Nominal linkers in Persian

Koorosh Ariyaee
University of Toronto

This chapter examines nominal constructions in (Iranian) Persian

with the special focus on the distribution of Ezafe. Ezafe is an
element which links a nominal to its modifiers and arguments.
Persian has nominal modifiers of different types. They can be either
prenominal or postnominal. The modifiers appearing in a
postnominal position, always require Ezafe. Furthermore, it is
demonstrated that the use of Ezafe is not restricted only to
modification, since it also links a noun to its complement. The use
of Ezafe is not restricted only to noun phrases either since Ezafe can
link a nominal preposition to its complement as well.

1 Introduction

Persian, a southwestern Iranian language, has three main varieties spoken in Afghanistan, Tajikistan and
Iran. This study focuses on the variety of Persian, which is spoken in Iran. As of 2019, the estimated
population of speakers of Persian in Iran (Figure 1) is reported to be around 73 million. Nearly 52 million
speakers of this population are reported to be L1 Persian speakers (Ethnologue 2021). The particular variety
examined here is Tehrani Persian, primarily spoken in Tehran, the capital of Iran. This chapter investigates
the nominal constructions in Tehrani Persian, with a focus on the distribution of nominal linkers. There has
been extensive work on Persian Ezafe constructions from different theoretical perspectives (see e.g.,
Samiian 1994, Karimi and Brame 1986, Ghomeshi 1997, Samvelian 2007, Larson and Yamakido 2008,
Kahnemuyipour 2014, among others). The aim of this chapter is to provide a description of contexts
involving the use of Ezafe in Persian. The rest of this chapter is organized as follows: section 2 describes
nominal patterns involving modification by attributive adjectives. In section 3 definiteness and number are
investigated. Section 4 examines possessive and prepositional phrases. Section 5 discusses event nominals.
In section 6 relative clauses and complement clauses are inspected, and section 7 concludes the paper.

Figure 1. The map of Iran and some neighboring countries (Google maps)

Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics (TWPL), Volume 45

© 2023 Koorosh Ariyaee
https://doi.org/10.33137/twpl.v45i1.41683
 KOOROSH ARIYAEE

2 Ezafe with attributive adjectives

This section is dedicated to the description of nominals modified by attributive adjectives and the pattern
of Ezafe in these constructions. In Persian, nouns can be modified by attributive adjectives (1). Attributive
adjectives are postnominal (except for superlative adjectives which are prenominal, examined later in this
section). As shown in the following examples, a linking element, known as Ezafe appears between the
adjective and the noun. Ezafe is an iterative element. That is, when there is more than one modifier, Ezafe
iteratively appears on each modifier (2a). Importantly, the presence of Ezafe is obligatory, and its absence
leads to the ungrammaticality of the phrase (2b). However, note that the last modifier in the phrase does
not take Ezafe.1

(1) a. kalāq-e pir b. xamir-e tāze c. arusak-e kučik

crow-EZ old dough-EZ fresh doll-EZ tiny
‘old crow’ ‘fresh dough’ ‘tiny doll’

(2) a. gol-e sorx-e xošbu b. *gol sorx xošbu

flower-EZ red-EZ fragrant flower red fragrant

Attributive adjectives in Persian have a free ordering. Therefore, the following adjectives, respectively
expressing color, size, shape and texture can appear with a variable ordering. It is worth noting that the
order reflects the scope relation between the adjectives, with a later one taking scope over an earlier one.

(3) a. jaʔbe-ye sabz-e bozorg-e gerd-e čubi

box-EZ green-EZ big-EZ round-EZ wooden

b. jaʔbe-ye bozorg-e sabz-e gerd-e čubi

box-EZ big-EZ green-EZ round-EZ wooden

c. jaʔbe-ye gerd-e sabz-e bozorg-e čubi

box-EZ round-EZ green-EZ big-EZ wooden

d. jaʔbe-ye čubi-ye sabz-e bozorg-e gerd

box-EZ wooden-EZ green-EZ big-EZ round

In Persian, when Ezafe attaches to a vowel-final base, hiatus is resolved via [y] insertion
intervocalically, irrespective of the quality of the vowels, as shown in (4).2

(4) a. qāli-ye dastbāft b. ālu-ye xošmaze

rug-EZ handmade plum-EZ delicious
‘handmade rug’ ‘delicious plum’

1
The following abbreviations are used in this paper: CL = classifier, COMP = comparative, DEF = definite, EZ = Ezafe,
INDEF = indefinite, PL = plural, PST = past, REL = relative, SG = singular, SPEC = specificity, SUPER = superlative.
2
The consistent presence of the glide [y] in vowel hiatus contexts of Ezafe shows a contrast with glide insertion in
other vowel hiatus contexts. For example, in copular clauses, the quality of the inserted glide, as [y] or [w], depends
on the vowel of the base. When the base ends in [ā] (ia), [i] (ib) and [u] (ic), the inserted segments are respectively [ʔ],
[y] and [w]. This might be an indication of the presence of two underlying forms of Ezafe in Persian; i.e., -e and -ye.

(i) a. bālā-ʔe b. ābi-ye c. holu-we

upstairs-is blue-is peach-is
‘It’s upstairs.’ ‘It is blue.’ ‘It is a peach.’

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c. sināmā-ye tārik d. kuze-ye xošgel

cinema-EZ dark pot-EZ pretty
‘dark cinema’ ‘pretty pot’

As mentioned, in general, adjectives do not have a strict ordering constraint. Yet, if they are the
last adjective in a modifier chain, they take scope over the previous adjective(s). Besides intersective
adjectives, non-intersective adjectives can also modify the head noun. Similar to intersective adjectives,
non-intersective adjectives are linked to the noun via Ezafe (5). Crucially, intersective adjectives
should precede the non-intersective ones (6).

(5) a. raʔis-jomhur-e qabli b. xune-ye baʔdi

president-EZ former house-EZ next
‘the former president’ ‘the next house’

(6) a. raʔis-jomhur-e javun-e qabli b. xune-ye qadimi-ye baʔdi

president-EZ young-EZ former house-EZ old-EZ next
‘former young president’ ‘the old next house’

c. dānešmand-e nābeqe-ye hasteʔi

scientist-EZ genius-EZ nuclear
‘genius nuclear scientist’

Comparative adjectives are formed by the comparative marker -tar on the adjective. Comparative
adjectives, similar to simple adjectives, are postnominal and are linked to the noun by Ezafe. In addition,
in the presence of another adjective, the comparative adjective is preferred to be the last modifier, hence
taking scope over the other modifier.

(7) a. xune-ye qadimi-ye bozorg-tar b. mard-e javun-e lāqar-tar

house-EZ old-EZ big-COMP man-EZ young-EZ thin-COMP
‘the bigger old house’ ‘the thin younger man’

Superlative adjectives are formed by the superlative marker -tarin. Different from comparative
adjectives, the superlative adjective precedes the noun, and no Ezafe is used to link it to the noun.3

(8) a. bozorg-tarin(*-e) xune-ye qadimi b. lāqar-tarin(*-e) mard-e javun

big-SUPER-EZ house-EZ old thin-SUPER-EZ man-EZ young
‘the biggest old house’ ‘the thinnest young man’

3
Superlative adjectives can also be used with a partitive meaning. With this meaning, Ezafe appears on the superlative
adjective and the noun has to be plural (ii). Note that the use of another adjective, other than the superlative adjective
is dispreferred.

(ii) beh-tarin-e moʔalem-hā

good-SUPER-EZ teacher-PL
‘the best of teachers’

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3 Definiteness and number

In colloquial Persian, definite nouns are marked by the suffix -e. This suffix appears in the phrase-final
position. In the presence of modifier(s), the definite suffix appears on the (last) modifier. Furthermore, in
definite phrases, Ezafe does not appear between the noun and its modifier(s) (9). This pattern stands in
contrast to indefinite noun phrases, marked with –i, as Ezafe appears between a noun and its modifier(s) in
indefinite noun phrases (10). Note that the singular numeral marker ye ‘one’ is usually used in indefinite
phrases.

(9) a. sib-e b. sib(*-e) sabz(*-e) torš-e

apple-DEF apple-EZ green-EZ sour-DEF
‘the apple’ ‘the sour green apple’

(10) a. (ye) sib-i b. (ye) sib*(-e) sabz*(-e) torš-i

one apple-INDEF one apple-EZ green-EZ sour-INDEF
‘an apple’ ‘a sour green apple’

Nouns can also be modified by demonstratives. Demonstratives precede the noun, and no Ezafe is used
to link them to the noun. Furthermore, demonstratives can optionally take a phrase-final marker which
seems to be a definite marker (glossed as DEF) (11b). In addition, similar to definite noun phrases, when
the phrase-final affix is used, Ezafe cannot appear between the noun and the attributive adjective (compare
11b and 11c).

(11) a. in kelās-e bozorg b. in kelās bozorg(-e)

this class-EZ large this class large-DEF
‘this large class’ ‘this large class’

c. in kelās(*-e) bozorg(-e)
this class-EZ large-DEF

With plural nouns, the plural marker -(h)ā typically appears on the noun followed by Ezafe (12), if
there is a modifier. In definite noun phrases, the pattern of number marking is different. The plural marker
does not appear on the noun. Instead, it appears at the phrase-final position, i.e., on the (last) modifier (13).
Note that in such constructions the definite marker is not realized. In definite plural contexts, the plural
marker expresses both the definite and plural properties (see Ghomeshi 2003 for the discussion on this
pattern in Persian). Similar definite patterns have been attested in other Iranian languages (see chapter 3
and chapter 4 of this volume for a similar pattern in Central Kurdish dialects). Also note the absence of
Ezafe in definite contexts, illustrated in (13).

(12) a. kelās-ā-ye bozorg b. kelās-ā-ye bozorg-i

class-PL-EZ large class-PL-EZ large-INDEF
‘large classes’ ‘some large classes’

(13) a. kelās(*-e) bozorg-ā b. kelās(*-e) bozorg(*-e) rowšan-ā

class-EZ large-PL.DEF class-EZ large-EZ bright-PL.DEF
‘the large classes’ ‘the bright large classes’

When the phrase-final definite suffix is used with demonstratives, the same pattern is obtained: plural
morphology does not appear on the noun and Ezafe does not appear between the noun and its modifier
either.

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(14) a. in kelās-ā-ye bozorg b. in kelās bozorg-ā

this class-PL-EZ large this class large
‘these large classes’ ‘these large classes’

Number can also be expressed by the use of numerals. Numerals, like demonstratives, are prenominal
and do not take Ezafe. In terms of number marking, when preceded by the numeral, the noun remains
singular, no matter whether the preceding numeral modifier is singular (i.e., ye ‘one’) or plural (e.g., do
‘two’, se ‘three’), as in (15a) and (15b). Note that with a plural numeral, the use of a classifier or a unit of
measurement is also required. Removing the classifier or the unit of measurement would render the phrase
unacceptable (or marginally acceptable). 4

(15) a. ye (dune) porteqāl b. se tā porteqāl(*-ā)

one CL orange three CL orange(-PL)
‘one orange’ ‘three oranges’

Similar to demonstratives and numerals which precede the noun and do not take Ezafe, quantifiers also
are prenominal elements and, as expected, do not allow the presence of Ezafe (16).

(16) a. har(*-e) ādam-i b. hič(*-e) ādam-i

every-EZ human-INDEF no-EZ human-INDEF
‘every human’ ‘no human’

4 Ezafe in possessive and prepositional contexts

Possessors appear in a postnominal position and are linked to the possessed noun by Ezafe. If there is an
attributive adjective, the possessor follows the adjective (compare 17c and 17d).

(17) a. kafš-e Sahar b. angoštar-e māmān

shoe-EZ Sahar ring-EZ mom
‘Sahar’s shoe’ ‘mom’s ring’

c. kafš-e sabz-e sahar d. *kafš-e sahar-e sabz

shoe-EZ green-EZ Sahar shoe-EZ Sahar-EZ green
‘Sahar’s green shoe’

Another context involving Ezafe is in the prepositional contexts. As argued in previous studies on
Persian (see e.g., Samiian 1994, Karimi and Brame 1986, Ghomeshi 1997, Kahnemuyipour 2014, among
others), there are two types of prepositions in Persian: nominal prepositions which take Ezafe (18), and true
prepositions which do not take Ezafe (19).

(18) a. zir*(-e) qāli b. ru*(-ye) miz

under-EZ carpet on-EZ desk
‘under the carpet’ ‘on the desk’

c. pošt*(-e) dar d. jeloy*(-e) gārāž

behind-EZ door in.front.of-EZ garage
‘behind the door’ ‘in front of the garage’

4
The classifier tā does not appear with singular nouns when the numeral is ye ‘one’. In such cases, a different classifier
(dune ‘number’) can optionally appear between the numeral and the noun (15a).

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 KOOROSH ARIYAEE

(19) a. az(*-e) torento b. tā(*-e) fardā

from-EZ Toronto until-EZ tomorrow
‘from Toronto’ ‘until tomorrow’

c. bā(*-e) sahar d. be(*-e) tehrān

with-EZ Sahar to-EZ Tehran
‘with Sahar’ ‘To Tehran’

The prepositions in (18) are characterized as nominal due to their nominal behaviour. For example, like a
noun, they can be preceded by a demonstrative, take the plural marker as well as the specific object marker
-ro, as exemplified in (20a). By contrast, the true prepositions cannot occur with these elements (20b).

(20) a. in zir/post/ru-(h)ā-ro tamiz kard-am.

this under/behind/on-PL-SPEC clean do.PST-1SG
‘I cleaned the underneath/behind/above.’

b. *in az/tā/bā/be-hā
this from/until/with/to-PL

Prepositional phrases can modify nouns. Similar to other modifiers, they follow the noun. Crucially,
as modifiers, both the nominal (21) and true prepositional phrases (22) require Ezafe. Also note that in the
presence of an attributive adjective, the attributive adjective has to precede the prepositional modifier.

(21) a. aks-e ruy-e divār b. sib-e sabz-e tuy-e sabad

picture-EZ on-EZ wall apple-EZ green-EZ in-EZ basket
‘the picture on the wall’ ‘the green apple in the basket’

(22) a. qatār-e az tehrān b. masir-e tulāni-ye tā tehrān

train-EZ from Tehran route-EZ long-EZ to/until Tehran
‘the train from Tehran’ ‘the long route to Tehran’

c. xune-ye bozorg-e bā mostaʔjer

house-EZ large-EZ with tenant
‘the large house with tenant’

5 Event nominals

Event nominals are verbal nouns that express an event. Similar to their verbal counterparts, they require an
argument structure. Event nominals can have a PP or an NP as their argument which is linked to the event
nominal by the use of Ezafe (23–24).

(23) a. čāp-e ketāb b. taxrib-e šahr

publication-EZ book destruction-EZ city
‘(the) publication of the book’ ‘(the) destruction of the city’

c. masraf-e mive d. moʔarefi-ye film

consumption-EZ fruit introducing-EZ movie
‘(the) consumption of fruit’ ‘introducing (the) movie’

(24) a. tahvil-e az maqāze b. bahs-e bā ārmitā

receiving-EZ from store discussion-EZ with Armita

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 NOMINAL LINKERS IN PERSIAN

‘receiving from store’ ‘(the) discussion with Armita’

c. tamarkoz-e ru-ye entexābāt d. enteqād-e az dowlat

focus-EZ on-EZ election criticizing-EZ from government
‘(the) focus on the election’ ‘criticizing the government’

Furthermore, event nominals can have adjuncts after them, as illustrated in the following examples.

(25) a. farār-e az zendān b. raqs-e bā ali

escape-EZ from prison dance-EZ with Ali
‘the escape from the prison’ ‘Dancing with Ali’

6 Clausal dependents of a noun: Relative clauses and complement clauses

In this section, relative clauses and noun complement clauses will be examined. In Persian, both restrictive
and non-restrictive relative clauses are used and they appear in a postnominal position. These two types of
relative clauses however are different in terms of the element that appears on the noun in such constructions.
In restrictive relative clauses, the noun is linked to the relative clause by what seems to be the indefinite
marker in the language: -i.5 By contrast, in non-restrictive relative clauses, the noun takes what seems to be
the definite marker: -e. In both clauses the relative pronoun ke ‘that’ is required.

(26) mard-i/e ke zang zad barādar-e man bud.

man-INDEF/DEF that call hit.PST.3SG brother-EZ my was
‘The man who called was my brother.’

(27) zan-i/e ke diruz did-i xāhar-e man bud.

woman-INDEF/DEF that yesterday see.PST-2SG sister-EZ my was
‘the woman you saw was my sister.’

Nouns can also be followed by complement clauses. In this context, nouns do not take Ezafe (28).
Crucially, when the complement clause becomes nominalized (Gündoğdu et al. 2021), the use of Ezafe on
the noun is obligatory (29).

(28) a. in omid(*-e) ke dānešgā-hā bāz xāh-and šod

this hope-EZ that university-PL open will-3PL become
‘the hope that universities will open’

b. in edeʔā(*-e) ke vākasan bifāyda-st

this claim-EZ that vaccine useless-is
‘the claim that the vaccine is useless’

(29) a. in omid*(-e) bāz šodan-e dānešgā-hā

this hope-EZ open becoming-EZ university-PL
‘the hope of the opening of universities’

b. in edeʔā*(-ye) bifāyde budan-e vāksan

this claim-EZ useless being-EZ vaccine
‘the claim of the uselessness of the vaccine’

5
Kahnemuyipour (2014) analyzes this particle as an allomorph of Ezafe.

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 KOOROSH ARIYAEE

In certain contexts, where the noun is an anaphoric familiar entity, the indefinite marker -i can be
optionally used on the noun (see Gündoğdu et al. 2021 for discussion on this use of Ezafe).

(30) a. in omid(-i) ke dānešgā-hā bāz xāh-and šod

this hope-INDEF that university-PL open will-3PL become
‘the hope that universities will open’

b. in edeā(-i) ke vākasan bifāyda-st

this claim-INDEF that vaccine useless-is
‘the claim that the vaccine is useless’

7 Conclusion

In this chapter, we looked at nominal constructions with the special focus on the distribution of Ezafe. It
was shown that modifiers in Persian appear in both prenominal and postnominal positions. Prenominal
modifiers consist of demonstratives, quantifiers, numerals and superlative adjectives. Importantly, these
types of modifiers do not allow the presence of Ezafe. By contrast, postnominal modifiers, including simple
attributive adjectives, comparative adjectives, possessors and prepositional modifiers all require Ezafe on
the modified noun and all additional modifiers except the last one. It was shown that Persian has another
class of postnominal modifiers involving clausal constructions. These clausal modifiers consist of relative
clauses and noun complement clauses. Importantly, it was illustrated that with these types of modifiers,
instead of the Ezafe, the (in)definite markers are sometimes used. Furthermore, it was shown that Ezafe is
used in two other contexts that do not involve modification: (i) between a nominal preposition and its
complement, and (ii) on an event nominal followed by its complement/adjunct. Overall, the facts examined
in this chapter suggest that the use of Ezafe is restricted only to nominal constructions, and its function
seems to be a linker between a nominal element and its modifier(s) and argument(s).

Acknowledgments. I am grateful to the editors of the volume Arsalan Kahnemuyipour and Sahar
Taghipour for their feedback on this work. All errors are mine.

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