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B Y T H E SA ME AUT H O R .

T H E N EW T E S T A ME NT ,
TR A NSL A TE D FR O M TH E LA TE S T GR E E K TE X T
TIS CH E NDOR F .

A New and thoroughly R evise d E dition .

Part Clot/l, Price 1 0: 6d .

O f high and distinctive value .


" —Sa turday R eview .

Will prove a very useful book to almost any student of the New
Testa me nt. —A tfiem m .


A
monument of wide reading and sober criticism
noble
d
.

Dr Davidson has done the translation with fidelity, vigour, an



.

ele gance H Wa tck ma n


We
heartily welcom e the volum e as a help to the more ac curate
”—
study of the New estament T Freem a n . .


A welcom e a ddition to the
library We should be glad if this
.

book should attain a wide circula tion -Nonconfom irt . .

L O ND O N
G . KEGAN PA U L Co .
,
1 PAT E R NO ST ER SQ UA R E .
T HE

C A NO N O F T H E B IB LE

1 7 5 FO R MA T I O N, H I S T O R y,

A ND FL U C T UA T I O NS .

SA MU E L AV IDSO N DD
Q
0 ? HA LLS , A ND LL-D
.
, .

T HIRD E DIT IO N, REVIS E D AND E NLA RG E D


.

L O ND O N
C KE G A N
. P A UL CO , . 1 PAT E R NO ST E R S Q UAR E .

1 880 .
PR E F A C E .

THE substance of the present work was written


towards the close of the year 1 8 75 for the
new edition of the Encyclope dia Britannica .

Having been abridged and mutilated contrary ,

to the author s wishes be fore its publication


there he resolved to print it entire


, . With that
view it has undergone repeated revision with eu

largement in di fferent parts and been made as ,

complete as the limits of an essay appeared


to allow . As nothing of importance has been
knowingly omitted the writer hopes it will
,

be found a comprehensive summary of all that


concerns the formation and histo ry of the
Bible canon . The place occupied by it was
a
vi PRE FA CE .

vacant . No English book reflecting the pro


cesses or results of recent criticism gives an
,

account of the canon in both Testaments .

Articles and essays upon the subj ect there are ;


but their standpoint is usually apologeti c not
scientific , traditional rather than impartial ,

unreasonably conservative without being critical .

The topic is weighty involving the considera ,

tion of great questions such , as the inspiration ,

authenticity authority and age o f the Sc riptures


, , .

The author has tried to handle it fairly founding ,

his statements on such evidence as seemed


convincing and condensing them into a moder
,

ate compass . If the reader wishes to know the


evidence he may find it in the writer s Intro
,

ductions to the Old and New Testaments ,

where the separate books of S cripture are


discussed ; and in the late treatises of other
critics . While his expositions are capable of

expansion it is believed that they will not be


,

easily sh aken . He commen ds the work to the


PRE FA CE . vii

attention of all who have an interest in the


progress of theology and are seeking a
, fo unda

tion fo r their faith less precarious than books


however venerable .


It has not been the writer s purpose to
chronicle phases of opinion or to refute what he ,

believes to be error in the newest hypotheses


about the age authority and composition o f the
, ,

books . His aim has been rather to set forth the


most correct view of the questions involved in a
history of the canon whether it be more or less
,

recent S ome may think that the latest or most


.

curren
t account of such questions is the best ;
but that is not his opinion . Hence the fashion
able belief that much of the Pentateuch the ,

Book of Leviticus wholly with large parts ,


of

Exodus and Numbers in a word that all the


, ,

laws relating to divine worship with most of

the chronological tables or statistics belong to ,

Ezra who is metamorphosed in fact into the first


,

Elohist is unnoticed
, . Hence also the earliest
viii PRE FA CE .


gospel is not declared to be Mark s . Neither
has the author ventured to place the fourth
gospel at the end of the first century as ,

Ewald and W eitz sacker do after the man ,

ner of the O ld critics ; or with Keim so early as


1 10 1 1 5 A
-
. D.

Many evince a restless anxiety to find some


thing novel ; and to depart from well established -

conclusions fo r the sake of originali ty . This


shews a morbid state of mind . Amid the
feverish outlook fo r discoveries and the slight
regard fo r what is safe conservatism is a com
,

mendable thing . S ome again desire to return ,

as far as they can to orthodoxy finding


, ,
be

tween that extreme and rationalism a middle


way which o ffers a resting place to faith
-
. The
numerous changes which criticism presents are
not a symptom of soundness . The writer is far

indeed from thinking that every question con


nec ted with the books of S cripture is finally
settled ; but the maj ori ty undoubtedly are ,
PRE FA CE . ix

though several already fixed by great scholars


continue to be opened up afresh . He does not
pro
fess to adopt the phase o f criticism which is

fashionable at the moment ; it is enough to state


what approves itsel f to his j udgment and to ,

hold it fast amid the contrarieties of conj ecture


or the cravings of curiosity . Present ex c res

cences or aberrations of belief will have their


day and disappear . Large portions of the
Pentateuch will cease to be consigned to a post
exile time and the gospels of Matthew and
,

Luke will again be counted the chief sources of


Mark s . It will also be acknowledged that the
first as it now exists is , of much later origin
than the fall of Jerusalem . Nor will there be so
great anxiety to show that j u stin Martyr was
acquainted with the fourth gospel and owed his ,

Logos doctrine chiefly to it


-
. The di fference of

ten or twenty years in the date of a gospel will


not be considered of essential importance in
estimating its character .
x PRE FA CE .

'
The present edition has been revis ed through
out and several parts re- written . The author
hopes that it will be found still more wo rthy of

the with which the first was received .

May 1 8 78 .
CO NT E NT S .

PAG E

CH APTER I.

I NTRODUCTORY ,

CH A PT E R II .

THE O LD TESTAME NT CANO N ERO M ITs BEGI NNI NG To


ITS C LOSE,

CH APTER III .

TH E S AMARITAN AND ALEXANDRIAN CANONS ,

CH A PTER IV .

NUMBER AND O RDER or THE SE PARATE BOOKS ,

CH APT ER V .

USE or TE E O LD TESTAMENT BY T H E FI RST CH RISTIAN

W RITE RS AND THE RATHERS TI LL THE TI ME or


,

O RI GE N ,

CH APTE R VI .

THE NE W TESTAMENT CANO N IN THE FI RST TH REE


T
CEN URIES,
xii C ONTE NTS .

PA G E
CH A PTER VII .

I
T H E B BLE C ANO N FRO M THE FO URT H CENT URY TO

T H E RE FO RMAT I O N ,

CH A PT ER V III .

O RDER O F TH E NEw TESTAME NT BOO KS ,

CH A PTE R IX .

SU MMARY O F T H E SUBJECT ,

CH APTE R X .

T HE CANO N IN TH E CO NFESSI O NS O F I
D FFERE NT
C H U RCH ES,

CH A PTER XI .

TH E CANO N FRO M SEMLER To THE T TI ME


PRE SE N ,

W ITH RE FLE CT I O NS O N ITS READJ USTME NT ,


T H E CANO N O F T H E B IB LE .

C HAPTER I .

INT R O D U C T O R Y .

AS introductory to the following dissertation ,

I shall explain and define certain terms that


frequently occur in it especially, p
ca non, a ocry

i
p ,
ta ] ecclesiastical, and the like . A right appre

hensio n of these will make the O bservations


advanced respecting the canon and its formation
plainer . The words have not been taken in the
same sense by all a ,
fact that obscures their
sense . They have been employed more or less
vaguely by di fferent writers . Varying ideas
have bee n attached to them .

The Greek original of cem on


1
means primarily
a straight rod or pole ; and metaphorically what ,
TIIE CANON OF THE B IB LE .

serves to keep a thing upright or straight a ,


rule .

I n the New Testament it occurs in Gal vi . . I6

and 2 Cor x . . I3, 1 5, I6, signi fying in the former ,

a measure ; in the latter what is measured a dis , ,

trict . But we have now to do with its ecclesiasti


cal use . There are three opinions as to the origin
of its application to the writings used by the
C hurch . According to Toland Whiston Semler , , ,

Baur and others the word


, ,
ha
d originally the
sense of list or ca talog ue o f books publicly read
in Christian assemblies Others as Steiner sup .
, ,

pose that Since the Alexandrian grammarians


applied it to collections of Old Greek authors
as m odels Of excellence or classics, it meant
classical ( canonical ) writings . According to a
third opinion the term included from the first
,

the idea of a regulating principle . This is the


more probable because the same idea lies in the
,

New Testament use Of the noun and pervades


,

its applications in the language of the early


Fath ers down to the time of Constantine as ,
INTR OD UC TOR Y .
3

Credner has shown .


1
The “
canon o f the church
in the Clementine homilies ; the 2
ecclesias tical

”3
canon , and the canon of the truth ,
in

Clement and Irenae us ; 4
the “
canon Of the
5
faith in Polycrates the regnla d i Ter
, fi e of

tullian and the ,


6 libri regu la res o f Origen imply ,
7

a norma tive p rinc i


p le . But we cannot assent to
Credner s

view of the Greek word for ca non

being an abbreviation of Scriptures of canon



,

equivalent to Scripture legis in D iocletian s ’

9—
Act a view too artificial and unsanctioned ,

by usage .

It is true that the word ca non was employed


by Greek writers in the sense of a mere list

1
a Gesclziclz te des Kanons, pp 3 68 .
-
.

Clem ent Hom ap Coteler , vol i p 608


. . . . . . . .

3
Stromata, vi . I5 , p 803, . ed . Potter .

A dv H aves” i 9 5
. . .

5
Ap Euseb H E , v
. . . . . 24.

5
De pra sm jot Ha razcom m, chs .

. 1 2 , I3 .

7
Com ment in . Mat . iii p 9 1 6 ;
. . ed . Delarue .

a l xaubvos.
3
7pa ¢
9
Monumenta vetera ad Donatistarum Itistoriam pertinentia ,

Dupin p , . 1 68.
4 TH E CAN ON OF THE B IB LE .

but when it was transferred to the Scripture


books it included the idea
, of a regulative and
normal power— a list of books forming a rule or
law because the newly formed Catholic
,
-
Church

required a standard of ap pe al in opposition to


the Gnostics with their arbitra ry use of sacred
writings . There is a lack of evidence on behalf
of its use be fore the books of the New Testa
ment had been paralleled with those of the Old
in authority and inspiration .

The earliest example Of its application to a


catalogue of the Old or New Testament books

occurs in the Latin translation of Origen s homily
on Joshua where the original seems to have
,

”1
been canon . The word itsel f is certainly in

A m philochiusfi ’
as well as in J erome ,
and
As the Latin translation of Origen
4
R ufinus .

1
xami w .

3
At the end Of the Ia mbi ad Seleucnm , on the b ooks of the

New Testam ent, he adds, 061 0s dw evaéo raros xavd w a» at?) w


ra

Oew vefior wv ” '

may .

3 Prologns galeatus in II Reg . .

E xpos in Sym o Apast


. .
, 3 7, p 3 74,. ed. Migne .
6 TH E CANON OF THE B IB LE .

sacred and inspired; till the time of Theophilus


of Antioch ( about 1 80 AD ) H ence Irenae us .

applies the epithets divine and perf ect to the


Scriptures ; and Clement of Alexandria calls
them inspired .

When distinctions were made among the


Biblical writings other words 1 were employed ,

”2
synonym ous with canonised “
. The canon was
thus a catalogue of writings forming a rule of
truth sacred divine revealed by God
, , , fo r the
instruction of men . The rule was perfect fo r its
purpose .

The word apocryphal is used in various senses 3


,

which it is di fficult to trace chronologically .

Apoc ryphal books are ,

I st, Such as contain secret or mysterious things ,

books of the higher wisdom . It is thus applied


to the Apocalypse by Gregory of Nyssa .
4
Akin
to this is the second meaning .

1
Such as m a m a, é pwp éva .
'
xavom op eva or xexm
i

v é va .

3
Orat de Ordin vol ii p 44
'
dr oxpv¢or . . . . . . .
m m op oc rom ’
.
7

z ud,
Such as were kept secret or withdrawn
from public use In this sense the word c o r .

responds to the H ebrew ga nuz .


1 So Origen
speaking of the story of Susanna . The O ppo
site of this is read in public, 2
a word em
ployed by Eusebius .
3

d
3 ,
r It was used of the secret books of the
heretics by Clement 4
and Origen ,
5 with the
6
accesso ry idea of s urious,
p p seude pi g
'

ra p/tica l,

in opposition to the canonical writings of the


Catholic Church . The book of Enoch and
similar productions were so characterized .

th
4 , Jerome applied it to the books in the
1
mg
; The J ews applied the word grnuz im to b oo ks with
drawn from public use, whose contents were thought to be out of
harm ony with the doctrinal o r m oral views of Judaism when the
was closed See FiIrst s Der Kanon des alten Testa ments,


canon .


Geiger s Ursc/ mft, p
'

127 no te and 20 1
p .
,
. .

9
Oednp oa tevp éra .

3 H E II
. . . 23, III 3 .
-
1 6.

4
Stromata , lib iii p . . . 1 1 3 4, ed . Migne .

Prolog . ad Cant .
pp
o vol . iii p 3 6
. . .

6
”6009, lw
al der iyp ¢ a
a o

See Suicer s Tlzesa urus,


7 ’
s. 11 .
8 THE CAN ON OF TH E B IB LE .

Septuagint which are absent from the Hebrew


canon , ie ,. . to the books which were rea d in the

ChurCh, ecclesiastical
1
the ones occupying a rank
next to the canonical . In doing SO he had
respect to the corresponding Hebrew epithet .

This was a misuse of the word p


a ocry /
p ,
z al

which had a prej udicial e ffect on the character


of the books in after times -
.
2
The word which,

he did not employ in an injurious sense was ,

adopted from him by Protestants after the


Reformation who gave it perhaps a sharper
,

distinction than he intended so as to imply a ,

contrast somewhat disparaging to writings


which were publicly read in many Churches and
put beside the canonical ones by distinguished
fathers . The Lutherans have adhered to

J erome s meaning longer than the Reformed ;

but the decree of the Council of Trent had


BtflMa am ym maw a, libri ecclesiastici
'
1 .

In his epistle to Laeta he uses the epithet in its customary


9

sense, of b ook s unauthentic, not proceeding from the authors

whose nam es they b ear . Opp .


, vol . i p 8 77
.
, ed. . Migne .
INTR OD UC T OR Y
.

some e ffect on both . The contrast between


the canonical and apoc ryphal writings was
carried to its utm ost length by the Westminster
divines who asserted that the former are
,
in

spired the latter not


, .
C HAPT E R I I .

T HE O LD T ESTAME NT CANO N FRO M IT S

BEG INNING TO IT S CLO SE .

T HE fi rst important part of the Old Testament


put together as a whole was the Pentateuch ,

or rather the five books


,
of Moses and Joshua .

This was preceded by smaller documents ,

which one or more redactors embodied in it .

The earliest things committed to writing were


probably tire ten words proceeding from Moses
himself afterwards enlarged into the ten com
,

m andm ents which exist at present in two


recensions ( E xod xx Deut v ) It is true
. .
, . .

that we have the O ldest form of the decalogue


from the J eho vist not the E lohist ; but that
is no valid obj ection against the antiquity of
the nucleus out of which it arose . It is also
THE OLD TE S TA ME NT . u

probable that several legal and ceremonial


en actments belong , if not to Moses himsel f ,

at least to his time ; as also the Elohistic list


Of stations in Numbers xxxiii . To the same
time belongs the song of Miriam in Exodus
xv probably consisting
.
, of a few lines at first ,

and subsequently enlarged ; with a triumphal


O de over the fall Heshbon ( Numbers xxi 2 7
Of .

The little poetical piece in Numbers


xxi . 17,
1 8, afterwards misunderstood and so
taken literally is post Mosaic ,
-
.

During the unsettled times of Joshua and the


Judges there could have been comparatively
little writing . The song of Deborah appeared ,

full of poetic force and fire . The period of

the early kings was Characterized not only by


a remarkable development of the H ebrew
people and their consolidation into a national
state ,
b ut by fresh literary activity . Laws were
written out for the guidance Of priests and
people ; and the political organization of the
THE CAN ON OF THE B IB LE .

rapidly growing nation was promoted by


poetical productions in which spiritual life
expressed its aspirations . Schools of prophets
were instituted by Samuel whose literary efforts ,

tended to purify the worship . D avid was an


accomplished poet whose psalms are composed ,

in lofty strains ; and Solomon may have


written a few odes . The building of the
temple and the arrangements connected with
,

its worship contributed materially to a written


,

legislation .

During this early and flourishing period ap

1
ared the book of the Wars J Of eho vah, a
pe

heroic anthology , celebrating warlike deeds ; and


2
the book of Jashar also poetical ,
. Jehoshaphat
is mentioned as court annalist to David and -

Solomon .
8
Above all the Elohists now , ap

p eared, the first o f whom in the reign of S au l


, ,

was author of annals beginning at the earliest

1
Num . xxi. I4. J oshua x . 1 2 , I3 ; 2 Sam i . . 18 .

3 2 Sam viii
. . 16 ; 1 Kings iv 3 . .
14 THE CA NON OF TH E B IBLE .

interspersed with few refl ections . His parallels


to the later writer commonly called the Jehovist ,

are numerous . The third author who lived in ,

the time of Uzziah though , m ore mythological


than the Elohists was less formal
,
. His s tand
point is prophetic . The third document in

c orpo rated with the Elohistic ones formed an


important part of the whole exhibiting a vivid
,

ness which the first lacked ; with descriptions


of persons and things from another s tand point -
.

The Jehovist belonged to the northern kingdom ;


the E lohists were Of J udah .

The state of the nation after Rehobo aIn was


'

unfavourable to literature . When the people


were threatened and attacked by other nations ,

divided among themse lves in worship and all


higher interests re nt by conflicting parties the
, ,

theocratic principle which was the true bond of


union could not assert itself with e ffec t . The
people were corrupt the
ir religious life debased .

The example of the kings was us ually prejudicial


THE OLD TE STA ME NT . 15

to political healthiness . Contact with foreigners


as well as with the older inhabitants of the land ,

hi ndered progress . In these circumstances the


prophets were the true reformers the advocates ,

of political liberty expositors of the principles


,

that give life and stability to a nation . In


Judah , Joel wrote prophetic discourses ; in
Israel Amos and Hosea
, . Now too a redactor
, ,

put together the E lohistic and Jeho vistic docu


ments making various changes in them adding
, ,

throughout sentences and words that seem ed


desirable and suppressing what was unsuited to
,

his taste . S everal psalm writers enriched the-

national literature after D avid . Learned men


at the court of Hezekiah recast and enlarged
Proverbs xxv — xxix ) the national proverbs
( . .
,

which bore S olomon s name because the nucleus


of an older collection belonged to that monarch .

These literary courtiers were not prophets but ,

rather scribes . The book of Job was written ,


with the exception of E lihu s later discourses
16 TH E CA NOJV OF TH E B IB LE .

which were not inserted in it till after the


return from Babylon ; and Deuteronomy with ,

Joshua was added to the prec eding collee


,

tion in the reign of Manasseh . The gi fted


author Of Deuteronomy who was evidently ,

imbued with the prophetic spirit completed the ,

Pentateuch ,
ie ,
. . the five books Of Moses and
Joshua revising the Elohist Jehovistic work
,
-
,

and making various additions or alterations .

He did the same thi ng to the historical books


of Judges Samuel and Kings ; which received
, ,

from him their present form . Immediately


before and during the exile there were numer
ous authors and compilers . New psalms
appeared ,
more or less national in spirit .

Ezekiel ,
Jeremiah and others prophesied ;
especially an unknown seer who described the
present condition of the people predicting their ,

coming glories and renovated worship in strains


of far reaching import
-
.
1
This great prophet
1
Isaiah xl lxvi .
-
.
TH E OLD TE S TA IIIE NT . 17

expected the regeneration of the nation from


the pious portion O f it , the p ro hets
p in particular ,

not from a kingly Messiah as Isaiah did ; for


the hopes resting on rulers out of D avid s house ’

had been disappointed . His aspirations turned


to Spiritual means . H e was not merely an en

thusiastic seer with comprehensive glance but ,

also a practical philosopher who set forth the


doctrine of the innocent sufiering for the ilty ;

gu

difiering


therein from Ezekiel s theory of indi
vidual reward and punishment in the present

world a theory out of harmony with the cir
cum stances o f actual life The very misfortunes
.

of the nation and the


, Signs of their return ,

excited within the nobler spirits hopes of a

brighter future in which the flourishing reign of


,

D avid should be surpassed by the universal


worship of J ehovah . In consequence Of their

outward condition , the prophets of the exile


were usually writers like Ezekiel not public
, ,

s peakers ; and their announcem ent of gla d


B
18 THE CANON OF THE B IB LE .

tidings could only be transmitted privately from


person to person . This explains in part the
oblivion into which their names fell ; so that
the author or redactor of J eremiah l, . li .
; the

au thors Of C hapters xiii xiv .


-
. 23, xxi . 1 - 1 0,

xxiv xxvii xxxiv xxxv inserted in Isaiah ;


.
-
.
, .
, .
,

and above all


, , the Babylonian Isaiah whom ,

Hitzig improbably identifies with the high


priest J oshua are unknown , . After the return
from Babylon the literary pirit manifested
s

itself in the prophets of the restoration



Haggai Zechariah; and Malachi who wrote to
,

recall their countrymen to a sense of religious


duties ; though their ideas were borrowed in
part from O lder prophets of more original
genius . The book of Esther appeared to make ,

the observance of the purim feast which was of ,

Persian origin more general in Palestine


,
. The
large historical work comprising the books of
E zra Nehemiah and Chronicles was compiled
, , ,

partly out of materials written by E zra and


THE OLD TE S TAME NT . 19

Nehemiah partly out of older historical records


,

which formed a portion of the national litera


ture . S everal temple psalms were also com
-

posed a part of the present book of Proverbs


E cclesiastes whose tone and language betray
,

its late origin ; and Jonah whose diction puts ,

its date after the Babylonian captivity . The


'

Maccabean age called forth the book of D aniel


and various psalms . In addition to new pro
ductio ns there was an inclination to collect

former documents . To Zechariah s authentic
prophecies were added the earlier ones con
tained in chapters ix — xiv and the Psalms
. .
;

were gradually brought together being made up ,

into divisions at di fferent times ; the first and


second divisions proceeding from one redactor ,

the third from another the fourth and fifth from


,

a still later . Various writi ngs besides their own


were grouped around the names of earlier pro
p hets, as was the case with Isaiah and J eremiah .

The literature is more indebted for its best


20 THE CAN ON OF TH E B IBLE .

constituents to the prophetic than to the

p riestly order, b eCause the prophets were


preachers of repentance and righteo usness
whose great aim was to make Israel a J ehovah
worshipping nation to the exclusion of o ther
gods . Their utterances were essentially ethical
and religious ; their pictures Of the fu ture
subj ecti v e and ideal . There was silently
elaborated in their schools a spiritual mono
theism over against the crude polytheism of
,

the people generally— a theocratic ideal inade

q uately apprehended by gross and sensuous


Israel — J ehovism simple and sublime amid a
sacerdotal worship which left the h eart impure
while C leansing the hands . Instead of taking
their stand upon the law with , its rules of
worship its ceremonial precepts and penalties
,

against transgressors the prophets set


, them

selves above it speaking slightingly of the


,

forms and customs which the people took for

the whole of r
eligion . To the vi ew of such as
22 THE CAN ON OF THE B IB LE .

idea the hope O f a better time in which their high


,

ideal of the theocracy should be realised . With


such belief in the future wi th pious aspirations
,

enliveni ng their patriotism did they comfort ,

and encourage their countrymen . The hope ,

general or indefinite at first was afte rwards ,

attached to the house of D avid out of which a ,

restorer of the theocracy was expected a ki ng ,

pre eminent in righteous ness and marvellously


-
,

gi fted . It was not merely a political but a


religious hope implying the thorough
, p urific a

tion of the nation the extinction


, Of idolatry ,

the general spread and triumph of true religion .

The pious wishes of the prophets often repeated , ,

became a sort of doctrine and contributed to


,

sustain the failing spirit of the people . The


indefinite idea of a golden age was commoner
than that of a personal prince who should reign
in equi ty and peace . Neither was part of the
national faith like the law or the doctrine of
, ,

sacrifice ; and but a few of the prophets por


THE OLD TE STA ME NT . 23

trayed a king in their description of the period


of ideal prosperity .

The man who first gav e public sanction


to a portion of the national literature was Ezra ,

who laid the foundation Of a canon . H e was


the leader in restoring the theocracy after the
exile a ready scribe in the law of Moses who

, ,

had prepared his heart to seek the law of the

Lord and to teach in Israel statutes and judg



ments . AS we are told that he brought the
book of the law of Moses before the congrega
tion and read it publicly , the idea naturally arises
that he was the final redactor of the Pentateuch ,

separating it from the historical work consisting


of Joshua and the subsequen t writings of which ,

it formed the commencement . S uch was the

first canon given to the J ewish Church afterits



reconstruction ready for temple service as well
as synagogue use . Henceforward the Mosaic
book became an authoritative guide in spiritual ,

ecclesiastical and civil matters as we in fer from


, ,
24 TH E CANON OF THE B IB LE .

various passages in Ezra and Nehemiah and

from the chronicler s own statements in the


book bearing his name . The doings of Ezra


with regard to the Scriptures are deduced not
only from what we read of him in the Biblical
book that bears his name but also from the ,

legend in the fou rth book of Esdras where it ,


1

is related that he dictated by inspiration to five


ready writers ninety four books ; -
the first twenty

four of which he was ordered to publish openly


that the worthy and unworthy might read but ,

reserved the last seventy for the wise . Though


the twenty four books of the Old Testament
-

cannot be attributed to him the fact that he ,

copied and wrote portions need not be ques


tioned . He edited t/ze law, making the first
canon or collection of books and giving it an ,

authority which it had not before Talmudic . ac

c ounts associate wi th him the men Of the great


1
Chap xiv. 2 3 &c See Hilgenfeld s Messias j uda orum ,
’ f
.
5,
0 .

p
. Io 7.
TH E OLD TE S TAME NT 25

synagogue . It is true that they are legen


dary but there is a foundation
,
of fact beneath

the fanciful superstructure . As to Ezra s treat
ment of the Pentateuch or his specific mode ,
Of

redaction we are left for the most part to


,

conj ecture . Yet it is safe to affirm that he


added — making new precepts and practices
either in place Of or beside older ones . Some
things he removed as unsuited to the altered
C ircumstances Of the people others he modi
fied . He threw back later enactments into
earlier times . It is di fficult to discover all
the parts that betray his hand . Some elabor
ate priestly details show his authorship most
clearly . If his hand be not visible in Leviticus
chap xvi i— xxvi a writer not removed
'

. .
; far

from his time is observable ; Ezekiel or some


other . It is clear that some
the portion (x x v of .

19 — 22 ; xxvi —
3 4 5) is much later than. the
Elohists and belongs to the exile or post exile
,
-

period . But great di fficulty attaches to the


26 THE CA N ON OF THE B IB LE .

separation of the sources here used ; even after


Of

Kayser s acute handling them . It is also
perceptible from Ezekiel xx . 2 5, 2 6, that the

clause in Exodus xiii . 1 5, but all the firstborn


of my children I redeem ,
was added after the
exile Since the prophet shews his unacqu aint
,

ance with it . The statute that all which


openeth the womb should be burnt in sacrifice
to Jehovah appeared inhuman not only to
,

Ezekiel but to Ez ra or his associates in


,
te

editing the law ; and therefore the clause about


the redemption of every firstborn male was sub
j oined . Ezra a second Moses in the eyes of
,

the later J ews did not sc ruple to refer to Moses


,

what was of recent origin ,


and to deal freely
with the national literature . S uch was the first
canon — that of Ezra the priest and scribe .

The origin of the great synagogue is noticed


in Ezra x . 1 6, and described more particularly
in Nehemiah viii .
-
x .
,
the members being appar
ently enumerated in x . 1 2 7;
-
at least the
TH E OLD TE S TAME NT 27

Megila J er (i .
5) and Midra
. sh Ruth 3)
speak Of an assembly of eighty five elders -
,

who are probably found in the last passage .

One name however is wanting for only eighty


, , ,

four are given ; and as Ezra is not mentioned


among them , the conj ecture of Krochmal that
it has dropped out of x .
9 may be allowed .

Another tradition gives the number as one


hundred and twenty which may be , go t by
adding the chief of the fathers enumerated

in Ezra viii . 1 - 14 to the hundred and two heads


of families in Ezra II 2 - 58
. . Whether the num
ber was the same at the commencement as
afterwards is uncertain . Late J ewish writers ,

however such as A barb anel Abraham ben


, ,

David Ben Maimun


, , &c , . speak as if it con
sisted of the larger number at the beginning ;
and have no scruple in pronouncing Ezra pre
l
sident rather than Nehemiah
,
.

See Buxtorf s Tilerias, H erz



1
chap . x. , p . 88, & c . and

feld s Gescl ucltte des Volkes Israel, vol i p 3 80, & c ZwOlfter
’ '

. . . .

E xcursus .
28 THE CANON OF TH E B IB LE .

The O ldest extra biblical mention of


-
the

synagogue is in the Mishnic treatise Pirke


A bot/z, where it is said ,

Moses rec eived the
law from Mount Sinai and delivered it to ,

J oshua J oshua to the elders the elders to


, ,
the

prophets and the prophets delivered it to the


,

men of the great synagogue . These last


spak e these words :

Be slow in j udgment ;
appoint many disciples make a hedge for
”1
the law In the Talmudic B aba B at/1 m ,

their biblical doings are described : “


Moses
wrote his book ,
the section about Balaam and
Job . Joshua wrote his book and eight vers es
of the law . Samuel wrote his book and J udges
and Ruth . D avid wrote the book of Psalms
by ten elders by Adam the first man by
, ,

Melchizedek by Abraham by Moses by H e


, , ,

1
Chapter i .

2 e
m Does this m ean for, instead of; as Bloch under

stands it i Waehner Inserts, to fill up the sense, som e of

which, however, were com po sed by but this is far-fetched .

See Antiquitates E bre ara m, p . 13 .


30 THE CA N ON OF TH E B IB LE .

passage ,
Bloc h 1 understands it o f co i
py g
n or
writing out, a sense that suits the procedure of
the men of the great synagogue in regard to
Ezekiel the twelve prophets
, ,
&c , . but is inap
plicable to Moses , ,
Joshua , Samuel , David ,

Jeremiah & c , . It is probable enough that the

synagogue scribes put into their present fo rm


and made the first authorised copies of the

works specified . The Boraitha, however is ,

not clear and may only express the opinion


,

of a private individ ual in a confused way .

Simon the Just is said to have belonged to


the remnants of the synagogue . AS Ezra is
called “
a ready scribe ,
and his labo urs in con
nectio n with the law were important he may ,

have organised a body of literary men who


Should work in harmony attending among , ,

other things to the coll ection and preservation


,

of the national literature ; or they may have


1
Studien Gesc/Iic/lte
'
Sa m rnlung der alt/Iebrdisch n

z ur aer

Literatur, p . 1 27, &c .


THE OLD TE S TAME NT .
31

been an association of patriotic men who


voluntarily rallied round the heads Of the new
state to support them in
, their fundamental

reforms . The company of scribes mentioned


1
in I Maccabees does not probably relate to it
.

A succession Of priests and scribes excited at ,

first by the reforming zeal of one whom later


Jews looked upon as a sec ond Moses laboured ,

in one department of literary work till the cor


p o ratio n ceased to exist soon after if not in
the time of Simon ,
from about 44 5 B C till
ie ,. . . .

about 2 00 ; fo r we identi fy the Simon cele


b rated in Sirach 1 . 1 - 26 with Simon I I son .
,

of the high priest Onias I I-


.
,
B C
. . 2 2 1 202-
; not
with Simon I,
. son and successor of the high

priest Onias I, . B C . .
3 1 0 - 29 1 . Josephus s
O pinion , indeed ,
is contrary ; but leading
Jewish scholars ,
such as Z unz , Herzfeld ,

Krochmal Derenb ourg Jost and Bloch di ffer


, , ,

from him .

1 VII
. 1 2 , o vra y'
wyb 7pam
'
sa r é wr, not i) awaywy
'
fi.
3 2 THE CANON OF THE B IB LE .

To the great synagogue must be referred the

compilation of the second canon containing ,

Joshua , Judges wi th Ruth ,


S amuel ,
Kings ,

Isaiah Jeremiah wi th Lamentations Ezekiel


, ,

and the twelve minor prophets . It was not


completed prior to 3 00 DC ,
. . because the book of
Jonah was not written before . This work may
be called a historical parable composed fo r a
didactic purpose giving a milder larger v iew
, ,


of Jehovah s favour than the orthodox one that
excluded the Gentiles . Ru th containing
, an

idyllic story with an unfinished genealogy


attached meant to glorify the house of David ,

and presenting a kindred spirit towards a


people unifo rmly hated ,
was appended to
Judges ; but was subsequently transferred to
the third canon . It was written imm ediately
after the return from the Babylonian captivity ;

for the Chaldaising langu age points to this

date not withstanding the supposed archaism s


,

disco vered in it by som e . In like manner the ,


THE OLD TE S TAME NT .
33

Lamentations originally added to Jeremiah


, ,

we re afterwards put into the later or third canon .

Joshua which had been separated


,
from the
'

five books of Moses with which it was closely


joined at first formed with the other historical
, ,

portion (J udges Samue l Kings) the proper


, , ,

continuation o f Ezra s canon The prophets ’


.

included the three greater and twelve minor .


With Isaiah s authentic oracles were incorpo r

ated the last twenty seven chapters belonging -


,

for the most part to an anonymous prophet of


the exile besides several late pieces inserted
,

in the first thirty nine Chapters -


. Men of pro
phetic gi fts wrote in the name of distinguished
prophets and put their productions with those
,

of the latter or adapted and wrote them over


,

after their own fashion . The fi ftieth and fifty

first chapters of J eremiah shew such over writing -


,

TO

Zechariah s authentic oracles were attached
chapters ix xiv .
-
.
, themselves made up of two
parts ( ix xi .
-
x 11 .
-
xiv ) belonging to di fferent
.
34 TH E CA N ON OF TH E B IB LE .

t imes and authors prior to the destruction of


the J ewish state by the Babylonians .


The character of the synagogue s pro ceedings
in regard to the books of Scripture can only be
deduced from the conduct of Ezra himself as ,

well as the prevailing views and wants of the


times . The scribes who began with Ez ra see ,

ing how he acted would naturally follow his


,

example not hesitating to revise the text


,
in
1
substance as well as form . They did not re
frain from changing what had been written or ,

from inserting fresh matter . Some of their


novelties can be discerned even in the Pent a
teuch . Their chief work however related to , ,

the f orm of the text . They put into a proper


1
That the Scribes always adhered to the prohibition to write
no religio us laws and ordinances cannot be held, even in the

face of the Talm udic saying, m m Wmp: 3 m; ( writers


'

of H alacoth are like a burner of the law) . This may apply to


the late scrib es or b ookm en, not to the earlier. The greater

part of

Geiger s Urscltrifl is based on the opposite idea . As
the i
revereI ce for form er scholars increased, the Talm udic say

ing m ight be accepted . See Tema ra , 14 b .


TH E OLD TE S TAME NT! 35

form and state the text of the writings they


studied perceiving less need for revising the
,

m a tter. What they did was in good faith ,

with honest intention .

The prophetic canon ended with Malach i s


oracles . And it was made sometime after he
prophesied because the general consciousness
,

that the function ceased with him required a


considerable period fo r its growth . The fact
that it included Jonah and Ruth brings the

completion after 3 00 BC
. .
, as already stated .

There are no definite allusions to it till the


second century B C . . Daniel speaks of a
passage in J eremiah being in “
the books or
”1
writings and the prologue of Jes us Sirach
presupposes its formation . Such was the
second canon , which had been made up
gradually (4 44 2 90 B C )-
. .

Another view of the collection in question


has been taken by various scholars . Accord
1
Chapter ix . 2.
36 THE CAN ON OF TH E B IB LE .

ing to a passage in the second book of


Maccabees the second canon originated with
,

Nehemiah , who gath ered together the acts of

the kings and the prophets and (psalms ) of


David and the epistles of the kings con
,

”1
cerning the holy gi fts . These words are
obscure . They occur in a letter purporting
to be sent by the Sanhedrim at Jerusalem
to the Jews in Egypt which contains apo,

c ryphal things ; a letter which assigns to


Nehemiah the merit Of various arrangements
rather belonging to Ezra . It is di fficult to
understand the meaning of the epistles

of


the kings concerning the o fferings . If they
were the documents of heathen or Persian
kings favourable to the rebuilding of Jeru
salem and its temple would they not have
,

been rej ected from a collection of sacred


books belonging to the C hosen people ? They
might perhaps have been adopted had they
1
Chapter II . 1 3.
38 THE CAN ON OF THE B IB LE .

account of his supposed canon hardly com


mends itself by inherent tru thfulnes s or p ro

bability, though it is accepted by Ewald and


Ble ck .

When the great synagogue ceased there was ,

an interval during which it is not clear whether


the sacred books were neglected except by ,

private individuals ; or whether they were


studied copied and collected by a body of
, ,

scribes . Perhaps the scribes and elders of the


Hasmon e an time were active at intervals in this
department . The institution Of a senate by
Judas Maccabaeus is supposed to be favoured
by 2 —
Maccabees (chapter i 1 0 ii . . but the
passage furnishes poor evidence Of the thing .

J udas is there made to write to Egypt in the


year of the S eleucidae 1 88, though he died
thirty six years be fore ,
ie ,
. . 1 52 . Other places
have been added as corroborative , viz .
, 2

Maccab iv . .
44, xi . 2 7; I Maccab . VII
.
33 .

S om e go so far as to state that Jose ben Joeser


TH E OLD TE S TAME NT .
39

was appointed its first president at that time .

The Midrash in Bereshith Rabba 6 5)

makes him one of the sixty Hassidim who


were treacherously murdered by A lcim us ; but
this is neither in the first book O f the Maccabees
(Chapter vii ) nor in Josephus . and must be ,
l

pronounced conjectural It is impossible to .

fix the exact date of J ose ben Joeser in the


Hasmonean period . Firke A b oth leaves it

indefinite . Jonathan J udas Maccabaeus s suc ,

cessor when writing to the Lacedaemonians


, ,

speaks of the gerusia or senate as well as tlze

p p
eole of the Jews ; whence we learn that the
body existed as early as the time of J udas 2
.

Again Demetrius writes to Simon as also to


, ,

3
t/ze elders and na tion of the Jews . After Jona
than and Simon it may have been suspended ,

fo r a while in consequence of the persecution


,

1
Antiq .
,
x11 . 1 0, 1 .

1
J osephus s

Antiq .
, xiii. 8
5 ;
, 1 Maccab .
, xu . 35 .

3
I Maccab .
, x iii. 36 .
40 THE CAN ON OF THE B IB LE .

and anarchy prevailing in Judea ; till the great


Sanhedrim at J erusalem succeeded it under ,

Hyrcanus I . Though the traces of a senate


in the Maccabaean epoch are slight , the Talmud
countenances its existence .
1
We believe that
it was earlier than J udas Maccabaeus . Of its
consti tution nothing is known ; but it was pro
bably aristocratic . The Hasmonean prince
would naturally exert a commanding influence
over it . The great synagogue had been a kind
of democratic council consisting , of scribes ,

2
doctors or teache rs and priests ,
. Like their
predecessors of the great synagogue the Has ,

monac an elders revised the text freely putting ,

into it explanatory or corrective additions ,

which were not always improv ements . The


way in which they used the book Of Esther ,

employing it as a medium of Halachite pre


scription shews a treatment involving little
,

1
Sota, 24 a.
1
DJ BD, Nehemiah viii 3
’ ' . .
TH E OLD TE S TA ME NT: 41

idea of sacredness attaching to the H agio


g p
ra ha .

We are aware that the existence of this body


is liable to doubt and that the expressions
,

belonging to it in Jewish books whether elders ,

or geru sia ,
have been applied to the great
synagogue or to the Sanh edrim at J erusalem ,

or even to the elders of any little town or


hamlet ; but it is di fficult to explain all on
that hypothesis without attributing confusion
,

to the places where they occur . If the body


in question be not allowed an interval ,
of about
Sixty years elapsed between the great syna
gogue and the Sanhedrim during which ,
the

hagiographical writings were comparatively


neglected ,
though literary activity did not
cease . NO authoritative association at least , ,

dealt with them . This is improbable . It is


true that we read of no distinguished teachers
in the inte rval except Antigonus of Socho
, ,

disciple of Simon the Just ; but the silence can


42 THE CAN ON OF THE B IB LE .

hardly weigh against a reasonable presumption .

One thing is Clear viz that Antigonus did not


, .
,

reach down to the time of the first pair that


presided over the S anhedrim .

The contents of the third canon ,


ie ,
. . Psalms ,

Proverbs Job Can ticles Ecclesiastes Esther


, , , , ,

Daniel Ezra Nehemiah Chronicles the for


, , , ,

mation of which we assign to the H asmon e an


g erusia , were m ulti farious , di ffering widely from
one another in age Character and valu
,
— poeti ,
e

c al, prophetic didactic


, , historical . Such as
seemed worthy of preservation though they ,

had not been included in the second canon ,

were gathered together during the space of an


hundred and fi fty years . The oldest part con
sisted of psalms supposed to belong to David .

The first psalm which contains within itsel f


,

traces of late authorship was prefixed as an ,


in

troduction to the whole collection now put into


the third canon . Next to the Psalms were
Proverbs Job Canticles which though non
, , , ,
TH E OLD TE S TAME NT .
43

prophetic and probably excluded on that


account from the second canon must have ,

existed before the exile . Enriched with the


latest additions they survived the national
,

disasters and ,
C laimed a place next to the
Psalms . They were but a portion of the
literature current in and after the sth centu ry
B C
. .
,
as may be in ferred from the epilogue to
Ecclesiastes and the Wisdom of Sirach
, . The
historical work compiled by the chronicle
writer was separated Ezra being put first ,

as the most important part and referring also


to the church of the and sth centuries 6th

who se history had not been written The .

Chronicles themselves were placed last being ,

considered of less value than the first part ,

as they contained the summary of a period


already described , though with numerous
adaptations to post exile times -
. The youngest
portion consisted Of the book of Daniel not ,

written till the Maccabean p eriod (between 170


44 THE CAN ON OF TIIE B IB LE .

1
and 1 60 BC . .
) ; and probably of several
Psalms (44 60 74 75 76 79 80 8 3 89 n o
, , . . . . . . . ,

1 1 8 ) which were inserted in di fferent places

of the collection to make the whole number


I 50 . These late odes savour of the Maccabean
time ; and are fitly illustrated by the history
given in the first book of Maccabees . The list
continued O pen ; dominated by no stringent
principle of selection and with a character ,

somewhat indefinite . It was called c



tubim ,

1
Talmudic tradition, which attributes the redaction of the

b oo k to the men of the great synagogue who are said to have

acted under the infl uence of the divine spirit, separates the

three apocryphal pieces from the rest ; b ut this arose fro m the

desire of discountenancing the idea that the wor consists of k


rom ance and legend . Such later tradition too k curious way s of

j ustifying the canonicity of Daniel and the redaction of it by


the great synagogue, ex gm , the assum
ption tha t the second

p art arose out of a series o f unconnected Megilotfi which were


not reduced to chronological order Still the Midrash m ain
tains that Daniel , or the person writing in his nam e, was no

ro
p p het, ke
li H aggai, Zechariah, and Malachi , but a man of

visions, an apocalyptist . It was a general belief, that visions

had com e into the place of b


p p y ec
ro when the b oo appeared k .

The Gree k
translatio n could not have b een lon
g

afte r the

o riginal, because it is used in the First Boo k of Maccabees .


46 TH E CAN ON OF TH E B IB LE .

holy but merely


, as productions embodying
human wisdom and were therefore exclud ed
, ,

is improbable . We do not think that an alter


ation of opinion about them in the course of a
centu ry or more by which they became divine
,

and holy instead of human is a satisfactory


,

explanation . The Psalms of David and the


book of Job must have been as highly esteemed

in the period of the great synagogue s existence
as they were at a later time . Other considera
tions besides the divinity and holiness of books
contributed to th eir in troductio n into a canon .

Ecclesiastes was taken into the third collection


because it was attributed to Solomon . The
S ong of Songs was understood all egorically ,

a fact which in addition to its supposed Solo


,

monic authorship ,
determined its adoption .

And even after their canonical reception ,

whether by the great synagogue or another


body the character
, of books was canvassed .

It was so with Ecclesiastes in spite , of the


THE OLD TE S TA ME N T: 47

pp
su osed sanction it got from the great syna
gogue contained in the epilogue added , , as

some think by that body to attest the sacred


,

1
ness of the book .

While the third canon was being made the ,

so ferim as the successors


,
Of the prophets were ,

active as before ; and though interpretation was


their chief duty they must have revised , and

corrected the sacred books to some extent .

We need not hesitate to allow that they some


times arranged parts and even added matter ,

their own In the time of the canon s ’


of .

entire preparation they and the priests with , ,

writers and scholars generally redacted the ,

national literature excluding or sanctioning ,

such portions of it as they thought fit .

1
It has been thought that the phrase IIIDDR '

6313 in the
ninth verse alludes to the great council or synagogue. This
j
c on ec ture is plausible on vario us grounds The reasons . for
attrib uting the epilogue to a later tim e than the writer o f the

b ook appear to be stronger than those assigning it to the

o riginal author . The 1 3 th and 1 4 th verses in particular, are

unlik e Coheleth .
48 THE CANON OF THE B IB L E .

At this time appeared the present five fold


-

partition of the Psalms preced ed as it had been


,

by other divisions the last of which was very


,

similar to the one that became final . S everal


inscriptions and historical notices were prefixed .

The inscriptions however belong to very


, , dif

ferent times their historical parts being usually


,

older than the musical ; and date from the fi rst


collection to the period of the Hasmonean
college when the final redaction of the entire
,

Psalter took place . Those in the first three


books existed at the time when the latter were
made up ; those in the last two were prefixed
p artly at the time when the collections them
selves were made and partly in the Maccabean
,

age .

How often they are out of harmony with


the poems themselves needs no remark , . They
are both traditional and conj ectural .

The earliest attestation of the third canon is


that of the prologue to J esus S irach ( 1 3 0
wh ere not only t/ze law and tire proplzets are
TH E OLD T E S TAME NT . 49

Specified but the other books of the fathers


,

,

”1
NO information is
'

or the rest of the books



.

given as to its extent or the particular books ,

included . They may have been for the most


part the same as the present ones . The passage
does not Show that the third list was Closed The .

better writings of the fathers such as tended to ,

learning and wisdom are not excluded by the ,

definite article . In like manner neither Philo ,

nor the New Testament gives exact information


as to the contents of the division in question .

Indeed several books Canticles Esther


, , , ,
E cc lesi

astes are unnoticed in the latter


, . The argu
ment drawn from Matthew xxiii .
3 5, that the

Chronicles were then the last book of the canon ,

is inconclusive ; as the Zechariah there named


was probably di fferent from the Zechariah in
1
rd & ha drpca l r d hea d r éir 3 48e The younger
r fifih a t .

Sirach does not use 7pa¢aI, which would have been a pro per

translation of c tubim

. W; implythe non appli
Does not this 417 -

cation of

the specific title c tubim to the hagiographa at that

tim e, and the refore the idea that the third canon was still O pen ?
D
50 THE CA N ON OF THE B IB LE .

2 Chronicles xxiv . None of these witnesses


proves that the third canon was finally closed .

A more definite testimony respecting the


canon is given by Josephus towards the end of

the first centu ry AD . . Fo r we have not an


innumerable multitude of books among us ,

b ut only twenty -two books which


,

con tain the records of all the past times ;


which are justly believed to be divine . A nd
of them five belong to Moses . But as
to the time from the death of Moses till the
reign of Artaxerxes king of Persia the pro
,

phets who were after Moses wrote down what


was done in their times in thirteen books .

The remaining four books contain hymns to


God and precepts fo r the conduct of human
li fe . It is true our history has been written
since Artaxerxes very particularly but has not ,

been esteemed of the like authority wi th the


fo rmer by our forefathers because there has not
,

b een an e x ac t succ ess io n o f proph ets since that


TH E OLD TE S TA ME NT: 5:

time : and how firmly we have given credit to


these books of our own nation is evident by
what we do ; fo r during so many ages as have
already passed no one has been so bold as
,

either to add anything to them to take any ,

thing from them or to make any


,
C hange in
them ; but it has b ecome natural to all Jews
immediately and from their very birth ,
to
esteem these books to contain divine doctrines ,

and to persist in them and ,


if occasion be ,

”1
willingly to die fo r them . This list agrees
with our present canon , showing that the
Palestinian J ews were tolerably unanimous as
to the extent of the collection . The thirteen
prophets include J ob ; the four lyric and moral
books are Psalms Proverbs Ecclesiastes and
, ,

Canticles .

It is not likely that the Hasmonae an senate


had a long existence . It was replaced by the
Sanhedrim a more definite and state institution
, ,

1
Contra Apion, i 8 . .
52 THE CAN ON OF THE B IB LE .

intended as a counter balance to the influence -

of the Hasmon e an princes . The notices of the


latter reach no further back than Hyrcanus I,.

ie ,
. . about 13 5B C . .
1
Josephus speaks of it under
Hyrcanus It cannot be referred to an

earlier pe riod than Hyrcanus I . Frankel 3


in

deed finds a notice of it in 2 Chronicles xix .

8, 11 ; but the account there is indistinct and ,

refers to the great synagogue . The compiler


having no certain in formation about what was
long past transfers
, the origin of the cou rt he
speaks of to Jehoshaphat in order to glorify ,

the house of David . It is impossible to date


the S anhedrim with Frankel in the Grecian, ,

era in which case it must have been dissolved


,

during the Maccabean insurrection and after ,

1
In Maaser Sheni, Sota 24 . 1 , the duum virate or suggoth,

consisting of the president, Nasi , and vice-president, Ab-beth


Hyrcanus s affirms that it

din, are referred to creation. Z unz

originated in the time of Sim on, son of Mattathias , 1 42 B c .


.

1
Antiq .
, xiv. , 9
.

3
Der gericbtlicbe B eweis, p 68 . .
54 TH E CAN ON OF THE B IB LE .

least intervened between the extinction of the



great synagogue and Daniel s book . This holds
good whether we assume with Krochmal the
, , ,

synagogue s ’
redaction of the work — more cor
,

rectly the putting together of the independent


parts o f which it is sa id to be composed ; or
equally so if the taking of it into the canon as
,

a book already completed be attributed to the


same body . But we are unable to see that
Kro chm als reasoning about the synagogue put

the

ting D aniel s work together and one of
mem bers writing the book Of Esther is pro
bable .

In like manner Maccabean psalms are


,
ad

verse to the hypothesis that the great syna


gogue completed the third canon . In c onse

q uenc e o f these late productions it is impossible ,

to assert that the men of the synagogue were


the redactors of the Psalter as it is . It is
true that the collection was made before the

Chronicles and many other books of the hagio


TH E OLD TE S T AME NT .
55

graphical canon ; but the com plete Psalter did


not appear till the Maccabean period . The
canon however was not considered to be
, ,
fin

ally Closed in the first centu ry before and the


next after Christ; There were doubts about
some portions . The book of Ezekiel gave
offence because some
, of its statements seemed
to contradict the law . Doubts about others
were of a more serious nature ; about E cclesi

astes , the Canticles Esther and the Proverbs


, , .

The first was imp ugned bec ause it had contra


dic to ry passages and a heretical tendency ; the
second because of its worldly and sensual tone ;
,

Esther fo r its want of religiousness ; and Pro


verbs on account of inconsistencies . This
scepticism went far to procure the exclusion
of the suspected works from the canon and ,

their relegation to the class of the ge n


u aim .
1

But it did not prevail . Hananiah son


, of

1
DHJ a
’ literally concealed, withdra wn f rom p ublic use .
56 THE CAN ON OF TH E B IB LE .

H ezekiah son ,
of Garon about , 3 2 B C . .
,
is said to
have reconciled the contradictions and quieted
the doubts .
1
But these traces of resistance to
the fix ity o f the canon were not the last . They
reappeared about AD . 6 5, as we learn from the
2
Talmud ,
when the controversy tu rned mainly
upon the canonicity of Ecclesiastes which the ,

school of Sham mai who had the maj ority


, ,

opposed ; so that the book was probably ex


3
cluded . The question emerged again at a
later synod at Jabneh or Jamnia ,
when R .

Eleasar ben Asaria was chosen patriarch and ,

Gamaliel the second deposed . Here it was


decided not unanimously however but by a
, ,

maj ority of H illelites that Ecclesiastes and the


,

Song of Songs pollute the hands ,


ie ,. . belong

properly to the Hagiographa . This was about

See Furst s Der It anon des alten Testa ments,


1 ’
w pp

u s . . . . 1 47,

1
1 48 . Tract Sa bba t
. . ch. i .

1 Because of its profane spirit and E picurean ideas ; se e

Adoyot v 3 . . Y adayim v 3 . .
I H E OLD TE S TAME NT .
57

9 0 A . D.
1 Thus the question of the canonicity
of certain books was discuss ed at two

synods .

Passages in the Talmud have been adduced


to shew that the Sham m aite O bjections to the
canonicity of Ecclesiastes were overruled by
the positive declaration from the 72 elders ,

being a testim ony anterior to tlze Cbristia n era

that Coheleth is canonical ; but they do not


support the O pinion .
2
The sages referred
to in the treatise Sabbat and elsewhere is a
vague expression resting apparently on no
,

historic tradition — a mere opinion of compara


tively late date . If it refer to the Jerusalem

1
See G raetzKobelet, pp 1 62 , 1 63

s . .

1
The sages wished to pronounce Coheleth apo cryphal, b e
cause its statem ents are contradictory And why have they not
.

declared it apo cryphal B ecause it begins with words of the

law, and ends with words of the law, for it Opens with the words
What advantage has man in all his labo ur wherewith he
labours under & c Sec
the sun ? — Sabbat 3 0 b
. . .

So also in the Midras h : The sages wished to pronounce


Coheleth apocryphal, & C &C — Vayyikra rabba 1 6 1 b
. . .
58 THE CANON OF THE B IB LE .

synod AD . . 6 5, the Hillelites were simply


outnumbered there by the Shamm aites . The
matter was debated hastily and determined ,
fo r

the time by a majority . But t he synod at


J amnia consisted of 72 persons and a passage
in the treatise Yadayim refers to it 1
The .

testimony of the 72 elders to whom R S imeon .

ben Asai here alludes so far from belonging to ,

an ante Christian era belongs to a date about


-
,

90 A D . And the fact that the synod at Jamnia


took up again a question already debated at
Jerusalem AD . 6 5, proves that no final settle
ment of the canon had taken place before .

The canon was virtually settled at J amnia ,

where was confi rmed what R . Akiba said of the


Canticles in his usual extravagant way : N0
day in the whole history of the world is of so

1
R . Simeon b en Asai said, I have received it from the
m outh of the 72 elders in the day that R . Eleasar ben Asaria
was appointed elder, that the So ng of Songs and Coheleth
llute the hands — Y adayim v 3
po . . .
TH E OLD TE S TA ME NT . 59

much worth as the one in which the S ong of


Songs was given to Israel ; fo r all the S criptures

are holy ; but the Song of Songs is most holy .
1

As the Hagiographa were not read in public ,

with the exception Of Esther ,


O pinions Of the

J ewish rabbins might still di ffer about Canticles


and Ecclesiastes even after the synod
,
of Jamnia .

In opposition to these remarks it is stren ,

uo usly a rgued by Bloch that neither the pas


sage in the Mish nic treatise Yadayim nor any ,

other refers to the


,
canonical clza racter o f the
books to which Jewish elders raised several
objections . But his arguments are more vehe

ment than valid . Anxious to assign the final


settlement of the entire canon to an autho rita

tive body like the great synagogue he a ffirms ,

that all parties were united in opinion about


1
This language was based on a figurative interpretation of the
Song . O ne who said, Whoe ver reads such writings as Sirach

and the later b o ok s loses all part in everlasting life, can have
no weight . He outheroded the Palestinian tradition respecting

the J ewish productions of la ter origin, which m erely affirm s that



they

do not pollute the hands . Toss Yadayim,
. c.
60 TH E CA N ON OF THE B IB LE .

the time of Christ, — Ass um Perushim,


and
,

Z eddukim ; Shamm aites and Hillelites . But


it requires more than his ingenui ty to explain
away the meaning of Yadayim 3 5, A do
, yo t v .

3 ,
S abbat 1 . To what did such diversi ty of
opinion relate if not to the canonical character
,

of the books ? A specific answer to the ques


tion is not given by the learned writer who is ,
1

too eager in his endeavour to attribute the


settlement of the third cano n to the great
synagogue and to smooth away all diversities
,

of opinion about several books after that time , ,

as if none could afterwards question the autho

ritative settlement by that body . He will not


even allow a wider canon to the Alexandrian
Jews than that of their Palestinian brethren ,

though he cannot but admit that the former


read and highly esteemed various apocryphal
books because of their tlzeocra tic character .

Surely the practical use of writings is an evi


1 Studien z ur Gesclticltte, u
. s. w .
, p . 1 50, &c .
62 THE CA NON OF TH E B IB LE .

pen (viii it may be inferred that the same


.

process took place afterwards ; that o ffensive


things were removed ,
and alterations made
continuously down to the close of the canon ,

and even after . The co rrections consisted of


additions and changes of letters being indicated ,

in part by the most ancient versions and the


traditions of the Jews themselves who Of ten
knew what stood in the text at first and why ,

it was altered . They are also indicated by the


nature Of the passage itsel f viewed in the light
of the state of religion at the time . Here
sober judgm ent must guard against unne cessary
conjectures . S ome changes are apparent as ,

the plural oaks in Genesis xiii . 1 8, xiv . 1 3,

xviii . 1, Deuteronomy xi .
3 0, fo r the Singular
oak and the plural g ods in Exodus xxxii .
4
for the singular god. So 2 S am vii . . 2 3, ( comp .

1 Chron xvii . . 2 1, and L XX ) .


;
1
and Deuterono
1
Geiger s Urscb rift, p

. 2 88 .
TIIE OLD TE S TA ME NT . 63

my xxx ii . have been altered . Popper and


Geiger have probably assumed too much cor
rection on the part of the S cribes and others ;
though they have drawn attention to the
subj ec t in the spirit of original criticism .

Jewish literature began to degenerate after


the captivity and it continued to do so
,
. It
leant upon the past more and more having an ,

external and formal Character wi th little of the


living soul . The independence of their reli
gio us literature disappeared wi th the national
independence Of the Jews ; and the genius of
the people was too exclusive to receive much
expansion from the spirit of nations with whom
they came in contact . In such C ircumstances ,

amid the general consciousness of present


misfortune which the hope Of a brighter future
could not dispel and regretful retrospects
, of

the past tinged with ideal splendour, the exact


'

1
See De Goeje in the W dscb mf
logisc/t fl y y
aa rga ng II
.

( 1 868) p
. 179, &c .
64 THE CA N ON OF TH E B IB LE .

time of drawing a line between books that


might be included in the third division of the
canon mus t have been arbitrary . In the
absence of a normal principle to determine
selection the productions were arbitrarily separ
,

ated . Not that they were badly adjusted .

O n the contrary the canon as a whole was ,

settled wisely . Yet the critical spirit of learned


J ews in the future could not be extinguished
by anticipation . The canon was not really
settled fo r all time by a synodical gathering at
Jamnia ; for Sirach was added to the H agio ,

g p
ra ha by some rabbins about the beginning
1
of the 4 th century ; while Baruch circulated
long in Hebrew and was publicly read on the ,

day of atonement in the third century accord


-
,

2
ing to the Apostolic constitutions . These two
books were in high repute fo r a considerable
time possessing a kind of canonical credit
,

1
Zunz

s Die gottesdienstliclzen Vortrage pp , 101 1 02 .

1
V . 20 , p . 1 24 , ed. Ueltz en .
TIIE OLD TE S TA ME NT . 65

even among the learned Jews of Pal estine .

Rab , J o chanan, B l as ar, Rabba bar Mare ,

occasionally refer to Sirach in the way in


which the c

tubim were quoted : the writer of
Daniel used Baruch ; and the translator of
J eremiah put it into Greek .

If it be asked on what principle books were


admitted into the canon a single answer does
,

not su ffice . One and the same criterion did not


determine the process at all times . The lead
ing principle with which the first canon makers -

set out was to collect all the documents of


Hebrew antiquity . This seems to have guided
E zra ,
if not the great synagogue a fter him .

The nation early imbued with


,
the theocratic
spi rit and believing itsel f the Chosen of God ,

was favourably inclined towards documents in


which that standpoint was assumed . The legal
and ethical were special ly valued . The pro
phe tic C laimed a divine origin ; the lyric or
poetic touched and elevated the ideal faculty
E
66 THE CA N ON OF TH E B IB LE .

on which religion acts . But the leading prin


c iple which actuated Ezra and the great syna
gogue was gradual ly modified amid ,
the growing
compass Of the national literature and the con
-

sc io usness that prophecy ceased with Malachi .

When the latest part of the canon had to


be selected from a literature almost contem
p o raneo us,
regard was had to such produc
tions as resembled the O ld in spirit . Ortho
doxy Of contents was the dominant criterion .

But this was a di fficult thing for various works,

really anonymous though wearing the garb of


,

o ld names and histories were in , e xistence ,


so

that the boundary of the third part became


uncertain and fluctuating .

The principle that actuated E z ra in making


the first canon was a religious and patriotic one .

From his treatment of the ol dest law books we


infer that he did not look upon them as inviol

able . Venerable they were and so far sacred ;


,

but neither perfect nor complete fo r all time .


TH E OLD TE S TA ME NT . 67

I n his view they were not unconditionally


authoritative . Doubtless they had a high value
as the productions of inspired lawgivers and
men of a prophetic spirit ; but the redaction
to which be submitted them shows no super
stitio us reverence . With him ca nonical and
lzoly were not identical . Nor does the idea of
an imm edia te, divine authority appear to have
dominated the mind Of the great synagogue
in the selection of books . Like Ezra these ,

scholars reverenced the productions of the


prophets poets and historians to whom their
, ,

countrymen were indebted in the past fo r te

ligious or political progress ; but they did not


look upon them as the o ffspring of unerring
wisdom . How could they while witnessing,

repetitions and minor contradictions in the


bo ok s collected ?

The same remarks apply to the third canon .

Direct divin
ity of origin was not the criterion

which determined the reception of a book into


68 TH E CA NON OF TIIE B IB LE .

it ; but the character and authorship of the


book . D id it breathe the old spirit ,
or
proceed from one venerated for his wisdom ?
Was it like the old orthodox productions ; or
did it bear the name of one renowned fo r his

piety and knowledge of divine things ? The


stamp of antiquity was necessa ry in a certain
sense ; but the theocratic spirit was the leading
consideration . Ec clesiastes was admitted be

cause it bore the name of S olomon ; and


Daniel s apocalyptic writings because veiled

,

under the name of an old prophet . New


psalms were taken in bec ause of their asso
c iatio n with much O lder ones in the temple
service . Yet the first book of Maccabees
was excluded ,
though written in H ebrew . It
is still more remarkable that Sirach was put
among the external productions ; but this was
owing not so much to its recent origin ,
fo r it is
older than the book of Daniel as to its being an
,

apparent echo of the Proverbs , and therefore


70 THE CA N ON OF TH E B IB LE .

the assumption of its supernatural origin . At a


much later period the Masoretes reduced to one
,

type all existing copies of their Scriptures ,


in

tro ducing an uniformity imperatively demanded


in their opinion by multiplied discrepancies .

Whatever divine Character the reflecting at

tributed to the canonical books it must have ,

a mounted to the same thing as that assigned


to human attributes and physical phenomen a
a divinity resulting from the ov er leaping of
-

sec ond causes in the absence of inductive


,

philosophy . Here the imperfection conditioned


by the nature of the created cannot be hid .

Yet the books may be truly said to have con


tained the word of God .

Of the three divisions ,


t/ze Law or Pentateuch
was most highly venerated by the J ews . It
was the first translated into Greek ; and in

Philo s view was inspired in a way pec uliar to
itself . Tlee Prop/zets, or second division ,
o cc u

pied a somewhat lower place in their estimation ,


THE OLD TE S TA ME NT .
71

but were read in the public services as the law



had been before . The c tubim , or third
division was not looked upon as equal to the
,

Prophets in importance : only the five Megiloth


were p l iblic ly read . The three parts of the
collection present the three gradations of
sanctity which the books assumed successively
in Israelite estimation . A certain reverence
was attached to all as soon as they were made
C anonical ; but the reverence was not of equal
height and the supposed authority was pro
,

1
portionally varied . The consciousness of pro
phetism bein g extinct soon after the return
from Babylo n was a genuine instinct
, . With
the extinction of the J ewish state the religiou s
Spirit almost evaporated . The idealism which
the old prophets proclaimed in contrast with
the symbolic religio n of the state gave place to
forms and an attachment to the written law .

1 Dillm ann in the 7a/z rbiiclzer fi


,
r de utsc/ze Tbeologie, dritter

B aud, p 42 2
. .
72 TH E CA NON OF TH E B IB LE .

Religion came to be a thing Of the understand


ing the subj ect
, of learned treatment ; and its
essence was reduced to dogmas or precepts .

Thus it ceased to be a spiritual element in


which the heart had free scope fo r its highest
aspirations . In addition to all a foreign meta
,

physical theology the Persian doctrine o f spirits


, ,

was introduced which seemed to enlarge


,
the

sphere of speculation but really retarded the


,

free exercise of the mind . As the external


side of religion had been previous ly directed to
the performance of good works this externality
,

was now determined by a written law . Even


the prophetism that appeared after the resto ra

tion was little more than an echo of the past ,

falling in with an outward and written legalism .

The literature of the people deteriorated in


quality and prophecy became apocalypse In
, .

such circumstances the advent o f a new man


was needed to restore the free li fe Of religion in
higher power . Christ appeared in the fulness
THE OLD TES TA ME NT .
73

of time to do this e ffectua lly by proclaiming the


divine Fatherhood and founding a worship
,
in

p
sirit a nd in tr ut/z . Rising above the symbo lic
wrappings of the Mosaic religion and relying ,

upon the native power of the spirit itsel f he ,

shewed how man may mount up to the throne


of God adoring the Supreme without
,
the inter
ventio n o f temple sacrifice or ceremony
, ,
.

When the three divisions were united the ,

ecclesiastical respect which had gathered round


the law and the prophets from ancient times
tubim

began to be transferred to the c . A
belief in their sanct ity increased apace in the
wt centu ry before the Christian era, so that
sacredness and ca nonici y
t were almost identical .

The doubts of individuals it is true were still


, ,

expressed respec ting certain books of the



c tubim , but they had no percept ible e ffect
upon the current opinion . The sanctity attach
ing to the last division as well as the o thers did
not permit the total displacement of any part .
74 THE CA N ON OF TH E B IB LE .

'

The passage in J o sephus already quoted


shows the state Of the canon about AD . . 1 00 .

Accordi ng to it he considered it to have been


,

C losed at the time of Artaxerxes Lo ngim anus,

whom he identifies with the Ahasuerus of


Es ther ,
6
4 44 4
2 -
B C . . The books were divine ,

so that none dared to add to substract from , ,

or alter them . To him the canon was some


thing belonging to the venerable past and ,

inviolable . In other words all the books were ,

peculiarly sacred . Although we can scarcely


think this to be his private opinion merely ,

it is probably expressed in exaggerated terms ,

and hardly tallies with his use of the third


l
Esdras in p referenc e to the canonical texts .

H is authority ,
however ,
is smal l . Bloch s’

estimate of it is too high . It is utterly im pro



bable that Josephus s O pinion was universally
held by the Jews in his day His division Of

the books is peculiar : five Mosaic thirteen ,

1 In his Antiq .
,
x. 4
, 5 , and xi. 1 -5 .
TH E OLD TE S TAME NT .
75

historical ,
four containing religious songs and
rules of li fe . It appears indeed that , ,
as he had
the same twenty two books we now have Ruth -
,

was still attached to Judges and Lamentations ,

to J eremiah but his credit is not on a par wi th


that of a J ew who adhered to his countrymen
in the time of their calamity . He wrote for the

Romans . One who believed that Esther was


the youngest book in the canon who looked ,

upon Ecclesiastes as Solomon s and Daniel ’

,
as

an exile production cannot be a competent ,

judge . In his time the historical sense of the


book of Daniel was misapprehended ; for after

the Grecian dynasty had fallen without the


fulfilment of the Messianic prophecy connected
with it the Roman empire was put into
,
its

place . H ence various allusions in The History


1
of the Jewish Wars . The passage in the
1
Antiquities ,
about Alexander the Great and
1
iv 6,
. sec .
3, and vi 2 , sec
. . 1 .

11
x i 8,
. sec. 5 .
76 THE CAN ON OF THE B IB LE ,

the priests in the Temple at Jerusalem is apoc


ry
phal . In any case Josephus does not furnish
,

a genuine list of the canonical books any more


than Philo . The Pharisaic view of his time is
undoubtedly given that the canon was then,

complete and sacred . The decision proceeded


from that part of the nation who ruled both
over school and people and regained supremacy ,

after the destruction of the temple ; i e , from


. .

the Pharisee sect to which J osephus belonged


-
.

It was a conclusion of orthodox J udaism .

With true critical instinct Spinoza says that ,

the canon was the work of the Pharisees . The


third collection was undoubtedly made under
their influence .

The origin of the tlz ree


f old division of the
canon is not as Oehler supposes
, ,
1
a reflection
of the di fferent stages of religious development

Article Kanon in H erz og s E ncyklopa die, vol



1 vu
. .
p.

the sam e author s Prolegomena T[zeologie des



2 53 ; and z ur a lt
.

Test , pp 9 1 , 9 2
. . .
CA N ON
'

78 TH E OF TH E B IB LE .

Isaiah J eremiah and Ezekiel


, , ; succeeded by
the twelve minor prophets arranged ,
fo r the
most part according to their times though ,

the length Of individual prophecies and simi


larity of contents also influenced their position .

The arrangement of books in the third division


depended on their age character and authors , , .

T he Psalms were put first because David was ,

supposed to be the author of many and on ,

account of their intrinsic value in promoting


the religious li fe Of the people . After the
Psalms came the three poetical works attri

buted to Solomon with the book ,


Of Job among
them ,
-
Proverbs Job, ,
Canticles Ecclesiastes
, .

The book of Esther followed since it was ,


in

tended to further the observance of the Purim


feast ; with the late book of Daniel . The
position Of the tubim

Daniel among c arises
solely from the fact of its posterior origin to
the prophet ic writings not excepting the
,
book
Of Jonah itsel f ; and the attempt to account fo r
THE OLD TE S TAME NT .
79

its place in the third division on the ground of

its predominant subj ectivity is bas ed on the


unfounded assumption that the obj ective state
of religion is represented in the second division
and the subj ective in the third . H ad the boo k
existed before 4 00 B C. .
,
it would doubtless have
stood in the second division . But the contents
themselves demonstrate its date contemporary
history being wrapped in a prophetic form .

H aving some a ffinity to Esther as regards


heathenism and Greek life , the book was put
next to the latter . To Ezra and Nehemiah ,

which were adopted before the other part of

the Chronicle book and separated


-
from it,

were added the so - called Chronicles . Such


was the original succession of the third division
tubim ;

or c but it did not r emain unaltered .

For the use of the synagogue the five Megilo th


were put together ; so that Ruth which was ,

originally appended to J udges ,


and the
Lamentations a ffixed at first to J eremiah s ’
80 TH E CA N ON OF THE B IB LE .

prophecies , were taken out of the second


and put into the third canon . This caused
a separation of Canticles and Ecclesiastes .

The new arrangement was made fo r liturgical


purposes .
C H A PT E R III .

T H E SAMAR ITAN A ND ALE X ANDR IA N

C ANO NS .

THE Samaritan cano n consists of the


Pentateuch alone . This restrict ed collection
is owing to the fact that when the Samaritans
,

separated from the J ews and began their


worship on Gerizim no more than the Mosaic
,

writings had been invested by Ezra with


canonical dignity . The hostile feeling be

tween the rivals hindered the reception of

books subsequently canonized . The idea of

their having the oldest and most sacred part


in its entirety satisfied their spiritual wants .

Some have thought that the Sadducees who ,

already existed as a party before the Maccabean


period agreed with the Samaritans in rej ecting
,

F
82 THE CA NON OF THE B IB LE

all but the Pentateuch ; yet this is doubtful . It


1
is true that the S amaritans themselves say so ;

and that some of the church fathers Origen , ,

J erome and others agree ; but little reliance


,

can be put on the statement . The latter ,

perhaps confounded the Samaritans and S ad


,

ducees . It is also noteworthy that Christ in


refuting the Sadducees appeals to the Penta
teuch alone ; yet the conclusion that he did so
,

because of their admitting no more than that


portion does not follow .

The Alexandrian canon di ffered from the


Palestinian . The Greek translation commonly
call ed the Septuagint contains some later pro
ductio ns which the Palestinian J ews did not
adopt not only from their aversion to Greek
,

literature generally but also from the rec ent


,

origin of the books perhaps also their want


,
of

prophetic sanction . The closing line of the third


part in the Alexandrian canon was more or less
See Ab ulfatach s A m m] Samara, p

. . 1 02, 9, & c .
SAMAR I TA N é °
A LE X A NDR IA N CA N ONS . 83

fl uctuating— capable of admitting recent writ


ings appearing under the garb of old names and
histories or embracing religious subj ects
,
while
the Palestinian collection was pretty well
determined and all but finally settled
,
. The
j udgment of the Alexandrians was freer than
that of their brethren in the mother country .

They had even separated in a measure from


the latter by erecting a temple at
,
Leo ntopo lis

and their enlargement of the canon was


another step of divergence . Nor had they the
criterion of language for the separation of

canonical and uncanonical ; both classes were


before them in the same tongue . The enlarged
canon was not formally sanctioned ; it had not
the approval of the Sanhedrim ; yet it was to
the Alexandrians what the Palestinian one was
to the Palestinians . If Jews who were not well
acquainted with Hebrew used the apocryphal
and canonical books alike it was a matter , of

feeling and custom ; and if those who knew the


84 TH E CA NON OF TH E B IB LE .

old language better adhered to the canonical


more closely ,
it was a matter of tradition
and language . The former set little value on
the prevalent consciousness of the race that the
spirit of prophecy was extinct ; their view of

the Spirit s operation was l arger . The latter
clung to the past with all the more tenacity
that the old life of the nation had degenerated
.
.

The Alexandrian J ews opened their minds to


Greek culture and philosophy appropriating ,

new i deas and explaining their Scriptures in


,

accordance with wider conceptions of the divine


presence though such adaptation turned aside


the origi n
al sense Consciously or unconsciously
.

they were preparing Judaism in some degree to


be the religion of humanity . But the Rabbins
shut out those enlarging influences confining ,

their religion within the narrow traditions of


one people . The process by which they con
served the old belief helped to quench its spirit ,

so that it became an antique skeleton powerless ,


86 TH E CA NON OF TH E B IB LE .

reason working upon revelation and moulding ,

it into a new system . S ue/z tra dition serves but


to show the inability of genuine Judaism to

assimilate philosophic thought


R atzonalz sz ng
'

should not be styled the operation of tradition .

The truth of these remarks is evident from a


comparison of two books exempli fying Alexan
,

drian and Palestinian J udaism respectively .

The Wisdom of Solomon shows the enlarging


e ffect of Greek philosophy . Overpassing Jew
ish particularism it o ften approaches Christi
,

anity in doctrine and spirit so that some have ,


1

even assumed a Christian origin fo r it


. The
Wisdom of J esus son of Sirach has not the doc
trine of immortality . Death is there an eternal
sleep and retribution takes place in this li fe The
,
.

Jewish theocracy is the centre of history Israel


the elect people and all wisdom is embodied in
the law . The writer is shut up within the old
national ideas and leans upon the writings in
,

Kirschb aum , Weisse , and Noack .


SAMARI TAN é A LE X AA DR IAN CA N ’
ONS . 87

which they are expressed . Thus the B agio

graphical canon of Judea conservative as it is


, ,

and purer in a sense presents a narrower typ e


,

than the best specimens of the Alexand rian one .

The genial breath of Aryan culture had not ex


panded its S emitism .

The identity of the Palestinian and Alexan


drian canons must be abandoned , notwithstand

ing the contrary arguments of Eichhorn and


Movers . It is said indeed that Philo neither
, ,

mentions nor quotes the Greek additions ; but


neither does he quote several canonical books .

According to Eichhorn no fewer than eight ,

1
of the latter are unnoticed by him . Besides ,

he had peculiar views of inspiration and quoted ,

loosely from memory . Believing as he did in


the inspiration of the Greek version as a
whole it is di fficult to think that he made
,

a distinction between the di fferent parts of

it . In one passage he refers to the sacred


E inla tung in dar alte Testa m ent, vol i p
'
1 '
. . . 133.
TH E CA NON OF THE B IB LE .

books of the Therapeutae a fanatical sect ,


of

Jews in Egyp t as ,
laws,
oracles of proplzets ,

lzym ns and at/zor books by which knowledge and


”1
piety are increased and perfected , but this
presents little in fo rmation as to the canon of

the Egyptian J ews generally ; fo r it is precari


ous argumentation to say with H erbst that they
prove a twofold canon . Even if the Alex
andrian and Palestinian canons be identical we ,

cannot be sure that t/ze atner books which the


Therapeutae read as holy besides the law , t/ze

p p
roizets a nd hym ns, di ffered from the hagio

ra h
g p ,a and so constituted another canon than
the general Egyptian one . It is quite possible
that tno hym ns mean the Psalms ; and tfze

ot/zer books, the rest of the hagiographa .

The argument fo r the identity of the two


canons deduced from 4 Esdras xiv .
44 , &c , .

as if the twenty four open books were dis


-

tinguished from the other writings dictated to


1
De mta contempla te/a, O pp Tom Mangey

. .
p 4 75,
. ed. .
90 THE CA NON OF THE BIB LE .

formall
y recognise a canon of their o wn ,
as De
Wette says of them they had and used one
,

larger than the Palestinian without troubling


,

themselves about a f orm al sanction for it by a


body of Rabbis at J erusalem or elsewhere .

Their canon was not identical with that of the


Palestinians , and all the argumentation founded

upon Philo s non quotation of the ap ocryphal
-

books fails to prove the contrary . The very way


in which apocryphal are insert ed among canonical
books in the Alexandrian canon shows the equal ,

rank assigned to both . Esdras first and second


succeed the Chronicles ; Tobit and Judith are
between Nehemiah and Esther ; the Wisdom of

S olomon and Sirach follow Canticles ; Baruch


succeeds J eremiah Daniel is followed by Sus
anna and other productions of the same class
and the whole closes with the three books of Mac
c ab ees . S uch is the order in the Vatican M S .

The threefold division of the c anon , in

dicating three stages in its formation , has


SA MARI TA N a» ALE X A NDRIA N CA NONS .
9:

continued . Josephus ,
indeed , gives another ,

based on the nature of the separate books ,

not on MSS . We learn nothi ng from him


of its history ,
which is somewhat remark
able ,
considering that he did not live two

centuries a fter the last work had been added .

The account of the canon s final arrangement


was evidently unknown to him .


C HAPTER I V .

NUMBE R AND O RDE R O F T H E SE PARAT E

B OO KS .

T HE number of the books was variously os

timated . Josephus gives twenty two which was -


,

the usual number among Christian writers in the


second third and fourth centuries havi ng been
, , ,

derived perhaps from the letters of the Hebrew


alphabet . Origen J erome and others have it
, , .

It c o ntinued longest among the teachers of the


Greek Church and is even in Nicepho rus s ,

1
stichometry . The enumeration in question
has Ruth with Judges and Lamentations with ,

J eremiah . In ”
E piphanius the number twenty
seven is found made by taking the alphab et

Cost /lit h e dos Ka nons, p



See Credner s a . 1 24.

De mans . ct p ond , chapters 2 2 , 2 3, vol . 11. p


. 1 80, ed.

Petav .
94 TH E CA NON OF TH E B IB LE .

first or authentic prophecies the lateness ,


of

these oracles brought Isaiah into the third place


among the greater prophets . The Talmudic
order of the Hagiographa is Ruth Psalms Job , , ,

Proverbs Ecclesiastes Canticles Lamentations


, , , ,

Daniel Esther Ezra Chronicles


, , , . H ere Ruth
precedes the Psalter coming as near the former ,

prophets as possible ; fo r it properly belongs to


them the contents associating it with the
,

J udges time ’
. The Talmudic order is that
usually adopted in German MS S . What is the
true estimate of it ? Is it a proper Talmudic
regulation Perhaps not else the Hebrew MSS
, .

of the French and Spanish J ews would no t so


readily have departed from it . Bloch supposes
that Baba Bathra, which gives the arrangement
of the books is one ,
of the apoc ryphal Bo raithas

that proceeded from an individual teacher and

1
had no binding au thority .

1
Studim Gesokzcfito der a lttestamm
'

thcfie Literatur, n

z ur . s.

w, p
. . 1 8, e tc.
ORDE R OF TH E SE PAR A TE B OOKS .
95

The Masoretic arrangement di ffers from the


Talmudic in putting Isaiah be fore J eremiah and
Ezekiel . The Hagiographa are Psalms Pro , ,

verbs ,
Job,
Canticles ,
Ruth , Lamentations ,

Ecclesiastes Esther Daniel Ezra (with Nehe


, , ,

miah) Chronicles
,
1
This is usually adopted in.

Spanish MSS . But MSS often di ffer arbi.

trarily, because transcribers did not consider


themselves bound to any one arrangement .
2

According to some a very old testimony to ,


the

commencing and concluding books of the


third division is given by the New Testa
ment ( Luke xxiv 44 ; Matthew xxiii . .

agreeably to which the Psalms were first


and the Chronicles last ; but this is inco n

e lusive .

The Alexandrian translators as we have ,

seen already placed the books di fferently from


,

H ody, De B ibliorm n tex tzous m gi h


' '
1
na bn , p 644
’ s . .

H odygives lists of the order in which the b ook s stand in

so m e early printed editions and in a few MSS .


, 6
p 45
. .
96 THE CANON OF THE B IB LE .

the Palestinian J ews . In their version Daniel


comes after E z ekiel so that it is put beside
,
the

greater prophets . Was this done by J ews or


Christians ? Perhaps by the latter who put it ,

between the greater and lesser prophets or in ,

o ther words out


,
of the thi rd into the second
division because
,
of dogmatic grounds and so ,

e ffaced a trace of the correct chronology .

Little importance however , , can be attached to


the order of the books in the S eptuagint ;

because the work was done at di fferent times


by di fferent persons . But whatever may have
been the arrangement of the parts when
the whole was complete ,
we know that it
was disturbed by Protestants eparating the
s

apoc ryphal writings and pu tting them all


together .
98 TH E CA NON OF THE B IB LE .

Wisdom xii i xv -
. Romans ix . 2 1, from Wisdom
xv .
7; Eph vi . . 13 17,
-
from Wisdom v . 1 8 20
-
;

1 Cor ii
. . 1 0, & c , from . J udith viii . 14 . Others
l
are less probable . When Bishop Cosin says ,

that “
in all the New Testament we find not
any one passage of the apocryphal books to
have been alleged either by Christ or His
apostles for the confirmation of their doctrine ”
,

the argument though based on fact is scarcely


, ,

conclusive ; else Esther Canticles Ecclesiastes , , ,

and other works might be equally discredited .

Yet it is probable that the New Testament


writers though quoting the Septuagint much
,

more than the original were disinclined to the ,

addition al parts of the Alexandrian canon .

They were Palestinian themselves or had in ,

view J udaisers o f a narrow creed Prudential .

motives no less than a predisposition in favour


,

of the old national canon may have hindered ,

1
K ritzken for 1 8 53 , p 2 67, & c
' '

Stadten a nd . .

A Stfiolastzcal History a f t/to Canon, p 2 2


'

. .
CHR IS TIAN USE OF THE OLD TE S TAME NT .
99

them from expressly citing any apocryphal


production . The apostle Paul and probably
the other writers of the New Testament ,

believed in the literal inspiration of the


Biblical books for he uses an argument in ,

the Galatian epistle which turns upon the


singular or plural of a noun .
1
And as the
inspiration of the Septuagint translation was
commonly held by the Christians of the early
centuries it may be that the apostles and
,

evangelists made no distinction between its


parts . Jude quotes Enoch an apocryphal work ,

not in the A lexandrian canon ; so that he at

See Rothe, Z ur Dogm atzé , Staa ten n K ritzken for 1 8 60 ,


1
’ ' '

.


p 6.
7, & c T h e ap o stl
.e s ar
gum ent re sts on the occurrenc e o f
the singular (seed, o r épp a) in G enesis x vii 8 not the .

plural ( seeds, o r épp ar a ) though the plural o f the c orresponding


H ebrew word could not have been used, b ecause it has a dif
ferent signification G ramm atical inaccuracy is m ade the basis
.

o f a certain theological interpretatio n Those who wish to see .

a Specim en of laboured ingenuity unsuccessfully applied to the


j ustificatio n of St Paul s argum ent in this passage, m ay consult

Tholuck

s Das alte Testa ment in neuem Testam ent, p 63 , . etc.

Vierte Aufl age .


( p
E ist to th
.e Galatians iii .
1 00 THE CA N ON OF TH E B IB LE .

least had no rigid notions about the di fference


of canonical and uncanonical writings . S till
we know that the compass of the Old Testa
ment canon was somewhat unsettled to the
Christians of the first century ,
as it was to the
Hellenist Jews themselves . It is true that the
Law ,
the Prophets ,
and the Psalms were
universally recognized as authoritative ; but
the extent of the third division was indefinite ,

so that the non citation of the


-
three book s
respecting which there was a di fference of

opinion among the J ews may not have been


ac cidental . Inasmuch however as the Greek
, ,

speaking Jews received more books than their


Palestinian brethren the apostles and their
,

immediate successors were not wholly disin

c lined to the use of the apocryphal productions .

The undefined boundary o f the canon facilitated


also the recognition of all primitive records of

the new Revelation .

The early fathers who wrote in Greek used the


, ,
1 02 THE CA NON OF TH E B IB LE .

by 1
Scripture has briefly signified this ,

saying . Assuming that Wisdom was written by


S olomon he uses it as canonical and inspired
, ,

designating it divine ?
Judith he cites with other

books of the Old Testament ; and the Song of

the three children in the furnace is used as


Scripture .
4 Ecclesiasticus also is so treated ls
.

Dionysius o f Alexandria
" cites Ecclesiasticus
( xvi . introd ucing the passage with “
hear
”7
divine oracles . The same book is elsewhere
8
cited chapters xliii
,
. 2 9, 3 0 and i . 8 . So is

Wisdom vii 1 5 and 2 Baruch (iii 1 2 1 5) is
,
. .
-

?
also quoted ! The fathers who wrote in Latin
used some of the old Latin versions of which
Augustine speaks ; one of them and that the ,

1 3
Stroma ta , 1 1. 2 3 . Stromata , iv . 16 . 1 5121, 11. 7 .

4
E x Script prop/wt . . eelogae, c . 1 .

5
Stromatezs, ii 1
'

2 64 A

. 15 . . D .

7
De Natura ’
vol
'

iv p 3 56
'

R outlz s Relzqnzae Saerae, . . . .

8
Fragment Nzcet in Relzg Sacrae, vo l
' '

. . . . 11 .
p 40.
4 .


9 H id , p 407 . . 1s .
, p 406 . .

u
Epistola ad Dzonys

R oma n, in Relz o Saer vol


'

. . . .
, . iii p . . 1 95 .

1”
Rehq Si am , vol ii p 408
'

. . . . .
CHRIS TIAN USE OF TH E OLD TE S TAME NT . 103

oldest probably dating soon after the middle


, of

the second century being known to us as the ,

Itala . As this was made from the Septuagint ,


it had the usual apocryphal books . J erome s
critical revision or new version did not sup
plant the old Latin till some time after his
1
death . Tertullian quotes the Wisdom of
’ 2
Solomon expressly as Solomon s ; and intro
”3
duces Sirach by “
as it is written . He cites
Baruch as Jeremiah .
4
H e also believes in the
a uthenticity of the book of Enoch and defends ,

5
it as Scripture at some length . Cyprian often
cites the Greek additions to the Palestinian
canon . He introduces Tobit with the words
”6
as it is written ,
or divine Scripture teaches ,

saying and Wisdom with ,



the Holy Spirit
”8
shows by Solomon . Ecclesiasticus is intro

l 220
'

A D
. . Advers . Va lentz monos, ch 2 . .

3
De E x lzorta tione Castitatis, ch . 2 .

Contra Gnostieos, ch 8 .
5
De Haoitn Muliebri ch 3 , . .

6
Epist 55, p . . 1 1 0, ed . Fell .
7
De Ora t Domin p 1 53 . .
,
. .

8
De E x/zortat . Martyrii ,
ch . 1 2, p . 1 82 .
1 04 THE CAN ON OF THE B IB LE .

”1
duced with ,

it is written ; and Baruch with ,

”2
the Holy Spirit teaches by J eremiah . 1 and

2 Maccabees are used as Scripture ; as are the 3

1
additions to Daniel .

The African fathers fo l

low the Alexandrian canon without scruple .

Hippolytus Rome (about A D who of . .

wrote in Greek quotes Baruch as Scripture ; 5


,

and interprets the additions to Daniel such as ,

S usanna as Scripture likewise


,
.

7
Melito of Sardis made it his special
business to inquire among the Palestinian
J ews about the number and names of their
canonical books ; and the result was the
following list — the five books o f Moses Joshu a , ,

Judges Ruth , ,
four books of Kings ,
two of
Chronicles the Psalms , of David the Proverbs
,

of Solomon Ecclesiastes the Song


, , of Songs ,

Job Isaiah J eremiah the twelve in one book


, , , ,

1
De Mortal p , . 1 61 .
11
De Orat Dom in , p 1 4 1
. . . .

3 Testim iii 4 , p 62
. . . .
1

De Lapsis p 1 3 3 & c
, .
, .

5
Adv Noet v
. . .
6
See Migue s edition

, p 689 , & c
. .

7
f After 1 71 .
1 06 THE CANON OF THE B IB LE .

epistle is attributed to Jeremiah . But the

catalogue had no in fluence upon his practice .

He followed the prevailing view of the extended


canon . Sirach is introduced by for “
this also
is written the book of Wisdom is cited as a

divine word ; 2
the writer is called a p ph t
ro
e ;
3

Christ is represented as speaking in it through

Solomon; 4
and Wisdom vii . 17 is adduced as
the words of Christ H imself .
5
Tobit is cited as
Scripture .
6
His view of the additions to the
books of Daniel and Esther as well as his ,

opinion about Tobit are su fficiently expressed ,

in the epistle to Africanus so that scattered ,

quotations from these parts of Scripture can


be properly estimated . Of the history of

Susanna he ventures to say that the Jews

1
Com ment in .
y oa nn" tom . x xx n. ch. 1 4 , ed . Huet .

9
Contra Cels iii 72 . . vol . i p 494,
. . ed. Delarue .

3 In E x odus, H om vi . 1 Levit H orn . . v 2


. .

In Levit .
, H om . x 11 . 4 .

5
In Luham , H orn . 21 .

‘1
De Oratione, ii p . . 215 .
CHRIS TIA N USE OF TH E OLD TE S TA AIE NT . 1 07

1
withdrew it on purpose from the people . He
seems to argu e in favour of books used and
read in the churches though they may be put
,

out of the canon by the Jews . As di vine


Providence had prese rved the sacred Scriptures ,

no alteration should be made in the e cc lesi

astical tradition respecting books sanctioned by


the churches though they be external to the
Hebrew canon .

Most of the writings of Methodius Bishop of

Tyre are lost so that we know little of his



,

O pinions respecti ng the books of Scripture .

But it is ce rtain that he employed the Apo


crypha like the other writings of the Old Testa
ment Thus Sirach (xviii 3 0 and xix 2 ) is
. . .

quoted in the same way as the Proverbs ’1


.

Wisdom (iv 3) is cited and Baruch ( iii


4
. 1 -
, .

1
Opp . ed. Delarue, vo l
. i p
. . 12 .

I3 1 1
‘ '
.

Convivia m decent virginum , in Com b efis s Auctarium bib


3 ’

lio thecae G raec o rum patrum , p 69 . .

5
Ibid , p 69 . . . Ibid .
, p . 1 09 .
C HAPTER VI .

T HE NEW T ESTAME NT CANO N IN T HE FIR ST

T H RE E CE NT URIE S .

T HE first Christians relied on the Old Testa


ment as their chief religious book . To them it
was of di vine origin and authority . The New
Testament writi ngs came into gradual use by ,

the side of the older Jewish documents accord ,

ing to the times in which they app eared and the


names of their reputed authors . The Epistles of
Paul were the earliest written ; after which came
the Apocalypse the Epistle to the Hebrews
, ,

and other documents all in the first century


, .

A fter the first gospel had undergone a process


of t ranslation , re-
writing and interpolation from
, ,

the Aramaic basis , the discourses, 1


of which
1
ea My - tu
. Ap Euseb H E iii 3 9
. . . . . .
1 10 TH E CA N ON OF TH E B IB LE .

ing they may have been the reporters were , nu ~

equal to their work . It is also remarkable that


so many of the m should be unknown ; produc
tions being attached to names of repute to give
them greater currency .

When Marcion came from Po ntus to Rome


( 1 44 he brought with him a Scripture
collection consisti ng of ten Pauline epistles .

With true critical insti nct he did not include


those addressed to Timothy and Titus as also ,

the epistle to the H ebrews . The gospel of

Marcion was Luke s in an altered state From



.

this and other facts we conclude that external


parties were the first who carried out the idea
of collecting Christian writings and ,
of putting
them either beside or over against the sacred
books of the Old Testament in support , of

their systems ( . As to
) his Basilides 1 2 5 AD ,

supposed quotations from the New Testament


in Hippolytus are too precarious to be trusted .
1

1
Davidson s Introductio n

to the Study f
i the IV Testarn
. . vo l .

x .
p 3 8
. 8 .
THE NE W TE S TA AIE NT CA NOIV . 111

Testimon ies to the “


ack nowledged books of

the New Testament as S cripture have been


trans ferred from his followers to himsel f ; so
that his early witness to the canon breaks
down . It is inferred from statements in Origen
and Jerome that he had a gospel of his
own somewhat like S t Luke s but extra ’

canonical . His son Isidore and succeeding


disciples used Matthew s gospel ’
. Jerome says
that Marcion and B asilides denied the Pauline
authorship of the epistle to the H ebrews
1
and the pastoral ones . It is also doubt ful
whether Valentinus s ( 1 40 1 66 AD ) alleged

-
.

citations from the New Testament can be relied


upon . The passages of this kind ascribed to
him by the fathers belong in a great measure
to his disciples . The fragment of a letter pre
served by C lement of Alexandria in the second
book of the S tromata has been thought to
,

contain re ferences to the gospels of Matthew


1 E xpla na tio in E pist . ad Titm n, vol iv p 40 7
. .
, ed Benedi
.
ct .
.
TH E CANON OF TH E B IB LE .

and Luke ; but the fact is doubtful . Nor has

Henrici proved that Vale ntinus used J ohn s ’

1
gospel . But his followers incl uding Ptolemy
,

(1 80 A and H erac
. leD)
o n ( 5
.1 8 2 00 A D) quote -
,

the Gospels and other portions o f the New


Testament 2
From H ippo lytus s account of

.

the Ophites Peratae and Sethians we infer , , ,

that the Christian writings were much employed


.

by them . They rarely cite an apocryphal


work . More than o ne hu ndred and sixty
citations from the New Testame nt have been
gath ered out of their w
ritings .
s
We may ad m it
that these Ophites and Perat a were of early
origin the ,
former being the oldest known of

the Gnostic parties ; but there is no proo f that


the acquaintance with the New Testament
1
Die Va lentinia nische
Gnosis a nd die heilzjge Schrifl , p 75 . .

2
A good deal of m anipulation has been needlessly em ployed
for the purpose of placing these heretics as early as possible ;
b ut nothing definite can be ex tracted from Irenaeus s notices of

H ippolytus s use of the present tense, in speak ing of them ,



them .

renders it prob able that they were nearly his contem poraries .

See the Indexes to Dunck er and Schneidewin s edition



3 .
114 THE CA NON OF I HE B IB LE .

centu ry and continued till the end


,
of it ; con
temporaneously with the development of a
Catholic Church and its necessary adj unct a
Catholic canon .

No New Testament canon except a partial ,

and unauthoritative one existed till the latter


,

hal f o f the sec ond century that is till the idea


, ,

of a Catholic church began to be entertained .

The living power of Christianity in its ear ly


stages had no need of books for its nu rture .

But in the development of a ch urch organiza


tion the internal rule of consciousness was
changed into an external one of faith . The
Ebionites or J ewish Christians had their
favourite Gospels and Acts . The gospel of

Matthew was highly prized by them existing ,

as it did in various recensions , of which the


gospel according to the Hebrews was one .

Other documents , such as the Revelation of

John ; an d the preaching of Peter a Jewish


,

Christian history ubsequently


s re- written and
TIIE NE W TE S TA AIE NT CA NOZV
/
. 1 15

employed in the C lementine Recognitions and


Homilies were also in esteem
, . Even so late
as 1 75- 1 8 0 A . D , H egesippus,
. a Jewish Christian ,

does not seem to have had a canon consisting


of the four gospels and Paul s Epistles but ’
,

appeals to “
the law and the prophets and the

L ord, so that his leading principle was ,

the

the identity of J esus s words with Old
Testament ; agreeably to the tenets of the
party he belonged to . The source whence
he drew the words of Jesus was probably
the Gospel according to the Hebrews , a
document which we know he used on the ,

authority of Eusebius . H e does not re fer to


Paul except by implication in a passage
given in Photius from Steph en Gobar ,
1
where
he says that such as used the words “
Eye
hath not seen ,
nor ear heard ,
&c , . falsi

fie d the Divine Scriptures and the Lord s
words , Blessed are your eyes fo r they see ,

1
B ibliotheea; cod 2 3 2
. .
1 16 TH E CA N ON OF TH E B IB LE .

&c . As Paul quoted the condemned language ,

1
he is blamed . Though he knew Paul s epistles ’

he does not look upon the m as a uthorita tive .

H e betrays no acquaintance with the fou rth

gospel ; for the question ,



What is the door

to J esus ? does not presuppose the knowledge
of John x . 2, 7, 9 . Nosgen has failed to prove
H egesippus s J ewish descent ; H o ltz m ann s

and

mediating view of him is incorrect !1

1
It is an unfo unded assum
ption that Paul cited the passage

by m ere acc ident on the contrary, he gives it as cano nical,

with “
as it is written ( 1 Co rinth ii. . It m ay be that the
G nostics are referred to as using the j
o b ectionable passag ;
e but
it is l
specialading to lim it it to them , when Paul has ex
p e

ressl used th e sam e de riving it either from Isaiah lxiv 4, or


p y , .

som e unk no wn docum ent j ust as it is special pleading to id n e

tify 6 x u
p cos standing b eside vép os xal r popfir at, with the New
The word excludesPaul s E pistles from the canon

Testa m ent .

nor is there any evidence to the contrary, as has b een alleged,

in the two Syriac epistles attrib uted to Clem ent, which W et


E usebins s H E Photius s

stein pub lished . Com p . . . iv
. 2 2,

B ibliotheca, 23 2 . Apologists have lab o ured to prove H egesip

pus an o rthodox C atholic Christian, lik e Irenaeus b ut in vain .

H e was J w
a ish Cehristian of m oderate ty e, holdin
p g inter

course with Pauline Christians at the tim e when the Catholic


C hurch was being form ed .

H ge fe Ze c rtf f r 1 75 8 78
8

1
See il n ld s its lz t o -1
.
1 18 THE CA N ON OF TH E B IB LE .

epistles which show their dependence on the


,

au thentic Pauline ones with those , of Peter ,

presuppose a similar collection ; which along ,

with the Synoptists existed before the fourth ,

gospel . The Apocalypse and the epistle to the


Hebrews were obnoxious to the Pauline

churches as Paul s letters were to the Jewish
,

Christian ones . Hence the former were outside


the Pauline collections .

The apostolic fathers quote from the Old


Testament which was sacred and inspired to
,

them . They have scarcely any express cita


tions from the New Testament . A llus ions

occur especially to the epistles


,
.

The first Epistle of Clement to the Corin


thians ( about 1 20 implies acquaintance
with several of the epi stles with those to the Cor
,

inthians, Romans H ebrews and perhaps others


, , .

Two passages have also been adduced as de


rived from the gospels of Matthew and Luk e ,

in chapters xiii . 2 an d xlvi . 8 ; but pro


TH E NE W TE S TAME NT CANOtV . 1 19

bably some other source supplied them such as ,

oral tradition . It has also been argued


that the quotation in the fi fteenth chapter ,


The Scripture says somewhere This people ,

honoureth me with their lips but their heart is ,

far from me ,
comes from Mark vii . 6 in which
it varies from the H ebrew of Isaiah xxix . I3 ,

as well as the Septuagint version . Clement


therefore so it is said quotes the Old Testa
, ,

ment through the medium of the gospels


( Matthew xv . 8, Mark vii . But the argu
ment is inconclusive because the words agree
closely enough with the Septuagint to render
the supposition ve ry probable that they are a
memoriter citation from it . As they stand ,

they coincide exactly neither with Mark nor


the Septuagint .
1
Thus we dissent from the
opinion of Gebhardt and Harnack . Wher
ever Scripture is cited , or the expres
1
There is ar ean u instead
-
of the Septuagint s

and Mark s ’

( T ischend.
) &r éxet .
1 20 THE CA N ON OF THE B IB LE .

sion it is written occurs the O ld Testa ,

ment is meant .

H ermas (about 1 40 A D ) seems to have used . .

the epistle to the Ephesians and perhaps that


to the H ebrews ,
as well as the epistle of James ;
but there is great uncertainty about the matter ,

fo r there is no ex p ress or certain quotation from


any part of the New Testament . The writer
o ften alludes to words of J esus ,
found in

Matthew s gospel so that he may have been ,

acquainted with it . Keim and others have dis


1

covered references to the fourth gospel ; but they


are invalid . There is no allusion to the Acts in
vis iv. . 2, 4 . The only Scripture cit ed is the

apocryphal book B lda t a nd AIoda t, now lost .


2

The writer seems to have known several J ewish


Apocalypses .
3

1 Geschichte y esu von Naz a ra , vo l 1 , .


p . 1 44 .

1
See Vision 11 3 , 4, with the prolegom ena of De Gebhardt
'

and H arnack , p lxx iii . .

See H oltz m ann in H ilgenfeld s Z eitschnfi fo r 1 8 75, p 40,


1 ’
.
1 22 THE CAN ON OF TH E B IB LE .

even J ustin thirty years after never quotes the


, ,

New Testament writings as S cripture . The


thing would be anomalous and opposed to the
histo ry of the first hal f of the second century .

When these post apostolic prod uctions appeared


-
,

the New Testament writings did not stand on


the same level with the Old and were not ,

yet esteemed sacred and inspired like the J ewish


Scriptures . The Holy Spirit was thought to
dwell in all Christians without being confined ,

to a few writers ; and his influence was the


commo n heritage of believers . There are evi
Barnab as s

denc es of acquaintance with the
Epistles to the Romans and Corinthians ; nor
is it improbable that he knew the canonical
gospel Matthew though one passage appears
of ,

to co ntradict Matthew xxviii 1 0 & c without .


, .
,

necessarily implying ignorance of what lies in '

it viz that
,
.
, the ascension of Jesus took place on
the day of his resurrection .
1
Strangely enough ,

1
See Chapter xv . end, with H ilgenfeld s no te B arnahae epis

,

tula ed . a ltera , pp
. 1 1 8, 1 1 9 .
THE NE W TE S TA ME NT CAN ON . 1 23

Keim thinks that the writer had J ohn s gospel ’

before him ; but this opinion is refuted by the


o f Barnab as s fi fth chapter

end .
1 Holtzmann
has ably disposed of the considerations ad

?
duc ed by Keim Barnabas quotes the book
of Enoch as Scripture ; 3
and an apoc ryphal
prophecy is introduced with ,
another pro -
0

phet says .
4

As far as we c a
n judge from E useb ius s account

ofPapias (about 1 50 AD ) that writer knew noth


5
,

ing of a New Testament canon He speaks .

1
Epis p . . 1 3 ed . Hilgenfeld .

Z eitschnft fi wi senschaf tliche Theologie, 1 871, 3 3 6,



2 ir s p
etc.

Chapters x vi . and iv
. In the fo rm er the reference is to
Enoch lxxxix 56, 66, 67, b ut the latter is not in the present
.

book of E noch, though Hilgenfeld thin s he has discovered it k


D a nn s Das B uch H enoch, pp

in lx xxix. 6 1 -64 and x c. 1 7.
( illm .

61 , W as another apo cryphal J ewish b ook current in the


tim e of B arnab as, under the nam e of E noch ; or did he con

found one docum ent with m isled by the Greek trans


another,

lation of an apocalyptic work which had fallen into discredit ?


See H ilgenfeld s B arnabae Epistula,

ed 2 .
pp 77, 78
. .

1
Chapter xi

.

5
Hist E ccles iii 3 9
. . . .
1 24 TH E CAN ON OF TH E B IB LE .

of Matthew and Mark ; but it is most p ro

bable that he had documents which either


formed the basis of our present Matthew and
Mark or were taken into them and written
,
'

1
over . According to Andreas of C aesarea he
was acquainted with the Apocalypse of John ;

while Eusebius testifies to his knowledge . of

1 Peter and 1 J ohn . But he had no conception


of canonical authority attaching to any part of

the New Testament . His language implies


1
A sm all b ody of literature originating in the fragm ent of

Papias preserved by E useb ius ( H ist E ccles iii , 3 9,


. . . 1 -4 ) has
appeared ; though it is difficult to ob tain satisfactory conclusions.

Not Weifl enbach Leim b ach written treatises


'

only have and on

the sub j ect, but other scholars have entered into it m ore or less
fully, — Zahn, Steitz , R iggenb ach, H ilgenfeld, Lipsius, Keim,
Martens, Lom an, H oltz m ann, H ausra th, Tietz , and Lightfoot .

The fragm ent is not o f great weight in settli g the authenticity n


of the four gospels Indirectly indeed it throws som e light on
.

the connection of two evangelists with written m em oirs of the

life of J esus b ut it rather suggests than solves various m atters

of im portance It is tolerably clear that the gospels, if such they


.

m ay be called, of which he spea s as written by Matthew and


k
Mark , were not identical with the works now e xisting under the
nam es of these evangelists and that no safe conclusion can be
drawn from Papias s silence
’ ’ ’
abo ut J ohn s and Luke s as not
1 26 THE CA N ON OF TH E B IB LE .

AD.
) . There the Gospel and the Apostles are
1
recognized as the constituents of the book .

The writer also used the Gospel according to


the Hebrews for there is a quotation from it in
,

the epistle to the Sm yrnians ?


The second part
of the collection seems to have wanted the
epistle to the E phesians ?
The two leading
parties long antagonistic had now become
, ,

united ; the apostles Peter and Paul being


mentioned together .
4
In the Testaments of

the twelve patriarchs (about 1 70 Paul s ’


life is said to be described in holy books i e ,
. .
,

his own epistles and t he Acts .


5

J ustin Martyr ( 1 50 A D ) knew the first and . .

third of the synoptic gospels His use o f .


Mark s does not appear . His knowledge of

1
Epist . ad Philadelph , ch 5 See Hefele s note on the pas
. .

sage. The o ther well k nown passage in cha ter viii is to o


p
-
.

uncertain in reading and m eaning to be adduced here .


11
1
Chapter iii . To the E phesians, chapter xii .

1
E pist ad Roma nos, iv

. .

5
Testa m B enj. . 1 1, p . 2 0 1 , ed . Sinker .
TH E NE W TE S TA ME NT CAN ON 1 27

the fourth is denied by many and zealously ,

defended by others . Thoma finds proofs


that Justin knew it well and used it ,
freely

as a text book
-
of gnosis without recognizing
,

it as the historical work of an apostle ; an


hypothesis encumbered with di fficulties .
1
What
ever be said about J ustin s acquaintance wi th ’

this gospel ; its existence before 1 40 AD


. . is
incapable either of decisive or probable proof ;
and this father

s Logos doctrine is less de
-

velo ped than the Johannine because it is ,


en

cumbered with the notion of miraculous birth


by a virgin . The J ohannine authorship has
receded before the tide of modern criticism ;

and though this tide is arbitrary at times it is ,

here irresistible . Apologists should abstain


from strong assertions on a point so di fficult as ,

that each gospel is distinctly recognized by


him ; fo r the noted passage in the dialogue

fl ir
1
Z eitschri/t

z ml
sscnscha fl lic he Theologie, 1 875, p .
4 90 ,
1 28 THE CAN ON OF THE B IB LE .

with T rypho does not support them ?


It is
pretty certain that he employed an extra
canonical gospel the ,
so -
called gospel of the
Hebrews . This Petrine docu m ent may be te

ferred to in a passage which is unfortunately


capable of a double interpretation He had
?

also the older Acts of Pilate . Paul s epistles


are never mentioned though he doubtless knew ,

them . Having little sympathy with Paulinism


he attached his belief much more to the primi
tive apostles . The Apocalypse ,
I Peter and ,

I John he esteemed highly ; the epistle to the


Hebrews and the Acts he treated in the same

1 ’
dr om p oveu m fun) dr oo rbhwr

EV 7 61 3 uaac, d d
ra 11 3 0 a irroG

w éxelvocs o dw wv Sec

Ita l r é r apaxok ovfl n o ver cr dxfl at . . 1 03 .

H ere “
the apostles are no t necessarily Matthew and John .

Apocryphal gospels then current b ore the nam e of apostles or


h i
t e r attendant ,
s — of Peter, Jam es, Nicodem us, Matthias, & c .

Kai d ire?» p er wro/sa xévat IIérpor d



Tb a irrbv Ita l r
e
y py ¢ 0a¢
év T ots dr am /soveu mp évov

ua o c a trroi
? ye ye Ita l 7 0070, nerd 7 06

m l, Dial . cum Tryph , . 1 06. H ere the pronoun



a irroi
)

prob ab ly refers to Peter . And the expression his m em oirs


can hardly m ean Mark s’
gos el, p
since J erom e is the first that
calls it such.
1 30 THE CA N ON OF THE B IB LE .

was made among the current documents . He


regarded them all as having been written down
from memory and j ud ged them by criteria of
,

evidence co nformable to the Old Testament


Scriptures . Though lessons out of Gospels
( some of our present ones and others ) as also ,

out o f the prophets were read in assemblies on


,

1
the first day of the week the act of converting ,

the Christian writings into Scripture was pos


terior ; for the mere reading of a gospel in
churches on Sunday does not prove that it was
considered divinely authoritative ; and the use
of the epistles which formed the second and
,

less valued part of the collection must still ,

have been limited .

J ustin s disciple Tatian ( 1 60 1 80


,
wrote -

a Dia tessaron or harmony o f the gospels which ,

began according to Ephre m Syrus with J ohn


, ,

i . I but our knowledge of it is uncertain . The


author omitted the genealogies of J esus and
1
Apolog i 9 7,
. . ed. Thirlby .
THE NE W TE S TA ME NT CA N ON . 13 1

y
x thin g belonging to His D avidic descent .

He seems also to have put into it partic u

lars derived from extra canonical sources such -

as the Gospel according to the Hebrews .

D oubtless he was acquainted wi th Paul s ’

writings ,
as statements made in them are
quoted ; but he dealt freely with them ac

cording to Eusebius , and even rej ected


several epistles ,
probably first and second
l
Timothy .

In Po lycarp s epistle (about ’


1 60 which
is liable to strong suspicions of having been
2
written after the dea th of the bishop there are ,

reminiscences of the synoptic gospels ; and



most of Paul s epistles as well as 1 Peter were
used by the writer . But the idea of canonical
authority or a peculiar inspiration belonging to
,

these writings is absent ,


.

11
C om p . chap . x n. , where 7pa ¢ a l is applied to the apostolic

epistles ; a title they did !


no t receive so early as the age of

Po lycarp . Zahn him self adm its this .


1 32 THE CAN ON OF THE B IB LE .

The author of the second Clementine epistle


( about 50 1 6
10) had
-
not a New Testament canon
made up of the four gospels and epistles His .

Scripture was the Old Testament to which is ,

applied the epithet the Books or the Bible ;



and the words of Christ .

The Apostles imme

diately subjoined to the Books does not mean

,

the New Testament or a special collection of the


,

apostolic epistles as ,
has been supposed ? The
preacher employed a gospel or gospels as Scrip

ture ; perhaps those of Matthew and Luke not ,

the whole documents but the parts containing,

the words of Christ ?


He also used the Gospe l
of the Egyptians as an authoritative document ,

and quoted his sources freely . With the


J ohannine writings he seems to have been
11
unacquainted .

Athenagoras of Athens wrote an apology


addressed to Marcus Aurelius ( 1 76 AD
. .
) In it
1
Chapter xiv . 2. Chapter 11 4 . .

1
See Clementis Romani ad Corinthios guae dicuntur epis
tulac, ed ( 16 Gebhardt et Harnach 2 sec 1 0, Prolegomena
. .
,
1 34 THE CANON OF THE B IB LE .

the meaning the collection is put on a par with


,

the Old Testament and regarded as inspired , .

In the second epistle o f Peter (about A D I70 . .


)
Paul s epistles are regarded as Scr ipture ( iii

.

This seems to be the earliest example of the


canonising of any New Testament portion .

Here a brotherly recognition of the Gentile


apostle and his productions takes the place of

former opposition . A false interpretation of


his epistles is even supposed to have i nduced
a departure from primitive apostolic Christianity .

The letter of the churches at Vienne and


Lyons ( 1 77A D ) has quotations from the epistles
. .

to the Romans Philippia ns 1 T imothy 1 Peter


, , , ,

Acts , the gospels of Luke and John ,


the
Apocalypse . T he last is expressly called
1
Scripture . This shows a fusion of the two
original tendencies the Petrine and Pau line , ;

and the formation of a Catholic church with a


common canon of authority . Accordi ngly the ,

1
A p E useb
. . H E
. .
, v. 1, p
. 1 44, ed
. Bright .
TH E NE W TE S TA ME NT CA N ON . 135

two apostles Peter and Paul are mentioned


, ,

together .

Theophilus of Antioch ( 1 80 A D ) was familiar . .


with the gospels and most of Paul s epistles ,

as also the Apocalypse . Passages are cited


”1
from Paul as the divine word . He ascribes
the fourth gospel to Joh n calling him an inspired ,

man like the Old Testament prophets


,
?
We
also learn from J erome that he commented
on the gospels put together by way of
3
harmony .

The author of the epistle to Diognetus (about


200 A D ) shows his
. .acquaintance with the
gospels and Paul s epistles ; but he never cites ’

the New Testament by way of proof . Words


are introduced into his discourse in passing and ,

from memory .
4

1
0680: M ar. Ad A utolycum, iii . 1 4, p ; 1 1 4 1 , ed Migne .

3
Ihid , . 11 . 2 2 .
3 E pist . 1 51 , ad Algasiam .

Kirche,

4
See O verbeck s Studien z ur Geschichte der alten

A bha ndlung I , in which the date of the letter is brought down


.

till after Constantine . Surelythis is too late .


THE CAN ON OF THE B IB LE .

The conception of a Catholic canon was


realized about the same time as that of a
Catholic church . One hundred and seventy
years from the coming of Christ elapsed before
the collection assumed a form that carried with
1
it the idea of holy and inspired. The way in
which it was done was by raising the apostolic

writings higher and higher till they were of


equal authority with the Old Testament so ,

that the church might have a rule of appeal .

But by li fting the Christian productions up to


the level of the old J ewish ones inju ry was ,

done to that living consciousness which feels


the opposition between spirit and letter ; the
latter writings tacitly assuming or keep ing the

character of a perfect rule even as to form .

The Old Testament was not brought down to


the New ; the New was rai sed to the Old . It
is clear that the e arliest church fathers did not
1
Davidson s ’
Introduction to the Study o f the New Testa
ment, vol . ii p 508, & c
. . .
1 38 THE CAN ON OF TH E B IB L E .

Clement of Alexandria and Tertullian agree ,

in rec ognizing its existence .

Iren ae us had a canon which he adopted as


apostolic . I n his view it was of binding force
and authoritative . This contained the four
gospels the Acts thirteen epistles of Paul the
, , ,

first epistle of John and the Revelation


,
. He
had also a sort of appendix or deutero canon -
,

which he highly esteemed wi thout putting it


on a par with the received collection consisting ,

the

of J ohn s second epistle , first of Peter and ,

the S hepherd of Herm as . The last he calls


1
Scripture . The epistle to the Hebrews that ,

of Jude J ames s second Peter and third J ohn


,

, ,

he ignored .

Clement s collection was more extended than


Irenae us ’
. His appendix or deutero canon -

included the epistle to the Hebrews ,


2 John ,

J ude the Apocalypse of Peter the Shepherd


, ,

of Hermas the Epistles ,


of Clement and Barna
1
Adoors Ha res .
, w . 2 0, 2 .
TH E NE W TE S TA ME NT CANOIV . 1 39

bas . H e recognised no obligatory canon dis ,

tinct and of paramount authority . But he


separated the New Testament writings by their
traditionally apostolic character and the degree
of importance attached to them . He did not
attach the modern idea o f canonica l in opposi
tion to non-canonical, either to the four gospels
or any other part of the New Testament .

1
Barnabas is cited as an apostle . So is the
?
Rom an Clement The Shepherd of Hermas is
spoken of as divine .
3
Thus the line o f the Homo
logo um ena is not marked o ff even to the same
extent as in Irenae us .

T ertullian s

canon consisted of the gospels ,

Acts thirteen epistles


,
of Paul the Apocalypse
, ,

and 1 John . As an appendix he had the


epistl e to the Hebrews that of J ude the , ,

Shepherd of Hermas ,
2 John probably and ,
1

Peter . This deutero canon was not regarded -

1
Stromateis, 1 1. 6, p 96 5,
. ed . Migne .

1
Mid ,
iv
. 17, p . 13 12 .
3
Ilia?” i . 2 9, p 9 2
. 8 .
1 40 THE CA N ON OF TH E B IB LE .

as authoritative . No trace occurs in his work s


of James epistle ’

,
2 Peter and , 3 John . He
used the S hepherd calling it ,
Scripture, 1
withou t
implying however that he put it on a par
, ,

with the usually acknowledged canonical writ


ings ; but after he became a Montanist he ,
re

udiat d it as the apocryphal Shepherd of


p e

adulterers ,
put among the apoc ryphal and
”2
false by every council of the churches . It
was not, howe ver reckoned amo ng the spurious
,

and false writings either at Rome or Carthage


, ,

in the time of Tertullian . It was merely placed


outside the universally received works by the
western churches of that day .

These three fathers did not fix the canon


absolutely . Its limits were still unsettled .

But they sanctioned most of the books now

accepted as divine putting some extra canonical


,
-

productions al most on the same level with the

rest if not in theo ry at least in practice


, .

1
De Oratione, cap . 12 .
1
De Pudicitia , cap . 1 0 -
20.
1 42 TH E CA N ON OF THE B IB LE .

ferred to in the middle ages ?


That to the
Alexandrians is probably the epistle to the
Hebrews ; though this has been denied with
out suflic ient r eason . According to the usual
punctuation both are said to have been forged
,


in Paul s name an opinion which may have
,

been entertained among Roman Christians


about 170 A . D
. The Epistle to the Hebrews
was rejected in the west,
and may have
been thought a supposititious work in the in

terests of Paulinism with some reason because


,

of its internal character? which is at least semi


Pauline though its J udaistic basis is apparent
, .

The story about the origin of the fourth gospel


with its apostolic and episcopal attestation ,

evinces a desire to establish the authenticity of

1
See Anger s

Uebe r den Laodicener B rief ; 1 84 3 .

3
Fertur etiam ad Laudecences alia ad A lex andrinos Pauli
nom ine j incte ad hesem Marcionis et alia l
p a qua in Catholi
ur

ca m ecclesiam i Perhaps a com m a should be


p
rece non potest .

put after nom ine, and


fi ncte oin j
ed to what follows, to the alia

plura sa id to be forged in the interest of Marcion .


THE NE W TE S TA ME NT CANOIV .
43

a work which had not obtained universal ac

c eptance at the time ?


It is diflicult to make out
the meaning in various places ; and there is con
siderab le diversity of opinion among expositors
of the document ?
In accord with these facts we
find S erapion bishop of the church at Rhossus ,

in Cilicia allowing the public use of the gospel


3
,

of Peter ; 4
which shews that there was no ex
'

c lusive gospel canon at the end-


of the second
centu ry at least in Syria
, . The present canon
had not then pervaded the churches in general .

What is the result of an examination


of the Ch ristian literature belongi ng to the

1
Q ua rti eva ngelio rum y oha nnis ex discipulis cohortantibus

ulis et episcop is suis dix it j m ihi Odie triduo


condiscz p con q una te

et quid cuique fi terit revela tum alteru trum nohis enna rrem us

eadem nocte a tum


revel A ndrea ex a ostolis ut recogniscentih
p us

cunctis
fi ha nnis suo nom ine cuncta discriheret .

3
It is printed and largely comm ented on b y Credner in his
Geschichte des neutesta mentlichen K a non edited b v V olkmar, p .

1 4 1 , & c , and by W estcott On the Ca non, A ppendix C , p 4 66


. . .

2 d edition . Many o thers have explained it especially H ilgen

feld .

3
Ab out A D . . 1 90 . 1
E nsch H . . E vi . . 12 .
1 44 TH E CANON OF TH E B IB LE .

second century ? Is it that a canon was then


fixed, separating some books from others by a

line so clear that those on one side of it were


,

alone rec koned inspired authoritative


, , of apos
tolic origin or sanction ; while those on the other
were considered uninspired ,
unauthoritative ,

without claim to apostolicity ,


unauthentic 1

Was the sep aration between them made on any


clear principle of demarcation ? It cannot be
said so . The century witnessed no such fact ,

but merely the incipient e fforts to bring it about .

The discriminati ng process was begun not ,

completed . It was partly forced upon the


prominent ad v ocates of a policy which sought
to consolidate the Jewish and Gentile Christi an -

parties after the decline of their mutual anta


,

go nism , into a united church . They were glad


to transfer the current belief in the in fallible
inspiration of the Old Testament to selected ,

Christian writings as an effective means


, of

defenc e against thos e who m they considered


1 46 THE CAN ON OF THE B IB LE .

given . It is possible that the carelessness of a

transcriber may have caused some of the


singularities observable in this list such as the
omission of the epistles to the Philippians and
Thessalonians but the end shows a freer idea of
books fit fo r reading than what was usual even
1
at that early time in the African Church .

In Syria a version of the New Testament for


the use of the church was made early in the 3 d

centu ry . This work commonly called the Pe


,

shito wants 2 Peter


, ,
2 and 3 John Jude and the
, ,

Apocalypse It has however all the other books


.
, , ,

including the epistle of J ames and that to the


Hebrews The last two were received as apostolic
. .

Towards the middle of the 3 rd centu ry


’ 2
Origen s testimony respec ting the Canon is of
great value . H e seems to have distinguished
three classes of books— authentic ones whose ,

apostolic origin was generally ad mitted those ,

1 Tischendorf edited the Pauline e


pistles from this MS .

Lipsiae, 1 852 . 1
t 2 54 A D
. .
TIIE NE W TE S TAME NT CANON: 1
47

not authentic and a middle class not generally


,
-

recognised or in regard to which his own


O pinion wavered . The first contained those
already adopted at the beginning of the centu ry
both in the East and West with the Apocalypse , ,

and the epistle to the Hebrews f so ar as it

contains Pauline ideas ; 1


to the sec ond belongs
the S hepherd of Hermas though he sometimes
,

hesitated a little about it, the epistle of Bar


2

nabas the Acts , of Paul the gospel according to


,

the H ebrews the gospel of the Egyptians and


, ,

3
the preaching of Peter ; to the third the epistle ,

of James that of J ude, ,


2 Peter ,
2 and 3 John .
4

The separation of the various writings is not


formally made nor does Origen give a list of
,

them . H is classification is gathered from his


works ; and though its application admitted of

considerable latitude he is cautious enough , ,

1 ).
Tc év 75 Ota fl ijxyfitfihta, Gracdonxa, Ouohoyou
jue va .

In lace , ho wever, he c alls it very use ul


3
one p f a nd divinely
inspired . Com ment in ep ad Roma n , xvi 1 4
. . . . .
3
r60a .

4 Ap Euseb Hist E ccles , vi


. . . . . 2
5 iii . 2
5, dr nxevyéuera.
1 48 TH E CAN ON OF THE B IB LE .

appealing to the tradition of the church and ,

throwing in quali fying expressions?


3
The Canon of Eusebius is given at length in
his E cclesiastical H istory ?
He divides the
books into three classes ,
containing those

writings genera l y received,
l ‘
those cantrovertea ,
3

and the heretical .


3
The first has the four

gospels the Acts thirteen epistles


, ,
of Paul ,

1 John ,
1 Peter the Apocalypse ,
?
The second
class is subdivided into two the first corre ,

8
to Origen s m ixed or intermedia te

spo nding

1
See Euseb .
, II E . .
, vi 2 5 . . Com ment in . Matth iii p 463. .

Ibid , p
. 8 1 4 ; Co
.m ment in p
e a d R om a n , iv . . . .
p. 68 3 ; in

Matth , iii p 644 ; Hom il viii in Num6 , 11 p 2 94 ; Contra


. . . . . . . .

Cels , i 63 , p 3 78 ; De Pri ncipiis pros


. . .
/Z, i p 49 Opp , ed . . . . .

Delarue .

1
340 AD . .

H ist E ccles iii also ; vi 1 3 , 1 4


3 25
. .
, .
3 ,
1 39 . .

buohoyou
u ,
eva é vbcdflnxa , dra w lhex ra, dvavrlppnr a
‘ '
.

3
dw iheyép eva, yvcbptpa 8? 7 81 3 iro Mocs '’

,
é v t heta rats éxxhwla cr -

m
Oea ioc t evuéva , o wn .

3 drown m in n Ital Ouo o eflfi; - '


ra w sha
-
h v60a ( iii .

This last with the qualification dye purely In another


7 .

place h e states that it was re ec ted by som e, and therefore it is j


also along with the dvr tk e y p
é a or v60a 8
punrat
ev - '
.
,
1 50 TH E CAN ON OF THE B IB LE .

?
ous In like manner he speaks of the Apo
c alypse of Peter and the epistle of Barnabas as
controverted . The m ix ed or spurious of O rigen
are vaguely separated by Eusebius both come
under the general head of the controverted fo r

after s pecifying them separately he sums up ,

all these wi ll belong to the class of the contro

verte the ve ry class already described as con


taining books well known and recognized by
most ,
implying al so that they were read in the
?
churches
I t is somewhat remarkable that Eusebius
does not mention the Epistle of Clement to the
Corinthians in this list . But he speaks of it in
another place as a production whose authen

1
1 001115011 11 1 . H ist E ccles ,
. . n . 23. Christophorson, Schm id,
and Hug think that Euseb ius gave the Opinion of others in this

word but it is m ore lik ely that he gave his own, as Valesius
See the note in Schmid s H istoria antique: et vindicate!;

thinks .

Canonis, & c. , p 3 5
.8 .

1
M , vi. 1 4 .

Kanons, p . 1 42 , &c .
TH E NE W TE S TA ME NT CAN ON 1 51

ticity was generally acknowledged ,


1 and of its

public use in most churches both formerly and


in his own time . This wide spread reading
-
of

it did not necessarily imply canonici ty ; but the


mode in which Eusebius characterises it, and
its extensive use in public favour the idea that ,

in many churches it was almost put on equali ty


with the productions commonly regarded as

authoritative . The canonical list was not fixed


immovably in the time of Eusebius . Opinions
about books varied as they had done before , .

The testimony of Eusebius regarding the


canon important as it is
, ,
has less weight be

cause of the historian s creduli ty . One who
Abgar s

believed in the authenticity of letters
to Christ and in the canon
,
of the four gospels
at the time of Traj an cannot take rank as a
,

j udicious collector or si fter of facts .

About 33 2 AD . . the Emperor Constantine


entrusted Eusebius with the commission to
1 Op ohwovp évn . H ist E ccles
. . iii . 1 6.
1 52 THE CANON OF THE BIB LE .

make out a complete collection of the sacred


Christian writings for the use of the Catholic
Church . How this order was executed we are
not told . But Credner is probably correct in
saying that the code consisted of all that is now

in the New Testament except the Revelation .

The fi fty copies which were made must have


supplied Constantinople and the Greek Church
for a conside rable time with an authoritati v e
canon .


E useb ius s catalogue agrees in substance with
that of Origen . The historian followed ccles
e

iastical tradition . He inquired diligently into


the prevailing opinions of the Christian churches
and writers with the viewsheld by others before
,

and contemporaneously with himsel f but could ,

not attain to a decided result . His hesitation


tood in the way
s of a clear firm view of the
, ,

question . The tradition respecting certain


books was still wavering and he was unable ,

to fix it . Authority fettered his independent


1 54 THE CANON OF THE B IB LE .

step e ffecti ng a bond of union whose need must


,

hav e been f elt while each church was isolated


under its o wn bishop and the collective body
c ould not take measures in common . Writings
of more recent origin would be received with
greater facility than such as had been in circula
tion for many years especially if they professed
,

to com e from a prominent apostle . A code of

apostolic writings di vine and perfect like the


,

Old Testament had to be presented as soon as


,

possible against Gnostic and Manich ae an here


tics whose doctrines were injurious to objective
C hristianity ; while the multiplication of apo cry
phal works threatened to overwhelm genuine
tradition with a heap of superstition . The
Petrine and Pauline Christians now amalgam ,

ated to a great extent agreed in hastening


the canon process-


.

The in fancy of the canon was cradled in


an uncritical age and rocked with traditional
,

ease . Conscientious care was not direc t ed from


1 55

the first to the well authenticated testimony of -

eye witnesses
-
. Of the three fathers who con
tributed most to its early growth Irenae us was
,

credulous and blundering ; Tertullian passionate


and one sided ; and
-
C lement of Alexandria ,

imbued with the treasures of Greek wisdom ,

was mainly occupied with ecclesiastical ethics .

Irenae us argues that the gospels should be four


in number neither more nor less beca use there
, ,

are four universal winds and four quarters of

the world . The Word or Architect of all things


gave the gospel in a fourfold shape . Accord
ing to this father, the apostles were fully
in fo rmed concerning all things and had a ,

perfect knowledge after their Lord s ascension,



.

Matthew wrote his gospel while Peter and Paul


were preaching in Rome and founding the
?
church Such assertions shew both ignorance
and exaggeration .

Tertullian aflirm s that the tradition of the

1 Adversus Ha res, iii . 1 1, 8 .


1
56 TH E CA NON OF TH E B IB LE .

a ostolic churches uarantees the four gospels 1


p g ,

and refers his readers to the churches of

Corinth ,
Philippi , Ephesus , &c , . fo r the
authentic p
eistles of Paul ?
What is this but
the rhetoric of an en thusiast ? In like manner
he states that bishops were appointed by the
apostles , and that they existed from that
time downward the succession originating so ,

early ?

Clement contradicts himsel f in making Peter



authorise Mark s gospel to be read in the
churches ; while in another place he says that
”4
the apostle neither forbad nor encouraged it .

The three fathers of whom we are speaking ,

had neither the abili ty nor the inclination to


examine the genesis of documents surrounded
with an apostolic halo . No analysis of their
authentici ty and genuineness was seriously

1
Adv . M arc. iv 5. .
1
De pre script. ha ret

. c. 36 .

3
De praescript haeret . . c. 3 2 .

1
Ap E useh H ist E ccles ii
. . . . . 1 5 and vi . 14 .
THE CANON OF THE B IB LE .

perception . Wh at are the mani festations of


spiritual feeling compared wi th the results of
,

logical reasoning ? Are they more trustworthy


th an the latter ? Certainly not at least in rela ,

tion to questions of evidence . It is true that


their testimony has a value ; but it is one pro
p o rtio nate to the degree of credibility attach
ing to witnesses circumstanced as they were ,

whose separation of canonical from uncanonical


gospels or rather their canonising of certain
,

writings apart from others , and their claiming


of inspiration fo r the authors of the former,

must be j udged by the reasonableness of the

thing itsel f in connexion with men


, of their
type . The second century abounded in pseu d
onymous literature ; and the early fathers ,

as well as the churches were occupied with


,

other things than the sifting of evidence con


nected with writings considerably prior to their
own time . The increase of such apocryph al
productions ,
gospels , acts , and apocalypses
THE NE W TE S TA ME NT CANON . 1 59

among the heretical parties stimulated the


orthodox bishops and churches to make an
authentic collection ; but it increased the difli

c ulties of the task .

Textual criticism has been employed to dis


credit the true dates of the present gospels ; and
the most exaggerated descriptions have been
given of the frequent transcription of the text
and its great corruption in the second centu ry .

The process of corruption in the course of


frequent transcription has been transferred even
to the first century . It is true that the gospels
at the end of that century exhibited a text
which bears marks of transcription interpola
,

tion and addition


, but they were not the com
plete works as we have them now being then but
,

in progress except the fourth


, . The assumption
that advanced corruption existed in the pre
sent text of the synoptists as early as the first
century is gratuitous ; unless the process by
which they were gradually built up is so called .
1 60 THE CAN ON OF TH E B IB LE .

No attempt to get a long history behind the


canonical gospels at the close of the first cen
tury out of advanced corruption can be
successful . It is attested by no Christian
writer of the century ; and those in the first
hal f of the second both heretical and orthodox
, ,

did themselves treat the text in a manner


far short of its implied infallibility . The
various readings wi th which they had to do ,

do not carry up the ca nonical gop


s els far into
the first centu ry . The transcription enlarge ,

ment and interpolation


,
of the materials which
make up the body of them must not be
,

identified with the corruption of their com pleted

tex ts, in order that the latter may be relegated


to an early period ; for the synoptists did not
come forth full blown each from the hand
-
,
of a
single person . The old Latin version or
versions used by Tertullian and the interpreter
of Irenmus, have been pressed into the same
service but in vain
. .
TH E CA N ON OF TH E B IB LE .

necessarily attaching to in fallible documents .

Their being freely handled excludes the idea


of rigid canon isation . The men who first
canonised them had no certain knowledge of
their authors . To them that ,
knowledge had
been obscured or lost ; though a sagacious
criticism might have arrived at the true state
of the question even in their day
In the sub apostolic age Ebionitism passed
-

into Catholicism J ewish into Pauline Chris


,

tianity, the mythical and marvellous into the


dogmatic the traditional into
,
the historic the
,

legendary into the literary . The conflict


of parties within the sphere of Chris tianity
gave rise to productions of various tendencies
which reflected the circumstances out of which
they arose . These were accepted or rej ected
by the churches according to the prevailing
opinions of the persons composing the churches .

Common us age led to the authorisation of


some ; others were neglected . The state of the
TH E NE W TE S TAME NT CA N ON 1 63

second century in its beliefs credulity idio , ,

s
ync racies of prominent teachers antagonistic ,

opinions and mystic speculations ,


throws a
light upon the New Testament writi ngs and
especially on the formation of the canon which ,

explains their genesis . Two things stand out


most cl early the comparatively late idea of a
,

ca nonical New Testament literature ; and the

absence of critical principles in determining it .

The former was not entertained till the latter


part of the second century . The conception of

canonicity and inspiration attaching to New


Testament books did not exist till the time
of Iren ae us .

When it is asked to whom do we owe


, the
?
canon the u sual answer is to the Church , .

This is true only in a sense . The unity


attributed to Christians before Irenmus and
Tertullian ,
consisted in their religious con
sciousness . It was subj ective . The idea of
the church was that of inward fellowship— the
1 64 THE CAN ON OF THE B IB LE .

fellowship of the spirit rather than an outward


organism . The preservation of the early Chris
tian writings was owing in the first instance
, , to

the congregations to whom they were sent , a nd


the neighbouring ones with whom such con
g g
re atio ns had friendly connection . The care
of them devol ved on the most influential
teachers ,
—ou those who occupied leading
positions in the chief cities or were most ,

interested in apostolic writings as a source


of instruction . The Christian books were
mostly in the hands of the bishops . In
process of time the canon was the care of

assemblies or councils . But it had been made


before the first general council by a few leading

fathers towards the end of the second century


in di fferent countries . The formation of a
Catholic Church and of a canon was simul
taneo us. The circumstances in which the
collection originated were unfavourable to
the au th en ticity of its materials for traditio n
,
1 66 TH E CA N ON OF THE B IB LE .

sion has a di fferent and narrow sense in the

s even Ignatian pistles which we believe to


e be

suppo sititious and later than Justin . Neither the


three epistles published in Syriac by Cureton ,

nor the seven Greek ones enumerated by


Eusebius are authentic ; though Zahn has tried
to prove the latter such dating them ,
A . D
. 1 44 .

His arguments however are far fro m


, ,
convinc


ing ; and the whole story of
1
Ignatius s martyr
dom at Rome ra ther than Antioch is still
doubtful fo r the circumstances under which he
is said to have been dragged to Rome and his ,

writing letters to the churches by the way are ,

highly improbable . The testimony of Malalas


that I gnatius su ffered at Antioch in D ecember
1 1 5 in the presence o f Traj an may be quite as ,

good as that of Chrysosto m and the Syriac


monthly calendar on which Zahn relies so con

1
Ignatius von A ntiochien, 1 8 73 ; and Prolegom ena to the

Patrum Apostolicorum opera , by de G ebhardt, Harnack , and

Z ahn, Fasciculus, u
.
TH E NE W TE S TAME NT CA NON 1 67

fidently . The fact of the priority of the last


two to Malalas is of little weight as evidence .

The main point is the locality in which I gnatius


su ffered ; which Malalas himself a native , of

Antioch and a historian ought to have known ,

better than Chrysostom because he copied ,

preceding historians .

It is necessary to be precise on this sub


j
ect because some speak of the church as
though it were contemporary with the apostles
themselves or at least with their imm ediate
,

disciples ; and proceed to argue that dissension s


arose soon after within the church

rendering
an appeal to the written word nec essary . When
the authority of traditional teaching gave way to
that of a written rule, a cha n
ge came over the
condition of the church . Such a view tends to
mislead . There were dissensions among the
e arliest Christians . The apostles thems elves
were by no means unanimous . Important
di fferences of belief divided the J ewish and
THE CANON OF THE B IBLE .

Gentile Christians from the beginning . T he

types of Christian truth existing from the first


gr adually coalesced about the middle of the

e ond century ; when heretics especially the


s c ,

Gnostics appeared so formidable that a catholic


,

church was developed . Along with this process ,

and as an important element in it , the writings


of apostles and apostolic men were uncritically
taken from tradition and elevated to the rank
of divine documents . It was not the rise of

new dissensions within the church which


led to the first fo rmation of a Christian canon
rather did the new idea of a catholic church
require a standard of appeal in apostolic writ
ings which were now invested with an
, autho

ri ty that did not belong to them from the


beginning .

Origen was the first who took a somewhat


scientific view of the relative value belonging
to the di fferent parts of the biblical collection .

H is examination of the canon was critical .


TH E CA N ON OF TH E B IB LE .

The result was a remarkable one and calls ,

for our gratitude notwithstanding


, its defects .

Though the development was pe rvaded by no


critical or definite principle it ended in a canon
,

which has maintained its validity fo r centuries .

It is sometimes said that the history of the


canon should be sought from definite cata
logues, ~
not from isolated quotations . The
latter are supposed to be of slight value the ,

former to be the result of deliberate j udgment .

This remark is more specious than solid . In


relation to the Old Testament the catalogues ,

given by the fathers as by Melito and Origen


, ,

rest solely on the tradition of the J ews ; apart


from which they have no independent authority .

As none except J erome and Origen knew


Hebrew their lists
,
of the Old Testament books
are simply a refl ex io n of what they learned
from others . If they deviate in practic e from
their masters by quoting as Scripture other
than the canonical books they show their ,
TH E NE W TE S TAME NT CANOIV . 1 71

judgment over riding an external theory


-
. The
very men who give a
'

list of the J ewish books


evince an inclination to the Christian and
enlarged canon . So Origen says in his ,
Ep istle

to Af rica nus, that the churches use Tobit .

In explaining the prophet Isaiah ,


Jerome
employs Sirach vi . . 6, in proo f of his view ,

remarking that the apocryphal work is in the


Christian catalogue . In like manner E pipha

nius in a passage against


,
A etius, after referring
to the books of Scripture adds , , as well as the
books of Wisdom , ie , . . the Wisdom of Solomon
and of J esus son of Sirach finally all the other
,


books of Scripture . In another place he gives
the canon of the Jews historically and ex ,

c ludes the apocryphal Greek books ; here he


includes some of the latter . We also learn
from J erome that Judith was in the number of
the books reckoned up by the Nicene Council .

Thus the fathers who give catalogues of the


Old Testament shew the existence of a Jewish
1 72 ON
TH E CA N OF TH E B IB LE .

and a Christian canon in rela tion to the O ld


Testament ; the latter wider than the former ;
their private opinion being more favourable to
the one though the other was histo rically trans
,

m itted . In relation to the New Testament the ,

synods which drew up lists of the sacred books


show the view of some leading father lik e
Augustine along with what custom had sanc
,

tio ned . In this department no member of the

synod exercised his critical faculty ; a number


together would dec ide such questions summarily .

Bishops proc eed in the track of tradition or


autho rity .
174 TH E CAN ON OF THE B IB LE .

canonical ones of the New and Old Testament .

The 6oth canon proceeds to give a list of such .

All the books of the Old Testament are


enumerated but in a peculiar order somewhat
, ,

like the Septuagint one . With J eremiah is


specified B aruch, then the Lamentations and
Epistle . The prophets are last ; first the minor ,

next the maj or and D aniel . In the New


Testament list are the usual seven Catholic
epistles and fourteen
, of Paul including that to
the H ebrews . The Apocalypse alone is wanting .

Credner has proved that this 6oth canon is


?
not original and of much later date
,

The Apostolic Constitutions give a kind of


canon like that in the 59 th of Laodicea A fter .

speaking of the books of Moses Joshua Judges , ,

Kings , Chronicles , those belonging to the


retu rn from the captivity those of J ob Solomon , , ,

the sixteen prophets and the Psalms of D avid


,

our Acts the epistles of Paul and the four


, ,

1
Geschichte des neutest Ira non, p &c
'
. . 217, .
FR OM THE FOUR TH CE NT UR Y . 175

gospels are mentioned . It is remarkable that


the Catholic epistles are not given . That
they are indicated under Acts is altogether
improbable . The Antiochian Church of that
time doubted or denied the apostolicity of
these letters as is seen from Theodore Cosmas
, , ,

and others . H ence their absence from these


Constitutions which are a collection belonging
,

to di fferent times the oldest portion not earlier


?
perhaps than the third centu ry
Cyril of J erusalem who took part in the ,

2
Cou ncil of Laodicea gives a list ,

of the divine .


Scriptures . The books of the Old Testament
are twenty two and the arrangement is nearly
-
,

that which is in the English Bible . With


Jeremiah is associated Baruch and the Epistle “
.

All the New Testament books are given except


the Apocalypse . The list agrees very nearly
with that of Eusebius by taking the latter s
,

controverted writings into the class of the


1
See Constit Apostol , p 6 7, d Ueltz en 3
1 3 86 A D

. . . e . . . .
176 THE CA N ON OF THE B IB LE .

”1
generally received . The writer insists on the
n ecessity of u nity in the Church upon the sub
j cet and forbids
, the reading of writings not
general y received l . No ne but thes e are allowed .

Yet he refers to Baruch ( iii 3 6 3 8) as the pro .


-

phet ;
1
and in adducing the testimonies of the

prophets for the existence of the Holy S pirit ,

the last he gives is D aniel xiii .


4 ,
1 45 . S irach
iii . 2 1, 22 is cited ; Wisdom is quoted as S olo
1


mon s (xiii the song of the three children
.

is used (verse 5 3
with verses 2 7 29 ; and ,

D aniel (xiii 2 2 4 5) is quoted .


, .
7

In A thanasius s festal epistle ( 3 6 5 A D ) the ’


. .

archbishop undertakes to set forth in orde r “

the books that are canonical and handed


down and believed to be divine . His list
of the Old Testament nearly agrees with
Cyril s except that Esther is omitted and Ruth

1
Catech , iv . . 22, pp 66
.
, 6 7, ed . Milles .

3
1
IOid .
, xi .
p . 1 42 . Ibid.
,
vi .
p.8 0 .

3
Ibid , ix pp. . . 1 1 5, 1 22 . Ibid .
, ix p . . 1 15 .

7
3 Ibid , . 11 .
p 3
. 1. Ibid , . xvi .
p . 23 9 .
178 TH E CA NON OF TH E B IB LtE .


duced with what is said by the H oly Spirit .

Baruch (iv 20 2 2) and D aniel (xiii 4 2) are re


.
, .

ferred to in the same way as Isaiah ?


Tobit
( 7)
ii has it is written prefixed to i Can 1

. t .

o nical and apocryphal are mentioned together

and similar language applied to them .

Eusebius of Caesarea cites Wisdom as a divine


oracle,
” and afte r adducing s everal passages from
Proverbs subj oi ning to them others from the
,

same bo ok with the introductory formula these


are also said to be the same writers ,
he con
”3
c ludes with “
such is the scripture . Sirach is

cited as Solomon s along with various pas sages
3
from Proverbs . After quoting Baruch he says , ,

there is no need to appeal to the divine voices ,

”7
which clearly confirm our proposition . The ad

ditions to Daniel are also treated as Scripture ?

1 Epist ad e i
p p
sco E gyp ,t & c i 1, 272
. . , . .
p. .

1
Contra Arian , i 1 2 , i p 4 1 6
. . . . .

1 Apolog . contra A rianas, ii . vol . i p . . 1 3 3.


1 Praepar E van . .
, i 9 . .
5
Ibid .
, xi. 1 4. 3
Ibid , . xii. 18 .

7
15721" vi 1 1 ,
.
3
Demon . E va ng , . vi . 1 9,
FR O/ll TIIE FO UR TH CE NTUR Y . 179

Basil o f Caesarea had 1


a canon agre eing with
that of Athanasius . Along with the usual
books reckoned as belonging to the canon he ,

u sed the apocryphal productions of the Old


T estament . Thus the book Wisdom (i is of .

quoted by him . S o are S irach ( xx 2) ; Baruch


3 .
,

( called Jeremiah s ; J udith (ix 4) ;



iii . .
5

and D aniel ( xiii .

Gregory of Naz ianz us puts


" his list into a
poetical form . In the Old Testament it agrees
with Athanasius s exactly except that he men

tions none but the canonical books . Like


Athanasius he omits Esther , . I n the New Tes
tament he deviates from Athanasius by leaving ,

out the Apocalypse which he puts among the ,

?
spurious He does not ignore the apoc ryphal
1
1 3 79 A D . .

1
Ham il in princzp proverb Opp
. . . . ed. Garnier altera, vol 1 1 . .

Constitutioner Monast

3
1 40. .
, c. iii . 2. Ibid , p 779. . .

1
A dv E unom, vol i p 4 1 7
. . . . .

3
De Spiri tu Sancto, c viii vol iii p . . . . . 23.

3 In Princip Proverb, vol


. . 11.
p . 1 52 . 7
1 389
'
A D. .

Migne
I

3
Opp . ed .
,
vol. iii pp 4 73 , 4 74
. . .
1 80 THE CA N ON OF THE B IB LE .

books of the Old Tes tament but quotes D ani e l ,

xiii .

Am philochius of Iconium 1
gives a metri
cal catalogue of the Biblical books . The

canon of the old Testament is the usual one ,

except that he says of Esther at the end some



,

j udge that Esther should be added to the fore


goi ng . He notices none of the apocryphal
books . His New Testament canon agrees with
the present only he excludes the Apocalypse
,

as spurious which is given as the judgm ent o f


the majo rity He alludes to the doubts
.

that existed as to the epistle to the


Hebrews but regards it as Pauline ; and
, to

the number of the catholic epistles (seven or


three) 3 The concluding words show that no
.

list was universally received at that time .

Epiphanius 1
follows Athanasius in his canon .

1
Gregor nNaz ianz eni, Opp . ed. Migne . vol iii pp 4 7
.
3 , 4 74
. . .

1
3 95 A D
. .

3
Iam b i ad Seleucum ; in G reg . Naz . Opp . n
.
p . 1 94.

1 D
40 3 A . .
182 TH E CANON OF TH E B IB LE .

D idymu s of Alexand ria 1 spe aks agai nst 2

?
Peter that it is not in the canons
3
Ch rysostom does not speak of the canon ;
but in the New T estament he never quotes
the last four catholic epistles or the Apoc alypse .

All the other parts he uses throughout his

numerous works ,
1
i ncluding the Apocrypha .

Thus he introduces Wisdom ( xvi 28) with .

"
S cripture says H e quotes Baruch (iii 3 6 . .
,

and S irach (iv .

D idymus of Alexandria cites Baruch ( iii


° .

10
3 5) as Jeremiah and treats it like the P alm

s s , .

1
3 92 A D . .

1
Enarrat in ep 8 Petri secundam , p
. . . . 1774 ed . Migne
.

1
4 7
0 AD . .

1
See Montfaucon in his edition of Chrysostom

s Works , vol .

vi pp
. .
3 64, 3 65, ed. Paris, 1 83 5
.

1
Expos inPsalm
. cix. 7
. See also xi. 1 in Genes, where
Wisdom 3 is cited
xiv. .

1
E xpos in Psalm xlix 3
. . .

7 De Laz ar 1
o, ii 4 . .
39 2 A. D.

1 De Trinitate iii 2 p 792 ed Migne


, . . . . .


Fragments in Epist 2 ad Corinthios, when B aruch, iii 3 ,
. . .

is quoted li ke Psalm 10 1, p . 1 69 7.
BR OM TH E F OUR TH CE NTUR Y . 1 83

D aniel (xiii 4 5) is also quoted .He says of 1

Peter s S econd Epistle that it is not in the canon



.

Theodore of Mopsuestia 3
was much freer
than his contemporaries in dealing with the
books of Scripture . It seems that he rej ected
Job Canticles Chronicles and the Psalm
, , ,
-
inscrip

tions ; in the New Testament the epistle of


J ames and others of the catholic ones
, . But
Leontius s

acco unt of his opinions cannot be
adopted without suspicion ?

1
The canon of Cyril of Alexandria does not
di ffer from A thanasius s ’
. Like other writers of
the Greek Church in his day he uses along with
the canonical the apocryphal books of the Old
Testam ent ( )
iii Ed.
ras ( 3 )
iv 6 He quotes 1 . .

”3
with inspired Scripture says

Wisdom (vii . .

6) is introduced with accordi ng to that which ,


1
De Spirit . sanc t . i p
. . 1 03 3 . 1
42 8 A . D .

3
See Leontius Byz antinus contra Nestorianos et Eutychianos ,

lib iii in CO
. . llandi B ibliotheca , p 6
x ii.
90 C o m
.
p Fritz sche D
.e .

Theodori Mopsuesteni vita et scriptis, H alse, 1 8 3 6 .

1
444 A D . .
3
C o ntra J ulian i p 54 1 , ed Migne
. . . . .
1 84 THE CANON OF THE B IB LE .

”1
is written . In another place it has the prefi x

fo r it is written ( 7) ;
i
.
3
and is treated as

1
S cripture (11 Sirach .
()iis .cited 1 .

Baruch also ( iii 3 5 3 7) is .


- introduc ed with ,

”1
another of the holy prophets said .

The catalogues of the Old Testament con


tained in the manuscripts B C and , , u need not
be given as they are merely codices
,
of the
Septuagint and have or had the books canonical
,

and apoc ryphal belonging to that version . The


list of the New Testament books in B is like that
of Athanasius . Imperfect at the end the M S , .

must have had at first the Epistles to Timothy ,

Titus Philemon and


, , the Apocalypse . C ( cod .

E phrae m i rescriptus) has fragments of the New


Testament which show that it had originally
,

all the present books in the same order as


A thanasius s

. t
a or the Sinaitic manuscript has

1
Ibid p .8 1,5 ,
.
1
Ibid , p 9 2 1
. . .

3
In Isaim , ed .Migne p 93 , . .
1
P 8 59, vol i
. . .

3
P 9 1 0,
. vol . i ed Migne
.
, . .
1 86 THE CANON OF THE B IB LE .

intermediate l
c ass consisted of those read in

the chu rch es, which were u seful but ,


not de

ois ive in matters of b elief . Another a dvance in

the m atter of the canon at this period was the

general adoption of the Hebrew canon with , a

rel egation of the Greek additions in the Septu

agint to the class publicly read? Yet doubts


about the rec eption of Esther into the number
of the cano ni cal books were still e ntertained ,

though it was one of the J ewish canon ; doubt


l ess on account of its want of harmony with
Christian c onsciousness . And the catholi c
e pistles which had been doubted before Jude , ,

J am es S econd Peter were now generally


, ,
te

ceived . But there was a di v ision of opinion


about the Apocalypse .

We come to the period of the Latin corre


spo nding to that of the Greek Church which
has j ust been noticed . Augustine gave ’
,
great

attention to the subj ect labouring to establish , a

1
flfiMacdra ytm
'
x buem .
1
+ 430 A D . .
FR OM THE FO UR TH CE NTUR Y . 1 87

com plete canon the necessity of which was ,

generally felt . According to him the Scriptures


whi ch were received and acknowledged by all
the churches of the day should be canonical ,

Of those not universally adopted such ,


as are
received by the maj ority and the weightier of
the churches ,
should be preferred to those
received by the fewer and less important
churches . In his enumeration of the forty
four books of the O ld Testament he , gives ,

after Chronicles other histories ,


which are

neither connected with the order specified in


the preceding context ,
nor with one an other ,

ie ,
. . J ob Tobit
, , E sther, J o

udith, the two books of


the Maccabees , and Esdras . Wi sdom and
Ecclesiasticus he thinks should be numbered
, ,

among the prophets , as deserving of authority



and having a certain likeness to S olomon s
writings , He says of the Maccabees that this
1
The fo rty
-four boo ks are , 5 of Moses Joshua Judges Ruth
, , , ,

4 King,
s 2 Chronicles, o b,
J Tob it E sther Judith 2 Maccabees
, , , ,
1 88 TH E CA NON OF TIIE B IB LE .

S cripture has been received by the Church


”1
not usel essly if it be read or heard soberly
,
.

The famou s p assage in the treatise on Christi an


doct rine ,
where he enumerates the who le
canon is qualified by no other ; for though
,
he

knew the distinction between the canonical


books of the Palestinian Jews and the so -
call ed
apocryphal ones as well , as the fact of som e
New Testament writings not being received
unive rsally ,
he thought church- rece ption a
su fficient warrant for canonical authority .

Hence he considered the books of the Macca


bees canonical because so received by the
,

Church ; while he says of Wisdom and Sirac h


that they merited authorita tive rec eption and
numbering among the prophetic Scriptures ?

O f the former in particular he speaks strongly

in one place asserting t hat it is worthy to be


,

E z ra, Nehem iah Psalm s, , 3 of Solom on, Wisdom , Ecclesiasti


cus, 1 2 Prophets, 4 greater do . De Doctrina Christia na 11 . 8 .

1
Contra Gaudent i 3 8 ; Opp Paris,
. . . 1 83 7, vol . ix p
. . 1 006 .

3
De Doctr Christ
. . 1 1. 8 . Civitat Dei . . x viii. 20, 1
1 90 TIIE CANON OF TH E B IB LE .

Maccabees . The New Testament canon seem s


to h ave agre ed exactly with our present o ne
?

The Council of Carth age ( 3 9 7) repeated the


statut e of its predecessor enumerating the same ,

?
b oo k s of the Bibl e as canonical Au gustin e
was the anim ating spirit of both cou ncil s , so

that th ey may be tak en as expressing his views

on the subj ect .

J erome 3
gives a li st of the twen ty two -

canonical bo oks of the Old Testam ent the ,

sam e as that of the Palestini an J ews remarking ,

that some put Ruth and Lamentations among


the Hagiographa so making twenty four book s ,
-
.

All besides should be put among the Apo c


rypha . Wisdom ,
S irach , J udith , Tobit the ,

S hepherd are not in the canon . The two books


of Macc abees he regarded in the same light .
1

But though Jerome s words imply the ’


apocry

1
Ma nsi , tom iii p 9 24
. . . .
1
Ibid .
, .8
p 9 1 .

3
1 420 A . D.

1
Prologus galeatus in Libros Regum . Epist . ad Paulinism .
FR OM THE FOUR TH CE NTUR Y . 191

phal position of these extra c anonical books -


,

he allows of their being read in public for the


edificatio n of the people not to confirm the
,

authority of doctrines ; ie ,. . they belong to


the ecclesiastical books of Athanasius . His
idea of apoc ryphal is wider and milder than
?

that of some others in the Latin Church . It


has been conj ectured by Welte ,
1
that the con
clusio ns of the African coun cils in 3 93 and 3 97

influenced J erome s views of the canon so that ,

his later writings allude to the apoc ryphal


works in a more favourable manner than that
of the Prologus ga lea tus or the preface to

S olomon s books . One thing is clear that he ,

quotes di fferent passages from the A pocrypha


along with others from the Hebrew canon .

I n his letter to E ustochius, Sirach iii .


33 ( Latin )
comes between citations from Matthew and
Luke ; and is introduced by which is written in ,

a letter to Pamm achius ; and xxii . 6 has divine


In Herbst s E inleit ,
1 ’
. erster Theil, p 3 7 . .
1 92 TH E CAN ON OF TH E B IB LE .

?
Scripture applied to it Ruth ,
Esther and ,

J udith are spo ken of as holy volumes . T he

practice of J erome di ffered from his theo ry ;

or r ather he became less posi tive , and altered


his views somewhat with the progress of ti m e
and knowledge . As to the New Testament he ,

gives a catalogue of all that now belongs to it ,

re m arking of the epistle to the Hebrews and


of the Apocalypse that he adopts bo th on the
au thority of ancient writers not ,
of present
custom . His opinion about them was no t

?
decided In another work he gives the Epistle
of Barnabas at the end of the canonical list .

He also states the doubts of many respecting


the E pistle to Philemon and about ,
2 Peter ,

Jude , 2 and 3 John . According to him the first


Epistle of Clem ent of Rome was publicly read
?
in some churches
1
Opp . ed . Benedict
pp 6 7 9,.
584,, 7Vol IV
50 . .
, . .

1
Ep ad Dardan Opp vol i p 1 1 03 , ed Migne
. . . . . . . .

3 O
See nomastica Sacra ; Comm ent in Ep ad Philem ; . . De
Viris illustr .
1 94 TH E CA NON OF THE B IB LE .

He uses the apocrypha without scruple ,


in

tro duc ing S irach ( iii 3 0) with it is written .



;

and Wisdom ( i 1 3 ) with it is written .



in
”3
Solomon .

Luci fer of C agliari 3 uses the apoc ryph a


equally with the canonical books . Thus 1 Mac
c ab ees 43 )
( i is.quoted as holy Scripture So
is 2 Maccab (vi J udith ( ix 2) is cited as
. .
3
.
,

3
are also Wisdom ( x vn . 1, Tobit ( iv . 6) ;

and Daniel (xiii .


Ambrose of Milan had the same canon as

most of the Westerns in his time . Wi th some


others ,
he considered the Epistle to the
Hebrews to have been written by S t Paul . In
the Old Testament he used the apocryphal
books pretty freely . Wisdom (vn . 22 ) is cited

1
De Schismate Dona tist iii 3 . . .

1
Ibid , ii
. . 25 abo ut A D . .

1 De non parcendo, & c .


, ed. Coleti, p . 1 90 .

1
Ibid , p 2 3 6
. . . Ibid .
, p . 1 87
.

7
Pro Athanasia, lib i p 9 8 . . . .
9 Ibid .
, p . 1 05
.

Ibid , lib , 1 28
1 1 27
. . 1 1. pp . .
FR OM TH E FO UR TH CE NT UR Y . 1 95

1
as authoritative Scripture . Sirach ( xi .
)3is
0

also cited as Scripture Baruch ( i v 1 9) is


s
. .

quoted Danie l (xiii 44 4 5) is treated as .


,

4
Scripture and prO phetic ; and Tobit is ex
5
pounded like any other book of Scripture .

Rufi nus 6
enumerates the books of the Old
and New Testaments which “
are believed to
be inspired by the Holy Spirit itself according ,

to the tradition of our ancestors and have been ,

handed down by the Churches of Christ . All


the books of the H ebrew canon and of the New
Testament are specified . After the list he says ,

these are they which the fathers included in


the canon by which they wished to establish
,

the assertion of our faith . He adds that there


are other books not ca nonical, but ecclesias tica l

the Wisdom of Solomon , Sirach ,


Tobit ,

J udith ,
and the books of the Maccabees .

1
De Spiritu Sancta iii . 1 8. Dc 60m mom! viii
.

3 In Psalm cx viii. , Serm o . 1 1 8, 2 .

Dc Spirit Sanct iii


. . vi. 39 .

5 3
Lz ber dc Tobia +4 1 0

. A D
. .
1 96 TH E CAN ON OF THE B IB LE

Besides the usual New Testament works he ,

speaks of the Shepherd of H ermas and the


,


Judgment of Peter as read in the churches ,

1
but not as authoritative in matters of faith .

Philastrius 2
of Brescia gives some account of

the Scriptures and their contents in his time .

The canonical S criptures which alone should ,

be read in the C atholic Church, are said to be


the law and the prophets the gospels Acts , , ,

thirteen epistles of Paul and seven others


, , ie ,
. .

two of Peter three of John one of J ude and


, , ,

one o f James . Of the Old Testament apocrypha


he asserts that they ought to be read for the
sake of morals by the perfect but not by all , .

He speaks of lz crctics who reject John s gospel ’

and the Apocalypse . Respecting the Epistle


to the Hebrews which is omitted in his canon ,

he speaks at large but not ,


ery decid edly
v ,

a ffirming that some attributed its authorship to

1 E xpos in Sym bol Apostol , pp 3 73 , 3 7


. .
4, . ed
. Migne .

TAbo ut 3 8 7A D
. .
1 98 TH E CA N ON OF TH E B IB LE

pseudepigraphical writings which ought not only


1
to be rej ected but condemned .

A canonical list appears in three di fferent


forms bearing the names of Dam asus ( 3 66
Gelasius I (49 2 . and Hormisdas ( 51 4
According to the first , the books of the O ld

Testament are arranged in three orders . In

the first are the Pentateuch Joshua Judges , , ,

Ruth ,
four Kings two , Chronicles ,
Psalms ,

Proverbs Ecclesiastes , Canticles, Wisdom and


, ,

Ecclesiasticus ; in the second all the prophets , ,

including Ba ruch ; in the third Job Tobit , , ,

Judith Esther Esdras two Maccabees


, , , . The

New Testament books are the four gospels ,

fourteen epistles of Paul ,


the Apocalypse and ,

Acts with seven Catholic epistles


,
.

That which is called the Decree of Gelasius


is almost identical with the preceding . It
wants Baruch and Lamentations . It has also
two E sdrases instead of one . In the New
1
Apud Mansi, iii pp
. . 1 040, 1 04 1 .
FR OM THE F0UR TH CE NT UR Y . 1 99

Testament the epistle to the Hebrews is ab

sent .

The Hormisdas form has the Lamentations -

of J eremiah : and in the New Testament the


Epistle to the H ebrews .

The M SS of these lists present some diver


.

sit
y; and Credner supposes the D am a u
s s-
list a
fiction . But Thiel has vindicated its authen

ticity . It is possible that some interpolations


may exist in the last two ; the first which is ,

the shortest may well belong to the time of


,

Dam asus .
l

In 4 9
1 A . D . another council at Carthage at ,

which Augustine was present repeated the ,

former list of b ooks with a single alteration ,

viz .
,
fourteen epistles of Paul ( instead of

11
( thirteen ) .

The preceding notices and catalogues show a


general desire in the Western Church to settle
Credner s Z ur Gcsc/iic/ite dc: Kanom , p 1 51 , & c
1 ’
. .
, and

Thiel s Epivtola Romanom m Pontificum gm uinac, tom i



. .

Mansi iv .
p 3
.
4 0 .
200 THE CANON OF THE BIB LE

the canon . The two most influential men of

the period were Augustine and Jerome who did ,

not entirely agree . Both were unfitted fo r a


critical examination of the topic . The former
was a gifted spiritual man lacking learning and
,

independence . Tradition dominated all his

ideas about the di fficult or disputed books . He


did not enter upon the question scientifica lly ,

on the basis of certain principles ; but was


content to take refuge in —
authority the
prevailing authority of leading churches . His
j udgment was weak his sagacity moderate
, ,

and his want of many sidedness hindered


-
a

critical result . Jerome again was learned but


, ,

timid lacking the courage to face the question


,

fairly or fundamentally ; and the independence


necessary to its right investigation . Belo n
ging
as he did to both churches he recommended the
,

practice of the one to the other . He too was


, ,

chiefly infl uenced by tradition ; by J ewish


teachers in respect to the Old Testament and ,
202 THE CA N ON OF TH E B IB LE

Western Church is still visible though it could


,

not extinguish the prevailing desire to include


the disputed books . The Greek view was to
receive nothing which had no t apparently a
good attestation of divine origin and apostolic
authority ; the Latin was to exclude nothing
hallowed by descent and proved by custom .

The former Church looked more to the sources


of doctrine ; the latter to those of edificatio n .

The one desired to contract those sources so ,


as

not to be too rich ; the other to enlarge the

springs of edific atio n, not to be too p oor .

Neither had the proper resources fo r the work ,

nor a right perception of the way in which it


should be set about ; and therefore they were
not fortunate in their conclusions di ffering , as

they did in regard to points which affect the

foundation of a satisfactory solution .

Notwithstanding the numerous endeavours


both in the E ast and West to settle the canon
during the 4 th and sth centuries it was ,
no t
FR OM THE FOUR TH CE zVT UR Y . 20 3

finally closed . The doubts of individuals were


still expressed ; and succeeding ages testi fied to
the want of universal agreement respecting
several books . The question however was, ,

p racticall
y determined . N0 material change
occurred agai n in the absolute rej ection or
admission of books . With S ome fluctuations ,

the canon remained very much as it was in


the 4 th
and sth centuries Tradition shaped .

and established its character General usage .

gave it a permanency which it was not easy to


disturb . No definite principles guided the
course of its formation or fixed ,
its present
state . It was dominated first and last by cir
cum stanc es and ideas which philosophy did
not actuate . Its history is mainly objective .

Uncritical at its commencement it was equally ,

so in -
the two centuries which have j ust been
considered .

The history of the canon in the Syrian


church cannot be traced with much exactness .
THE CAN ON OF TH E B IB LE

The Peshito version had only the Hebrew


canonical books at first ; most of the apoc ryphal
were rendered from the Greek and added in the
N esto rian recension . In the New Testament it
wanted four of the catholic epistles and the
Apocalypse Ephre m (A D 3 78 ) uses all the
. . .

books in our canon the ap ocryphal as well as ,

the canonical . The former are cited by him

in the same way as the latter . Sirach ii . 1 is

quoted with as the Scripture says; 1


and Wisdo m
iv
.
7 with it is wr itten .
2
Daniel xiii .
9, belong
ing to the Greek additions is also cited wi th ,

it is written
8
as . It should be observed that
the quotations given are all from Ephrem s ’

Greek not Syriac works ; and that suspicions


, ,

have been raised about the former being


tampered with . The Syrian version of the
New Testament made by Polycarp at the re

quest of Philo x enus of Mabug had the four ,

Opp Gra m, tom 3 7, ed Ro m 46


1 . . 11 . p . 2 . . 17
1
Ibid
.
, to m . i p
. . 101 3
Tom . 1 11.
p.60 .
206 TH E CA N ON OF THE B IB LE

1 and 2 Chronicles J ob E zra and Nehemi a h


, , ,

J udith Esther
, ,
1 and 2 Maccabees ; and

in the New Testament ,


J ames ,
2 Pete r ,

J ude ,
2 and 3 J ohn . He also says
that the Apoc al ypse of J ohn is much doubted
by the Orientals . I n the third list , ie ,
. . books
of no authority added by some ( quidam) to
the canonical are put Wisdom and Canticles
,
1
.

The catalogue is confused and erroneous , at

least in one respect , that J erome is referred


to as sanctioning the division given of the Old
,

Testament books ; for neither he nor the J ews


agree with it .

The canon of the Abyssinian church seems to


have had at first all the books in the Septu

agint, canonical and apoc ryphal together little ,

distinction being made between t hem . Along


with the contents of the Greek Bible there were
Enoch , 4 E sdras the Ascension of Isaiah the
, ,

J ubilees ,
A sseneth, & c . That of the New Testa
1
Galland, x11 . p 79.
, & c .
FR OM THE FOUR TH CE NT UR Y . 20 7

ment agrees with the present Greek one . At a


later period in the Arabic age a list was made
and constituted the legal one fo r the use of the
church having been derived from the Jacobite
,

cano ns of the apostles This gives in the Old


.
,

Testament the Pentateuch , ,


Joshua ,
Judges ,

Ruth , J udith ,
Kings , Chronicles , Ezra and
Nehemiah , Esther ,
Tobit ,
two books of

Maccabees , Job , Psalms ,


five books of

Solomon minor and greater prophets


, . The
Wisdom Sirach ( for teaching children) and
of

the book of J oseph ben G o rion i e that o f the , . .


,

Maccabees are external , . The new Testament


has four gospels Acts seven apostolic epistles
, , ,

fourteen of Paul and the Revelation


, of John .

Later catalogues vary much and are often ,

enlarged with the book of Enoch , 4 Esdras ,

the Apocalypse of Isaiah , &c . The canon of


the Ethiopic church was fl uctuating .
1

The canon of the Armenians had at first


See Dillmann in Ewald s jib /Erbium ,
1 ’
v
.
p . 1 44, &c .
208 T[IE CA N ON OF THE B IB LE

the Palestinian books of the Old Testament ,

twenty two in number and the usual New


-
,

Testament ones except the Apocalypse


, . It
was m ade from the S yriac in the fi fth centu ry
by S ahak and Mesrob . The deutero—
canonical
books and additions were appended after ,
the

disciples of those two men who had been sen t


by them into di fferent places ,
brought back
authentic copies of the Greek Bible from the

patriarch Max im ian by which the version


,

already made was interpolated and corrected


as it was subsequently correct ed by others
despatched to Alexandria and Athens who, ,

however did not return till their teachers


,

were dead . The MSS of this version were


.

afterwards interpolated from the Vulgate ; Oskan


himsel f translatinghis edition (which was
fo r

the first printed one A D S irach 4 ,


. .

Esdras and the Epistle of Jeremiah from the


Latin . The book of Revelation does not
see m to ha v e b een translated till the eighth
2 10 THE CA N ON OF TH E B IB LE .

and 3 )
d were not in the Georgian M S use d .

by Prince Arcil fo r the edition of 1 743 , but

were rendered out of the Russian . T he

Moscow Bible printed under the direction and

at the cost of Aroil Bacchar and W ak use t


, ,

is the au thorised edition of the Georgia n


Christians .

The Bible canon o f the Eastern church in the

middle ages shows no real advance . Endea


vo urs were made to remove the uncertainty
arising from the existence of numerous lists ;

but form er decisions and decrees of coun c i ls


were repeated instead of a new , independent
canon . Here belongs the catalogue in the
Alexandrian MS .
,
of the fi fth century which ,
is

peculiar . A fter the prophets come Esther ,

Tobit J udith Ezra and Nehemiah


, , , 4 Mac
c ab ees, Psalms ,
J ob , Proverbs Ecclesiastes
, ,

Canticles the all virtuous Wisdom the Wisdom


,
-
,

of Jesus of Sirach . In the New Testament the ,

Apocalyps e is followed by two epistles of


FR OM TH E FOUR TH CE NT UR Y . 21 1

Clement . The list was probably made in


of
1
Egypt . That Anastasius Sinaita, patriarch
of A ntioch, is similar to Nicepho rus s Sticho ’

met ry which we shall mention afterwards


, .

Baruch is among the canonical books ; Esther


among the antilegomena . The Apocalypse is
u nnoticed . The 8 5th of the Apostolic canons
gives a list of the Old and New Testament
books in which the usual canonical ones
,
of the
former are supplemented by J udith and 3 Mac
c ab ees those of the latter by the two epistles
of Clement with the Apostolic constitutions
, .

This catalogue cannot be put earlier than the


fi fth or sixth century and is subj ect to the sus ,

p ic io n of having been interpolated . We have


also Nicephorus s ’
S tic/tornetry ( 8 06 8 1-
5 of

which we may remark that Baruch is among


the canonical books of the O . T ;
. while the
Revelation is put with the Apocalypse of Peter ,

1
1 599 A D
~
. .

See Credner s Zur Gr ub dc: Kanons, p 9 7


1 ’
. , &c . . .
212 TH E CAN ON OF THE B IB LE .

the epistle of Barnabas and the Gospel accord


ing to the Hebrews among the antilegomena ,

of the N T . . It is also surprising that the


Apocalyp se of Peter and the Go spel according
to the Hebrews are not among th e Apoc rypha ,


where Clement s epistles wi th the productions
of Ignatius Polycarp and Hermas appear The
, , .

list is probably older than that of the Antioch


pat riarch Anastasius Sinaita . Cosmas I ndico
p leustes ( 53 5) never mentions the seven Catholic
epistles of the New Testament or the A po
c alypse . The Trullan council (A D 6 9 2) . .

adopts the eighty -


five Apostolic canons re ,

jecting, however , the Apostolic Constitutio ns .

1
Photius patriarch of Constantinople
, ,
follow s

the eighty - fifth Apostolical canon of the

1
Trullan Council . But in his Bibliotheca 3
he

speaks di fferently regarding the epistles of

1 89 1 .

1
Nomocanon, Tita las III .
, cap. 2, vol. iv , pp
. . 1 050,

1 051 ed . Migne .
1
See Codd . 1 1 3 , 1 2 6.
2 14 THE CA NON OF THE B IB LE .

m ent books gi ves a fourth not in the H ebrew


canon . Here he specifies Wisdom ,
E ccle si

asticus, Tobit J udith , , 1 and 2 Maccabees ,

saying that the church of Christ puts them


a mong the divine books honours and highly ,

1
esteems them . There are also the fou rth
2
council of Toledo Gregory the Great ;

Notker Labeo ; Ivo ( about Bede 3

°
Alcuin Rabanus Maurus ; Hugo de S t Victor
8
Peter of Clugny ; John of Salisbury Tho m as
1° 11 12
Aquinas ; Hugo de S t Cher ; Wycli ffe ; Nic o
18
laus of Lyra ,
& c , &c. . Several o f these as Hugo ,

de St Victor J ohn ,
of Salisbury H ugo d e , St

Cher and Nicolaus of Lyra followed J erome i n


, ,

separating the canonical and apoc ryphal boo k s


14
of the Old Tes tament .

The Reformers generally returned to the

1 3
1 604 A D . .
+ 912 A D
. .

9
+ 1 1 82 4 . D .

11 1’
1 1 2 63 A. D

l 1 3 84 A D
'
. . .

1“
See H ody, p 64 3 , & c . .
FR OM THE FO UR TH CE NT UR Y . 215

Hebrew canon ,
dividing o ff the additional
books of the Septuagint or those attached to
the Vulgate . These they called p
a ocry plzal,

after Jerome s example ’


. Though considered of

no authority in matters of doctrine they were


,

pronounced use ful and edi fying . The principal


reason that weighed with the Reformers was ,

that Christ and the apostles testified to none of

the Septuagint additions .

Besides the canonical books of the Old


Testament Luther translated J udith Wisdom
, , ,

Tobit Sirach Baruch


, , ,
1 and 2 Maccabees the ,

Greek additions to Esther and Daniel with the ,

Prayer of Manasseh . His j udgment respecting


several of these is expressed in the prefaces to
them . With regard to 1 Maccabees he thinks
it almost equal to the other books of Holy
Scripture and not unworthy to be reckoned
,

among them . Of Wisdom he says he was


, ,

long in doubt whether it should be numbered


among the canonical books and of Sirach that
216 THE CAN ON OF THE B IB LE

it is a right good book proceeding from a wise


man . But he speaks un favourably of several
other apocryphal productions as ,
of Baruch and
2 Maccabees . I t is evident however that he
, ,

considered all he translated o f some use to the


Christian Church . He thought that the book
of E sther should not belong to the canon .


Luthe r s j udgment respecting some of the

New Testament books was freer than most


Protestants now are disposed to approve . He
thought the epistle to the Hebrews was neithe r

Paul s nor an apostle s but proceeded from an

excellent and learned man who may have been


the disciple of apostles . He did not put it on
an equality with the epistles written by apostle s
themselves . The Apocalypse he considered
neither apostolic nor prophetic , but put it
almost on the same level with the 4 th book of
Esdras which he spoke elsewhere
,
of tossing
into the Elbe . This j udgment was a fterward s

modified , not retracted . J ames s epistl e he
2 18 THE CA N ON OF THE B IBLE

writings even in the New T estament collectio n .

Nor did the Reformers consider it a dangerous


thing to bring the fact before the people . To

make it palpable Luther attached continuou s


,

numbe s to the fi rst twenty three books


r -
of his

version bringing the four antilegomena afte r


,

these without numbers ; and this mode of


,

marking the di fference continued till the middle


of the 17th century .
1
Luther was right in
assigning a greater or less value to the

separate writings of the New Testament and ,

in leaving every one to do the same . He relied


on their internal value more than tradition ;
taking the word of Gocl in a deeper and
wider sense than its coincidence with the Bible .

Bodenstein of Carlstad examined the question


of canonicity more thoroughly than any of his
contemporaries and followed out the principle
,

of private j udgment in regard to it . H e divides


1
See Tholuck Kom menta r die IIeé raer,

m B nefi
'

s zu an

z weite Anfl age, pp 55, 86


. .
21 9

the biblical books into three classes — 1 . Books


of the highest dignity viz the Pentateuch and ,
.
,

the Gospels ; 2 . Books o f the second dignity ,

ie ,
. . the works termed prophetic by the J ews ,

and the fi fteen epistles unive rs ally received ; 3 .

Books of the third and lowest authority , ie ,


. . the
J ewish Hagiographa and the seven Anti
legomena epistles of the New Testament .

Among the Apocrypha he makes two classes


such as are out of the canon to the Hebrews
yet hagiographical (Wisdom Ecclesiasticus , ,

J udith Tobit the two Maccabees) and those


, , ,

that are clearly apocryphal and to be rej ected


(third and fourth Esdras Baruch Prayer of , ,

Manasseh a good part o f the third chapter of


,

1
Daniel and the last two chapters of D aniel
,
.

Zwingli asserts that the Apocalypse is not a


biblical book .
2


1
Carlstadt s treatise is reprinted in Credner s a ’
Ga ckiclite
des Kanons .

1
Werke , edited by Schuler and Schulthess, vol . 11. p
. 1 69 .
2 20 THE CANON OF THE B IBLE .

O ecolam padius sa ys We do not despise


J udith Tobit E cclesiasticus Baruch the last
, , , ,

two Esdras, the three Maccabees, the l ast two

chapters o f D aniel but we do not attribute to


,

”1
them divine authori ty with those others . As
to the books of the New Testament he would
not compare the Apocalypse James J ude , , , 2
2
Peter , 2 and 3 J ohn with the rest .

Calvin did not think th at Paul was the au thor


of the epistle to the Hebrews or that , 2 Pet e r
was written by the apostle hi m sel f ; but both in

his opinion are canonical .

1
Ep . ad. Valdem ar 1 53 0, apud Sculteti a nnal. m ung . re

now t decas secunda , pp 3 1 3 , 3 1 4


. .

1
Ibid .
22 2 I IIE CAN ON OF TH E B IB LE .

lypse . This appea rs in Melito ,


Irenae us ,

Clement of Alexandria , Origen , Au gustine ,

J erome the Vulgate the Councils


, , of Ca rthage
held in AD
. .
3 97 and 4 9
1 ; and is now the usu al
arrangement .

Within the limits of the two general arrange


m ents j ust mentioned there were many varia ,

tions . Thus we find in relation to tlze gospels .

I II (a) Matthew John Luke Mark ; in the


.
, , ,

M SS o f the old Italic marked a b a e j ,17


.
: , ,

, ,

and in the cod . argenteus of Ulfila s Gothic ’

version .

6
( ) Matthew ,
Joh n ,
Mark ,
Luke ; in the
council of Ephesus A D 43 1,
. . Cyril of Alexan
dria , T heo do ret, the stichomet ry of the Cler
mont MS . S uch was the usual order in the
Greek Church of the fi fth centu ry .

() Mark
c is put first followed by Matthew ; ,

in the fragment o f a Bobbian M S of the Itala .

'

at T urin marked k.

( )

a Matthe w Mark Joh n Luke , , , ; in the
ORDE R OF THE NE W TE S TA ME NT B OOKS . 223

Cureto nian Syriac gospels . They are men


tio ned in the same order in Origen s I Homily ’
.

on Luke .

The reason ofthe order in (a) and ( b) lies in


apostleship . The works o f apostles precede
those of evangelists . The established sequence ,

which is already sanctioned by Irenaeus and


Origen has respect to the supposed dates
,
of

the gospels . Clement of Alexandria says that


ancient tradition supposed those gospels having
the genealogies to have been written before the
others .

IV . As to tlze A cts of tlze Apostles, not only


is thi s work put immediately after the gospels ,

which is the order in the Muratorian canon ,

but we find it in other positions .

( ) Gospels
a Pauline Epistles Acts ; in,the ,

Sinaitic MS the Peshito J erome and Epi


1 2 .
, , ,

phanius .

1
H ug says that his copy of W idm anstad s ’
edition had the
A cts immediately following the Gospels .

1
Epist ad Paulinum. .
224 TH E CA N ON OF TH E B IB LE .

( )
6 Gospel s Pauline Epistles Catholic Epis
, ,

tles, Acts ; in Augustine the third counci l , of

Toledo Isidore Innocent


, , I, . Eugenius I V .
, a nd

the S panish Church generally .

( ) Gospels
c Pauline Catholic Epistle
, s , ,

Apocalypse Acts ; in the stichometry o f the


,

Cl ermont M S .

V As to
. tire Epistles o f Pa ul besides the ,

p lac e they now occupy in our Bibles , they

sometimes follow the gospels imm ediately .

( ) Gospels
a Pauline E pistles ; the Sinaiti
,
c

MS J erome E piphanius Augustine the third


.
, , , ,

council of Toledo Isidore Innocent , ,


I,
. E uge
nius I V the stichometry of the Clermont M S
.
,
.

( )
6 The usual order of the Greek Church is ,

Gospels Acts Catholic E pistles Pauline


, , , ,
&c .
,

as in Cyril of J eru salem the Laodicean Council ,

Ath anasiu s ,
Leo ntius of Byzantium ,
the

M SS A B . . but not 3 . The cri tical Greek


Testaments of Lachmann and Ti sch endorf
adopt this order .
22 6 TH E CA NOIV OF TIIE B IB LE .

( ) Marcion
a had but ten Pauline epistl e s in

the following order : Galatians 1 and 2 C ori n ,

thians, Roman s , 1 and 2 Thessalonians th e ,

Laodiceans ( Ephesians) Colossians Philemon , , ,

Philippians .

b
( ) 1 and 2 Corinthians E phesians Philip , ,

pia ns Colossians Galatians


, , , I and 2 Thessa
lonians ,
Romans ,
Philemon Titus , ,
1 and 2

Timothy to the Laodiceans the Alexandrian s


, ,

( the E pistle to the Hebrews ); in the Muratoria n

canon .

( ) Romans
c Corinthians Galatians E phe , , ,

sians Philippians Thessalonians Colossians


, , , ,

Timothy ,
Titus , Philemon ,
Hebrews ;

Augustine , and several M S S of the Vulgate .

in England .
1

( )
'
Roma
a ns Corinthia ns Galatians Thessa , , ,

lonians Ephesians Philippians Colossians


, , , ,

Timothy Titus Philemon , , ,


Hebrews ; in the
so -
called decree of Gelasius in the name of

1
Ibid , p 664
. . .
ORDE R OF THE NE W TE S TA ME NT B OOKS . 227

Hormisdas in Labbe s text ,



. But here di fferent
M SS . vary in regard to the position of the
Thessalonian epistles .

V I I The. Laodicean letter was inse rted


either before the pastoral epistles as in several ,

M SS . of the Vulgate in England ; or before


the Thessalonian epistles preceding them ; or
at the end of the Epistle to the Hebrews as in ,

a MS . of the Latin Bible at Lambeth . Its


insertion in copies of the Vulgate was owing to
the authority of Gregory the Great who looked ,

upon it as authentic .

V I I I The position
. of the Epistle to the
Hebrews usually was either before the pastoral
epistles , ie ,. . immediately a fter those to the
Thessalonians ; or after the pastoral ones and

Philemon . The former method was generally


adopted in the Greek Church from the fourth
centu ry . The latter prevailed in the Latin
Church from Augustine onward .

( )
a Pauline e pistles to churches ( the last
2 28 TH E CAN ON OF TH E B IB LE .

being the s ec ond to the Thessalonians ) ,

Hebrews Timothy Titus Philemon ;, , ,


in the
MSS . 11, A . B . C . H .
,
Athanasius ,
E pip
l
hamiu s ,
E uthalius, T heodo ret . Jerome men
tions it after the epistles of Paul to the
seven churches as an eighth excluded by the
maj ority and proceeds to speci fy the pastoral
,

o nes . But A m philochius and E b edjesu the

Syrian have the western order viz the follow , .


,

ing
Pauline Epistles Hebrews (following im
b
( ) ,

mediately that to Philemon) ; in Augustine and


the Vulgate version generally . It is so in the
canons of the councils at Hippo and Carthage
( A D .
393 and and in the M S S D and . .

G, . in Isidore of Spain and the council of Trent , .

I X With respect to the order of the Ca t/tolic


.

Epistles, wh ich were no t all adopted into the


canon till the end of the fourth centu ry E use

1

See Z acagni s Collecta nea monumentorum vetera n: Fraef at,
p 111 11 1
. . &c .
TH E CAN ON OF THE B IB LE .

a Gallican Sacram entarium . T he Vulgate and

council of Trent follow this arrangement .

( )
4 John Peter Jude James
, , , ; in the list
given by Innocent I, . and the third council
of Toledo .

The E astern church naturally set the Epistl e


of J ames who was Bishop of Jerusalem at th e
, ,

head of the o thers ; while the Western pu t


Peter the Bishop of Rome in the same place
, ,
.

X The Revelation va ried little in position


. .

( )aI n the decree of Gelasius according to ,

its three recensions the Revelation follo ws ,


Paul s epistles preceding those of John and
,

the other Catholic ones .

( )
6 In D or the Clermont M S it follows the .

Ca tnolic epistles and precedes the Acts


,
which
last is thrown to the end of all the books as ,
if

it were an appendix to the writings of the


1
apostles .

See Volkm ar s A nn
’ ’
1 a ng to Credner s Gescfiicfite des IV T . .

Kanon, p 34 1 , & c
. and H ody De B ioliom m tex tibus
origina libus, p 644 , & c . .
C H APTER I X .

SU MMARY O F T H E SUBJ ECT .

( )
a In relatio n to the Old Testament the ,

prevailing tendency in the Greek Church was


to follow the Palestinian canon . Di fferent lists
appeared from time to time in which the en

deavo ur there to exclude apocryphal ,


i e
.
,
spurious
.

works ,
was apparent . In addition to the

ca nonica l, a class of ecclesiastica l books was


j udged fit fo r reading in the Church ,
-
a

class intermediate between the canonical and


apocryphal . The distinction between the

canonical and ecclesiastical writi ngs appears in


Cyril of Jerusalem Athanasius
, ,
E piphanius, & c .

The Latin Church showed a disposition to


elevate the ecclesiastical books of the G reek
Church to the rank of the canonical making ,
23 2 THE CAN ON OF TH E B IB LE .

the line between the two indistinct ; as we se e

from the acts of the councils at H ippo and

Carthage in the end of the fourth and begi nning


,

of the fi fth centu ry where Augustine s influenc e


,

was predominant . But notwithstanding this


deviation from the st ricter method of the Greeks ,

learn ed men like J erome adhered to the Pales


t inian canon and , en styled
ev the eccl esias
tical bo oks apocryplzal transferring the epithet
,

from one class to another Hila ry and Rufinus


.

also followed the Greek usage .

D uring the sixth and following centuries it ,

cannot be said th at the canon of the Greek


Chu rch was defi nitely closed notwi thstanding ,

the dec rees of councils and re ferences to older


authorities . Opinions still varied about certain
books such as Esther ; though the Palestinian
,

list was commonly followed . D uring the same


period the enlarged canon of the Alexandrian
,

J ews which went far to abolish the distinction


,

between the canonical and deutero canonical -


23 4 77112 CAN ON OF TH E B IB LE .

or clos e of the New Testament canon it , de

term ined it largely . Eusebius made a Greek


Bible containing the usual books except the ,

Revelation Though the historian of the church


.

was not well fitted fo r the task being deficient


,

in critical abili ty and trammelled by tradition ,

he doubtless used his best j udgment . Hence ,

about the year 3 37


,
the Consta ntinian Church

received a Bible which had an influential origi n .

No binding authority indeed attached to the


list of the Christian books it presented ; but it
had weight in the Greek Church . It did not
prevent di fferent opinions nor deter indi viduals
,

from dissent . Thus Athanasius who disliked ,

Eusebius and his party issued a list


, of the
sacred writings which included the Revelation .

The canon of the Laodicean Council (A D . .


3 3)
6

agreed with the Constantine one .

That variations still existed in the Eastern


Church is shewn by the lists which v ied with
one another in precedence The apostolic canon s
.
S UMMAR Y OF TH E S UBJ E C T . 23 5

adopted the seven general epistles while the ,

apostolic constitutions excluded them . The


Alexandrian M S added to the ordinary books
.

of the New Testament Clement s two epistles ’

and Cosmas Indicopleustes omitted the general


epistles as well as the Apocalypse . At length
the Council of Constanti nople usually called
,

the Trnlla n
( AD . . laid down positions that
fixed the canon for the Greek Church . The
endeavour in it was to attain to a conclusion
which should unite East and West . This
council did not enumerate the separate books ,

but referred to older authorities , to the


eighty -
five canons of the apostles ,
the de
crees of the synods of Laodicea Ephesus , ,

Carthage and others ; to Athanasius Grego ry


, ,

of Naz ianz us A m phlio chius


,
of Iconium Cyril ,

of Alexandria , G ennadius, -
&c . After the
fourth century there was a general desire to
fall back on apostolic times , to appeal to
the Church , to ascertain the O pinion of
236 THE CAN ON OF TH E B IB LE .

synods or as e s mblies ; in a word to rely


,
on

authority .

L ess discrepancy and activi ty were m anifested


about the canon in the Western Church . H er e
the chief doubts were directed to the epistle to

the Hebrews and the s even general ones . T he

form er was early excluded and c ontinued to,


be

so even in the time of J erome The latter were .

adopted much sooner The impulse given by


.

Constantine to determine the books of Scripture


re- acted on the West where the Church
, con

sidered it its wn privilege Augustine s ’


o . in

fl uence contributed much to the settle m ent of


the question . The synods
H ippo (A D 3 9 3 ) of . .

and o f Carthage (A D 3 97) received the epistl e


. .

to the Hebrews and the seven general ones thu s ,

fixing the New Testament canon as it now is .

In 4 9
1 the African bishops in the presence of a
,

Papal delegate repeated their former decision


, .

After the West Goths joined the Catholic


Church in the sixth ce ntu ry the Romish , and
23 8 THE CA NON OF THE B IB LE .

decrees . This body however could only settl e


, ,

the subject fo r Rom anists since while the righ t , ,

of private j udgment is exercised no corporation ,

can declare some books inspired and others no t,

some authoritative in matters of faith, others


not without presumption
, . Though the present
Bible canon rests upon the j udgment of good
of difl erent
'

and e r l a ned men times it can never


,

be fin ally or infallibly settled because the critical


,

powers of readers di ffer and all do not acce pt


,

church authority with unhesitating assent .

It is the way of men to defer unduly to the


opinions expressed by synods and councils ,

especially if they be propounded dogmatically ;


to acquiesce in their decisions with facility rather
than institute independent inquiry . This is ex

em plified in the history of the canon where , the

fallibility of s uch bodies in determining canon


icity is conspicuous . It is so in the general re

ceptio n o f the b00k of Esther while the old ,

poem the Song


,
of S ongs was c alled in questio n
,
S UMMAR Y U
OF THE S BJ E C T . 23 9

at the synod of J amnia in the omission of the


Revelation from the canonical list by man y be
longing to the Greek Church while the epistles
,


to Timothy and Titus were received as St Paul s
from the beginning almost universally .
C HAPTER X .

T H E CANO N IN T HE CO NFE SSIO NS O F

DIFFE RE NT CH URCH ES .

T HE second Helvetic Con fession (A D 1 566) . .

k
spea s o f the apo cryphal books of the O ld

Testament as those which the ancients wished


to be read in the churches but not as ,
autho rita

1
tive in matters of faith .

The Gallic Confession (A D 1 559) m ak e s a . .

distinction between canonical and other b o o ks ,

the former being the rule and norm of fa i th ,

not only by the consent of the Church ,


b ut m u c h

more by the testimony and intrinsic persu as i on


of the Spirit by whose suggestions we are
, taught

to distinguish them from other ecclesi a sti c al


books which though useful are not of
, , the k i nd

1
Niem eyer, Collectio Confessrbnnm, p 468 . .
242 TH E CANON OF THE B IB LE

It opposes however
, , the old law to the new,

making them a ntagonistic . The historica l


docu m ent containing the a rticles of T he
Union of the Valleys ,
AD
. . 1 571 , separates
indeed the canonical and apocryphal books ,

purporting to be founded on a Con fession of


Faith as old as AD . . 1 1 20 ; but the latter is

mythical as appears from a comparison


,
of it
with the epistle which the legates of the Wal
densians gave to ( E co lam padius . The article s
of are copied from Morel s ’
that Union
account of his transactions with ( E colam padius

and B ucer in 1 53 0 . The literature of thi s


people was altered by Hussite influences and

the Reformation ; so that though di ffering


little from the Romanists at first except in
ecclesiastical discipline they diverged widely ,

afterwards by adopting the Protestant cano n


and doctrines .
1 Hence the Confession issued
1
See H erz og s Die Roma nia /ten

Waldem ar p 55 & c , .
, . and

his program m De angine et pristino sta tu Wa ldensium


&c
'

, .

17 41
PP 1 °
IN THE C ONFE SSI ONS . 24 3

in 1 6 55 enumerates as Holy Scripture nothing


but the J ewish Palestinian canon ,
and the
usual books of the New Testament .
1

T he canon of the Anglican Church


given in the six th article of religion defines ,

holy Scripture to be those c anonical books of

the Old and New Testament , of whose authori ty


was never any doubt in the Church . After
giving the names and number of the canonical
books the article prefaces the apoc ryphal ones
,

with And the other books (as Hiero m e saith)


,

the Church doth read for example of life and


instruction of manners ; but yet doth it not
apply them to establish any doctrine . S uch are

these following , &c , &c
. . At the end it is stated
that “
all the books of the New Testament as ,

they are commonly received we do receive and,

a ccount them canonical . The article is ambi


guous . If the canonical books enumerated are
those meant in the phrase of whose authority
1
Leger s Histoire des Eglises Vandoises, vol i , p

. . . 1 1 2, &c .
244 TH E CAN ON OF THE B IBLE

was never any doubt in the Church ,


the state
ment is incorrec t . If a distinction is implied
be tween the canonical books and such canonical
o nes as have never been doubted in the Church ,

the meaning is obscure . In either case the

lang uage is not explicit .

The S cottish or Westminster Confession of


Faith gi ves a list of all the books of the Old
and New Testaments as the Word of Go d

written ; adding that those called the apo c


rypha are not of divine inspiration and , no

part of the canon — o f no authority in the


,

Church nor to be approved or made use


, of

otherwise than human writings .

The Roman Catholic canon was finally


determined at the Council of Trent
which adopted all the books in the Vulgat e
as sacred and canonical without distinction
, .

T hird and fourth Esdras third Maccabees,


,
and

the prayer of Manasseh were not included ;

though the first and a l st appeared in the origina l


THE CAN ON

246 OF THE B IB LE .

attempts to uphold the old distinction be t we en


the canonical and ecclesiastical books by Metro
phanes Crito pulus patriarch of Alexand ria in
1 6 2 5, and Cyril Lucaris patriarch of Const a n
tinople ( 1 63 8 came to the same d ec isi o n
wi th the Romish and can onized all the
, ap o c
rypha . This was done at a Jerusalem syno d
under Dositheus in 1 672 .

1
Kim m el s

Monumenta fidei eccles . orient, part i p 46 7
. . .
C HAPTER X I .

T H E CANO N FRO M SE MLE R T o T H E PRE SE NT

T IME, WIT H R E FLE CT IO NS O N IT S R E AD

J U ST MENT .

S E MLE R 1
was the most conspicuous scholar
after the Reformation who undertook to correct
the prevaili ng ideas resp ecting the canon .

Acquainted with the works of Toland and


Morgan he adopted some
,
of their views and ,

prosecuted his inquiries on their lines chiefly in


relation to the New Testament . H e had no
definite principles to guide him but j udged ,

books chiefly by their christian value and use to


the Church . Though his views are sometimes
one sided and his essays ill digested he placed
- -
,

the subject in new lights , and rendered a servic e


1
1 1 79 1 A D.
24 8 THE CAN ON OF TH E B IBLE

1
to truth which bore abundant fruit in after years .

He dealt tradition severe blows , and freed

theology from the yoke of the letter . H e was


followed by his di sc iple Corrodi by G L O eder ,
. .
,

J D
. Michaelis
. Herder Lessing and
, Eichho rn , , ,

— m ost of whom recommended their views by

a freshness of style which Semler did not


command . T he more recent works of Gesenius ,

D e Wette ,
Z unz , Ewald , Hitzig Geiger and
,

Herzfeld have cont ribut ed to form a juster


opinion of the true position which the books of

the Bible occupy .

F C
°

In the New Testament the writings ,


of . .

Baur have O pened up a new method of investi


gating the canon which promises important,

and lasting results . Proceeding in the track of

Semler he prosecuted his researches into primi


,

tive Christianity with great acuteness and


singular power of combination . Though his

1
A Mandlung tron f rei
er Untersucl mng des Canon, 4 parts,
H alle, 1 77 77 .
1 -1
5
2 50 TH E CAN ON OF TH E B IB LE

the P etri ne and Pauline Christians too rigoro usly ,

and invad ed the authenticity of the a r d


s c e

writings to excess ; for it is haz ardous to m ake


a th eo ry extremely stringent to the comparative
neglect of modifying circumstances , which ,

though increasing the di fficulty of criticism ,

contribute to the s ecuri ty of its processes . Yet


he has properly emphasized internal evidence ;
and many of his conclusions about the bo oks
will stand . He has thrown much light on the
original relations of parties immediately after
the origin of Christianity , and disturbed an
organic unity Of the New T estament which had
been merely assum ed by traditionalists . The

best Introductions to the New Testament m ust


accept them to some extent . The chief char
acteristic of the school is the application of

histo ric criticism to the genesis of the New


Testament writings irrespective of tradition
,

a striving to discover the circumstances or


tendencies out of which the books o riginated .
SINCE SE MLER . 2 51


Baur s tendene principle j udiciously applied
cannot but produce good results .

We ha ve seen that sound critical consi dera


tions did not regulate the formation of the
three collections which make up the entire
canon of the O ld Testament . Had it been
so, the Pentateuch would not have been
attributed to Moses . Neither would a number
of latter prophec ies have been accepted as ,

’ ’
Isaiah s and incorporated with the prophet s
authentic productions . All the Proverbs the ,

book of Ecclesiastes and the Song of S ongs


,

would not have b een assigned to Solomon ;

J onah would hav e been s eparated from the


prophets and D aniel must have had a later
,

position in the Hagiographa . We cannot ,

therefore credit the collectors or editors of


,

the books with great critical sagacity . But


they did their best in the circumstances pre ,

serving invaluable records of the Hebrew


p eople . In like manner it has appeared that
, ,
2 52 TH E CA N ON OF THE B IBLE

the ecclesiastics to whom we owe the New


Testament collection were not sha rp sighted -

in the literature with which they had to do .

It is true that well founded doubts were -

entertained by the early Ch ristians about


several portions such as the s econd Epistle of
,

Peter the Epistle to the H ebrews


, ,
&c , . but
the Revelation was needlessly discredited .

They accepted without hesitation the pastoral


epistles as Pauline but doubted some , of the
Catholic Epistles whch bear the impress , of

authenticity more strongly such as J ames , .

It is therefore incorrect to say that 2 Peter ,

2 and 3 John J ames Jude


, , , Epis tle to the

Hebrews ,
and the Apocalypse have been
received into the canon on evidence less
complete than that belonging to the

others . The ve ry general admission of the



fourth gospel as the apostle J ohn s is a curious ,

e xample of facile traditionali sm . Biblical c riti

c ism , however scarcely existed in the first three


,
2 54 THE CAN ON OF THE BIB LE

and literary take a one sid ed view


-
. It has a

theo l ogic al character also . It needs the app lica


tio n, O
n t only of hi storic c riticism but , the

imm ediate consciousness belonging to every


Ch ristian . T he two Testamen ts sho u ld be

separated , and their respec ti ve p ositions


a ssigned to each — the O ld having be en
prepa ratory to the New . S hould it be said
bluntl y ,
in the 7th Article o f the
as it is

Anglican Chu rch that the Old is not con tra ry


,

to the New T estament ? Luther at least ex

pressed his opinion of the di fference betwe e n


1
them pretty clearly ; though the theologians of

Germ any after him evinced a desire to minimise


2
the di fference . Should the ge neral opinion of

1
For example, Moses is dead his rule went out when
Christ came —he is of no further service here . We
are willing to re ard
g him as a teacher, but we will no t regard

him as our lawgiver, unless lie agree wit/t Me New Testament


a nd Me law f
o na ture .

Sam mtlicfie Sckmfi eu,
'

ed . W alch .

dritter Thei1 , pp 7
.
, 8 . .

Such as Calovius, Chem nitz , J ohn Gerhard, W . Lyser,


Q uenstedt , B rochmand, H o llaz , & c . Melancthon also makes
I TS RE A D/ US TME NT . 2 55

the Protestant Church that the authority of the


Old Testament is not subordinate to that of the
New be rigidly upheld ? According to oneaspect
of the former it may be so viz its prophetic ,
.
,

and theological aspect that in which it is


,

brought into close union with the latter ; the


essence of the o ne being foreshadowed or
implied in the other as Justin Martyr supposed ,
.

And this view has never lost supporters who ,

by the help of double senses , types , and


symbols with assume d prediction
,
of the definite
and distant future transform the old dispensa
,

tion into an outline picture of the new ; taking


into it a body of divinity which is alien from its
nature . According to another aspect viz the , .
,

moral and historical the equality can scarcely ,

be allowed . Schleiermacher is right in saying


that the Old Testament seems to be nothing
but a superfluous authority for doctrine ; an
no im portant distinction bet w n th
ee e two Testam ents in his Loci

Calvin s theology was derived from the Old Testa



tlu ologzci
'

m ent mo re than the New .


2 56 THE CA N ON OF TH E B IB LE .

O pinion coinciding with that of the ea rly


S oc ini ans who held that it
,
has a histori c al ,
no t

a dogmatic value , . Only such of our pi o us


emotions as are o f a general nature are acc u
rately reflected in the Old Testament ; and a ll

that is most decidedly Jewish is of least val u e


to Chri stians . The alleged coincidence of the

O ld Testament with the New must be modifi e d


by the doctrine of development . It has bee n
fostered by types and prophecies suppos ed to

refer to christian times ; by the assumed dicta

tion of all S cripture by the Holy Spirit ; by

fancied references of the one dispensation to the

other ; by the confounding of a Jewish Messiah


sketched in various prophets with Jesus Ch rist , ,

as if the latter had not changed exalted and ,

purified the Messianic idea to suit his sublime


purposes of human regeneration . The times
and circumstances in which the Old Testament
Scriptures appeared the manners usages civil
, , ,

isatio n, intellectual and moral tage of the


s
2 58 THE CA N ON OF TH E B IB LE .

the autho rs po ssessed the S pirit of God . These


var e i ties a ffect the matt er as wel l as the m an ner
of the writings . It is therefore unphiloso phic a l
to treat the Bible as a whole which was dictated
by the S pirit and directed to one end . Its

uniformity is chequered with variety ; its har

m ony with disagreement . It is a bundle of

boo ks a sel ection from a wider literature ,

reflecting many diversities of religious appre

hensio n . After the two Testaments have be en


rightly estimated according to their respective
merits the contents of each should be d uly
,

apportioned— internal evidence being the test of

their relative importance irrespective of a priori


,

assumptions Their traditional origin and


.

authority must be subo rdinated to the inherent


value they bear or the conformity of the ideas
,

to the will of God . The gradual formation of


both canons suggests an analysis of the class es
into which they came to be put for the Sam e
ca noni cal dignity was not attributed by th e
I TS RE ADj US TME NT .

J ews to the books contained in the three

divisio ns ; and the controverted writings of

the New Testament found gradual recog


nition very slowly . Luther made important
distinctions between the canonical books ;l
and
Carlstadt put the Antilegomena of the New
Testament on a par with the Hagiographa of

the Old .

In the Old Testament the three classes or


canons have been generally estimated bythe J ews
according to their respective antiquity ; though
the sacrificial worship enjoined in the Penta
teuch never formed an essential part of the
J ewish religion ; the best prophets having set
small value upon it . The pure monotheistic
d o ctrine of these last writers chiefly contained ,

in the second canon lifts that class up to


,
the

highest ank ; yet the D ecalogue in the Penta


r

1
His full sayings are collected in Bretschneider s Lutfier an

u nsere Z eit, pp . 1 86 224


-
; and in Krause s

Opuscula tlseologica ,

pp .
THE CAN ON OF THE B IB LE .

teuch is suffi cient to st amp the first can on with


grea t worth It mu st be co nfessed however that
.
, ,

the Mosaic law was meagre in , the dom ain of

pure hics ; and that it promoted among the


et

peopl e a slavish spi rit of positivism by laying


more stress o n acts th an dispositions and in sist ,

ing o n small regulations . Fo r this reason , the

prophets comb ated its narrow externali ty . T he

three canons were regarded with a degree of

veneration corresponding to the order in which


they stand . To apportion their respec tive
values to the individual p arts of them is a

di fficult task .

As to the New Testament writings we thi nk ,

that some of them might conveniently occu py


the position of duetero -
ca nonical, equivalent to
those of the Old Testament having that title .

We allude to 2 and 3 John J ude J ames


, , , 2

Peter the Revelation


,
. It is true that a few of

these were prior in time to some of the univer


sally received gospels or epistles
-
; but time is
26 2 TH E CAN ON OF TH E B IB LE .

m any points are independent of dogm ati cs ;


and that the righ t d ecision in things historic al
m ay be re ached apa rt from any ec clesiastical

sta ndpoint .

Again should the dis tinc tion between


, the

a pocryphal and canonic al books of the O ld


Testament be emphasized as it is by m any ?
Should a sharp line be put be tween the two ,

as though the one class wi th the period it


,

belonged to were characterized by


, the e rrors
and anachronisms of its history ; the other by
simplicity and accuracy ; the one by bo oks ,

written under fictitious names ; the other, by


the power to disti nguish truth from falseho o d
or by honesty of pu rpose ? Should the o ne

be a S ign of the want of truthfulness and


discernment ; the other ,
of religious simplicity ?
Can this aggregation of the Apocrypha over
a gainst the Hagiographa serve the purpo se
,

of a just estimate ? Hardly so ; for some of

the latter such as Esther and Ecclesiast e s


, ,
I TS RE AD/ USTME NT . 26 3

cannot be put above Wisdom , Ist Maccabees ,

J udith Baruch or Ecclesiasticus


, ,
. The doctrine
of immortality clearly expressed in the Book of
,

Wisdom , is not in Ecclesiastes ; neither is God


once named in the Book of Esther as author of
the marvellous deliverances which the chosen
people are said to have experienced . The his

tory narrated in Ist Maccabees is more credible


than that in Esther . It is therefore misleading
to mark o ff all the apoc ryphal works as Huma n
and all the canonical ones as divine . The divine
and the human elements in man are too inti
mately blended to admit of such separation .

The best which he produces partakes of both .

The human element still permeates them as

long as God speaks through man ; and He


neither dictates nor speaks otherwise . In the

attributes claimed for the canonical books no


rigid line can be drawn . It may be that
the inspiration of their authors di ffered in
degree ; that the writer of Ecclesi astes , for
264 TH E CAN ON OF TH E B IB LE .

example was more philosophical than Jesus


,

so n of S irach ; but di fferent degrees of in

spiration belong to the canonical writers them


selves . Undue exaltation of the Hebrew
canon does injustice to the wider Alexandrian
one . Yet some still speak of the pure Hebrew “


c anon ,
identifying it with that of the Church
of England . We a dmit that history had be

come legendary that it was written in an ora


,

torical style by the Alexandrian Jews and was ,

used fo r didactic purposes as in Tobit and

J udith . Gnomic poetry had survived in the


book of Sirach ; prophecy in Baruch and the
,

Epistle of Jeremiah though here the language


,

is already prosaic . Imitation is too observable


in the matter and manner of the Apoc rypha .

They have parallels however among the Hagio


, ,

h
g p ,
ra a which originated in an age when the
genuine breath of prophetic i nspiration had
ceased ; when history and prophecy had degene

rated ; so that the transition fro m Esther and


266 THE CA NON OF THE B IB LE .

Christians of the fi rst four centuries whi ch


,

excluded all the apocryphal books and in

cluded all the canonical ones ,


cannot be
shown . And in regard to the c ritical j udg
m ent of Jews and Christians in tha t pe riod
it is a rbitrary to suppose that such as adopted
the pres ent canonical books alone were m o re
discerning than others . They were more
traditional and conservative ; their discrim ina t

ing faculty not co rresponding to the degree of

their reliance on the past.

The aim of the inquirer should be to fin d



from competent witnesses from co ntem po r
.

aneo us or succeeding writers of trustworthy


character the authors and ages of the biblical
books . When evidence of this kind is not
available as O ften happens the only resource
,

is the internal . The external evidence in


favour of the canon is all but exh austed and ,

nothing of importance can be add ed to it no w .

Its strength has been brought out ; its weakness


I T S RE AD/ US TME NT . 2 67

has not been equally exhibited . The problem


resolves itself into an examination of internal
characteristics which may be strong enough to
,

modi fy or counterbalance the external . The


latter have had an artificial preponderance in the
past ; henceforward they must be regulated by the
internal . The m ain conclusion should be drawn
from the contents of the books themselves .

And the example of J ews and Christians to ,

whom we owe the Bible canon shows that ,

ifi
class ca tion is necessary . This is admitted both
by Roman Catholic writers and o rthodox Pro
testants . A gloss writer on what is usually
-


called the decree of Gratian , i e , the
. . Bolog
nese canonist of the 12 th centu ry remarks ,
'

about the canonical books ,



all may be received
but may not be held in the same estimation .

John Gerhard speaks o f a second order containing ,

the books of the New Testament about whose ,

1
authors there were some doubts in the Church ;
1 86 , 1 8 7, ed. C otta, 62
L1
Loci 2222 123 12 5
, Tom i pp
. . . 17 .
268 TH E CA N ON OF TH E B IB LE .

and Q uenstedt similarly specifies proto canonica l -

and deutero ca nonical New Testament books or


-
,

those of the fi rst and second order .


1
What are
degrees or kinds of in spiration assumed by
many but a tacit acknowledgment
, of the fact
that books yary in intrinsic value as they
are more or less impregnated wi th divi ne
truth or di ffer in the proportion of the eter
nal and temporal elements which com m ingle
in eve ry revealed religion ? Doubtless the
authors from whom the separate books pro
c eeded, if discoverable should be regarded
, ;

the inspiration of an Isaiah is higher than that


of a Malachi and an apostle is more
, authorita

tive than an evangelist ; but the authors are

o ften unknown Besides the process o f redaction


.
,

through which many of the writings passed


hinders an exact knowledge of authorship .

In these circumstances the books themselves


must determine the position they should occupy
1
l eologia Didactico polem ica , p 3 40
- . .
270 TH E CAN ON OF THE B IB LE .

of his child ren the S criptu res presenti ng id eas


of Him co nsiste nt with pure reason and m an s ’

highest instincts besid es such


, as set forth o ur

sen e s of dependence on the infinite ; the boo ks ,

in h
s ort, that co nt ai n a revel ation from God with
least d m ixture of the human conditions un der
a

whi ch it is transmitted — th ese belong to the


highest cl ass . If they lead the e der away
r a

from opi nion to practice ,


from dogma to li fe,

fro m non doi ng to obedience to the law of m o ral


-

duty from , the notion that eve rything in sa lva


tion has been done fo r him to the keeping of
the commandments ,
from particu larist co nc e
p
tions about the divine mercy to the wi dest
belief of its overshadowing presence— su ch
books of S cripture are in that same propo rtio n
to be ranked among the best . In regard to the

Old Testament conformity to Christ s teaching
,

will determine rank ; or which is tantam o u nt , ,

con formity to that pure reason which is G o d s ’

natural revelation in man ; a criterion which


I TS RE AD/ US TME N T . 2 71

assigns various ranks to such Scriptures as ap

p e ared amo ng a Semite race at a certain stage


of its development . In the New Testament the ,

words and precepts of Jesus have a cha racter


of their own though it is very di fficult to select
,

them from the gospels . The supposition that



the apostles productions possess a higher
authority th an those of their disciples is natural
, .

But the immediate followers of Christ did not


all stand on one platform . Di ffering from one
another even in important principles ,
it is
possible , if not certain that some of their dis
,


ciples composition may be of higher value .

The spirit of God may have wrought within the


apostles generally with greater power and clear
ness than in other teachers but its operation is
conditioned not merely by outward factors but
by individual idiosyncracy ; so that one who
had not seen the Lord and was there fore not an
apostle proper may have apprehended his mind
,

better than an immediat e disciple . Paul sto od


272 THE CANON OF THE B IB LE .

abo ve the primitive apostles in the extent to

which he fathomed the pregnant sayings of

J esus and developed their latent germs . Thu s


the normative element— that which determines
the varying degrees of authority belonging to

the New Testament does not lie in apostolic
authorship b ut internal worth ; in the clearnes s
and power with which the divine Spirit enabl ed
men to grasp the truth . By distinguishi ng the

temporal and the eter al


n in christianity ,
the

writings necessarily rise or sink in propo rtion to

these elements . T he eterna l is the essence a nd

gem of revealed truth . Pe rfectibility belongs


only to the temporal ; it cannot be predicated of

the eterna l .

The multitudinous collection of books con


tained in the Bible is not pervaded by unity of
purpose or plan so as to make a good classifica
,

tion easy . Least of all is it dominated by such


substantial unity as has been connected with one
m an ; fo r the conception of a Messiah was
274 TH E CA N ON OF THE B IB LE .

divided in their beliefs ? Did the J ewish


and the Pauline ones unite in accepting the
same writings ? Not fo r a considerable ti m e ,

until the means of ascertaining the real authors


of the bo oks and the ability to do so were
lacking .

As to the Old Testament , the Palestinian


J ews determined the canonical books by
gradually contracting the list and stopping it
at a time when their calamities throwing
them back on the past fo r springs of hope had
,

sti ffened them within a narrow traditionalism ;

but their brethren in Egypt ,


touched by
Alexandrian culture and Greek philosophy ,

received later productions into their canon ,

some of which at least are of equal value with


Palestinian ones . In any case the degree, of

authority attaching to the Biblical books grew


"
from less to greater till it culminated in a
,

divine character a sacrednes s rising even to


,
in

fallibili ty . Doubtless the Jews of Palestine dis


I TS R E AD/ US TME NT . 275

tinguished the canonical from the apocryphal


or deutero canonical books on grounds satis
-

facto ry to thems elves ; but their judgment was


not in fallible . A senate of Rabbis under the
old dispensation might err as easily as a synod ,

of priests under the new . Though they may


have been g enera lly correct it must not be,

assumed that they were al ways so . Their dis


c ernm ent m ay be commend ed without being
magnified . The gen eral feeling of leaning upon
the past was a sound one ,
for the best times of

Judaism had departed and with them the most


,

original effusions ; yet the wave of Platonism


that passed over Alexandria could not b ut

quicken even the conservative mind of the Jew .

Greek thought bl ended with echoes of the past ,

though in dulled form . Still a lin e had to be


drawn in the national literature ; and it was
well drawn on the whole . T he feeling existed
that the collection must be closed with works of

a certain period and a certain character ; and it


276 THE CANON OF THE B IB LE

was closed a ccordingly , without preventing


individuals from putting their private O pinion s
over against authority and dissenting
,
.

At the present day a new a rrangement is


necessa ry ; but where is the ecclesiastical body
bold enough to undertake it ? And if it were
attempted or carried out by non ecclesiastical -

parties would the churches approve or adopt


,

the proceeding ? We venture to say that ,


if

som e boo ks be separated from the collection


and others put in their —
place if the c lassifica

tion of some be altered and their authority ,

raised or lowered — good will be done the


;
Bible will have a fairer degree of normal power
in doctrine and morals and continue to promote
,

spi ritual li fe . Faith in Christ precedes faith in


books . Unless critic ism be needl essly nega
tive it cannot remove this time honoured legacy -

from the position it is entitled to else the ,

spiritual consciousness of humanity will rebel .

While the subject is treated reverently and the ,


2 78 TH E CA N ON OF THE B IB LE .

they contain a declaration of the divine wi ll .

Hence there is tru th in the statement o f o ld

theologians that the authori ty of Sc ripture is


from God alone It was the early church indeed
.

that made the canon selecting the books which,

appeared to have been written by apostles or


apostolic men and carrying over to them
,

authority fro m alleged authenticity more than


inte rnal value . But the latter is the real index
of authority ; and God is the fountain from
whom spi ritual endowments proceed .
1
The
canonicit
y of the books is a distinct question

1 nullum
Ecclesia sua autoritate lib rum facit canonicum ,

quippe canonica scripturae autoritas est a solo Deo , &c .

Autoritas

G erhard s Loci Theologici, tom . i p 4,
. . ed. C otta .

scripturae quo ad nos nihil aliud est, quam m anifestatio et

cognitio unicae illins divinzx et summ ae autoritatis, qua: scripturae

est interna et Ec clesia igitur no n confert scripturae


insita .

novam aliquam auto ritatem quoad nos, sed testificatione sua ad

agnitionem illins veritatis nos deducit . Concedim us, ecc lesiam

esse scriptura sac rae testem , custodem, uindicem , p raecouem , et

interpretem sed negam us, ex eo cifi ci, quo d auto ritas sc ri turae
p
sive simpliciter sive u d n b l i nd t t uid m
q o a os a ecc es a pe ea e q e

unice, nd t —Ibid , tom us secundus, ed Co tta


pe ea . .
p 3 9,
. . .
I TS RE AD/ US TME NT: 279

from that of their a uthentici


ty . The latter is a
thing of historic criticism ; the former of
doctrinal belief . Their ecclesiastical authority
rests on outward attestation ; their normal on ,

fai th and feeling .

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I Cloth, price 243


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E lno ra An Indian Mytho
.
a lica tion to Art. Science, a
In ustry The translation thorougl
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,
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Petra rc h , Mic ha el A n e lO , - an d 8yo . Cloth, p rice 53 .

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M
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T I
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wenty-five llustrations Se venth


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W ALLE R ( R e v. c n). .

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T he A p o c alyp se, Review


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, .

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Scientific Series . unde r the Light of the Doctrine

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S
c ro wn 8 vo Clo th . - fid .

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