PASSAGE - 1

In a welcome move, the Ministry of Ayurveda, Yoga and Naturopathy, Unani, Siddha,
Sowa Rigpa, and Homoeopathy (AYUSH) and the Indian Council of Medical Research
(ICMR) have at last joined hands to undertake quality human clinical trials to generate
evidence on the benefits of using ayurveda along with modern medicine (evidence-
based medicine) in treating certain disease conditions of national importance. With its
decades of experience in conducting human clinical trials, it makes eminent sense to
rope in the ICMR to design and conduct these trials. To begin with, the collaboration will
be restricted to ayurveda. The other systems of AYUSH — yoga, unani, siddha and
homoeopathy — may be included, and each system will be tested together with modern
medicine when the central councils of the respective AYUSH systems are ready to work
with the ICMR. An expert committee will soon decide the area/disease conditions to be
included for detailed clinical testing using both ayurveda and modern medicine. Initially,
clinical trials for each disease may have two arms — modern medicine as the standard
of care as well as a combination of modern medicine and ayurveda. The arm that uses
both ayurveda and modern medicine will, if at all, only be able to validate the
superiority of combining the two for better outcomes. Scientific validation of superior
outcomes of combined therapy using ayurveda and modern medicine will form the basis
on which integrated medicine will be offered to patients. Encouraging trial outcomes
might probably serve as a starting point to undertake further trials using ayurveda
interventions alone to evaluate their effectiveness and understand the mechanism of
action; this is currently not within the ambit of the agreement.
While the initiative may right away not provide scientific validation of ayurveda
interventions in treating disease conditions when used singularly, it is the first major
step in evidence-based approach of validating medical interventions. Though trials
using ayurveda and other systems of AYUSH have been conducted in the country, they
suffer from major limitations, thus making the outcomes meaningless. The ICMR’s
expertise is sure to help in overcoming the major obstacle in scientific validation, which
all systems of AYUSH currently suffer from. Evidence, as the practitioners of AYUSH refer
to, is nothing but anecdotal, which is not an alternative to evidence-based approach.
Lack of scientific validation, as a stand-alone intervention or as adjunct to modern
medicine, has been the bane of alternative medicine in India. No sincere, large-scale
attempts have been made to address this serious shortcoming. The collaboration with
the ICMR is, therefore, a step in the right direction.
Source: Welcome initiative: on quality human clinical trials and using ayurveda
and modern medicine, The Hindu Editorial, May 12, 2023.

Q.1) Which of the following is a correct expression of the author's opinion as stated in
the passage regarding the collaboration between AYUSH and ICMR?

(a) The collaboration is a futile effort as it won't provide scientific validation for
Ayurveda.
(b) The collaboration is a significant step forward in evidence-based validation of
medical interventions.
(c) The collaboration is unnecessary because Ayurveda already has sufficient scientific
validation.
(d) The collaboration will immediately validate the effectiveness of Ayurveda
interventions when used singularly.
Explanation: Option (b) is correct because the passage states that the collaboration
between AYUSH and ICMR is "the first major step in evidence-based approach of
validating medical interventions." The author views this as a positive development.
Option (a) is incorrect because the passage does not suggest that the collaboration is
futile. On the contrary, it is described as a step in the right direction. Option (c) is
incorrect because the passage explicitly mentions that Ayurveda and other systems of
AYUSH suffer from a lack of scientific validation, which is why the collaboration with
ICMR is important. Option (d) is incorrect because the passage clearly states that the
initiative may not "right away provide scientific validation of Ayurveda interventions in
treating disease conditions when used singularly." Hence, (b) is correct.

Q.2) Based on the author's arguments, which of the following must necessarily be true
about the role of ICMR in the collaboration?

(a) ICMR's involvement is optional and not crucial for the success of the trials.
(b) ICMR's expertise is indispensable for overcoming the major obstacle in
scientific validation.
(c) ICMR will immediately validate the effectiveness of Ayurveda interventions when
used singularly.
(d) ICMR's role is to validate the anecdotal evidence provided by AYUSH practitioners.

Explanation: Option (b) is correct because the passage states that ICMR has "decades of
experience in conducting human clinical trials," and its expertise "is sure to help in
overcoming the major obstacle in scientific validation." Option (a) is incorrect because
the passage emphasizes the importance of ICMR's expertise in conducting human
clinical trials, making it crucial for the success of the initiative. Option (c) is incorrect
because the passage specifies that the initiative may not immediately provide scientific
validation for Ayurveda when used singularly; it does not say that ICMR will
immediately validate Ayurveda. Option (d) is incorrect because the passage mentions
that evidence from AYUSH is "nothing but anecdotal," and the aim of the collaboration is
to move towards an evidence-based approach, not to validate anecdotal evidence.
Hence, (b) is correct.

Q.3) Why would the author have remarked that the collaboration will initially be
restricted to Ayurveda?

(a) Because Ayurveda is the most scientifically validated system among all AYUSH
systems.
(b) Because the central councils of other AYUSH systems are not yet ready to work
with ICMR.
(c) Because Ayurveda is the most popular system of medicine in India.
(d) Because ICMR has prior experience in conducting trials specifically on Ayurveda.

Explanation: Option (b) is correct because the passage states, "The other systems of
AYUSH — yoga, unani, siddha and homoeopathy — may be included, and each system
will be tested together with modern medicine when the central councils of the
respective AYUSH systems are ready to work with the ICMR." Option (a) is incorrect
because the passage does not state that Ayurveda is the most scientifically validated
system among all AYUSH systems. In fact, it mentions the lack of scientific validation for
all AYUSH systems. Option (c) is incorrect because the passage does not discuss the
popularity of Ayurveda or any other AYUSH system in India. Option (d) is incorrect
because the passage does not mention that ICMR has prior experience in conducting
trials specifically on Ayurveda. It talks about ICMR's general expertise in conducting
human clinical trials. Hence, (b) is correct

Q.4) Which of the following, if true, would most strengthen the author's argument about
the importance of the collaboration?

(a) Previous trials on Ayurveda have been highly successful, showing its effectiveness in
treating diseases.
(b) The ICMR has a proven track record of conducting large-scale, scientifically
rigorous clinical trials.
(c) Ayurveda has been used for centuries and is deeply rooted in Indian culture.
(d) The central councils of other AYUSH systems are already prepared to work with
ICMR.

Explanation: Option (b) is correct because the passage emphasizes the importance of
ICMR's expertise in conducting human clinical trials. A proven track record from ICMR
would further strengthen the author's argument that the collaboration is a significant
step forward. Option (a) is incorrect because the passage states that previous trials on
Ayurveda "suffer from major limitations, thus making the outcomes meaningless."
Therefore, the success of previous trials would not necessarily strengthen the author's
argument. Option (c) is incorrect because the passage focuses on the need for scientific
validation rather than the cultural significance of Ayurveda. Option (d) is incorrect
because the passage specifically mentions that the collaboration will initially be
restricted to Ayurveda since the central councils of other AYUSH systems are not yet
ready. Their readiness would not strengthen the argument about the initial focus on
Ayurveda. Hence, (b) is correct.

Q.5) Which of the following is the author most likely to agree with regarding the current
state of AYUSH systems other than Ayurveda?

(a) They are already scientifically validated and do not require further trials.
(b) They are as effective as modern medicine but lack scientific validation.
(c) They will be included in the collaboration once their central councils are
ready.
(d) They are not important enough to be considered for scientific validation.

Explanation: Option (c) is correct because the passage states, "The other systems of
AYUSH — yoga, unani, siddha and homoeopathy — may be included, and each system
will be tested together with modern medicine when the central councils of the
respective AYUSH systems are ready to work with the ICMR." Option (a) is incorrect
because the passage explicitly mentions that all systems of AYUSH, including those other
than Ayurveda, suffer from a lack of scientific validation. Option (b) is incorrect because
while the passage discusses the lack of scientific validation for AYUSH systems, it does
not make a claim about their effectiveness compared to modern medicine. Option (d) is
incorrect because the passage does not suggest that other AYUSH systems are not
important enough for scientific validation. It merely states that they will be included
once their central councils are ready. Hence, (c) is correct.
PASSAGE - 2
Asymmetric federalism has been a positive feature of India’s polity, but even the most
pragmatic arrangement may not always guarantee harmonious relations between the
Centre and its constituent units. The wrangling between the Union government and the
Government of the National Capital Territory of Delhi (GNCTD) has been an endless saga
for years, and the Supreme Court has repeatedly sought to lay down the terms of their
relationship in the way the territory is governed. In the latest verdict, a Constitution
Bench has ruled that the elected government does indeed have control over
administrative services. However, it is limited to services related to the extent of its
current executive and legislative powers, which extend to all subjects under the State
and Concurrent Lists, except for the three excluded ones — public order, police and land.
The Centre’s argument, that in the absence of a Public Services Commission for Delhi
and in view of the phrase “insofar as such matter is applicable to Union Territories” the
subject of ‘services’ will not fall under the Delhi government’s remit, was rejected. The
Court’s unanimous verdict rejects the attempt to read the phrase as one that imposes an
additional limitation on its legislative and executive powers. The Court has emphasised
the sui generis nature of Delhi, so that its Union Territory status is not used to limit the
role of the elected government. The five-judge Bench ruling again underlines the
principle that a representative regime should not be undermined by an unelected
administrator.
Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal, who has been embroiled in a prolonged tussle with
the Lieutenant Governor over several issues, will be elated with the Court’s ruling that
“the involvement of the Union of India in the administration of NCTD is limited by
constitutional provisions, and any further expansion would be contrary to the
constitutional scheme of governance”. However, even yet another Constitution Bench
verdict underscoring the representative character of the GNCTD may not be enough to
end the underlying power struggle in Delhi, as long as the Centre continues with its
efforts to clip the powers of the government because of its antagonism towards the Aam
Aadmi Party. It is five years since the Court observed that constitutional trust between
high functionaries is needed to resolve matters, but there is no sign of the conflict
abating. In practical terms, the provisions of the GNCTD (Amendment) Act, 2021, which
sought to strengthen the hand of the Lt. Governor in running Delhi, may continue to be a
source of conflict. The validity of its provisions is also under challenge before the
Supreme Court, an indication that the legal tussle is hardly over.
Source: Asymmetry and power: on Delhi government and administrative services,
The Guardian, May 13, 2023.

Q.6) The author's view on the relationship between the Union government and the
Government of the National Capital Territory of Delhi (GNCTD) can best be described as:

(a) The author believes the relationship is harmonious and well-defined.

(b)The author thinks the relationship is an endless saga of wrangling.
(c) The author is neutral and does not express any opinion on the relationship.
(d) The author suggests that the relationship is primarily controlled by the Supreme
Court.

Explanation: Option (b) is correct because the passage states that "The wrangling
between the Union government and the Government of the National Capital Territory of
Delhi (GNCTD) has been an endless saga for years." This clearly indicates that the author
views the relationship as fraught and contentious. Option (a) is incorrect because the
passage does not suggest that the relationship is harmonious; rather, it describes it as an
"endless saga of wrangling." Option (c) is incorrect because the author does express an
opinion by describing the relationship as an "endless saga," which implies a negative
view. Option (d) is incorrect because, although the Supreme Court is involved in laying
down terms, the author does not suggest that the relationship is primarily controlled by
the Court. The Court is portrayed as an entity trying to clarify the terms of the
relationship, not control it. Hence, (b) is correct.

Q.7) According to the passage, which of the following would most weaken the Centre's
argument against the Delhi government's control over administrative services?

(a) The existence of a Public Services Commission for Delhi.

(b) The Supreme Court's emphasis on the sui generis nature of Delhi.
(c) The Court ruling that the Delhi government has control over all subjects except
public order, police, and land.
(d) The Court's unanimous verdict rejecting additional limitations on Delhi's
legislative and executive powers.

Explanation: Option (a) is correct because the passage states that "The Centre’s
argument, that in the absence of a Public Services Commission for Delhi...the subject of
‘services’ will not fall under the Delhi government’s remit, was rejected." If a Public
Services Commission for Delhi existed, it would directly counter the Centre's argument.
Option (b) is incorrect because the Supreme Court's emphasis on the sui generis nature
of Delhi is more about not limiting the role of the elected government, rather than
directly weakening the Centre's specific argument about administrative services. Option
(c) is incorrect because this point actually strengthens the Delhi government's position,
but it doesn't directly weaken the Centre's argument about the absence of a Public
Services Commission affecting the subject of 'services.' Option (d) is incorrect because,
while the Court's unanimous verdict does reject additional limitations, it doesn't
specifically address the Centre's argument about the absence of a Public Services
Commission for Delhi. Hence, (a) is correct.

Q.8) As per the passage, which one of the following is a significant obstacle to resolving
the power struggle in Delhi?

(a) The Supreme Court's repeated attempts to clarify the relationship between the
Union and GNCTD.
(b) The Centre's ongoing efforts to clip the powers of the Delhi government
due to its antagonism towards the Aam Aadmi Party.
(c) The absence of a Public Services Commission for Delhi.
(d) The Delhi Chief Minister's prolonged tussle with the Lieutenant Governor over
several issues.

Explanation: Option (b) is correct because the passage states, "However, even yet
another Constitution Bench verdict underscoring the representative character of the
GNCTD may not be enough to end the underlying power struggle in Delhi, as long as the
Centre continues with its efforts to clip the powers of the government because of its
antagonism towards the Aam Aadmi Party." This clearly indicates that the Centre's
antagonism is a significant obstacle. Option (a) is incorrect because the Supreme Court's
attempts are aimed at resolving the issues, not creating obstacles. The Court is
portrayed as an entity trying to clarify the terms of the relationship. Option (c) is
incorrect because, although the absence of a Public Services Commission is mentioned,
it is not described as a significant obstacle to resolving the power struggle. It is part of
the Centre's argument, which was rejected by the Court. Option (d) is incorrect because
the tussle between the Delhi Chief Minister and the Lieutenant Governor is a symptom
of the power struggle, not a significant obstacle to its resolution. The passage suggests
that the obstacle lies more with the Centre's antagonism. Hence, (b) is correct.

Q.9) Which of the following, if true, would most strengthen the author's argument that
the role of the elected government in Delhi should not be undermined?

(a) The GNCTD (Amendment) Act, 2021, is declared unconstitutional by the

Supreme Court.
(b) The Centre agrees to relinquish control over public order, police, and land to the
Delhi government.
(c) Constitutional trust between high functionaries is established, resolving the
conflict.
(d) The Lieutenant Governor starts to work collaboratively with the Delhi Chief
Minister.

Explanation: Option (a) is correct because the passage states that "In practical terms,
the provisions of the GNCTD (Amendment) Act, 2021, which sought to strengthen the
hand of the Lt. Governor in running Delhi, may continue to be a source of conflict." If this
Act were declared unconstitutional, it would strengthen the author's argument that the
elected government's role should not be undermined. Option (b) is incorrect because,
while it would be a significant change, the passage does not focus on these specific
subjects (public order, police, and land) as the primary issue undermining the elected
government. Option (c) is incorrect because, although it would resolve the conflict, it
doesn't specifically strengthen the author's argument that the elected government's role
should not be undermined. The passage mentions the need for constitutional trust but
does not make it the crux of the argument. Option (d) is incorrect because the passage
suggests that the underlying issue is not just the relationship between the Lieutenant
Governor and the Delhi Chief Minister but also the Centre's efforts to clip the powers of
the Delhi government. Hence, (a) is correct.

Q.10) The author's opinion on the Supreme Court's role in the governance of Delhi is
most closely aligned with which of the following?

(a) The Supreme Court is the ultimate authority in resolving the power struggle
between the Union and GNCTD.
(b) The Supreme Court's involvement is limited by constitutional provisions.
(c) The Supreme Court has sought to lay down the terms of the relationship
between the Union and GNCTD.
(d) The Supreme Court has failed to resolve the ongoing conflict between the Union
and GNCTD.
Explanation: Option (c) is correct because the passage states, "The Supreme Court has
repeatedly sought to lay down the terms of their relationship in the way the territory is
governed." This indicates that the author views the Court as an entity trying to clarify
the terms of the relationship between the Union and GNCTD. Option (a) is incorrect
because the passage does not suggest that the Supreme Court is the ultimate authority
in resolving the power struggle. It portrays the Court as an entity trying to clarify terms,
not as the ultimate resolver. Option (b) is incorrect because the passage does not discuss
any constitutional limitations on the Supreme Court's involvement. The limitations
mentioned are about the Union's involvement in the administration of NCTD. Option (d)
is incorrect because the passage does not indicate that the Supreme Court has failed in
its role. It states that the Court has "repeatedly sought to lay down the terms,"
suggesting ongoing efforts rather than failure. Hence, (c) is correct.
PASSAGE - 3
The reading for retail inflation braked sharply last month to an 18-month low of 4.7%,
aided in no small measure by the fact that price gains had hit an eight-year high of 7.8%
in April 2022. While at the headline level inflation cooled by 96 basis points from
March’s 5.66%, the month-on-month price gains based on the provisional Consumer
Price Index (CPI) in April showed a quickening to 0.51%, from the 0.23% pace in March.
Inflation also slowed in April on the back of a year-on-year softening in food price gains
with the Consumer Food Price Index easing almost lockstep with the broader index —
the reading slid 95 basis points from the previous month’s 4.79%, to 3.84%. Oils and fats
were a vital contributor, with a deflation in prices widening to 12.3% last month, from
7.86% in March. Also, inflation in cereals, which has the highest weight of almost 10% in
the CPI, slowed by 160 basis points to 13.7%, from 15.3% in the preceding month.
However, a closer look shows price gains accelerated sequentially in nine of the 12
subgroups of the food and beverages category that contributes almost 46% weight in
the CPI basket. While vegetable prices remained in deflationary territory when
compared with a year earlier, they registered 1.7% month-on-month inflation. And
prices of fruits surged almost 4% from March’s levels, even as year-on-year the price
gains were half that pace at 2.1%. Of concern is that prices of pulses and products as
well as sugar and confectionery showed accelerations in both year-on-year and month-
on-month inflation rates. With the domestic output of pulses weaker in the current crop
year, the Centre has already moved to tighten its monitoring of tur and urad dal stocks
held by traders, so as to head off any attempts to hoard and push up prices. It is also
reportedly mulling more export curbs on sugar amid a production shortfall. To be sure,
besides the Centre’s supply side measures, last year’s base effect is bound to ensure that
headline retail inflation is unlikely to go back above the Reserve Bank of India’s upper
tolerance threshold of 6%, at least during the current quarter. Still, there is no room for
complacency. As Jayanth Varma, a member on the RBI’s Monetary Policy Committee,
flagged last month, there still loom two major risks to the inflation outlook — oil prices
and uncertainty on the monsoon. The heightening prospect of an El Niñ o forebodes the
possibility of erratic or even significantly deficient rainfall impacting foodgrains
production, and policymakers can ill afford to drop their guard on inflation.
Source: Statistical succour: On the Consumer Price Index, The Hindu Editorial,
May 15, 2023.

Q.11) As per the passage, which one of the following is a significant factor contributing
to the 18-month low of retail inflation?

(a) The deflation in oils and fats prices

(b) The increase in vegetable prices
(c) The year-on-year softening in food price gains
(d) The increase in prices of fruits

Explanation: Option (c) is correct because the passage states that "Inflation also slowed
in April on the back of a year-on-year softening in food price gains with the Consumer
Food Price Index easing almost lockstep with the broader index." This indicates that the
year-on-year softening in food price gains significantly contributed to the 18-month low
in retail inflation. Option (a) is incorrect because the passage states that oils and fats
were a vital contributor, but it does not specify that they were a significant factor in the
18-month low of retail inflation. Option (b) is incorrect because the passage states that
vegetable prices remained in deflationary territory when compared with a year earlier,
which would not contribute to lowering inflation. Option (d) is incorrect because the
passage states that prices of fruits surged almost 4% from March’s levels, which would
not contribute to an 18-month low in retail inflation. Hence, (c) is correct.

Q.12) Which of the following would support the author's conclusion that there is no
room for complacency regarding inflation?

(a) The Centre's supply-side measures are effective.

(b)Prices of pulses and products as well as sugar and confectionery showed
accelerations in both year-on-year and month-on-month inflation rates.
(c) The Reserve Bank of India's upper tolerance threshold of 6% is unlikely to be
crossed.
(d) The deflation in oils and fats prices is widening.

Explanation: Option (b) is correct because the passage states, "Of concern is that prices
of pulses and products as well as sugar and confectionery showed accelerations in both
year-on-year and month-on-month inflation rates." This supports the author's
conclusion that there is no room for complacency, as these accelerating prices could be a
cause for concern. Option (a) is incorrect because the passage does not provide evidence
that the Centre's supply-side measures are effective enough to warrant complacency.
Option (c) is incorrect because although the passage states that headline retail inflation
is unlikely to go back above the RBI's upper tolerance threshold of 6%, it also warns
against complacency, making this option inconsistent with the author's conclusion.
Option (d) is incorrect because the passage indicates that the deflation in oils and fats
prices contributed to the lowering of inflation, which would not support the author's
warning against complacency. Hence, (b) is correct.

Q.13) Why would have the author remarked that "there still loom two major risks to the
inflation outlook — oil prices and uncertainty on the monsoon"?

(a) To emphasize that despite the low inflation, policymakers should remain
vigilant.
(b) To highlight the effectiveness of the Centre's monitoring of tur and urad dal
stocks.
(c) To argue that the Reserve Bank of India's upper tolerance threshold of 6% is too
high.
(d) To suggest that food and beverages category is not a significant contributor to
inflation.

Explanation: Option (a) is correct because the passage states, "Still, there is no room for
complacency. As Jayanth Varma, a member on the RBI’s Monetary Policy Committee,
flagged last month, there still loom two major risks to the inflation outlook — oil prices
and uncertainty on the monsoon." This indicates that the author wants to emphasize
that despite current low levels of inflation, there are still significant risks that require
vigilance. Option (b) is incorrect because the author's remark about the two major risks
is not connected to the Centre's monitoring of tur and urad dal stocks. Option (c) is
incorrect because the passage does not criticize the Reserve Bank of India's upper
tolerance threshold; rather, it suggests that there are still risks that could affect inflation.
Option (d) is incorrect because the passage actually states that the food and beverages
category contributes almost 46% weight in the CPI basket, making it a significant
contributor to inflation. Hence, (b) is correct.

Q.14) Which of the following, if true, would most weaken the author's arguments
regarding the risks of inflation?

(a) The Centre has successfully curbed the export of sugar amid a production
shortfall.
(b)The prospect of an El Niño has been ruled out by meteorologists.
(c) The domestic output of pulses has increased significantly.
(d) The Consumer Food Price Index has shown a consistent decline over the past six
months.

Explanation: Option (b) is correct because the passage states, "The heightening prospect
of an El Niñ o forebodes the possibility of erratic or even significantly deficient rainfall
impacting foodgrains production." If the prospect of an El Niñ o has been ruled out, one
of the major risks to the inflation outlook mentioned by the author would be weakened.
Option (a) is incorrect because curbing the export of sugar would be a measure to
control inflation, not necessarily weaken the argument about its risks. Option (c) is
incorrect because while an increase in the domestic output of pulses might alleviate
some concerns, it doesn't directly weaken the author's argument about the overall risks
of inflation, which also include factors like oil prices and monsoon uncertainty. Option
(d) is incorrect because a consistent decline in the Consumer Food Price Index would
actually support the author's point that inflation is currently low but still risky, rather
than weaken it. Hence, (b) is correct.

Q.15) Based on the author’s arguments, which of the following must necessarily be
true?

(a) The Reserve Bank of India's upper tolerance threshold of 6% will definitely be
crossed.
(b) The Centre's monitoring of tur and urad dal stocks will effectively prevent
hoarding and price hikes.
(c) The food and beverages category has a significant weight in the Consumer
Price Index.
(d) The deflation in oils and fats prices is the sole reason for the 18-month low in
retail inflation.

Explanation: Option (c) is correct because the passage states, "However, a closer look
shows price gains accelerated sequentially in nine of the 12 subgroups of the food and
beverages category that contributes almost 46% weight in the CPI basket." This makes it
clear that the food and beverages category has a significant weight in the Consumer
Price Index. Option (a) is incorrect because the passage states that headline retail
inflation is unlikely to go back above the Reserve Bank of India’s upper tolerance
threshold of 6%, at least during the current quarter. Option (b) is incorrect because
while the Centre has moved to tighten its monitoring of tur and urad dal stocks, the
passage does not state that this will necessarily be effective in preventing hoarding and
price hikes. Option (d) is incorrect because the passage mentions multiple factors
contributing to the 18-month low in retail inflation, not just the deflation in oils and fats
prices. Hence, (c) is correct.
PASSAGE - 4
The mandate for the Congress in Karnataka is as definitive as it could have been: an
absolute majority with 135 seats in the 224-member Assembly garnering support from
across regions and demographic groups. No doubt, some of the vote share accrued to it
negatively as the principal party that was in opposition to the Bharatiya Janata Party
(BJP). This also became clear in the erosion of support for the Janata Dal (Secular); the
space for a third player shrank considerably. The BJP won less than half the number of
seats the Congress did, but the party that might have suffered an irreversible slide is the
JD(S), which was seen as a family syndicate devoid of any moral compass. Voters could
be forgiven for not having known which way the JD(S) would lean after the election.
Surely, the opportunism of individual MLAs and the JD(S) following a hung Assembly in
2018 weighed heavily on their minds. Another indecisive verdict would have been as
good as defeat for the Congress. Throughout the campaign, the Congress stayed united,
focused and dynamic, while BJP leaders sought to settle scores with one another and
worked at cross purposes. The Congress showed maturity and composure as the BJP
tried to make up for its unpopularity by raking up divisive and extraneous issues. As the
ruling party, it refused to be accountable for its track record in government and
underestimated the intelligence of the voters by offering them communal opiates. The
Congress largely stuck to issues that could have an impact on lives and livelihoods. For
very good reasons, the BJP deserved its defeat as much as the Congress deserved its
victory.
The Congress and the BJP have lessons to be drawn from the Karnataka verdict. If the
BJP truly wants to be a party trusted by all religious and linguistic communities, it must
learn to respect them. After its failed strategy in West Bengal in 2021, and now in
Karnataka, the party must see the writing on the wall. Its totalising project is harmful
not only for itself but also for the nation. A violation of long-cherished and productive
regional aspirations is unsettling for national integrity and progress. The attempt to
undermine native dairy brand Nandini is a case in point. In a remarkable shift from the
past, the Congress acknowledged that it must address questions of caste justice too,
while holding on to its opposition to religious sectarianism, and expanding welfarism.
The Congress needs to move beyond the tired rhetoric of the old order and frame a new
paradigm that is inclusive towards the regional, religious, class and caste diversities of
the country. It has made an experimental beginning in Karnataka. Between the failed
experiment of the BJP and the successful one of the Congress, Karnataka voters have
imparted important lessons to India’s political class.
Source: Lessons in a loss: On the 2023 Karnataka Assembly election result, The
Wire, May 16, 2023.

Q.16) Which of the following would support the author's conclusion that the Congress
in Karnataka won with a definitive mandate?

(a) The Congress won because it focused on divisive and extraneous issues.
(b)The Congress won 135 seats in the 224-member Assembly.
(c) The Congress won less than half the number of seats the BJP did.
(d) The Congress was disunited and unfocused during the campaign.

Explanation: Option (b) is correct because the passage states that "The mandate for the
Congress in Karnataka is as definitive as it could have been: an absolute majority with
135 seats in the 224-member Assembly." This directly supports the author's conclusion
that the Congress won with a definitive mandate. Option (a) is incorrect because the
passage states that the Congress stayed focused on issues that could have an impact on
lives and livelihoods, rather than divisive and extraneous issues. Option (c) is incorrect
because the passage states that the BJP won less than half the number of seats the
Congress did, not the other way around. Option (d) is incorrect because the passage
states that "Throughout the campaign, the Congress stayed united, focused and
dynamic," which contradicts the idea that the Congress was disunited and unfocused.
Hence, (b) is correct.

Q.17) Based on the author's arguments, which of the following must necessarily be true
about the BJP's performance in the election?

(a) The BJP's strategy was successful in West Bengal in 2021.

(b) The BJP underestimated the intelligence of the voters.
(c) The BJP won because it focused on issues that could have an impact on lives and
livelihoods.
(d) The BJP's totalizing project is beneficial for the nation.

Explanation: Option (b) is correct because the passage states that the BJP
"underestimated the intelligence of the voters by offering them communal opiates." This
implies that the BJP did not give due credit to the voters' ability to discern the issues at
hand. Option (a) is incorrect because the passage states that the BJP had a "failed
strategy in West Bengal in 2021," which contradicts the idea that their strategy was
successful there. Option (c) is incorrect because the passage does not state that the BJP
focused on issues that could have an impact on lives and livelihoods. In fact, it suggests
the opposite by saying the BJP raked up "divisive and extraneous issues." Option (d) is
incorrect because the passage states that the BJP's "totalising project is harmful not only
for itself but also for the nation," which contradicts the idea that it is beneficial for the
nation. Hence, (b) is correct.

Q.18) Why would the author have remarked that "Another indecisive verdict would have
been as good as defeat for the Congress"?

(a) The Congress was already in a strong position and didn't need to worry about
the election outcome.
(b) The Congress had suffered from internal divisions and lack of focus in the past.
(c) An indecisive verdict would have led to a hung Assembly, which would have
been detrimental to the Congress.
(d) The Congress had a history of easily winning elections and an indecisive verdict
would not have mattered.

Explanation: Option (c) is correct because the passage states, "Surely, the opportunism
of individual MLAs and the JD(S) following a hung Assembly in 2018 weighed heavily on
their minds." This suggests that a hung Assembly, resulting from an indecisive verdict,
would have been problematic for the Congress. Option (a) is incorrect because the
passage does not indicate that the Congress was already in a strong position; rather, it
emphasizes the importance of a decisive victory. Option (b) is incorrect because the
passage states that "Throughout the campaign, the Congress stayed united, focused and
dynamic," which contradicts the idea that the Congress had suffered from internal
divisions and lack of focus. Option (d) is incorrect because the passage does not suggest
that the Congress had a history of easily winning elections. It emphasizes the
importance of a decisive win in this particular election. Hence, (c) is correct.

Q.19) Which of the following implicit assumptions can be logically deduced from the
author's argument regarding the Janata Dal (Secular)?

(a) The Janata Dal (Secular) was a strong contender in the election.
(b)The Janata Dal (Secular) was seen as a family syndicate devoid of any moral
compass.
(c) The Janata Dal (Secular) had a clear and consistent political stance.
(d) The Janata Dal (Secular) was the principal party in opposition to the BJP.

Explanation: Option (b) is correct because the passage states that the JD(S) "was seen as
a family syndicate devoid of any moral compass." This implies that the party was not
trusted by the voters, which is an implicit assumption in the author's argument about
why the JD(S) might have suffered an irreversible slide. Option (a) is incorrect because
the passage states that "the space for a third player shrank considerably," suggesting
that the JD(S) was not a strong contender. Option (c) is incorrect because the passage
states, "Voters could be forgiven for not having known which way the JD(S) would lean
after the election," implying that the JD(S) did not have a clear and consistent political
stance. Option (d) is incorrect because the passage identifies the Congress as "the
principal party that was in opposition to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)," not the JD(S).
Hence, (b) is correct.

Q.20) As per the passage, which one of the following is a lesson that the Congress needs
to learn for the future?

(a) The Congress should focus more on divisive and extraneous issues to gain
popularity.
(b)The Congress needs to move beyond the tired rhetoric of the old order.
(c) The Congress should undermine native brands to gain economic leverage.
(d) The Congress should adopt the BJP's totalizing project for national integrity.

Explanation: Option (b) is correct because the passage states that "The Congress needs
to move beyond the tired rhetoric of the old order and frame a new paradigm that is
inclusive towards the regional, religious, class, and caste diversities of the country." This
is identified as a lesson that the Congress needs to learn for the future. Option (a) is
incorrect because the passage praises the Congress for focusing on issues that could
have an impact on lives and livelihoods, rather than divisive and extraneous issues.
Option (c) is incorrect because the passage does not suggest that the Congress should
undermine native brands; it criticizes the BJP for attempting to undermine the native
dairy brand Nandini. Option (d) is incorrect because the passage states that the BJP's
"totalising project is harmful not only for itself but also for the nation," which
contradicts the idea that the Congress should adopt such a project. Hence, (b) is correct.
PASSAGE - 5
The death of 17 persons over the past few days, in two incidents in north Tamil Nadu,
after consuming spurious liquor comes a month after the State government informed
the Assembly that there has been no hooch tragedy for the last 14 years. As on Monday
evening, 12 persons of Villupuram district and five of Chengalpattu district have died,
while 50 people have been hospitalised. The development is surprising as Union
Ministry of Home Affairs and National Crime Records Bureau data (2016-21) show that
illicit or spurious liquor deaths have been largely contained. According to the central
authorities, Tamil Nadu reported no deaths during 2016 to 2019; 20 in 2020 and six in
2021. Besides, the State has safeguards to prevent such tragedies. Since 2002, methanol,
regarded as the main reason behind hooch tragedies, has been brought under the ambit
of the Tamil Nadu Prohibition Act, 1937. Amendments have also been made to the Tamil
Nadu Denatured Spirit, Methyl Alcohol and Varnish (French Polish) Rules, 1959, to
maintain control over methanol supply. What is disturbing is that the two recent
instances point to the apparent use of methanol.
While the government is expected to probe the causative factors, it is obvious that there
are administrative lapses. The availability of cheaper brew than what is sold at retail
outlets of the Tamil Nadu State Marketing Corporation Limited (Tasmac) is
disconcerting. This could have been tackled had law-enforcing authorities, including the
police, monitored the movement of methanol. It is no surprise that several police
officials have been placed under suspension. Chief Minister M.K. Stalin, who visited the
two districts on Monday, also announced a Crime Branch-CID probe. Apart from
announcing a solatium of ₹10 lakh to every family of the deceased and ₹50,000 to each
of those undergoing treatment, the Chief Minister has not provided any scope for debate
whether the families concerned should get financial assistance. Perhaps, he has gone by
the example set by Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, who announced last month,
subsequent to the many deaths in East Champaran district, the payment of ₹4 lakh each
to family members of those who had died in hooch incidents since 2016. Till then, Mr.
Kumar had held the position against providing any compensation. Such a stand was in
vogue once in Tamil Nadu, as administrators were of the view that financial assistance
could encourage those on the wrong path. It is time States evolved a uniform and
comprehensive policy to counter the problem of spurious or illicit liquor, apart from
sending a strong message to the law-enforcement agencies that there would be zero
tolerance to illicit liquor.
Source: Death by methanol: on the hooch tragedy in Tamil Nadu, Indian Express,
May 16, 2023.

Q.21) Based on the author's arguments, which of the following must necessarily be
true?

(a) The Tamil Nadu government has been completely transparent about the hooch
tragedies.
(b) The State government's claim of no hooch tragedies for the last 14 years is
contradicted by recent events.
(c) The Union Ministry of Home Affairs and National Crime Records Bureau data is
fabricated.
(d) The Tamil Nadu Prohibition Act, 1937, has been completely effective in
preventing hooch tragedies.
Explanation: Option (b) is correct because the passage states that the death of 17
persons in recent days comes after the State government informed the Assembly that
there has been no hooch tragedy for the last 14 years. This clearly contradicts the
government's earlier claim. Option (a) is incorrect because the passage does not state
that the Tamil Nadu government has been completely transparent about the hooch
tragedies. In fact, it mentions administrative lapses and recent deaths that contradict
previous claims. Option (c) is incorrect because the passage does not claim that the
Union Ministry of Home Affairs and National Crime Records Bureau data is fabricated. It
only points out that the data showed fewer deaths, which is now contradicted by recent
events. Option (d) is incorrect because the passage states that despite safeguards like
the Tamil Nadu Prohibition Act, 1937, and other amendments, hooch tragedies have still
occurred. Hence, (b) is correct.

Q.22) Which of the following will strengthen the idea given in the first paragraph?

(a) The Tamil Nadu government has been consistently updating its data on hooch
tragedies.
(b) The Union Ministry of Home Affairs and National Crime Records Bureau data is
generally considered reliable.
(c) There have been similar incidents in other states that also reported no hooch
tragedies for several years.
(d) Methanol is not the only substance that can cause hooch tragedies.

Explanation: Option (c) is correct because if similar incidents have occurred in other
states that also reported no hooch tragedies, it would strengthen the idea that the Tamil
Nadu government's claim might be flawed or misleading. Option (a) is incorrect because
strengthening the idea in the first paragraph would require evidence that contradicts
the Tamil Nadu government's claim of no hooch tragedies for 14 years. This option does
not do that. Option (b) is incorrect because the first paragraph focuses on the
contradiction between the Tamil Nadu government's claims and the recent hooch
tragedies. The reliability of Union Ministry data is not the main point here. Option (d) is
incorrect because the first paragraph is not concerned with the substances that can
cause hooch tragedies; it focuses on the contradiction between government claims and
recent events. Hence, (c) is correct.

Q.23) The author says that "it is obvious that there are administrative lapses." The
conclusion the author draws in this argument follows logically if which of the following
is assumed?

(a) The Tamil Nadu State Marketing Corporation Limited (Tasmac) is solely
responsible for the distribution of liquor.
(b) Law-enforcing authorities have been diligent in monitoring the movement of
methanol.
(c) The availability of cheaper brew indicates a failure in regulation.
(d) The Crime Branch-CID probe will necessarily find the root cause of the tragedies.

Explanation: Option (c) is correct because the author's conclusion that there are
administrative lapses logically follows if it is assumed that the availability of cheaper
brew indicates a failure in regulation. This aligns with the author's point about
administrative shortcomings. Option (a) is incorrect because the passage does not focus
on Tasmac being solely responsible for the distribution of liquor. The administrative
lapses could be from multiple agencies. Option (b) is incorrect because the passage
actually suggests the opposite: that law-enforcing authorities have not been diligent,
which is part of the administrative lapses. Option (d) is incorrect because the passage
does not make any assumptions about the outcomes of the Crime Branch-CID probe. It
focuses on the lapses that have already occurred. Hence, (c) is correct.

Q.24) Which of the following would support the author's conclusion that there should
be a uniform and comprehensive policy to counter the problem of spurious or illicit
liquor?

(a) The Tamil Nadu government has already implemented several policies to control
the sale of spurious liquor.
(b) Other states have successfully implemented uniform policies that have drastically
reduced hooch tragedies.
(c) The Chief Minister has announced a solatium of ₹10 lakh to every family of the
deceased, indicating a willingness to address the issue.
(d) Methanol has been brought under the ambit of the Tamil Nadu Prohibition Act,
1937, as a preventive measure.

Explanation: Option (b) is correct because if other states have successfully implemented
uniform policies that have drastically reduced hooch tragedies, it would support the
author's conclusion that a similar approach is needed in Tamil Nadu. Option (a) is
incorrect because the author argues for a "uniform and comprehensive policy," implying
that existing policies may not be sufficient. This option does not support that conclusion.
Option (c) is incorrect because while the solatium may indicate a willingness to address
the issue, it does not directly support the need for a uniform and comprehensive policy.
Option (d) is incorrect because the passage states that despite methanol being
regulated, hooch tragedies have still occurred, suggesting that existing measures are not
sufficient. Hence, (b) is correct.

Q.25) Which of the following is the author most likely to agree with?

(a) Financial assistance to the families of the deceased will encourage more people
to engage in illicit activities.
(b) The recent hooch tragedies are isolated incidents that don't reflect on the overall
effectiveness of the Tamil Nadu Prohibition Act, 1937.
(c) Law-enforcement agencies should be sent a strong message that there would be
zero tolerance to illicit liquor.
(d) The Crime Branch-CID probe is the most effective way to prevent future hooch
tragedies.

Explanation: Option (c) is correct because the author concludes the passage by stating,
"It is time States evolved a uniform and comprehensive policy to counter the problem of
spurious or illicit liquor, apart from sending a strong message to the law-enforcement
agencies that there would be zero tolerance to illicit liquor." Option (a) is incorrect
because the author mentions that the Chief Minister has provided financial assistance
without opening it up for debate, suggesting that the author does not see this as
encouraging illicit activities. Option (b) is incorrect because the author points out that
despite existing laws and amendments, hooch tragedies have occurred, indicating a
systemic issue rather than isolated incidents. Option (d) is incorrect because while the
author mentions the Crime Branch-CID probe, they do not state that it is the most
effective way to prevent future tragedies. The focus is more on systemic change. Hence,
(c) is correct.