Frontiers of Architectural Research (2019) 8, 359–377

Available online at www.sciencedirect.com

journal homepage: www.keaipublishing.com/foar

REVIEW

Urban planning historical review of master

plans and the way towards a sustainable city:
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania
Linda Lazaro Petern, Yuzhen Yang

Faculty of Architecture and Urban Planning, Chongqing University, Chongqing, China

Received 8 March 2018; received in revised form 25 January 2019; accepted 27 January 2019

KEYWORDS Abstract
Urbanization; Urban planning in Tanzania has focused mainly on economic development. The Tanzanian
Urban planning; government prioritizes large-scale modern projects to increase national income and propel
Master plan; world-class urban settlements. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania's largest city and main commercial center
Sustainable urban has experienced remarkable urban development. Unfortunately, its growth has not been consistent
development;
with the master plans, which also overlook sustainable urban development aspects. The high
Dar es Salaam
urbanization rate has exacerbated the degradation of the city's environment, including roadside air
quality, solid waste, and water quality. The city's ongoing environmental dilapidation has led to a
call for a sustainable urbanization to curb past urbanization problems and implement a sustainable
future. This work reviews Dar es Salaam's available planning documents and examines how master
plans can stimulate sustainable urban development. Findings suggest that master plans should not
be used as a mere urban growth control tool. Master plans that are designed and conceptualized as
a comprehensive strategy and integrated with different aspects of urban development can play a
key role in enforcing sustainable urban development for the city.
& 2019 Higher Education Press Limited Company. Production and hosting by Elsevier B.V. on behalf
of KeAi. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license
(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/).

Contents

1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 360
2. Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 361
3. Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 362

n
Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: lindalazaropeter@yahoo.com (L.L. Peter),
3156949310@qq.com (Y. Yang).
Peer review under responsibility of Southeast University.

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.foar.2019.01.008
2095-2635/& 2019 Higher Education Press Limited Company. Production and hosting by Elsevier B.V. on behalf of KeAi. This is an open access
article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/).
360 L.L. Peter, Y. Yang

3.1. Overview of urban planning in Tanzania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 362

3.2. 1949, 1968, and 1979 master plans for Dar es Salaam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 362
3.2.1. 1949 master plan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 362
3.2.2. 1968 master plan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 363
3.2.3. 1979 master plan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 364
3.3. The 1979–2012 master planning gap in Dar es Salaam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 365
3.4. New development plans for Dar es Salaam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 368
4. Discussion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 369
4.1. Dar es Salaam urban spatial growth. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 369
4.2. Planning versus implementation of Dar es Salaam's master plans. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 371
4.3. Position of masterplans in sustainable urban development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 374
5. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 376
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 376

1. Introduction contribute to sustainable development and human

Urbanization is one of the major forces behind social,
economic, political and environmental changes worldwide.
It is related to the expansion of urban areas and the growth
of the proportion of total population leaving rural areas
and moving to urban areas. Urbanization also refers to the
expansion in urban population and urban scale and the
corresponding series of economic and social changes (Wang
et al., 2015). According to United Nations Habitat, over
90% of the future population growth will be accounted for
by large cities in developing countries. The share of the
African urban population in the total global population is
projected to have a 60% increase by 2050 (Un-Habitat,
2003). Urbanization is an important engine of moderniza-
tion and economic growth; it is considered an inevitable
trend of human social development (Bai et al., 2014).
African urbanization is habitually characterized by ende-
mic poverty levels, fragmentation of the formal economy,
weak institutions, declining employment, and nonexistent
or deteriorating public service provision (Clarke, 1994). It
has been widely criticized for its perceived failure to
advancement. African governments, planning institutions,
and policymakers do not have access to sufficient super-
vision regarding the best response to these concerns (Boadi
et al., 2005; Fox, 2012). Urbanization has been progressing
in Tanzania at a rapid rate in the past decades. No proper
firm control and adherence to the existing regulations or
approaches has been implemented. The challenges brought
by rapid urbanization in different Tanzanian cities are
intensified by the lack of willpower from the govern-
ment/private parties to control or address such problems
(Fig. 1-1).
Dar es Salaam has grown to become one of East Africa's
important urban centers since the mid-19th century. The
city has always been the principal commercial city of
Tanzania, the de-facto seat of most of the government
institutions, and the major seaport for the country and its
landlocked neighbors. The name Dar es Salaam or “Harbor
or Haven of Peace” originates from Persian Arabic term
“Bandar-ul-Salaam,” which was selected by the city's
founder Seyyid Majjid, Sultan of Zanzibar in 1862
(Kironde, 1994). The city's foundational years was set in

Fig. 1–1 Growth of African cities. Source: Africa Progres Group (2010)
Urban planning historical review of master plans and the way towards a sustainable city: Dar es Salaam, Tanzania
motion during the German colonial period; by contrast, its
status as the seat of the government and a capital city was
developed administratively, economically, and culturally
during the British occupation in 1916 (Kironde, 1995). Dar
es Salaam was granted the “municipality” and the “city”
status in 1949 and 1961, respectively, upon its attainment
of independence (CC, 2004). The colonial administration
responded to the city's growth by adopting master plans.
The implementation of master plans was an attempt to
control strictly the settlement of urban areas, which
enabled an insignificant measure of effective control over
urban development (Kironde, 1995). After attaining inde-
pendence, Tanzanian physical urban planning in general
targeted the creation of small urban settlements in form of
villages. The new vision of the new independent Tanzania
sought to preserve the country's rural character via reset-
tlement policies supported by state ownership and alloca-
tion of land. A unique system of socialism and villagization
called Ujamaa was implemented from 1967 to 1973
(Weaver and Kronemer, 2002). The socialist economic
policies supported by the spatial distribution of population
prevented rapid urban sprawl, but it also led to the
abandonment of rapidly deteriorating urban centers like
Dar es Salaam (Omari, 1984). The modern advancement of
transportation and communication technology together
with increased global interactions led to the considerable
transformation of Dar es Salaam. This transformation
manifested not just in the aspect of urban growth and
development but also in economic, social, and cultural
aspects. For the last few decades, Dar es Salaam has
experienced “excessive urbanization” in the process of
becoming a mega city. The city's planning agencies did not
keep up with rapid expansion and urban transition, which
led to the growth of spontaneous settlements of different
categories. Dar es Salaam, which has a substantial share of
Tanzania's total urban population, has experienced a dra-
matic boom with a rapid increase of informal settlements
(Kombe and Kreibich, 2006). Nonetheless, Dar es Salaam
has achieved considerable transformation through numer-
ous large urban infrastructure development projects and
skyscrapers, which changed the skyline of the central area
land and gave the city a modern perspective (Fig. 1-2). Dar
es Salaam is now on the stride to be Africa's fastest-
growing urban center, with most of its population living in
Fig. 1–2 Different perspectives of Dar es Salaam. Source: Govender-Ypma (2016)
361
unplanned settlements characterized by substandard infra-
structure and lack of basic public services and facilities
(Bank, 2013). The lives of many people around the world
are closely integrated with their environment, and their
future survival depends on harmonious relationship with
their environment. Dar es Salaam is Tanzania's main base
for economic activity and income generation. Hence, it
uses many natural resources, such as water and energy,
which leads to environmental degradation. The rapid or
poorly managed development has resulted in a sharp
decrease in the quality of urban living conditions. Uncol-
lected solid waste is the source of many diseases, espe-
cially in informal settlements. The countless uncontrolled
small-scale industries pollute the soil and ground water.
The urban poor commonly carry the burdens of urban
environmental degradation. Residents should address the
city's current environmental urban problems to improve
their future survival. This move includes reconsideration of
using master plans as a tool for urban planning and growth
control.
2. Methodology
Field survey and review of secondary data are the metho-
dological approaches adopted in this paper. The city's
development was studied via the changes in the spatial
growth of settlement patterns and land-use development.
Such secondary data were collected from the 1949, 1968,
and 1979 Dar es Salaam master plans; official public
documents, such as the legal and policy frameworks that
guides urban planning in Tanzania; population growth data;
previous written documents; and research from books,
journal articles, and published and unpublished theses.
The review of secondary data sources was instrumental in
providing the timeline and account of events in the planning
and management of Dar es Salaam using the master plans;
offering a reference point between the city's urban planning
versus physical reality; examining the consequence of the
master planning gap of 1979–2002; exploring the deficits in
the urban planning approach and its implementation;
suggesting a master plan approach that might assist in
achieving sustainable and well-planned city. The city's
development was analyzed via settlement patterns, land
362 L.L. Peter, Y. Yang

Table 3–1 Major development stages and urban development in Tanzania. Sources: Omari (1984), Kironde (1994),
and Lazaro (2015)

Development Stage and Year Urban Development

Pre-Arusha Declaration (1961–1967)
Pre-economic crisis (1968–1978)
Economic crisis and early reform (1979–1988)
Consolidation (1989–2002)
New dawn (2003–2012)
Tanzania's independence led to the removal of colonial restrictions on
internal migration, thereby enabling a significant movement to urban
areas. The urban expansion of the 1960s was fueled by the new govern-
ment's focus on industrial development, which guaranteed jobs in urban
centers.
The villagization program of the early 1970s enthusiastically relocated
Tanzanian citizens to villages. The abolition of local governments con-
tributed to a deterioration of urban centers, which experienced infra-
structure deficits compounded by rapid urban population growth. These
major government policies contributed to a stoppage in urban population
growth rates.
The in per capita incomes fell; urbanization slowed down; and agriculture
declined accompanied by rising mining employment. Urban migrants were
increasingly attracted to other urban centers in Tanzania, which resulted in
a decline in Dar es Salaam's dominance. In 1986, the focus of the national
policy shifted to structural adjustment and liberalization.
The regional capitals absorbed the slow urban population growth. Artisanal
mining in rural centers increased. In 1996, the role of industrialization in
delivering the development agenda became the center of policymaking.
The country experienced 3% increase in the per capita GDP growth rate per
annum. It also experienced a rise in urban growth, urban migration, and
formal employment. Dar es Salaam absorbed the majority of urban
population growth while regional capitals lost their importance. The
government focus remained on industrialization as a pathway to economic
development.

use development, spatial expansion of settlements, and
population growth data.
3. Findings
3.1. Overview of urban planning in Tanzania
Urban planning and development in cities of developing
countries has been facing innumerable challenges. Some of
these challenges are caused by past precedents and other
factors, which are customarily attributed to poor govern-
ance and policies formulated to guide urban development
and growth. The prior and current efforts in most of the
major urban settlements in Tanzania, especially Dar es
Salaam, have been mainly focused on economic activities
and income generation. These efforts focused on tempora-
rily solving the negative consequences of rapid urban
growth/urbanization while trying to provide basic public
services to its residents, such as housing, healthcare, and
sanitation. The urban changes and development in Dar es
Salaam and Tanzania, in general, have occurred in corre-
spondence to major national development stages or phases,
as shown in Table 3-1. The functional relationship estab-
lished during the colonial period played a fundamental role
in Dar es Salaam's postcolonial development as Tanzania's
dominant urban center/city (Brain, 1979). Traditionally, the
planning of Dar es Salaam has been performed via master
plans; the city has received the benefit of planning to some
extent, with its first master plan drawn up by the Arabs in
1866 (Halla, 1997). Taking over from the Arabs, the Germans
started to implement the former's physical development
plan with some improvements beginning; the first planning
scheme was drawn up in 1891 (Kasala, 2013a, 2013b). The
master plans proposed and published for Dar es Salaam in
1949, 1968, and 1979 corresponded to the following
national transitional phases: 1949 at the beginning of the
final colonial period; 1968 after the major ambitious policy
shift of the Arusha Declaration; 1979 after villagization
administrative decentralization phase. The plans provide a
continuous chronological thread of urban planning manage-
ment and efforts from the city's inception and a link
between early colonial and the post-independence efforts.
3.2. 1949, 1968, and 1979 master plans for Dar
es Salaam
3.2.1. 1949 master plan
The first master plan for Dar es Salaam in 1947–1949 was
produced by Sir Alexander Gibb and Partners of London. This
firm drew up postwar plans for other major towns in British
East Africa, and they were responsible for important
projects in different parts of the world (Armstrong, 1987).
The first master plan for Dar es Salaam outlined a rational
pattern for the city's growth to become the major admin-
istrative, commercial, and transportation center of the
British Tanganyika colonial territory. The master planning
Urban planning historical review of master plans and the way towards a sustainable city: Dar es Salaam, Tanzania
method of the 1949 Dar es Salaam masterplan adopted the
contemporary town planning tradition where architectural-
engineering tradition dominated. Here, the planner acts as
an independent and objective technician where the city is
considered as an afterthought to be designed and controlled
the same way architects control and shape buildings
(Fishman, 1980). Thus, the planner acts as an environmental
manager. He/she bequeaths urban form and social welfare
from above while seeking isolated physical solutions to each
of the urban problem acknowledged or documented at that
existing planning time. The plan also captivated the same
apprehensions that dominated the then current British
planning ideologies and somewhat mechanistic garden city
principles. Health and safety were also the main concerns
apart from the layout and visual appearance or the desire to
achieve an urban structure which conformed to British
standards, densities, and development. Amid the compul-
sion of achieving a healthy city to prevent outbreak and
spread of diseases, the plan desperately endeavored to
maintain a rigidly segregated and typical colonial social
stratification of the town's residential areas based on racial
grounds. Thus, the 1949 master plan for Dar es Salaam
biasedly allocated urban opportunities and implemented
comprehensive physical segregation of different social
groups as a strict urban planning principle. Its planning
concepts included zoning of functions and residential areas
according to race and population density (low, medium,
and high). The creation of neighborhood units’ breeze
lanes, open space provision, and nongeometric street layout
controlled building standards and established four major
roads that originated from the main commercial area. Other
planned land zones/areas in the 1949 master plan included
administrative, commercial, industry, special industry, and
port areas. In general, the 1949 master plan for Dar es
Salaam was a broad planning scheme, a product of the
contemporary colonial situation, and an outcome of an
earlier planning generation. Nonetheless, it established
the basis for Dar es Salaam's consequent urban growth
though the actual built up part of the city was restricted.
The city spatial expansion was mainly confined within the
planned city (currently the city's central business district
[CBD]), with a relatively possible outcome of a high density
settlement structure. However, a fast population growth
was observed after independence. It was mainly attributed
to the abandonment of the colonial policies that inhibited a
large number of African populations from migrating into
the city.
3.2.2. 1968 master plan
The movement of population into urban areas increased
during the pre-Arusha Declaration phase (1961–1967), espe-
cially in Dar es Salaam, due to the elimination of colonial
restrictions on internal migration. Dar es Salaam became
the capital of the new independent Tanzania. It underwent
considerable expansion as an economic and political base.
Until 1963, a major part of the city was moderately planned
with the exception of a few informal settlements. The post-
independence growth resulted in a rapid horizontal expan-
sion of the city primarily along its four pre-established
major road networks originating from the CBD and the port.
The consequent urban planning strategy, i.e., the 1968
363
master plan for Dar es Salaam, expressed an extensive
prescriptive planning approach emphasizing long range and
end-state grand design. The 1968 master plan for Dar es
Salaam was produced during the era of methodological
optimism and used a rational scientific approach, where
planning was a science that relied on quantification and an
integrated systems approach (Leonard, 1979). The 1968
plan was guided by a specifically prepared project manual,
critical path program, detailed preplan survey, data, and
new modelling techniques; it expressed an impressive
spatial framework and policy guidelines for the future
development of Dar es Salaam (Armstrong, 1987). The
planning approach by Project Planning Associates Ltd,
Toronto 1967–1968 relegated the details of the plans and
routine implementation decisions to politicians and admin-
istrators (Rondinelli, 1976). Furthermore, Dar es Salaam's
outward expansion was to be structured according to an
open-ended and modular “ecosystem of growth,” where a
tightly controlled green belt resisted urban sprawl and a
series of almost self-contained satellite subcities were
developed progressively (Houghton, 1975). In addition,
numerous bold, new physical planning concepts, including
the modelling of an integrated land use-transportation
system and displaying the interrelationship between differ-
ent components of the urban structure, were incorporated
minimally to some extent. The planned land zones/areas in
the 1949 master plan included residential and central areas,
major and minor district centers, industry and warehousing
areas, and areas for special uses. Moreover, open spaces
were introduced in Dar es Salaam's 1968 master plan, but
they mostly consisted of farming areas.
The 1968 master plan reflected the altered social and
political conditions within the country at that period. It
aimed at breaking down the exclusive racial and income
barriers of its colonial past while fulfilling the desires of a
new and young independent nation. It attempted to sketch-
ily guiding the growth of Dar es Salaam for the next 20 years
(only seven years after independence), but it had an
insignificant impact in shaping the physical outcome of the
city's urban growth and development. Moreover, the plan's
final objective remained at producing long-range end design
and continuing the tradition of town planning because
ostentatious arrangement persisted despite the more scien-
tific and professional approach than the previous 1949
master plan. The master planning concepts and proposals
were ambitious in terms of funding, the existing manpower,
and administrative capacity available to implement them.
Nonetheless, Dar es Salaam continued to grow. The existing
road network (Pugu, Kilwa, Morogoro, and Bagamoyo) was a
major influence and stimulus for the resulting spatial growth
structure as the city continued to develop along the four
main arterial roads originating from the CBD area.1 The
increase in rapid migration from the rural areas into the
new bustling city resulted in the city's inability to accom-
modate the rapid influx of people. Such an inability then led
to unplanned housing, urban sprawl, and haphazard devel-
opment with a resulting early image of an informal city. In
addition, Tanzania conducted a wide-scale resettlement
scheme called Ujamaa-villagization between 1973 and
1
Dar es Salaam CBD is the location of the main port of the country
and the starting point of Tanzania's railway network.
364
1976. The physical design of Ujamaa villages and their
economy, which sought to settle the country's population
permanently in villages, were largely planned centrally
(Scott, 1998). This large-scale social engineering program
intended to improve unorganized settlements within the
country and bring them under state control. However, it led
to the deterioration of many urban centers, including Dar es
Salaam, despite being successful in mobilizing people and
creating production based villages. As a policy, it did not
allow for an increase in production or democratic distribu-
tion of wealth. Thus, it failed to bring about overall
sustainable social and economic development.
3.2.3. 1979 master plan
Dar es Salaam's urban growth and development in 1970s was
directly affected by the following aspects: (i) the state of
the nation in 1979 was problematic attributed by the
steadily decline in agricultural production, economic crisis,
and the negative impacts of the war with the neighboring
country Uganda; (ii) a drastic revision of housing policy in
1972, which accepted the existence of squatters, a change
emphasized by the National Housing Corporation (Banyikwa,
1978); (iii) substantial effort, capital, and focus were
placed on ensuring peace within the country during the
war with Uganda; (iv) the economic crisis due to the Ujamaa
villagization program reduced the capital available to guide
urban growth or implement previous master plans for
Tanzanian cities. The acceptance of squatters led to further
proliferation of urban sprawl and informal settlements
within the city. The government's 1973 decision to relocate
the capital of Tanzania from Dar es Salaam to Dodoma
implied that further emphasis and planning were to be
allocated into the new capital and administrative decen-
tralization of other regional capitals apart from Dar es
Salaam.
The consequent 1979 master plan for Dar es Salaam
drawn up by Marshal Macklin, Monaghan Sweden Ltd.,
Toronto (1977–1979) identified three stages of development
in relation to approximate population targets. It also out-
lined specific areas of the city to be developed and
implemented. It involved subclassification of residential
areas/recognition of squatter areas, participation of imple-
menting agencies, detailed implementation and program
that included 47 priority projects (Armstrong, 1987). It
depicted a move toward a progressively fashionable plan-
ning trend, left behind ambitious rigid designs and sup-
ported managing ongoing changes, emphasized control, and
set out practical programs and emphasized on their imple-
mentation. Furthermore, the 1979 master plan incorporated
the concept of practicality and flexibility through utilizing a
determinedly pragmatic and flexible approach, thereby
relying on active participation and co-operating urban
implementation agencies. In addition, with these two new
themes, the 1979 plan marked even a further moved away
from the rigidity of segregating functional zoning for
different uses that was implemented in the prior master
plans. The plan was also population attained/targeted
rather than fixing target period (years), and it had a
hierarchical urban structure based on a planning module.
The proposed urban structure was based on the planning
module of residential densities as a major consideration and
L.L. Peter, Y. Yang
the provision of open space allocated according to a
detailed hierarchical system. The 1979 plan also encouraged
the location of industries throughout the urban area to
balance job opportunities and labor force (Agger, 1980–81).
All these proposals reflected national policies and existing
economic realities with emphasis on reducing uncertainty
through careful monitoring and integral attempts to encou-
rage responsive urban management (Marshall Ltd, 1979).
The overall objective of former Dar es Salaam master
plans, which practically remained unchanged in all the
three plans, was to come up with detailed recommendations
as regard to how the city should rationally expand over the
years. However, to some extent, a few significant differ-
ences exist in the master planning approach and develop-
ment from one plan to the next. First, as seen in the master
plans (Figs. 3–1 to 3–3), substantial changes occurred in the
scale of which the plans were developed. The 1949 plan
confined its attention exclusively within the revised city
boundaries a geometric semi-circle. By contrast, the con-
cept of the city region had attained widespread acceptance
in later plans. The 1968 plan was equally concerned with
integrated development of wider city region and planning
within the extended city boundaries. In addition, variation
is seen in the population and the time scale of different
plans. The 1949 plan proposed an optimum city size of
200,000 inhabitants, and the 1979 plan was preparing for a
future city of 2400,000 residents (Armstrong, 1987). The
1968 plan also presented a long-term perspective looking
ahead over 30 years and set beyond the customary master
plan perspective of 20 years. Furthermore, in terms of the
amount or detail of information, they incorporate and the
extent to which policy changes. The plans reveal consider-
able changes, especially in terms of participation, which is
evident in the 1979 plan. After two failed attempts of the
previous master plans, politicians, administrators, and
representatives of national and city agencies were all
closely involved in formulating initial proposals and recom-
mendations in agreeing on the plan's form and content and
ensuring the actual realization of its proposals. All three
master plans for Dar es Salaam in 1949, 1968, and 1979
exhibit an unequivocally physical planning approach in
compliance to the tradition of the western architect or
planner mostly concerned with visualizing the spatial form
of the urban area. The appearance or image of the city
rather than its proper functioning, issues of direction of
urban expansion, road network and street layout pattern,
and distribution of different land use zones. Furthermore,
the 1949, 1968, and 1979 masterplans demonstrate the
same peculiar obsession of moving people about, getting
them out of some localities into others, reducing residential
densities, and stopping immigration (Harris, 1983). Through
the implementation of the three master plans, the spatial
expansion of Dar es Salaam from the 1940s to the 1980s
followed a star shaped pattern along major arterial roads.
Moreover, the city continued to develop outwards as a result
of the development of informal housing along major trans-
portation arteries leading out of the CBD. Seeing the
relevance and the conceptual and contextual legitimacy of
existing master plans as means of guiding Dar es Salaam's
urban growth is still difficult given the many current
inherent weaknesses of this commonly adopted planning
approach. Furthermore, apart from the planning approach,
Urban planning historical review of master plans and the way towards a sustainable city: Dar es Salaam, Tanzania
Fig. 3–1 Dar es Salaam's 1949 Master plan. Source: CC (2004); roads edited by author
people always fail to comprehend the implementation of
these conceived master plans. This implementation is
usually tasked to the local authorities who have limited
financial, educational, and technological resources to
ensure proper implementation or actual physical realiza-
tion. To sum up, these are Dar es Salaam's urban planning
efforts since its inception (Table 3-2).
3.3. The 1979–2012 master planning gap in Dar es
Salaam
Between 1980 and the early 1990s, Dar es Salaam experi-
enced absence of new physical urban planning intervention,
i.e., new master plans, to manage or keep up with its rapid
development and population growth. Having limited
resources and overall lack of coordinated planning, govern-
ment officials had difficulty executing or updating the
previous masterplans. The consequences of rapid unma-
naged urban growth (urbanization) are clearly visible. A
field survey study performed on the city by the author
explored the city's physical conditions, growth, and devel-
opment discovered urban challenges accompanied by unma-
naged urban growth management, including urban decline
and fragmentation; poor quality of life and livability con-
cerns; rapid unmanaged population growth; improper urban
development; traffic congestion, poor provision of public
services, and environmental degradation, i.e., environmen-
tal pollution (land, water and air), seasonal floods during
365
the rainy season, and loss of green and natural spaces.
Another effect of rapid urban growth (urbanization) is urban
sprawl,2 which is largely responsible for changes in the
physical environment in both form and spatial organization.
Furthermore, as urban populations interact with their
environment, they change it through their consumption of
food, energy, water, and land. The polluted urban environ-
ment also affects their health and quality of life. Apart from
the negative environmental implications, unmanaged rapid
urbanization is the cause of many social implications and
changes, e.g., issues like poverty, lack of opportunities, and
problems of psychological adaptation. These social issues
are a part of the majority of the urban poor population
displaced by the urban space that fails to adapt or align
themselves to the rapid changing standards of urban areas.
The problems arising from rapid urbanization in Dar es
Salaam and Tanzania in general are also strongly related
to globalization and the government not having adequate
revenue to spend on the basic upkeep of the city. As a
country in economic transition, Tanzania's short-term eco-
nomic plans and the protection of the environment or
overall economic development and social welfare will
always be in conflict (Fig. 3-4).
2
Urban sprawl is the unplanned rapid expansion of the geographic
extent of cities and towns characterized by low density residential
housing, single use zoning, and increased reliance on the private
automobile for transportation.
366 L.L. Peter, Y. Yang

Fig. 3–2 Dar es Salaam's 1968 master plan. Source: CC (2004); roads edited by author

Fig. 3–3 Dar es Salaam's 1979 master plan. Source: CC (2004); roads edited by author
Urban planning historical review of master plans and the way towards a sustainable city: Dar es Salaam, Tanzania 367

Table 3–2 Chronology of urban planning efforts of Dar es Salaam. Source: Lazaro (2015)

YEAR URBAN PLANNING EFFORTS REMARKS

1840s The first physical development plan for Dar es Salaam Implementation of the physical development plan for
was prepared by Arabs, under Said Majid, then the Dar es Salaam stopped due to Sultan's death.
Sultan of Zanzibar.
1891 German implementation of the first physical develop- Set in motion the city's foundational years
ment plan by the Arabs with some improvements
1949 The first master plan for Dar es Salaam was prepared,
Involved enactment of the 1923 Land Ordinance, the
and formal institutional arrangements for its implemen-
1956 Town and Country Planning Ordinance, and the Dar
tation were founded. es Salaam Municipal Ordinance of 1947. Proposals were
hardly implemented.
1968 The second Dar es Salaam Master plan was prepared by Ignored in favor of a government development program
a Toronto-based firm Project Planning Associates Ltd.
1979–2012 Master planning gap Adoption of a new planning approach due to evolution of
planning thoughts (UN-Habitat, 2009). The beginning of
implementation of the new guidelines for urban devel-
opment planning and management (2006). Enactment of
the Urban Planning Act No. 8 of 2007
2012 New master plan 2012–2032 Not implemented
2018 New master plan 2018–2040 Yet to be approved for implementation

development in terms of servicing city expansion, upgrad-

Fig. 3–4 Flooding in Msimbazi, Dar es Salaam. Source:
www.ippmedia.com (2018)
Despite the 1979–2012 master planning gap in 1999
under the remit of the Sustainable Dar es Salaam Program
(SDP), a Strategic Urban Development Framework (SUDP)
for the city was developed as a result of disapprovals
against the master planning approach to planning and
managing cities (UN-Habitat, 2009). This framework was
considered as a substantial improvement over the master
plan approach, a shift from the earlier blueprint planning
approach toward a participatory strategy approach (Halla
and Majani, 1999). It covered a large planning area3 and
was driven by wide and participatory consultations with
stakeholders across all levels of society. A set of inter-
related development strategies aimed at enabling public,
private, and community participation and enhancing the
quality of the environment was the output of this frame-
work (Hossain et al., 2015). The SUDP framework for Dar es
Salaam was based on managing the city's expected physical
ing unserviced settlements, and facilitating urban
renewal. The framework also envisioned the revitalization
of the role of local government authorities as the key
agents and facilitators during the urban development
process (Sliuzas, 2004). SUDP was piloted in Dar es Salaam
as a response of the United Nations Center for Human
Settlements to the request of the Tanzanian government to
finance the review of Dar es Salaam's 1979 master plan.
Other cities that followed suit and developed SUDPs were
Mwanza, Moshi, Iringa, Mbeya, Morogoro, Tanga, and
Arusha. However, they were never formally adopted
because preparation of SUDPs depended upon finance from
international organizations and donors (Lazaro, 2015). The
Ministry of Lands Housing and Human Settlements Devel-
opment abandoned the approach in 2007, and a decision to
return to the master planning approach was made (Kasala,
2013a, 2013b). The continuing implementation of the SUDP
framework approach could have led to a coordinated and
flexible framework for the city form and the land use
pattern because it is a dynamic urban development and
planning tool developed through a participatory process of
different planning levels. Another advantage of the SUDP
process is that it provided a practical opportunity for
stakeholders4 in the public, private, and community sec-
tors to work together. Different stakeholders have the
opportunity to exchange strategic information for city
planning and management, adjust and co-ordinate sectoral
plans, and resolve possible conflicts or replication, which
usually results in inefficiency (UN-Habitat, 2005). It assists
in breaking of the existing traditional institutional and
sectoral divide that to a great extent account for the
ineffectiveness of the traditional urban planning and
management approach.

3
The planning area in 1999 was 1350 km2, which was higher than 4
Representatives of government authorities, project developers,
448 km2 in 1978 and 404 km2 in 1968 (Hossain et al., 2015). interest groups, citizens, etc.
368
In addition to that and regardless of the lack of new
master plans for Dar es Salaam or upgrading of its old
master plans politically, a few major urban planning legisla-
tion policies and reforms that occurred between 1979 and
2012. Any urban planning strategy that involves master
plans, strategic urban development plans, and frameworks
designed to guide urban growth and development requires
the presence and support of good urban planning legisla-
tions/policies that will support their preparation and imple-
mentation. The urban planning legislation/policies reforms
listed below were prepared to aid the guidance and
implementation of proper urban planning, development
and growth of Tanzanian cities. The legislation specific to
urban planning in Tanzania only started evolving in the last
two decades. Beforehand, laws that regulated the general
facilitation of planning and enforcement of plans for
Tanzania's urban and rural areas existed, such as Town and
Country Planning Act (Cap 378), the National Land Use
Planning Commission Act (No 3 of 1984), the Local Govern-
ment Act (Lazaro, 2015). However the planning process
under these laws was problematic; the Town and Country
Planning Act intended to facilitate comprehensive land use
planning for both urban and rural areas was used almost
exclusively for planning in urban areas; the National Land
Use Planning Commission established by the National Land
Use Planning Act, which supposedly carried a more compre-
hensive mandate in respect of land use planning, lacked the
authority to supervise the practices of land use planning
agencies at any level; the Local Government Act also lacked
the ability to coordinate land use planning across regions
and sectors (Bank, 2009). Some of these problems were
encountered and remain predominant to date during the
urban planning process of different cities/regions in Tanza-
nia, including Dar es Salaam. Urban management and
planning is still vertically fragmented. It lacks coordination
and has a complex relationship among the different existing
governing bodies. The major urban planning legislation
policies and reforms includes:
 1982 Local Government Act No. 8: Gave urban local
government authorities power to prepare detailed plan-
ning schemes and submit to the minister responsible for
local governments for approval, empowered the Minister
of Local Governments to acquire land or recommend to
the President for that land to be acquired in the public
interest
 1995 National Land Policy: Prohibited the removal of
informal settlements and committed the government to
upgrading them instead
 2000 National Human Settlements Policy: Required
serviced land to be available, encouraged private sector
participation, plan for new sub-centers, removal of
unplanned settlements was not regarded as a viable
option, policy to be directed toward future upgrading
effectively prohibited the removal of informal settle-
ments and committed the government to upgrading them
instead
 2007 Urban Planning Act: Municipalities mandated to
provide universal serviced land, land use plans are
required in every district, enables authorities to take
loan defaulters to court, provides new procedures for
land use plans, requires plans in annexed urban areas
L.L. Peter, Y. Yang
 2011 Urban Planning and Space Standards Regula-
tions: Town and Country (Town Planning Space Standards)
Regulations of 1997 are revoked, including standards for
residential areas, unplanned settlements, building lines
and setbacks, plot coverage and plot ratio, community
and public facilities, parking and road width, and agri-
cultural show grounds
3.4. New development plans for Dar es Salaam
After years of inadequate infrastructure provision and
planning, the government of Tanzania has shown a renewed
intention of steering urban growth, redeveloping parts of
the city, and taking control of the urban space (UN-Habitat,
2008). In the mid-2000s the government initiated a neolib-
eral land formalization program, which was intended to
address insecure tenure in unplanned or informal areas and
to reduce poverty and underdevelopment (Kombe, 2010).
Furthermore, to facilitate the urban growth of Dar es
Salaam, private investment (locally and internationally)
and reinforcement of partnership between the government
and private investors were encouraged to partner up with
the government in developing different urban development
projects in the city. The different urban development
projects include mega housing projects, satellite-housing
schemes, resettlements programs, millennium business
parks, and different economic development zones (EDZ)
projects. The proposed satellite cities will help in curbing
the urban sprawl, stimulate planned development, and
decongest the city. The new Dar Rapid Transit (DART Phase
II was projected to begin in December 2018) and the ongoing
road expansion in the city will further minimize traffic
congestion within the city while supporting economic
growth. Moreover, it will aid in providing a quality, acces-
sible, and affordable mass transport system, thereby
improving urban mobility. The affordable housing schemes
will help curb the problems of improper land use and the
increased housing demand and reduction of slums. The
economic development zones will offer special economic
incentives to local and foreign businesses and investments.
(Fig. 3-5).
Furthermore, despite the many failures of using master
plans as a strategy and tool for guiding and controlling Dar
es Salaam's urban growth and development, a new master
plan for the city was proposed in 2012 to replace the 1979
master plan. The new 2012–2032 master plan for Dar es
Salaam tried to address difficulties of the previous master
plans. It was an ambitious plan that expressed local and
national goals. According to MLHHSD the new master plan
for Dar es Salaam was made to meet the requirements,
philosophies, and aspirations of the nation at large and
future generations of Tanzania (main report of MLHHSD,
2013). It was anticipated that the implementation of the
proposal would contribute to the growth and prosperity of
Dar es Salaam toward a world-class city of excellence.
Supporting this new master plan was a new land act that
inhibits people from occupying and developing unplanned
areas. The new land act addresses all land survey bureau to
survey all areas and mark them according to the stipulated
uses in the new master plan. The act also encourages land
developers to involve architects and engineers in their
Urban planning historical review of master plans and the way towards a sustainable city: Dar es Salaam, Tanzania
Fig. 3–5 Dar Rapid Transit. Source: www.connective-cities.net (2017)
projects to harmonize the new structures with the existing
ones to bring about the rhythm of the desired new sustain-
able city (URT, 1999). The new master plan focused on three
main themes for the city, namely, personal development,
collective memory, and creation of a national commercial
hub (MLHHSD, 2013). The new master plan also proposed
the creation of the Metropolitan Development Authority to
oversee planning and major infrastructure development.
Drawn by Dodi Moss-Happold Group AfriArch and QConsult,
the new master plan for Dar es Salaam represented
contemporary redevelop-mentalism and echoed strategies
from the past that aimed at controlling space and popula-
tion (MLHHSD, 2013). It recalls the former forced resettle-
ment concept (the 1970s villagization program) in its
objective of relocating and concentrating residents into
specific residential areas (Fig. 3-6).
However, the proposed 2012–2032 master plan for Dar es
Salaam was not implemented. Instead, in September 2018
Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) presented a
new master plan ready for implementation to the minister of
state in the President's office, regional administration, and
local government (Reporter, 2018). The draft covers four
major areas (urban structure and land use, road transport,
public transport and traffic management) projected to be
implemented in three phases in a period of 21 years until
2040. It also proposes urbanized areas along the urban
corridors (Bagamoyo, Nyerere, Morogoro and Kilwa Roads)
to avoid human activities into the suitable areas available for
development. However, in February 2018, JICA unveiled the
draft of a new master plan for Dar es Salaam that focuses on
the improvement of human settlements and infrastructure
for the city's growing population. According to the draft
master plan, the city is in need of better infrastructure and
housing to cope with the increasing number of inhabitants.
This initial stage ensures sustainable solutions for the city's
transport system and other infrastructure, that is, road and
railway transport (Reporter, 2018). The success or failure of
the new plan for Dar es Salaam will depend on the govern-
ment's enforcement of planning regulations and stopping the
persistent illegal construction of buildings in prohibited
areas. In fact, the local government authorities in Dar es
Salaam still have a problem in enforcing land use policies
among the city residents. This problem has led to the
prevalence of informal settlements, improper urban con-
struction, and development of human activities in areas that
are suitable for major urban developments, such as roads. It
369
is difficult to manage the redevelopment of existing towns,
and it has been proven to be challenging and costly to
relocate urban settlements to pave way for new develop-
ment. Furthermore, the realization of the new plan will also
depend on what part of the existing city is to be conserved,
renewed, or replaced. A clear urban planning concept to be
built on its own location, its long history, and environment
has more opportunity for success. The reaction or reception
of the new plan by the city residents, from a personal/
resident's perspective and field study there is a limited
adherence to the old masterplans by the city inhabitants
nor awareness of the existence of a new masterplan for Dar
es Salaam. It is certainly possible to access and download
parts of the 2012–2032 master plan (which was never
implemented) from the ministry's website. However, the
document is available only in English and not Kiswahili, the
official language in Tanzania. For smooth implementation of
the new master plan, any land disputes and negativity from
the city residents must be avoided. The new plan will need
adequate publicity to create public awareness and to gain
support and acceptance from the public. Lastly, the central
government will unlikely provide adequate funds for the
implementation of the new master plan. Therefore, private
sectors should be encouraged to invest resources not only in
the redevelopment of the city's physical buildings but also in
the provision of public services and community facilities that
will support new and future master plans for Dar es Salaam.
4. Discussion
4.1. Dar es Salaam urban spatial growth
The rate and degree of urbanization and social and eco-
nomic growth of major Tanzanian cities are directly
affected by the physical distribution of colonial administra-
tion and towns in Tanzania. For example, the location of the
administrative headquarters in Dar es Salaam determined
that capital investment was directed and concentrated in
the city's development. The location in turn led to the city's
faster economic, social, and urban growth compared with
other cities in Tanzania, for example, Mwanza, Arusha, or
Mbeya. In most of the colonial government headquarters
including Dar es Salaam, specific township administrations
and local regulations affected the subsequent urban plan-
ning and development of the city. When it comes to the
370
Fig. 3–6 Dar es Salaam's 2012–2032 master plan. Source: MLHHSD (2013)
physical shape of the city, a creek system and natural harbor
restricts Dar es Salaam's urban form. The city is bound by
the Indian Ocean to the east and a natural harbor that
stretches about 10 km inland along the Kizinga and Mzinga
Creeks (Kebede and Nicholls, 2011). However, upon exam-
ining the three master plans (1949, 1968 and 1979), that the
physical shape of Dar es Salaam is mainly controlled by its
transport infrastructure becomes evident. Most of the urban
development adheres to a finger-like structure along the
four major roads dividing the city, originating from the CBD
(Halla and Mang’waru, 2004). The urban area in Dar es
Salaam has expanded significantly along the coastline and
the major arterial roads including Bagamoyo, Morogoro,
Nyerere, and Kilwa Road, resulting in a mono-centric and
radial development pattern. The current network of the
four main roads is generally still the same as the one
established under the colonial rule or since the city's
inception. The ensuing urban spatial structure has the city
center as the focal point, and the existing urban form still
depends on an infrastructure system designed for a much
smaller city (Kyessi, 2008). As the roads extend outward
from the CBD, so did the city of Dar es Salaam, although the
municipal investment improved major roads and provided
limited investment to the secondary and tertiary roads
linking different inland areas of the city (UN-Habitat,
2009). Another significant driver of Dar es Salaam's urban
expansion was the deregulation of public transport in the
late 1980s, when many new privately operated mini buses
made the peripheral areas beyond the city center much
more accessible (Briggs and Yeboah, 2001). Over a certain
L.L. Peter, Y. Yang
period, Dar es Salaam's fingerlike urban form became less
predominant endorsed by informal infill process. Typically
individual or private investments in road and service infra-
structure guide the infill process. Such development in Dar
es Salaam is usually implemented without obtaining formal
title or municipal service provision (Abebe, 2011). Through
the years, most of the city's spatial expansion has happened
through the infill and densification process rather than
expanding further away from the major roads. A combina-
tion of land use pattern structured along the major roads
has created a “sprawled city.”5 The pockets of land
between these arterial roads are still in the process of
amalgamation and densification, hence the resulting col-
laged urban form of Dar es Salaam. These lands are in urban
form with several pockets of high density where land is
made accessible via roads and bridges with a mix of planned
and unplanned neighborhoods (Abebe, 2011) (Fig. 4–1).
Until the 1940s, the built-up area in Dar es Salaam was
only limited to the area within 5 km radius from the CBD. In
the 1950s and 1960s, the built-up area expanded to the area
with approximately 10 km radius from the CBD. After the
rapid urban expansion and population growth in the 1970s
and 1980s, the city built-up area expanded to the areas
within nearly 20 km radius from the CBD, especially along
the major arterial roads.
5
Sprawled city is caused by rapid geographic expansion charac-
terized by low-density residential housing, single-use zoning, and
increased reliance on private automobile as mode of
transportation.
Urban planning historical review of master plans and the way towards a sustainable city: Dar es Salaam, Tanzania
Dar es Salaam has and still is expanding horizontally, most
of which have taken place informally due to the high
demand for settlement areas caused by population growth,
including immigration from other regions/cities. Before the
independence, that is, under the colonial rule, controlling
and directing the growth of Dar es Salaam were achieved to
some extent by enforcing strict rules, which included
immigration control. As seen in Fig. 4-2, the informal
areas/settlements in Dar es Salaam have grown rapidly
compared with formal planned settlements/area. Growth
control of these informal settlements and provision of basic
services and other social services have been difficult for the
local authorities to implement. These informal settlements
will have direct consequences to the resulting spatial
growth of the city because most of them are built without
following set urban plans and are difficult to relocate or
refurbish. In addition, the informal settlements have tenure
security, built using high-quality permanent materials, and
have a wide range of socioeconomic groups (URT, 2013). In
addition to individuals’ vested interests, the 1999 Land Act's
strong compensation rights makes it politically and physi-
cally difficult to alter their consequent haphazard local
level urban form (Sheuya, 2007). With poor planning con-
trol, the outcome will always be urban sprawl or linear
development along major trunk infrastructure lines. This
type of urban spatial growth imposes heavy costs on the
municipal government and residents, usually leading to
negative environmental impacts, especially water and air
pollution. However, by providing trunk infrastructure6 and
complementary services as incentives in strategically
located areas, guiding informal urban development into
favorable areas is possible. A reciprocated link exists
between trunk infrastructure development and urban
growth, that is, provision and allocation trunk infrastructure
usually determine the resulting overall structure of urban
expansion/growth. Thus, it is easier to control urban growth
into favorable locations based on a citywide concept for
sustainable urban growth. The population of Dar es Salaam
will reach 5.8 million by 2030, and roughly 2.8 million
people need to be accommodated within the city for the
next two decades (Reporter, 2018). If adequate land devel-
opment policies are not prepared, urban sprawl and illegal/
informal settlements will continue to extend beyond the
boundary of jurisdiction.
4.2. Planning versus implementation of Dar es
Salaam's master plans
When it comes to urban planning in Tanzania, the key
stakeholders in the institutional framework for planning
and land administration in Tanzania are highly centralized in
the Ministry of Land, Housing, and Human Settlement
Development. In theory, the MLHHSD sets policy, provides
technical support to planning authorities, and serves as a
review and approval body. However, the process of making
planned land available in urban areas is initiated and
6
Trunk infrastructure is a high-level infrastructure that supports
large areas including water treatment facilities, sewerage treat-
ment plants, and roads necessary for urban development and
typically shared between different developments.
371
authorized by town/municipal/city councils, together with
the responsibility for implementation and enforcement of
planning schemes. In practice, the planning process remains
relatively centralized, with MLHHSD frequently playing an
active role in the development of urban plans. Over the
years, general planning schemes in Tanzania have variably
been referred to as general schemes from 1940s to 1950s, as
master plans and interim land use plans from 1960s to
1990s, and as strategic urban development plans from 1990s
to 2006 (Huang et al., 2017). The enforcement mechanisms
of these schemes (Fig. 4–3) are divided among the munici-
pal, ward and MTAA level (village level). At the city level,
the General Planning Schemes (GPS) prepared by the local
authorities include traditional master plans and interim land
use plans or strategic urban development plans. At the
neighborhood level, Detailed Planning Schemes (DPS) have
been prepared to coordinate all development activities, to
control the use and development of land, including the
intensive use of urban land and vertical and compact urban
development (MLHHSD, 2007). According to the law, DPS are
allowed to be prepared in the absence of GPS, indicating
that approving authorities who are in charge of detailed
plans do not have to examine their conformity to the
respective master plans (Bank, 2016). Additional planning
tools used to expedite the government's directive and
control in managing urban growth, control informality, and
unplanned development are demarcations or non-title sur-
veying, participatory planning, and land pooling. However,
in reality, these methods that are currently put in practice
require prolonged administrative procedures that limit the
supply of available planned land due to the rapid population
growth in Tanzanian cities.
Once land has been identified suitable for a planning
scheme, the LGA must go through several procedures
(Fig. 4–3) to fulfill land acquisition, planning, surveys, and
plot allocation requirements (Massoi and Norman, 2010). In
the case of Dar es Salaam, eight years can pass by before a
land earmarked for a planning scheme can be converted
into planned plots for allocation. However, not all devel-
opers will take the required steps to obtain land through
informal means, thereby contributing to a shortage of
planned land (Kironde, 2006). Currently, wide discrepancies
and contrasts occur in institutional facilities, and manpower
between regions and districts affects the effectiveness of
problem identification, planning, and implementation of
different urban development projects. Furthermore, deeply
rooted faith is still observed in land use planning wherein
experts prepare maps that indicate in considerable detail
how land should be used. In practice, urban planning
continues to be discriminatory, development plans continue
to be top-down, and implementation is still problematic
with consequent slow development. In terms of the role of
Tanzanian urban planners, town planning education in
Tanzania had a late start. During the planning of the former
master plans for the city, a terrible shortage of technical
manpower to manage and guide urban development of
Tanzanian cities occurred, including in Dar es Salaam.
Currently, the institutions and environment where the
planners work face constraints and limitations coupled with
significant bureaucracy. These disadvantages limit the insti-
tutions’ role in contributing, introducing, or trying to
implement different possibilities for promoting proper or
372
Fig. 4–1 Urban expansion in Dar es Salaam (1947–2001). Source: CC (2004)
Fig. 4–2 Growth of formal vs. informal settlements in Dar es Salaam. Source: www.rescue.org (n.d.)
sustainable urban growth and development. Albeit when
they are involved in the preparation or proposal of urban
plans/strategies, their educational background and expo-
sure have some western orientation which may not be
relevant in solving the existing situations in Tanzanian
cities.
In terms of the actual conceptualization and planning of
master plans, an international flow of ideas and visions
about how cities should be developed and governed is
constant (McCann and Ward, 2012). The global urban
strategies and policies focusing on the city's future are
usually borrowed from elsewhere and applied in certain
specific contexts to achieve certain urban renewal and civic
improvement (Hall and Barrett, 2012). Historically, urban
planning has played a central role in efforts to control
spatial and social order since their inception. Master plans,
as a part of spatial control, spatially dividing people by
class, gender, and ethnicity, reproduced power structures in
society while overlooking the complex reality of social
relations. Master plans are also an important tool of power
to materialize a certain vision of the city and an instrument
L.L. Peter, Y. Yang
to protect property values and preclude the invasion of
urban areas by the disadvantaged group (Watson, 2009). A
wide gap exists between planning intentions or desired
outcomes in contrast to the actual outcomes and existing
urban realities in most African cities including Dar es
Salaam. All the previously proposed master plans for Dar
es Salaam generally gave projections on future growth of
the city while trying to promote and enforce a well-planned
zoning of land use, services, and infrastructural develop-
ment. The plans continuously fail because they are com-
prehensive in nature, and do not address the local issues of
economic development, population growth, and adminis-
trative capacity in implementation. The poor urban devel-
opment in Tanzania, especially in Dar es Salaam, owes its
failure to outdated planning standards and planning laws,
inadequate and incompetent development control mechan-
ism, poor and irregular developments and densification of
the previously planned and built up areas (Mosha, 1990).
The urban planning standards and urban planning laws that
support the foundation or materialization of master plans in
Tanzania have failed to keep up with new challenges in the
Urban planning historical review of master plans and the way towards a sustainable city: Dar es Salaam, Tanzania
Fig. 4–3 Existing urban planning framework and mechanisms in Tanzania. Source: Bank (2016)
country especially those found in Dar es Salaam. In addition,
the inherited colonial planning system and regulations are
still not suitable and incapable of addressing the current
challenges facing African cities and their residents
(Sandercock, 2003). Furthermore, the actual control and
implementation of any urban development proposals includ-
ing master plans are still left in the hand of the local
authorities. Dar es Salaam's local government authorities
and manpower lack the technological familiarity to imple-
ment the complex master plans developed by Western
consultants. They also lack manpower and have limited
financial and technological resources. Moreover, detach-
ment and impartiality occur between the master planning
phase contracted to external consulates and the implemen-
tation phase carried out by the incapable and redundant
local government agencies.
In addition, during the designing process, international
consultants lack the understanding and comprehension of
373
Dar es Salaam's dynamics. If these shortcomings are not
addressed, the opportunities to build capacity among local
planners will be missed, and a more spatial segregation will
occur and gentrification will persist. The foreign planning
mindsets, informed by a certain aesthetic, by efficiency and
modernization, tend to disregard and do not frequently
come into conflict with the ways of life that sustain large
numbers of urban residents (Watson, 2003). It should be
noted that the 1949, 1968, and 1979 master plans for Dar es
Salaam were prepared by foreign planning agencies. The
1949 master plan was made by Sir Alexander Gibb and
Partners of London. The 1968 master plan was made by
Project Planning Associates Ltd., Toronto, and the 1979
master plan was made by Marshal Macklin, Monaghan
Sweden Ltd., Toronto. The former Dar es Salaam master
plans are irrelevant in changing city conditions. Moreover
their management is credited to the direct application of
Western urban planning ideas and lack of consideration of
374
the local context. This context helps explain why all three
master plans were soon ignored and devalued, and why the
needs of the urban majorities were and still are often
disregarded. For a long period, the first three master plans
remained the only strategic and comprehensive urban
planning for Dar es Salaam. Like many cities in developing
countries, the city lacks capital and adequate sources to
finance or implement many of its urban development
projects. There is an overdependence on foreign worldwide
loans and aids especially in major infrastructure projects.
For example, the Dar es Salaam Rapid Transit (DART-I) was
spearheaded by the World Bank. The current and celebrated
end product of urban planning efforts in Dar es Salaam and
Tanzania in general is the production of urban plans in the
form of master plans, GPS, structure, or action plans. The
production of urban plans is evident in the proposed 2012–
2032 master plan of Dar es Salaam, the new proposed 2018–
2040 master plan for Dar es Salaam, or the current
preparation of a GPS or 2018–2038 master plan for Mbeya
City. With failing master plans and lack of sustainable urban
planning approach, the city's urban conditions continue to
deteriorate. The fast growing city of Dar es Salaam will
continue to be exposed to a range of urban environmental
risks, including floods, which occur annually during the rainy
season, leaving a large portion of the city's population
temporarily displaced. Furthermore, the city still lacks
adequate infrastructure and services to meet the growing
population. This shortage has resulted in inefficient spatial
development, the proliferation of squatter settlements, and
inadequate basic amenities including potable water, sanita-
tion, and waste disposal.
4.3. Position of masterplans in sustainable urban
development
An environment is defined as a total set of circumstances
that surrounds an individual or a community, made of
physical conditions, social, and cultural aspects which
affect the behavior of an individual or a community
(Efobi, 1994). It encompasses constantly interacting sets
of physical or non-physical, natural or man-made elements,
and living or non-living elements. All these elements
determine the characteristic features, growth, and sustain-
ability of component elements of the environment and the
environment itself (Johnson, 1992). The ongoing rapid
urbanization around the world has become a major concern
in many countries due its negative impact on the environ-
ment (El Araby, 2002). The current problems found within
our environment and society are largely caused by rapid
urbanization. Problems, such as social inequality, informal
settlements, slums, land scarcity, and climate change are
some of the major negative consequences of rapid urbani-
zation. Sustainable development has been considered
worldwide the best way to integrate economic develop-
ment, social development, and environmental protection.
According to the Brundtland Report, sustainable develop-
ment is defined as the development that meets the needs of
the present generation without compromising the ability of
future generations to meet their own needs (WECD, 1987).
Applied to urban areas, it is the ability of urban areas to
continue to function at levels of desired quality of life by
L.L. Peter, Y. Yang
communities without limiting the options available to the
present and future generations (Marcuse, 1998). It is gen-
erally accepted that the trilogy of interdependence factors,
namely, economy, environment and social equity, are the
foremost components of the sustainability concept
(Chan and Lee, 2008; Girardet and Mendoca, 2009). Sustain-
able principles of urban development are further categor-
ized into management, social, economic, and ecological
subdivisions, and in this context, a triangular conflict occurs
between economy, ecology, and equity as key sustainability
contributors to strategy achievement (Moore, 2007). For
example, a balance between development, property, and
resource is a prerequisite for achieving integrated sustain-
ability in an urban context. Such balance has a higher
prospect in making the city more profitable, fairer, and
greener. Sustainable urban development can also be
regarded as a dynamic process in which social, economic,
environmental, and governance sustainability are all given
equal concern (Shen et al., 2005). It beseeches responsible
growth and development strategies that are broader in
vision and more local in scale. Currently, sustainable
urbanization has taken a priority as an effective way to
promote the sustainable development of urban areas in the
rapid process of urbanization today (Enserink and
Koppenjan, 2007). An urbanization process that fulfills the
principles of sustainable development takes place without
depleting non-renewable resources, linked with the con-
servation of non-renewable physical resources for the use of
future generations.
Since the early 1990s, initiatives and progress on devel-
oping the concepts of sustainable development have been
rapid. A few major events, programs, and commissions
(Earth Summit 1992, Agenda 21 1992, Commission on
Sustainable Development (CSD) 1997, Earth Summit Review
2002, and World Summit on Sustainable Development
[WSSD]) have been instrumental in shaping the fundamental
principles and programs of action so as to achieve sustain-
able development worldwide. All these summits and
declarations emphasized and better defined the important
role that international organizations and governments must
play in supporting local governments to develop the cap-
abilities to address sustainable development. Currently, the
New Urban Agenda7 represents a shared vision for a better
and more sustainable future, one in which all people have
equal rights and access to the benefits and opportunities
that cities can offer, and in which the international com-
munity reconsiders the urban systems and physical form of
our urban spaces to achieve sustainable development
(UN-Habitat, 2017). In the current extraordinary period of
increasing rapid urbanization, it must be understood that
cities, apart from being sources of huge challenges, can also
be sources of solutions. In developing and developed
countries, well planned and managed urbanization can be
a powerful tool for promoting sustainable urban develop-
ment. The New Urban Agenda presents a paradigm shift
based on the science of cities; it lays out standards and
7
The New Urban Agenda was adopted at the United Nations
Conference on Housing and Sustainable Urban Development (Habi-
tat III) in Quito, Ecuador on October 20, 2016. It was endorsed by
the United Nations General Assembly at its 68th plenary meeting of
the 71st session on December 23, 2016 (UN-Habitat, 2017).
Urban planning historical review of master plans and the way towards a sustainable city: Dar es Salaam, Tanzania
principles for the planning, construction, development,
management, and improvement of urban areas along its
five main pillars of implementation: national urban policies,
urban legislation and regulations, urban planning and
design, local economy and municipal finance, and local
implementation (UN-Habitat, 2017). It also incorporates a
new recognition and connection between good urbanization
and development, good urbanization and job creation,
livelihood opportunities and improved quality of life,
aspects that ought to be included in every country's urban
renewal policy and strategy.
As urbanization advances rapidly all over the world, the
sustainable development of urban areas has become an
issue of global importance. Even though Dar es Salaam
attempts to have a few sustainable buildings in the city on
its own, it is simply not enough to make an entire city
sustainable. It should be noted that properly planned and
functioning cities are so complex to achieve, and sustain-
able cities are even much more difficult to accomplish.
What is needed is a series of sustainable development
approaches. For the case of Dar es Salaam, many different
ways can address sustainability issues in its urban growth
and development. First, specific policies in legislation can
be developed, as well plans to address key issues in local
sustainability, integrating sustainability considerations into
existing city policies and development plans. This solution is
where the government plays an important role in urban
development by promoting sustainable urbanization through
policies, planning regulations, and schemes. Appropriate
policies play an important role in sustainable development,
and more emphasis should be given on the local solutions for
urban development to proceed in a more sustainable way.
Dar es Salaam cannot sustain its growing population in the
next two decades. For it to become a sustainable city,
the government must come up with a future-looking sus-
tainable policy that will allow the city's expansion, as well
as that of other growing cities in the country. In addition,
proper policies and strict actions need to be established and
implemented for the deteriorating ecological environment
in Dar es Salaam. Legislation that requires local authorities
to carry out impact analyses are needed, as well as
subsequent monitoring of the consequences of any urban
development plans, including master plans. Moreover, the
future urban planning and development of Dar es Salaam
should be guided not only by economic and spatial growth
vision but also by sustainable planning and management
vision. This form of guidance would help safeguard the city's
public service provision, sustainable economic develop-
ment, proper and sufficient housing provision, good urban
governance, guided spatial development, and urban envir-
onmental management. However, all these goals will only
succeed if all the stakeholders in the city will collaborate
and be directly involved. Sustainable urbanization requires
the engagement of all stakeholders in the city, and sustain-
able urban development can be achieved if all stakeholders
exchange goals, expectations, and resources among one
another (Enserink and Koppenjan, 2007). For example,
private enterprises can consider minimizing their environ-
mental impact, non-government organizations can provide
urgent support needed for sustainable development, and
the public can actively participate in the city's sustainable
development efforts.
375
Second, planning is a result of an unprecedented and
possibly unrivaled mobilization of human optimism and inven-
tiveness. The early pioneers of city planning, by the use of
master plans, had a unique and exceptional characteristic;
they were visionaries, scholars, designers, and achievers all at
the same time. The master plan has become as a critical tool in
government efforts to regulate and control the growth and
development of towns in Europe and has been vigorously
adopted throughout Africa, including Tanzania (Wekwete,
1995). Customarily, a master plan is principally concerned with
land use allocation, governing urban development in terms of
land use, building new structures, roads, and recreation areas.
It is often intended to promote sanitation and the circulation of
people and goods, to raise the aesthetic quality of the urban
landscape, to provide open spaces to counter congestion, and
to promote social communities. The urban planning of cities in
Tanzania, including Dar es Salaam, by the formulation of
master plans has not yet been proven to be an effective urban
planning or growth control tool. It is still initially being
undertaken as a formal exercise in planning, with the main
reason that having a master plan is still regarded as the right
thing to do, a reasonable statutory obligation. Master planning
as an urban planning tool still persists due to the lack of
professional awareness of other alternatives, top-down com-
mand and control patterns among national or municipal
leadership, ruling class domination over land use, and wide-
spread perception that the Western urban form is superior—
which is associated with prosperity and modernity. The failure
in implementing the Dar es salaam master plans can be
attributed to what urban planning writers call “evolution
process in planning thoughts,” which originated in the 1950s
(Kasala, 2013a, 2013b). Through these concepts, it has been
argued that master planning, as an approach and tool for urban
management, cannot be applied across the board to guide
urban development. This reasoning is derived from the varying
spatial, social, economic, and political contexts in which urban
planning is conceptualized and practiced, and in such a
situation Dar es Salaam is not exceptional.
Nonetheless, can a master plan guide the sustainable
urban development in Dar es Salaam? The ineffectiveness of
master planning in Tanzanian cities, including Dar es
Salaam, is largely due to the emphasis, efforts, and capital
that are invested on making the plan, rather than on its
implementation. Planning provisions and actual implemen-
tation are clearly disconnected from each other. Moreover,
industrial areas, residential areas, commercial areas, and
trunk infrastructure are generally developed according to
the plan. However, the areas neglected by plans
(established informal settlements) continue to be ignored
and allowed to exist and expand. Furthermore, the existing
physical planning, infrastructure development, and service
delivery are disconnected, that is, a clear linkage between
urban land-use planning, infrastructure investment, and
service delivery is lacking. Most of the urban master plans
for Tanzanian cities, including Dar es Salaam, have not been
linked to major infrastructure investment programs. These
programs include highways or future railway network,
industrial zones, power networks, waste water treatment,
and revitalization programs that include slum/informal
settlements improvement. As a sprawled city, the integra-
tion of spatial or land-use master plans with other infra-
structural plans, especially transport, is a prerequisite for
376
future sustainable urbanization and the development of Dar
es Salaam. An integrated master plan for Dar es Salaam will
not only lead to a more sustainable urban development but
also aid in relieving the current problems in the city.
5. Conclusion
Opportunities and challenges for proper sustainable urban
development are increasingly concentrated in cities and
towns (i.e., urban areas). Cities like Dar es Salaam are the
engines of national, regional, and local economic develop-
ment of cultural renewal and social development. Urban
planning, using the master planning approach, for Dar es
Salaam to guide its growth and development has failed to
create a properly planned and functioning city. The practice
of producing urban plans in the form of structural plans,
action plans, or master plans have had little relevance to
the proper environmental, social, or economic wellbeing of
its residents. Manifestations of the failure of urban planning
in Dar es Salaam are growing in a discontinuous and
scattered form, with implications such as urban sprawl,
modality of service delivery, and the inflexible separation of
land-use functions, which together creates a severe strain
on infrastructure and service delivery. Spatial urban plan-
ning and development in Dar es Salaam and Tanzania as a
whole face numerous challenges, and planning innovation is
necessary to change the current urban development ten-
dencies and strategies. The government is trying to imple-
ment reactive policies and actions, which is evident in the
proposal of a new 2018–2040 master plan or new regula-
tions, such as the 2011 Urban Planning and Space Standards
Regulations. However, in most cases, these interventions
are symbolic, minimal, and not appropriate to the magni-
tude of current challenges in Dar es Salaam.
Creating sustainable urban planning through the imple-
mentation of master plans has much potential. Dar es
Salaam's master plans should not just be formulated as
official documents to control population growth, but more
as a flexible and accommodating urban development guiding
tool. This tool can be attained during the design and
conceptualization of a comprehensive master plan that
integrates or takes into consideration growth patterns,
population trends, transportation issues, the environment
and natural resources, economic resources, existing rules and
regulations, and other important community indicators, such
as housing choices. Such master plan will serve as the city's
guide to community physical, social, and economic develop-
ment. It will also provide a rational basis for local land use
decisions. In addition, a continuous analysis of the adopted
master plan is needed in relation to the changes in popula-
tion growth, natural conditions, land development con-
straints, and infrastructure development programs. It is
important to keep up with changes that will occur during
the implementation period of any master plan despite the
habitual practice of waiting until the end of the suggested
period of a master plan to start coming up with solutions for
challenges that could have been promptly solved. Moreover,
during planning, public workshops are needed to engage city
residents. Focusing on their needs and concerns might aid in
understanding the key issues facing Dar es Salaam. The
ongoing rapid urbanization of Dar es Salaam will definitely
L.L. Peter, Y. Yang
be a challenging task for international environmental aid
organizations, government and policy makers, and local/
international urban planners in managing this complex and
multi-faceted city. Dar es Salaam continues to grow into a
disjointed, haphazard, and unsustainable megacity despite
being at the brink of urban collapse, indicating that the
persistent failure of urban planning and urban management
approaches. As for the new 2018–2040 master plan by JICA,
the plan is still not approved for implementation nor avail-
able to the public for proper evaluation and assessment.
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