith and in the belief that
something must be done to have a new government organized, touched off a sensitive spot
in the hearts of the Magdiwang listeners. Santiago Alvarez, a Magdiwang, pricked to anger,
took the floor and throwing a malicious side-glance at Montenegro, retorted: “We, the rebels
of Cavite, especially those under the Magdiwang, recognize the Government organized by
the Association of the Son of the People. And if you want to set up another form of
government, you can go back to your own province and wrest the authority from the
Spaniards, as we have already done. As such you can do whatever you want to and nobody
would interfere with you. We of Cavite,” he added with the meaning fullof bitterness, “We of
Cavite do not need and will never need any adviser of your own standing only.”
Pandemonium reigned as the voice of Santiago Alvarez boomed inside the spacious
sala. His bodyguards planted near the stairs, move ominously all set to fire at those inside
the hall. Lumbreras, sensing the explosive situation, tactfully called a recess to give sufficient
time for the angry men to cool off. At the end of an hour, the meetings was resumed. Jacinto
Lumbreras, seeing that it would be useless for him to continue to preside in such an
atmosphere, refuse to take the chair, saying: “As the question under discussion is
completely outside of what is mentioned in the agenda of the meeting and is concerned
instead with the establishment of an overall government of the revolution, I should not
continue to preside over this session.” Then he took his seat among the members, and
Andres Bonifacio , who was acclaimed by all to succeed him, took the chair as the presiding
officer by virtue of his being the President of the Supreme Council of the Katipunan. He then
called the meeting to order and said: “As you desire to set up a supreme government to
direct the revolution, abolishing what was organized by the Katipunan and repudiating the
resolution approved in the Assembly of Imus, as President of the Supreme Council of the
Katipunan, I accede to your just petition, but first of all I want to ask you to recognize a
principle as a basis of agreement in this or in other meetings, which is that we respect and
obey the will of the majority.” Those present saw the justice and wisdom of his proposition
and assented unanimously.
The Republic of the Philippines was then there proclaimed amidst enthusiastic
hurrahs. With a new form of government determined to take the place of the
Katipunan, the election of officers was then prepared. Nine officers were to be elected

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by popular vote, namely, President, Vice-President, Captain-General, Director of War,
Director of Interiors, Director ofState, Director of Finance,Director ofFomento, and Director of
Justice. Before proceeding with the election, Bonifacio, probably assailed by doubts and
aware of his limitations, called the attention of all the electors representing the different
regions of the Philippines to the principle that whoever would be elected should be
recognized and respected regardless of his social condition and education. The proposal
made in the form of a mere statement and reminder, was approved, for in that convention
very few, if any, were men with high intellectual attainments. The ballots were prepared and
distributed. The balloting was made successively, that is, the office of the president was first
voted upon, after which the other officer were filled in singly. After an hour, the ballots were
cast for the presidency, and Emilio Aguinaldo won in absentia over Andres Bonifacio and
Mariano Trias. The President-elect was proclaimed with loud shouts and applause.
Before the ballots were cast for the Vice-Presidency, Severino de las Alas stood up
ang suggested that in as much as Bonifacio had received the second largest number of
votes he should automatically be allowed to occupy the Vice-Presidency. The men
assembled appeared lukewarm to the suggestion, there being no one who approved or
disapproved it. Consequently, Bonifacio decided to continue with the election of the Vice-
President. Mariano Trias was elected to the position over Andres Bonifacio, Severino de las
Alas and Mariano Alvarez. The election of the Captain-General came next and Ricarte, the
acting Secretary of the convention, came out over Santiago Alvarez. With a modesty that
sprang from the realization of the responsibility attached to the position, Ricarte stood up
and declared: “None better than I know my own limitations and fitness: the position with
which this assembly honors me is beyond my scant ability and strength; to me it is a very
honorable position but its horizon is too wide for me: so I request the assembly not to
present my refusal to accept it.” Ricartes’s modesty, genuine or assume, proved effective.
Cries of disapproval followed his request to be relieved, and the disturbance created by the
enthusiastic followers of the General forced Bonifacio to call the meeting to order. Then “It is
getting dark,” he said, “so we have to proceed to the election to other positions.” Somebody
suggested that in order to expedite the election to the remaining positions, the electors
should step to one side when their candidates were called, a proposal that was immediately
approved. In this manner, the following were elected: Director of War, Emiliano Riego de
Dios, who won over Ariston Villanueva, Daniel Tirona, and Satiago Alvarez; Director of
Interior, Andres Bonifacio, who won over Mariano Alvarez and Pascual Alvarez.
The election f Bonifacio gave rise to an incident that nearby ended in a bloody affair.
Amidst the acclamations that followed the announcement of his election, Daniel Tirona, a
Magdalo man, stood up and said: “The position of Director of Interior is an exalted one and it
is not meet that a person without lawyer’s diploma should occupy it. We have in our province
a lawyer, Jose del Rosario; therefore, we should protest against the elected and acclaimed.”
And shouting at the top of his voice, he added: “Let us vote for Jose del Rosario!” No one,
However took up the suggestion which was shouted four times. Nevertheless, Bonifacio felt
insulted and he turned crimson with anger. Controlling himself he demanded that Daniel
Tirona retract what he had said. “Did we not agree,” he added, “that we have to abide by the
decision of the majority whatever may be the social standing of the elected?” he insisted that
Tirona give satisfaction to the assembly for his defamatory words. But Tirona ignored
Bonifacio and tried to lose himself in the crowd. In the flush of his anger, Bonifacio whipped
out his pistol to fire at Tirona but Ricarte grabbed his hand and thus prevented what might
have been a tragic affair. The people then began to leave the hall, and Bonifacio,
frustrated and deeply wounded in feeling, cried aloud: “I, as chairman of this assembly
and as President of the Supreme Council of the Katipunan, as all of you do not deny,

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declare this assembly dissolve, and I annul all that has been approved and resolved.” With
this parting statement, he left the hall, followed by his men.
The seed of discontent, resulting from his failure to get the presidency, and which
was watered by the unfortunate attitude of Daniel Tirona, who, by another sad coincidence,
belonged to the opposite faction, found fertile ground in Bonifacio’s heart and mind. Aside
from the fact that as founder of the Katipunan and the initiator of the Revolution he believe
he should have been given the presidency, he contended that irregularities were committed
by the Magdalo men and that he would have been elected had it not been for the
premeditated frauds of the rival faction. Writing to his uncle-in-law, Mariano Alvarez he said:
My Dear General Mainam:
Our recently ended election at Mapagtiis [San Francisco de Malabon] has left a large
poisonous thorn in my heart. I reiterate to you my nullification of all that had been agreed
upon there. Ay, General, I never expected that my complacency and faithfulness would be
rewarded with avarice and insult upon my person by your fellow townsmen who are false
patriots. I shall make them realize when I set foot on Morong soil that it was not I whom they
insulted but the whole country.
Send me food at once and faithful soldiers of the Mother Country here at Limbon as a
fulfillment of your promised help when I felt in disquietude. Your supremo and Bonifacio,
Maypagasa
Giving vent to his resentment over the procedure and result of the elections,
Bonifacio, in a letter to his friend, Emilio Jacinto, then in Laguna explained his side and gave
the background of the event.
The majority of those convention determined to organized a government; but I gave
them to understand that his could not be done on account of the absence of the
representatives of other districts, aside from an agreement having already been made at the
convention at Imus; that all this annulled the majority, because in view of the present critical
situation of theses pueblos there was no time to wait for the representatives from other
places, and the Imus convention lacked validity on account of the alleged absence of the
minutes. Nevertheless, I assured those present there that incase the manifest will of the
people governed in the election of officers, I would respect it.
Moreover, before the election began, I discovered the underhand work of some of the
Imus crowd who had quietly spread the statement that it was not advisable that key be
governed by men from other pueblos, and that they should for this reason strive to elect
Captain Emilio as President. As soon as I heard of this I said that this meeting was dirty
work, because this was what they were after and they were deceiving the people, adding
that if they wished me to point at, one by one, those who were conducting themselves in this
matter, I would do so. The majority said that if the manifest will of the people was not
complied with, I would not recognized the chiefs elected, and if I did not recognize them they
would not be recognized by our people there either. Don ArtemioRicarte, the General elect,
also said at the meeting that this election was due to bad practices.

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Evaluation
Name______________________________________________________________
Course &Year _____________________________Section___________________
A. Answer the following:
1. Who is the founder and organizer of Katipunan?
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
__________________________________
2. Who are the Magdalo members? (According to the account of Santiago Alvarez
and Account of Teodoro Agoncillo.)
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________
3. Who are the Magdiwang members? (According to the account of Santiago
Alvarez and Account of Teodoro Agoncillo.)
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________
________________________________________________________
4. What is the role of Santiago Alvarez in the Katipunan? (According to the account
of Santiago Alvarez and Account of Teodoro Agoncillo.)
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________
________________________________________________________
5. What is the reason for the conflict between Magdalo and Magdiwang?
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________
________________________________________________________
6. What is the significance of Katipunan and the Revolution?
________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________
7. What is the main purpose of Tejeros Convention based on the two

accounts?

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________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________
8. Who stood up and suggested Bonifacio as Vice –President since he had

received the second largest number of votes for Presidency over Aguinaldo
during the election of the establishment of new government?
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________
________________________________________________________
9. Who objected the qualification of Bonifacio as Director of Interior?

________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________
________________________________________________________
10. Who do you think is the better leader? Andres Bonifacio or Emilio Aguinaldo?
Why?
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________
________________________________________________________
11.Based on the presentations of two accounts, which is accurate, reliable and

genuine? Why?
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________

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Name___________________________________________________________
Course_______________________________Year______Section___________
B. Fill in the boxes below:
Primary Source vs. Secondary Source
Categories Primary Source Secondary Source

Memoirs of a General by Revolt of the Masses by
Santiago Alvarez a.k.a Teodoro Agoncillo
Gen. Apoy
Author’s Background
Objective of the Author

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Date written or published
Mention of Dates
Mention of Places
Key Personalities

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Sequencing of Events
Difference between the two

accounts
Probable reason why the

differences
Thematic motivation of
authors

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References
Alvarez, Santiago. (1998). Katipunan and the Revolution: Memoirs of a General. Quezon
City: Ateneo de Manila University Press.
Blount, James. (1968). The American Occupation of the Philippines, 1898-1912. Quezon
City: Malaya Books Inc.
Ricarte, Artemio. (1992). Memoirs of General Artemio, Recarte. Manila Historical Institute.
Richardson,Jim.(2013). The light of Liberty: Documents and Studies on the Katipunan, 1892-
1897. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila Press.
Saleeby,Najeeb. (1976). Studies in Moro History, Law and Religion.Manila: Filipiniana Book
Guild.
Zaide, Gregorio and Sonia Zaide. (1990). Documentary Sources of the Philippine History. 12
vols. Manila: National Book Store.
INTERNET SITES:
Primary Sources in the Philippine History.
http://philhist.pbworks.com/w/page/16367040/FrontPage
https://www.crk.umn.edu/library/primary-secondary-and-tertiary-sources

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Chapter Content and Context Analysis of Selected Primary Sources

3
Overview
In the preceding chapter, we have discussed the importance of familiarizing
oneself about the different kinds of historical sources. The historian’s major tool of
understanding and interpreting the past is the historical sources. Historical sources
ascertain historical facts. Such facts are then analyzed and interpreted by the
historian to weave the historical narrative. Specifically historians who study certain
historical subjects and events need to make use of various primary sources in order
to weave the narrative. Primary sources, as discussed in the preceding chapter,
consist of documents, memoir, accounts, and other materials that were produced at
the period of the event or subject being studied.
Objectives
9. To familiarize oneself with the primary documents in different historical periods of
the Philippines.
10. To learn history through primary sources
11. To properly interpret primary sources through examining the content and context
of the document.
12. To understand the context behind each selected document.
Discussion
Using primary sources in historical research entails two kinds of criticism. The
first one is the external criticism, and the second one is the internal criticism.
External criticism examines the authenticity of the document or the evidence
being used. This is important in ensuring that the primary source is not

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fabricated. On the other hand, internal criticism examine the truthfulness of the
content of the evidence. However, this criticism requires not just the act establishing
truthfulness and /or accuracy but also the examination of the primary sources in
terms of the context of its production. For example, a historian would have to situate
the document in the period of its production, or in the background of its authors. in
order words , it should be recognized that facts are neither existing in a vacuum nor
produced from a blank slate. There are products of the time and of the people.
In this chapter, we are going to look at a number of primary sources from
different historical periods and evaluate these documents ‘ content in terms of
historical value , and examine the context of their production. The primary sources
that we are going to examine are, Customs of the Tagalogs by Juan de Plasencia
and the KKK’s Kartilya ng Katipunan of Emilio Jacinto.
Author’s background
Juan de Plasencia was a Spanish friar of the Franciscan
Order. He was among the first group of Franciscan
missionaries who arrived in the islands on July 2, 1578. He
spent most of his missionary life in the Philippines, where
he found numerous towns in Luzon and authored several
religious and linguistic books, most notably the Doctrina
Cristiana( Christian Doctrine) , the first book ever printed in
the Philippines.Juan de Plasencia was born in the early 16th century as Juan
Portocarrero in Plasencia, in the region of Extremadura, Spain. He was one of the
seven children of Pedro Portocarrero, a captain of a Spanish Schooner.
Juan de Plasencia grew up during the period known as the Siglo de Oro, a
Golden Age when arts and literature flourished in many parts of Spain, among them
his native Extremadura.He was assigned to do missionary work in Southern
Tagalog area.He died in Liliw, Laguna in 1590.
Customs of the Tagalogs or Relacion de las Costumbres de los
Tagalogs just like any other colonial texts written during the Spanish colonial
period, was intentionally made to provide an exoticize description of
the Tagalog natives, clearly fed by politics and propaganda and operated with the
Western-outsider's gaze, that would be appealing to them.
Customs of the Tagalongs

Relacion de las Costumbres de los Tagalogs
By: Juan de Plasencia, OSF
This people always chiefs, called by them datos, who governed them and
were captains in their wars, and whom they obeyed and reverenced. The subject
who committed any offense against them, or spoke but a word to their wives
and children, was severely punished.

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These chiefs ruled over but few people; sometimes as many as hundred
houses, sometimes even less than thirty. This tribal gathering is called in Tagalog a
barangay. It was inferred that the reason for giving themselves this name arose from
the fact (as they are classed, by their language, among the Malay nations) that when
they came to this land, the head of the barangay, which is a boat, thus called – as is
discussed at length in the first chapter of the first ten chapters – became a dato. And
so, even at the present day, it is ascertained that this barangay in its origin was a
family of parents and children, relations and slaves. There were many of these
barangay in each town, or, at least, on account of wars, they did not settle far from
one another. They were not, however, subject to one another, except in friendship
and relationship. The chiefs, in their various wars, helped one another with their
respective barangays.
In addition to the chiefs, who corresponded to our knights, there were three
castes: nobles, commoners, and slaves. The nobles were the free- born whom they
call maharlica. They did not pay tax or tribute to the dato, but must accompany him
in war, at their own expense. The chief offered them beforehand a feast, and
afterward they divided the spoils. Moreover, when the dato went upon the water
those whom he summoned rowed for him. If he built a house, they helped him, and
had to be fed for it. The same was true when the whole barangay went to clear up
his lands for tillage. The lands which they inhabited were divided among the whole
barangay, especially the irrigated portion, and thus each one knew his own. No one
belonging to another barangay would cultivate them unless after purchase or
inheritance. The lands on the tingues, or mountain ridges, are not divided, but owned
in common by the barangay. Consequently, at the time of the rice harvest, any
individual of any particular barangay, although he may have come from some other
village, if he commences to clear any land may sow it, and no one can compel him to
abandon it. There are some villages (As, for example, Pila de la Laguna) in which
these nobles or maharlicas, paid annually to the dato a hundred gantas of rice. The
reason of this was that, at the time of their settlement there, another chief occupied
the lands, which the new chief, upon his arrival, bought with his own gold; and he
divided it, among those whom he saw fit to reward. But now, since the advent of the
Spaniards, it is not so divided.
The chiefs in some villages had also fisheries, with established limits, and
sections of the rivers for markets. At this no one could fish, or trade in the markets,
without paying for the privilege, unless he belonged to the chief’s barangay or
village.
The commoners are called aliping namamahay. They are married, and serve
their master, whether he be a dato or not, with half of their cultivated lands, as was
agreed upon in the beginning. They accompanied him whenever he went beyond the
island, and rowed for him. They live in their own houses, and are lords of their
property and gold. Their children inherit it, and enjoy their property and lands. The
children then, enjoy the rank of their fathers, and they cannot be made slaves
(saguiguilir) nor can either parents or children be sold. If they should fall by
inheritance into the hands of a son of their master who was going to dwell in
another village, they could not be taken from their own village and carried with

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him; but they would remain in their native village, doing service there and cultivating
the sowed lands.
The slaves are called aliping sa guiguilir. They serve their master in his
house and on his cultivated lands, and may be sold. The master grants them, should
he see fit, and providing that he has profited through their industry, a portion of their
harvests, so that they may work faithfully. For these reasons, servants who are born
in the house of their master are rarely, if ever, sold. That is the lot of captives in war,
and those brought up in the harvest fields.
Those to whom a debt was owed transferred the debt to another, thereby
themselves making a profit, and reducing the wretched debtors to a slavery which
was not their natural lot. If any person among those who were made slaves (sa
guiguilir) – through war, by the trade of goldsmith or otherwise happened to possess
any gold beyond the sum that he had to give his master , he ransomed himself,
becoming thus a namamahay, or what we call a commoner. The price of this ransom
was never less than five taels, as they might agree, he became wholly free. An
amusing ceremony accompanied this custom. After having divided all the trinkets
which the slave possessed, if he maintained a house of his own, they divided even
the pots and jars, and if an odd one of these remained, they broke it; and if a piece of
cloth were left, they parted it in the middle.
The difference between the aliping namamahay and the aliping sa guguilir,
should be noted; for, by a confusion of the two terms many have been classed as
slaves who really are not. The Indians seeing that the alcades- mayor do not
understand this, have adopted the custom of taking away the children of the aliping
namamahay, making use of them as they would of the aliping sa guiguilir, as
servants in their households, which is illegal, and if the aliping namamahay should
appeal to justice, it is proved that he is an aliping as well as his father and mother
before him and no reservation is made as to whether he is aliping namamahay or
aliping sa guiguilir. He is at once considered an alipin, without further declaration. In
this way he becomes a saguiguilir, and is even sold. Consequently, the alcades-
mayor should be instructed to ascertain, when anyone asks for his alipin, to which
class he belongs, and to have the answer put in the document that they give him.
In these three classes, those who are maharlicas on both the father’s and
mother’s side continue to be so forever; and if it happens that they should become
slaves, it is through marriage, as I shall soon explain. If these maharlicas had
children among their slaves, the children and their mothers became free; if one of
them had children by the slave- woman of another, she was compelled, when
pregnant, to give her master half of a gold tael, because of her risks of death, and for
her inability to labor during the pregnancy. In such a case half of the child was free-
namely, the half belonging to the father, who supplied the child with food. If he did
not do this. He showed that he did not recognize him as his child, in which case the
latter was wholly a slave. If a free woman had children by a slave, they were all free,
provided be were not her husband.
If two persons married, of whom one was a maharlicas and the other a
slave, whether namamahay or saguiguilir, the children were divided; the first,

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whether male or female, belonged to the father, as did the third and fifth; the second,
the fourth. And the sixth fell to the mother, and so on. In this manner, if the father
were free, all those who belonged to him were slaves; and the same applied to the
mother. If there should not be more than one child he was half free and half slave.
The only question here concerned the division, whether the child were male or
female. Those who became slaves fell under the category of servitude which was
their parent’s, either namamahay or saguiguilir. If there were an odd number of
children, the odd one was half free and half slave. I have not been able to ascertain
with any certainty when or at what age the division of children was made, for each
one suited himself in this respect. Of these two kinds of slaves the saguiguilir could
be sold, but not the namamahay and their children, nor could they be transferred.
However, they could be transferred from the barangay by inheritance, provided they
remained in the same village.
The maharlicas could not, after marriage, move from one village to another, or
from one barangay to another, without paying a certain fine in gold, as arranged
among them. This fine was larger or smaller according to the inclination of the
different villages, running from one to three taels and a banquet to the entire
barangay. Failure to pay the fine might result in a war between the barangay, which
the person left and the one which he entered. This applied equally to men and
women, except that when one married a women of another village, the children were
afterwards divided equally between the two barangays. This arrangement kept them
obedient to the dato, or chief, which is no longer the case because , if the dato is
energetic and commands what the religious fathers enjoin him, they soon leave him
and go to other villages and other datos, who endure and protect them and do not
order them about. This is the kind of dato that they know prefer not him who has the
spirit to command. There is a great need of reform in this, for the chiefs are spiritless
and faint- hearted.
Investigations made and sentences passed by the dato must take place in the
presence of those of his barangay. If any of the litigants felt himself aggrieved, an
arbiter was unanimously named from another village or barangay, whether he were a
dato or not; since they had for this purpose some persons, known as fair and just
men, who were said to give true judgment according to their customs. If the
controversy lay between two chiefs, when they wished to avoid war, they also
convoked judges to act as arbiter; they did the same if the disputants belonged to
two different barangays. In this ceremony they always had to drink, the plaintiff
inviting the others.
They had laws by which they condemned to death a man of low birth who
insulted the daughter or wife of a chief; likewise witches, and others of the same
class.
They condemned no one to slavery, unless he merited the death penalty. As
for the witches, they killed them, and their children and accomplices became slaves
of the chief, after he had made some recompense to the injured person. All
other offenses were punished by fines in gold, which if not paid with
promptness, exposed the culprit to serve, until the payment should be made,

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the person aggrieved, to whom the money was to be paid. This was done in the
following way: half the cultivated lands and all their produce belonged to the master.
The master provided the culprit with food and clothing, thus enslaving the culprit and
his children until such time as he might a mass enough money to pay the fine. If the
father should by chance pay his debt, the master then claimed that he had fed and
clothed his children, and should be paid therefor. In this way he kept possession of
the children if the payment could not be met. This last was usually the case, and they
remained slaves. If the culprit had some relative or friend who paid for him, he was
obliged to render the latter half his service until he was paid- not however, service
within the house as alipingsaguiguilir, but living independently, as alipinnamamahay.
If the creditor were not served in this wise, the culprit had to pay the double of what
was lent him. In this way slaves were made by debt; either saguiguilir, if they served
the master to whom the judgment applied; or aliping namamahay. If they served the
person who lent them wherewith to pay.
In what concerns loans, there was formerly, and is today, an excess of
usury, which is a great hindrance to baptism as well as to confession; for it turns out
in the same way as I have showed in the case of the one under judgment, who gives
half of his cultivated lands and profits until he pays the debt. The debtor is
condemned to a life of toil; and thus borrower become slaves, and after the death of
the father the children pay the debt. Not doing so, double the amount must be paid.
This system should and can be reformed.
As for inheritances, the legitimate children of a father and mother inherited
equally, except in the case where the father and mother showed a slight partially by
such gifts as two or three gold taels, or perhaps a jewel.
When the parents gave a dowry to any son, and, when, in order to marry him
to a chief’s daughter, the dowry was greater than the sum given the sons, the excess
was not counted in the whole property to be divided. But any other thing that should
have been given to any son, though it might be for some necessity, was taken into
consideration at the time of the partition of the property, unless the parents should
declare that such a bestowal was made outside of the inheritance. If one child had
children by two or more legitimate wives, each child received the inheritance and
dowry of his mother, with its increase, and that share of his father’s estate which fell
to him out of the whole. If a man had a child by one of his slaves, as well as
legitimate children were bound to free the mother, and to give him something a tael
or a slave, if the father were a chief; or if, finally, anything else were given it was by
the unanimous consent of all. If besides his legitimate children, he had also some
sons by free unmarried woman, to whom a dowry was given but who was not
considered as a real wife, all these were classes as natural children, although the
child by the unmarried woman should have been begotten after his marriage. Such
children did not inherit equally with the legitimate one had two parts, and the one of
the inaasaya one part. When there were no children by a legitimate wife, but only
children received his share as above stated. If there were no legitimate or natural
child, or a child by an inaasaya, whether there was a son of a slave woman or
not, the inheritance went only to the father or grandparents. Brothers, or

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nearest relatives of the deceased, who gave to the slave- child as above stated.
In the case of a child by a free married woman, born while she was married, if
the husband punished the adulterer this was considered a dowry; and the child
entered with the others into partition in the inheritance. His share equaled the part
left by the father, nothing more. If there were no other sons than he, the children and
the nearest relatives inherited equally with him. But if the adulterers were not
punished by the husband of the woman who had the child, the latter was not
considered as his child, nor did he inherit anything. It should be noticed that the
offender was not considered dishonored by the punishment infected, nor did the
husband leave the woman. By the punishment of the father that the child was fittingly
made legitimate.
Adopted children, of whom there are many among them, inherit the double
of what was paid for their adoption. For example, if one gold tael was given that he
might be adopted when the first father died, the child was given [inheritance] two
taels. But if this child should die first, his children do not inherit from the second
father, for the arrangement stops at that point.
This is the danger to which his money is exposed, as well as his being
protected as a child. On this account this manner of adoption common among them
is considered lawful.
Dowries are given by the men to the women's parents. If the latter are living,
they enjoy the use of it. At their death, provided the dowry has not been consumed, it
is divided like the rest of the state, equally among the children, except in case the
father should care to bestow something additional upon the daughter. If the wife, at
the time of her marriage, has neither father, mother, nor grandparents, she enjoys
her dowry--- which, in such a case, belongs to no other relative or child. It should be
noticed that unmarried women can own no properly, in land or dowry, for the result of
all their labors accrues to their parents.
In the case of a divorce before the birth of children, if the wife left the
husband for the purpose of marrying another, all her dowry and an equal additional
amount fell to the husband; but if she left him, and did not marry another, the dowry
was returned. When the husband left his wife, he lost the half of the dowry, and the
other half was returned to him. If he possessed children at the time of his divorce,
the whole dowry and the fine went to the children, and was held for them by their
grandparents or other responsible relatives.
I have also seen another practice it two villages. In one case, upon the death
of the wife who in a year's time had borne no children, the parents returned one-half
the dowry to the husband whose wife had died. In the other case, upon the death of
the husband, one-half the dowry was returned to the relatives of the husband. I have
ascertained that this is not a general practice; for upon inquiry I learned that when
this is done it is done through piety, and that all do not do it.
In the matter of marriage dowries which fathers bestow upon their sons
when they are about to be married, and half of which is which is given
immediately, even when they are only children, there is a great deal more

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complexity. There is a fine stipulated in the contract, that he who violates it shall pay
a certain sum which varies according to the practice of the village and the affluence
of the individual. The fine was heaviest if, upon the death of the parents, the son or
daughter should be unwilling to marry because it had been arranged by his or her
parents. In this case the dowry which the parents had received was returned and
nothing more. But if the parents were living, they paid the fine, because it was
assumed that it had been their design to separate the children.
The above is what I have been able to ascertain clearly concerning customs
observed among these natives in all this Laguna and, the tingues, and among the
entire Tagalog race. The old men say that a dato who did anything contrary to this
would not be esteemed: and, in relating tyrannies which they had committed, some
condemned
them and adjudged them wicked.
Others, perchance, may offer a more extended narrative, but leaving aside
irrelevant matters concerning government and justice among them, a summary of
the whole truth is contained in the above. I am sending the account in this clear and
concise form because I had received no orders to pursue the work further. Whatever
may be decided upon, it is certainly important that it should be given to the alcaldes-
mayor, accompanied 'by an explanation; for the absurdities which are to be found in
their opinions are indeed pitiable.
May our Lord bestow upon your Lordship His grace and spirit, so that in
every step good fortune may be yours; and upon every occasion may your Lordship
deign to consider me your humble servant, to be which would be the greatest
satisfaction and favor that I could receive. Nagcarlan, October 21, 1589.
II
THE WORSHIP OF THE TAGALOGS
In all the villages, or in other parts of the Filipinas Islands, there are no
temples consecrated to the performing of sacrifices, the adoration of their idols, or
the general practice of idolatry. It is true that they have the name simbahan, which
means a temple or place of adoration; but this is because, formerly, when they
wished to celebrate a festival, which they called pandot, or "worship," they
celebrated it in the large house of a chief. There they constructed, for the purpose of
sheltering the assembled people, a temporary shed on each side of the house, with
a roof, called sibito protect the people from the wet when it rained. They so
constructed the house thatbit might contain many people- dividing it, after the fashion
of ships, into three compartments. On the posts of the house they set small lamps,
called sorihile; in the center of the house they placed one large lamp, adorned with
leaves of the white palm, wrought into many designs. They also brought
together many drugs, large and small, which they beat successively while the
feast lasted, which was usually four days. During this time the whole barangay,

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or family, united and joined in the worship which they call nagaaniyos. The house, for
the above-mentioned period of time, was called a temple.
Among their many idols there was one called Bathala, whom they especially
worshipped. The title, seems to signify "all powerful," or "maker of all yhings." They
also worshiped the sun, which, on account of uts beauty, is almost universally
respected and honored by heathens. They worshiped, too, the moon, especially
when it was new, at which time they held great rejoicings, adoring it and bidding it
welcome. Some of them also adored the stars, although they did not know them by
their names, as the Spaniards and other nations know the planets- with the one
exception of the morning star, which they called Tala. They knew, too, the "seven
little goals" [the pieiades]- as well call them- and , consequently, the change of
seasons, which they call Mapolon; and Balatoc, which is our Greater Bear. They
possessed many idols called lic-ha, which were images with different shapes; and at
times they worshipped any little trifle, in which they adored, as did the Romans,
some particular dead man who was brave in war and endowed with especial
faculties, to whom they commended themselves for protection in their tribulations.
They had another idol called Dian masalanta, who was tha patron of lovers and of
generation. The idols called Lacapati and Idianale were the patrons of the cultivated
lands and husbandry. They paid reverence to water-lizardz called by them buaya or
crocodiles, from fear of being harmed by them what they carried in their boats, by
throwing it into the water, or placing it upon the bank.
They were, moreover, very liable to find auguries in things they witnessed.
For example, if they left their house and met on the way a serpent or rat, or a bird
called tigmamanuguin which was singing in the tree, or if they chanced upon anyone
who sneezed, they returned at once to their house, considering the incident as an
augury that some evil might befall them if they should continue their journey-
especially when the above mentioned bird sang. This song had two different forms;
in the one case it was considered as an evil omen; in the other, as a good omen, and
then they continued their journey. They also practiced divination, to see whether
weapons, such as a dagger or knife, were to be useful and lucky for their possessor
whenever occasion should offer.
These natives had no established division of years, months, and days; these
are determined by the cultivation of the soil, counted by moons, and the different
effect produced upon the trees when yielding flowers, fruits, and leaves; all this helps
them in making up the year. The winter and summer are distinguished as sun-time
and water-time - the latter term designing winter in those region, where there is no
cold, snow, or ice.
It seems, however, that now since they have become Christians, the seasons
are not quite the same , for at Christmas it gets somewhat cooler. The years, since
the advent of the Spaniards, have been determined by the latter, and seasons have
been given their proper names, and they have been divided into weeks.
Their manner of offering sacrifice was to proclaim a feast, and offer to
the devil what they had to cat. This was done in front of the idol, which they
anoint with fragrant perfumes, such as musk and civet, or gum of the storax-

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tree and other odoriferous woods and praise it in poetic songs sung by the officiating
priest, male or female, who is called catoloman. The participants made responses to
the song, beseeching the idol to favor them with those things of which they were in
need, and generally, by offering repeated healths, they all became intoxicated. In
some of their idolatries they were accustomed to place a good piece of cloth,
doubled, over the idol, and over the cloth a chain or large gold ring, thus worshipping
the devil without having sight of him. The devil was sometimes liable to enter into the
body of the catolonan and, assuming her shape and appearance, filled her with so
great arrogance- he being the cause of it- that she seemed to shoot flames front her
eyes; her hair stood on end, a fearful sight to those beholding, and she uttered words
of arrogance and superiority. In some districts, especially in the mountains, when in
those idolatries the devil incarnated himself and took on the form of his minister, the
latter had to be tied to a tree by his companions, to prevent the devil in his infernal
fury from destroying him. This, however, happened but rarely. The objects of
sacrifice were goats, fowls, and swine, which were flayed, decapitated, and laid
before the idol. They performed another ceremony by cooking a jar of rice until the
water was evaporated, after which they broke the jar, and the rice was left as an
intact mass which was set before the idol; and all about it, at intervals, were placed a
few buyos- which is a small fruit wrapped in a leaf with some lime, a food generally
eaten in these regions as well as fried food and fruits. All these above mentioned
articles were eaten by the guests at the feast; the heads (of the animals), after being
“offered” as they expressed it were cooked and eaten also.
The reasons for offering this sacrifice and adoration were, in addition to
whatever personal matters there might be, the recovery of a sick person, the
prosperous voyage of those embarking on the sea, a good harvest in the sowed
lands, a propitious result in wars, a successful delivery in childbirth, and a happy
outcome in married life. If this took place among people of rank, the festivities lasted
thirty days.
In the case of young girls who first their monthly courses, their eyes were
blindfolded four days and four nights; and, in the meantime, the friends and relatives
were all invited to partake of food and drink. At the end of this period, the catalonan
took the young girl to the water, bathed her and washed her head, and removed the
bandage from her eyes. The old men said that they did this in order that the girls
might bear children, and have fortune in finding husbands to their taste, who would
not leave them widows in their youth.
The distinctions made among the priests of the devil were as follows: The
first, called catolonan, as above stated, was either a man or woman. This office was
an honorable one among the natives, and was held ordinarily by people of rank, this
rule being general in all the islands.
The second they would called mangagauay, or witches who deceived by
pretending to heal the sick. These priests even induced maladies by their charms,
which in proportion to the strength and efficacy of the witchcraft, are capable of
causing death. In this way, if they wished to kill at once they did so; or they
could prolong life for a year by binding to the waist a live serpent, which was

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believed to be the devil, or at least his substance. This office was general throughout
the land. The third they called manyisalat, which is the same as magasauay. These
priests had the power of applying such remedies to lovers that they would abandon
and despise their own wives, and in fact could prevent them from having intercourse
with the latter. If the woman, constrained by these means, were abandoned, it would
bring sickness upon her; and on account of the desertion she would discharge blood
and matter. This office was also general throughout the land.
The fourth was called mancocolam, whose duty it was to emit fire from himself
at night, once or oftener each month. This fire could not be extinguished; nor could it
be thus emitted except as the priest wallowed in the ordure and filth which falls from
the houses; and he who lived in the house where the priest was wallowing in order to
emit this fire from himself, fell ill and died. This office was general.
The fifth was called hocloban, which is another kind of witch, of greater
efficacy than the mangagauay. Without the use of medicine, and by simply saluting
or raising the hand, theh killed whom they chose. But if they desired to heal those
whom they made ill by their charms, they did so by using other charms. Moreover if
they wished to destroy the house of some Indian hostile to them, they were able to
do so without instruments. This was in Catanduanes, an island off the upper part of
Luzon.
The sixth was called silagan, whose office it was, if they saw so anyone
clothed in white, to tear out his liver and eat it, thus causing his death. This, like the
preceding, was in the island of Catanduanes. Let no one, moreover, consider this is
a fable, because, in Calavan, they tore out in this way through the anus all the
intestines of a Spanish notary, who was buried in Calilaya by father Fray Juan de
Merida. The seventh was called magtatangal, and his purpose was to show himself
at night to many persons, without his head or entrails. In such wise the devil walked
about carried , or pretended to carry, his head to different places; and, in the
morning, returned it to his body -- remaining, as before , alive . This seems to me to
a fable, although the natives affirm that they have seen it, because the devil probably
caused them so to believe. This occurred in Catanduanes.
The eight called osuang, which is equivalent to "sorcerer," they say that they
have seen him fly, and that he murmured men and ate their flesh. This was among
the Visayas Islands; among the Tegalos these did not exist.
The ninth was another class of witches called manggagayoma, they made
charms for lovers out of herbs, stones, and wood, which would infuse the heart with
love. Thus did they deceive the people, although sometimes, through the
intervention of the devil, they gained their ends.
The tenth was known as sonat, which is equivalent to "preacher". It was his
office to help one to die, at which time he predicted the salvation or condemnation of
the soul. It was not lawful for the functions of his office to be fulfilled by others than
people of high standing, on account of the esteem in which it was held. This
office was general throughout the islands.

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The eleventh, pangatahojan, was a soothsayer, and predicted the future. The
office was general in all the islands.
The twelfth, bayoguin, signified a "cotquean," a man whose nature inclined
toward that of a woman.
Their manner burying the dead was as follows: The deceased was buried
beside his house; and, if he were a chief, he was placed beneath a little house or
porch which they constructed for this purpose. Before interring him, then mourned
him for four days; and afterward laid him on the boat which served as a coffin or bier,
placing him beneath the porch, were guard was kept over him by a slave. In a place
of rowers, various animals were placed within the boat, each one being assigned a
place at the oar by twos--- male and female of each species being together--- as for
example two goats, two deer, or two fowls. It was the slave's care to see that they
were fed. If the deceased had been a warrior, a living slave was tied beneath his
body until in this wretched way he died. In course of time, all suffered decay; and for
many days the relatives of the dead man bewailed him, singing diarges, and praises
of his good qualities, until finally theyweared of it. This grief was also accompanied
by eating and drinking. This was a custom of the Tagalogs.
The Aetas or Negrillos (Negritos) inhabitants of this island, had also a form
of burial, but different. They dug a deep, perpendicular hole, and placed the
deceased within it, leaving him upright with head or crown unburied, on top of which
they put half a coconuts which was to serve him as a shield. Then they went of
pursuit of some Indian, whom they killed in retribution for the Negrillo who had died.
To this end they conspired together, hanging a certain token on their necks until
some one of them procured the death of the innocent one.
These infidels said that they knew that there was another life of rest which
they called maca, just as if we should say "paradise", or, in other words, "village of
rest". They say that those who go to this place are the just, and the valiant, and
those who lived without doing harm, or who possessed other moral virtues. They
said also that in the other life and mortality, there was a place of punishment, grief,
and affliction, called casanaan, which was "a place of anguish;" they also maintained
that no one would go to heaven, where there dwelt only Bathala, "the maker of all
things," who governed from above. There were also other pagans who confessed
more clearly to a hell, which they called, as I have said, casanaan; they said that all
the wicked went to that place, and there dwelt the demons, whom they called sitan.
All the various kinds of infernal ministers were, therefore as has been stated:
catolonan; sonat (who was a sort of bishop who ordained priestesses and received
their reverence, for they knelt before him as before one who could pardon sins, and
expected salvation through him);. mangagauay, manyisalat, mancocolam, hocioban,
silagan, magtatangal, osuan, nangagayoma, pangathahoan
There were also ghosts, which they called vibit; and phantoms, which they
called tigbalaang. They had another deception-namely, that if any woman died
in childbirth, she and the child suffered punishment; and that, at night, she
could be heard lamenting. This was called patianac. May the honor and glory

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be God our Lord's, that among all the Tagalogs not a trace of this is left; and that
those who are now marrying do not even know what it is, thanks to the preaching of
the holy gospel, which has banished it.
Author’s Background
Born in Manila, Jacinto was proficient both

in Spanish and Tagalog. He attended San Juan de Letran
College, and later transferred to the University of Santo
Tomas to study law. Manuel Quezon, Sergio Osmeña and Juan
Sumulong were classmates. He did not finish college and, at the
age of 19, joined the secret society called Katipunan. He
became the advisor on fiscal matters and secretary to Andrés
Bonifacio. He was later known as Utak ng Katipunan. He and
Bonifacio also befriended Apolinario Mabini when they attempted to continue José
Rizal's La Liga Filipina.
Jacinto also wrote for the Katipunan newspaper called Kalayaan. He wrote in
the newspaper under the pen name "Dimasilaw", and used the alias "Pingkian" in the
Katipunan. Jacinto was the author of the Kartilya ng Katipunan as well.After
Bonifacio's execution, Jacinto pressed on with the Katipunan's struggle. Like
general Mariano Álvarez, he refused to join the forces of general Emilio Aguinaldo,
the leader of the Katipunan's Magdalo faction. Jacinto lived in Laguna and also
joined the militia fighting the Spaniards. Jacinto contracted malaria and died on April
16, 1899 in Brgy. Alipit, Santa Cruz, Laguna. [1] His remains were initially buried in
Brgy. San Juan Santa Cruz, Laguna, and were transferred to Manila North
Cemetery a few years later.He was married to Catalina de Jesús, who was pregnant
at the time of his death.
The KKK and the “Kartilyang Katipunan

The Kataastasan, Kagalanggalangan Katipunanng mga Anak ng Bayan (KKK)
or Katipunan is arguably the most important organization formed in the Philippine
history. While anti-colonial movements, efforts and organizations had already been
established centuries prior to the foundation of the Katipunan, it was only this
organization that envisioned (1) a united Filipino nation that would revolt against the
Spaniards for (2) the total independence of the country from Spain. Previous armed
revolts had already occurred before the foundation of the Katipunan, but none of
them envisioned a unified Filipino nation revolving against the colonizers. For
example, Diego Silang was known as an Ilocano who took up his arms and led one
of the longest running revolts in the country. Silang, however, was mainly concerned
about his locality and referred to himself as El Rey de Ilocos (The King of Ilocos).
The imagination of the nation was largely absent in the aspirations of the local
revolts before Katipunan. On the other hand, the propaganda movements led
by theilustrados like Marcelo H. del Pilar, Graciano Lopez Jaena, and Jose
Rizal did not envision a total separation of the Philippines from Spain, but only

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demanded equal rights, representation, and protection from the abuses of the friars.
In the conduct of their struggle, Katipunan created a complex structureand a
defined value system that would guide the organization as a collective aspiring for a
single goal. One of the most important Katipunan documents was the
KartilyangKatipunan. The original title of the document was “Manga [sic] Aral [sic]
Katipunanngmga A.N.B.” or “Lessons of the Organization of the Sons of Country.”
The document was written by Emilio Jacinto in the 1896. Jacinto was only 18 years
old when he joined the movement. He was a law student at the Universidad de
Santo Tomas. Despite his youth, Bonifacio recognized the value and intellect of
Jacinto that upon seeing that Jacinto’s Kartilya was much better than Decalogue he
wrote, the willingly favores that the Kartilya be distributed to their fellow Katipuneros.
Jacinto became the secretary of the organization and took charge of the short-lived
printing press of the Katipunan. On 15 April 1897, Bonifacio appointed Jacinto as a
commander of the Katipunan in Nothern Luzon. Jacinto was 22 years old. He died of
Malaria at a young age of 24 in the town of Magdalena, Laguna.
The Kartilya can be treated as the Katipunan’s code of conduct. It contains
fourteen rules that instruct the way a Katipunero should behave and which specific
values should he uphold. Generally the rules stated in the Kartilya can be classified
into two. The first group contains the rules that will make the member an upright
individual and the second group contains the rules that will guide the way he treats
his fellow men.
Below is the translated version of the rules in Kartilya:
I. The life that is not consecrated to a lofty and reasonable purpose is a
tree without a shade, if not poisonous weed.
II. To do good for personal gain and not for its own sake is not virtue.
III. It is rational to be charitable and love one’s fellow creature, and to
adjust one’s conduct, acts and words to what is in itself reasonable.
IV. Whether our skin be black or white, we are all born equal: superiority in
knowledge, wealth and beauty are to be understood, but not superiority
by nature.
V. The honorable man prefers honor to personal gain; the scoundrel, gain
to honor.
VI. To the honorable man, his word is sacred.
VII. Do not waste thy time: wealth can be recovered but not time lost.
VIII. Defend the oppressed and fight the oppressor before the law or in the
field.
IX. The prudent man is sparing in words and faithful in keeping secrets.
X. On the thorny path of life, man is the guide of woman and the children,
and if the guide leads to the precipice, those whom he guides will also
go there.
XI. Thou must not look upon woman as a mere plaything, but as a faithful
companion who will share with thee the penalties of life; her
(physical) weakness will increase thy interest in her and she will
remind thee of the mother who bore thee and reared thee.

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XII. What thou dost not desire done unto thy wife, children, brothers, and
sisters, that do not unto the wife, children, brothers and sisters of thy
neighbor.
XIII. Man is not worth more because he is a king, because his nose is
aquiline, and his color white, not because he is a priest, a servant of
God, nor because of the high prerogative that he enjoys upon earth,
but he is worth most who is a man of proven a real value, who does
good, keeps his words, is worthy and honest; he who does not
oppress nor consent to being oppressed, he who loves and cherishes
his fatherland, though he born in the wilderness and know no tongue
but his own.
XIV. When these rules of conduct shall be known to all, the longed for sun
of Liberty shall rise brilliant over this most unhappy portion of the globe
and its rays shall diffuse everlasting joy among the confederated
brethren of the same rays, the lives of those who have gone before, the
fatigues and the well-paid sufferings will remain. If he who desires to
enter has informed himself of all this and believes he will be able to
perform what will be his duties, he may fill out the application for
admission.
As the primary governing document which determines the rules of conduct
in the Katipunan, properly understanding the Kartilya will thus help in
understanding the values, ideals, aspirations, and even the ideology of the
organization.
Analysis of the “Kartilyang Katipunan”

Similar to what we have done to the accounts of Pigafetta, this primary
source also needs to be analyzed in terms of content and context. As a
document written for a fraternity whose main purpose is to overthrow a
colonial regime, we can explain the content and provisions of the Kartilya
as a reaction and response to certain value system that they found
despicable in the present state of things that they struggled against with.
For example, the fourth and the thirteenth rules in the Kartilya are
invocation of the inherent equality between and among men regardless of
race, occupation or status. In the context of the Spanish colonial era where
the indios were treated as the inferior of the white Europeans, the
Katipunan saw to it that the alternative order that they wish to promulgate
through their revolution necessarily destroy this kind of unjust hierarchy.
Moreover, one can analyze the values upheld in the document as
consistent with the burgeoning rational and liberal ideals in the eighteenth
and nineteenth century. Equality, tolerance, freedom, and liberty were
values
that first emerged in the eighteenth century French Revolution which
spread
throughout Europe and reached the educated class of the colonies.

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Jacinto,
an ilustrado himself, certainly got an understanding of these values. Aside
from the liberal values that can be dissected in the document, we can also
decipher certain Victorian and chivalrous values in the text. For example,
various provisions in the Kartilya repeatedly emphasized the importance of
honor in words and in action. The teaching of the Katipunan on how
women
should be treated with honor and respect, while positive in many respects
and certainly a significant stride from the practice of raping and physically
abusing women, can still be telling of the Katipunan's secondary regard for
women in relation to men. For example, in the tenth rule, the document
specifically stated that men should be the guide of women and children,
and
that he should set a good example, otherwise the women and the children
would be guided in the path of evil. Nevertheless, the same document
stated
that women should be treated as companions by men and not as
playthings
that can be exploited for their pleasure.
In the contemporary eyes, the Katipunan can be criticized because
of these provisions. However, one must not forget the context where the
organization was born. Not even in Europe or in the whole of the West at
that juncture recognized the problem of gender inequality. Indeed, it can
be argued that Katipunan's recognition of women as important partners in
the struggle, as reflected not just in Kartilya but also in the organizational
structure of the fraternity where a women's unit was established, is an
endeavor advanced for its time. Aside from Rizal's known Letter to the
Women of Malolos, no same effort by the supposed cosmopolitan
Propaganda Movement was achieved until the movement's eventual
disintegration in the latter part of the 1890s.
Aside from this, the Kartilya was instructive not just of the Katipunan
conduct toward other people, but also for the members' development as
individuals in their own rights. Generally speaking, the rules in the Kartilya
can be classified as either directed to how one should treat his neighbor or
to how one should develop and conduct one's self. Both are essential to
the success and fulfillment of the Katipunan's ideals. For example, the
Kartilyas
teachings on honoring one's word and not wasting time are teachings
directed toward self-development, while the rules on treating the neighbors
wife, children, and brothers the way that you want yours to be treated is an
instruction on how Katipuneros should treat and regard their neighbors.
All in all, proper reading of the Kartilya will reveal a more thorough
understanding of the Katipunan and the significant role that it played
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the revolution and in the unfolding of the Philippine history, as we know it.
EVALUATION
A. Answer the following questions. (5pts. each)
1. Who is Fr. Juan de Placensia? When did he serve in the Philippine Islands?
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2. What was the term used to the political unit established by the Tagalogs?
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3. Who rule the barangay? Enumerate his various duties and responsibilities.
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4. Describe the economic life and living standards of the Filipinos during the pre-
colonial days.
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5. What is social stratification? Describe the social stratification that existed
during the pre- Spanish era.
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6. What does Fr. Placensia account reveal about the religious and spiritual
beliefs of the early Filipinos?
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7. Explain Kartilyang Katipunan rule no. I

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8. Explain Kartilyang Katipunan rule no. IV.

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9. Explain Kartilyang Katipunan rule no. VI.

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10. Explain Kartilyang Katipunan rule no. X.
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References
Candelaria, John Lee et al , (2018) Readings in Philippine History.

Emilio Jacinto, “Kartilla ng Katipunan” (Richardson, 2013 pp. 131- 137)[Declaration of
Principles]
Juan de Plasencia, Customs of the Tagalogs,
(Garcia 1979, pp. 221- 234) [Friar account]
Louis Gottschalk, Understanding History, (pp. 41-61; 117- 170)
INTERNET SITES
https://www.britannica.com/biography/Ferdinand-Magellan
https://prezi.com/p/vjiz6mscj-2-/customs-of-the-tagalogs-by-juan-de-plasencia/
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Juan_de_Plasencia
https://www.google.com/search?q=juan+de+plasencia+customs+of+the+tagalogs&rlz=1C1AVSK_en
PH704PH719&oq=Juan+de+placencia&aqs=chrome.2.69i57j46j0l5.15542j0j15&sourceid=chrome

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1

READINGS IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY

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This chapter introduces history as a discipline and as narrative. It presents the

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Questions and Issues in History

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History and Historian

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Southern Luzon State University

Philippine historiography underwent several changes since the precolonial

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Primary, Secondary, and Tertiary Sources

Sources of information or evidence are often categorized as primary,

Examples of primary sources:

Theses, dissertations, scholarly journal articles (research based), some

These sources offer an analysis or restatement of primary sources.

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which summarize, interpret, reorganize, or otherwise provide an added value to a

Examples of Secondary Sources:

Examples of Tertiary Sources:

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_________1. History is the study of the past.

2. Lorena was a new teacher of Araling Panlipunan in a small elementary school

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Is the textbook a primary , secondary or tertiary source?

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Louis Gottschalk, Understanding History, (pp. 41-61; 117- 170)

Howell and Prevenier, From Reliable Sources,(pp. 17-68)

Teodoro Agoncillo, History of the Filipino People(pp 184-187)

Robert Fox, The Tabon Caves, (pp. 40-44; 109-119)

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Historical research /writing is dependent on the availability of primary sources,

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Southern Luzon State University

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6. What is the significance of Katipunan and the Revolution?

7. What is the main purpose of Tejeros Convention based on the two

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8. Who stood up and suggested Bonifacio as Vice –President since he had

9. Who objected the qualification of Bonifacio as Director of Interior?

11.Based on the presentations of two accounts, which is accurate, reliable and

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B. Fill in the boxes below:

Primary Source vs. Secondary Source

Categories Primary Source Secondary Source

Objective of the Author

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Difference between the two

Probable reason why the

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