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BS 10/2002 0039 KA A.M.SCAN

Talpur
Rule in Sindh

Parveen Talpur
Introduction by Dr. Hamida Khuhro

FEROZSONS (PVT) LTD.

LAHORE – PINDI – KARACHI

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 ISBN 969 0 01757 8
First Published 2002 by
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Talpur Parveen

Talpur Rule in Sindh

Copyright Ferozsons (Pvt) Ltd., 2002

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 Dedicated to my father

Mir Ghulam Hussain Khan Talpur

Son of
Mir Mohammed Khan Talpur
Son of
Son of Mir Imam Baksh Talpur
Son of
Sher – e – Sindh Mir Sher Mohammed Talpur – The Tiger of Sindh

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 PREFACE

In this book I have attempted to gather together the scattered information on the Talpurs. Most
of the information is drawn from Persian, British, Sindhi, Urdu, and American sources. I have
also included some of the family tales that came to me through my elders. Each of these sources
have proven to be helpful in shedding some light on one or the other aspect of their rule.
Together they have given a clearer picture and hopefully will provide the reader with a better
understanding of the Talpurs and their rule.
The Talpur rule in Sindh is mostly known through Persian texts written during the times of the
Talpurs and the early British reports written by visitors and surveyors who came to their court.
The account of the battle with the British and its criticism is another source that falls in this
category. There is also a chapter or two written on the Talpur rule in some texts that deal with
the history of Sindh in general. Additional information on them is found in books that are
written on other subjects dealing with their times. For instance Kalam Faqir: Nawab Wali
Mohammad Leghari by Dr. N. A. Baloch. It is a biography of the Prime Minister who served
the first three Talpur rulers. Hence it sheds light on the early administration of the Talpurs and
the external and internal problems that were solved with the able leadership of Nawab Wali
Mohammad Leghari.
The few exclusive books written on the Talpur rule are in Sindhi and Urdu. Indeed these are
important works on the period. However, Anglo- Sindh relations have not been discussed in
detail in these works. Dr. Robert Huttenback's and Dr. Adrian Duarte's works on Anglo-Sindh
relations are very important in this regard. Dr. Huttenback's book is of special significance
since it is the only text on Talpurs written by an American scholar. There is some new
information that came from the timely publications of the Kalhora Seminar which I have been
able to include at the last minute.
The Talpur rule in Sindh is significant in many ways. The Mirs were the last of the indigenous
rulers before Sindh was annexed to the British Empire. By refusing to pay any more tributes
to Afghanistan, it was under the Talpurs that Sindh acquired the status of an independent
kingdom. They maintained a strong vigil on all borders of their kingdom and prevented
intrusions from the neighboring regions of Kalat, Bahawalpur, Jodhpur, Punjab, and Cutch.
Infact they were able to regain Karachi from the Khan of Kalat and add Sabzalkot to Sindh.
Omarkot, the desert fort which was given by the Kalhoras to the Raja of Jodhpur, was
conquered by the Talpurs. Internally, Talpurs were able to turn Sindh into the "most
prosperous" kingdom in the region. It had a thriving economy and a surplus production of
grain. During times of famine, it shared this surplus with its neighbors.
Talpurs are known for their strong sense of justice and reserved the sentence of capital
punishment to themselves. Later Nawab Wali Mohammed Khan Leghari was entrusted with
this sensitive issue. The Talpurs possessed no religious and ethnic prejudices and had
accommodated many Hindus in important positions. The richest trading company during
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their rule belonged to a Hindu family, and after their dethronement they trusted a Hindu as
one of their vakeels, lawyers, to plead their case in the British Parliament. One of the distinct
features of Talpur rule was unity and harmony within themselves. Mir Fateh Ali Talpur, the
founder of the dynasty, shared the authority with his three brothers and after the death of all
four, their sons continued the tradition of jointly ruling their kingdom.
The Talpur rule in Sindh is also a glorious chapter in Baloch history. Hailing from the
Leghari tribe, they had inherited many tribal traits that were reflected in their royal career
and are worth studying. They ruled Sindh with dignity as the Balochs are known for their
ghairat, honour. Though of Baloch origin, the Talpurs successfully assimilated themselves
with Sindhi culture and tradition.

Parveen Talpur
Ithaca, New York
July 2002

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 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
It is indeed an honor for me that the idea of writing a history of the Talpur rule in Sindh was
first suggested to me by Mir Khuda Baksh Bijarani Marri, the former Chief Justice and
Governor of Balochistan. Mir Saheb had already translated ancient Baloch poems and written
three books on the history of Balochs. He was therefore keen that the most 'glorious chapter'
of the Baloch history be written in English. The idea appealed to me and I began serious
readings of the books that I had once read in leisure. A few weeks later I received a letter
from Dr. N.A. Baloch. He praised my article published a week earlier in Dawn and advised
me to use my writing skills for a book on the Talpur rulers. Dr. Baloch had always
encouraged me in my archaeological pursuits and during my student days had strongly
supported me on my work on Chand Morya, an ancient shrine in my home district in Mirpur
Khas. A letter from Dr. Baloch hence worked as a catalyst and I began to collect
notes on the Talpurs from every possible source.
For the first time I visited the Talpur Museum in Hyderabad to see the relics of Shahdadani
Mirs, the main ruling house of the Talpurs. Mir Hyder Ali Talpur welcomed the idea with
great enthusiasm and aquainted me with everything in his possession. Later he introduced
me to Mirza Abbas Ali Beg, the family historian of the Hyderabad Mirs. My brother Mir
Nasir Hussain Talpur procured the material for me on the Mankani Mirs of Mirpur Khas.
Most of this came from Mir Ghulam Mustafa Khan and consisted of published and
unpublished works by his late father Mir Haji Mohammad Buksh Talpur. Of special interest
to me were the genealogical tables of the Mirpur Khas Mirs and for these I am very thankful
to Mir Ghulam Mustafa. My sister Shaheen hunted for pictures of the family and handed
over whatever she could find.
However, I was doing all this at a time when I had already committed myself to the work on
the decipherment of the 5000 year old Indus Valley Seal symbols and was in the process of
leaving for United States. For six years, I worked at Cornell University, and it was only after
the publication of my text on the Decipherment of Indus Valley Seal Symbols that I got back
to Talpur History. I am thankful to the South Asia Program, Cornell University, for extending
my affiliation, which allowed me further time and facilities to research on the Talpurs. There
are many people in United States and in Pakistan who have helped in some way or form. I am
grateful to all of them. In particular thans Dr. N.A. baloch for his constant guidance and for
his gorgeous supply of material. My special thanks to Dr. hamida Khuhro for writing the
Introduction, Ms Iram Nawaz for editing and Mr. Zaheer Salam for publishing this Work. I
must also thank my husband, Suleman, for his constant encouragement, my son Imran for
helping me with putting this book together and my daughter Jehan for letting me work in
peace. Above all thankful to my late father, Mir Ghulam Hussain Talpur, for educating and
inspiring me .
Parveen Talpur,
Ithaca, New york, July 2002.

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 INTRODUCTION
In the interregnum between the decline and the fall of the Mughal Empire in the first half of
the 18th century and the conquest by the British in the middle of the 19th century, Sindh, as
so many of the former domains of the Mughals, became an independent state ruled
successively by two indigenous families: the Kalhoras and the Talpurs. Again as in most of
the post Mughal states of India, the ruling family acquired its legitimacy from a Mughal
Imperial sanad (Appendix 3). In this case Emperor Aurangzeb gave Mian Yar Mohammad
Kalhoro, the founder of the Kalhora dynasty, a mansab and the title of Khuda Yar Khan. The
successors of Mian Yar Mohammad increased their power and gradually attained
independence as the Mughal power declined.
This independent status was somewhat qualified by the importunate demands of the Afghan
rulers for tribute on the grounds of past military successes of invaders from the North West
such as Nadir Shah and Ahmed Shah Abdali. Both the ruling families of Sindh resisted these
demands and the Talpurs succeeded in ending them until the British intervened on behalf of
Shah Shuja, hoping that donations from Sindh would exempt them for paying his pension.
The century of independence between the two empires was not an oasis of tranquility. A
great deal of time during the Kalhora rule witnessed foreign invasions including that of Nadir
Shah in 1737, Ahmed Shah Abdali in 1754, followed by sundry Afghan chiefs including the
notorious Madad Khan whose name became a byword for barbarous cruelty in the folklore
of the country.
The civil war between the Kalhoras and Talpurs was one of the more tragic episodes in
Sindh's history. The Kalhoras, particularly Ghulam Shah Kalhora, were a highly talented and
creative dynasty. This was the period when artistic genius of Sindh flourished. It showed
itself in the arts and crafts of the period: in the varieties of textiles both woven and block
printed, fine embroidery of gold and silver, Kashi pottery; the fine decorative woodwork or
Jandi furniture. Sindh was known for its fine metal work including swords and guns. Some
of the finest buildings in Sindh belong to this period. One of the most remarkable
achievements was the building of Hyderabad city and fort, a tour de force of 18th century
city building. It was during this period that Shah Abdul Latif lived and gifted the Risalo to
the people thus giving the Sindhi language an unsurpassed classic and setting a standard that
put Sindhi in the ranks of the most sophisticated languages of the subcontinent.
But as misfortune would have it, these glorious achievements were offset by a succession of
short sighted and incompetent rulers who frittered away the achievements of the founders of
the dynasty. Easy prey to troublemakers these later rulers turned against their spiritual
disciples and their military arm, the Talpurs of Baloch origin that had been summoned by

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them to help safeguard their territory. Calling up the Baloch tribal fighters was not unusual
in the history of Sindh.1
The brief 80 years or so of Kalhora supremacy saw three periods of debilitating civil war in
1754, 1775 and the last and most vicious between the Kalhora rulers and their military arm,
the Talpurs. In 1782 the Talpur chiefs became the rulers of Sindh having defeated the last of
the Kalhora rulers Mian Abdul Nabi who retreated to Jodhpur in Rajasthan. The Talpur
dynasty lasted for approximately sixty years during which they succeeded in maintaining
peace and order under very difficult circumstances. There was the constant threat of Sikh
encroachment from the north and from the British who were in the process of building their
Indian Empire. In spite of the uneasy conditions all around them the Talpurs managed to
reclaim some of the territories lost in the declining years of the Kalhoras, notably Karachi
from the Khan of Kalat. It was during this period that Karachi became the most important
seaport of Sindh and the towns of Hyderabad, Shikarpur, Sukkur and Larkana flourished.
Sindh was well administered, peaceful and prosperous. The three Talpur chiefdoms of
Khairpur, Mirpurkhas and Hyderabad worked on the whole in harmony. The Hyderabad
chiefdom was the richest and the most important with its control extending as far as the
northern pargana of Chandka (Larkana). Nawab Wali Mohammad Leghari, the most able
administrator of the Hyderabad Mirs was in charge of the pargana of Chandka where he
established a model administration. Agriculture thrived and people were comfortable enough
to pay their taxes without hardship. Justice was prompt and religious minorities secure and
wealthy. Shikarpur was the banking centre of Sindh and of Central Asia. Sindhi traders could
be found as far as Moscow. The rulers themselves were unpretentious and down to earth.
Their court retained an austerity reserved from their tribal past. This was in great contrast
with the wasteful extravagance of most of their Indian fellow princes and impressed the
visitors to the Court.
The maintenance of peace in the troubled 18th century in the subcontinent was a particularly
remarkable achievement on part of the Talpur rulers. This was no easy job. This was the
period of British expansion and consolidation in the Indian subcontinent. With most of the
subcontinent under their belt and the victory against Tipu Sultan to bolster their confidence
the British were set on their inexorable march to include the remaining north western part of
the subcontinent. The Punjab became a much easier target after the death of Ranjit Singh and
the British were playing a complex game with Sindh making a number of treaties of
friendship and non-aggression with them and at the same time using the Afghan card to
intimidate them and to extract money and concessions. Karachi was occupied in 1838 when
'the Army of the Indus' under Sir John Keane used Sindh as its route to Afghanistan. It was
on the cards that the independence of Sindh itself would not last very long. The end came
with the humiliating defeat that the British suffered in Afghanistan in 1942.

1
Jaydratha the powerful king of Sindhu Sauvira is the first known ruler of Sindh to have summoned fighters from
Baluchistan. According to the Mahabharata, Jaydratha fought on the side of the Kauravas on the battlefield of
Kurukshetra, 'his chariot surrounded by his bodyguard of "five hundred brave mountaineers".
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It was imperative for the British East India Company and indeed the Home Government
itself, that if it were to retain credibility in the subcontinent and not jeopardize its control
over its hard won Indian territories, some counter action had to be taken to whitewash the
retreat from Kabul. The conquest of Sindh in 1843 filled that requirement. The many treaties
of friendship and the many promises to respect each other's independence and territorial
integrity counted for nothing when they came up against the strategic interests of the
superpower of the subcontinent. Thus, at the battles of Miani and Dubba (or Duaba), and
despite the bravery of Hoshu Sheedi and his valiant companions, Sindh was added to the
British territories in India. This was to be followed soon afterwards by the conquest of the
Sikh kingdom of the Punjab.
There was certain inevitability about the conquest of Sindh by the British who regarded it as
a strategically important territory sitting astride the Indus and the Bolan mountain pass of the
Sulaiman range. The subjugation of 'the wild tribes of the frontier' gave a cachet to the British
forces and 'secured' the Indian territories against the Russian, Persian or other threats
perceived from this direction. For a century of subsequent British rule the achievements of
the century of independence of Sindh under Kalhoras and Talpurs was forgotten as they were
depicted as a regressive and unjust rulers. It is time that the historians of Pakistan set the
record straight.
Dr. Hamida Khuhro
August 2002

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 CHAPTER 1
THE SAINTS AND THEIR SOLDIERS

"Among the crowds who came to me for medicine all readily gave
place to a Seyud... and in consequence of the privileges
and immunities they enjoy, they flock from all the
neighboring countries into Sinde..."

Dr. James Burnes' observations in his Narrative of a Visit to the Court of Sinde (1829)
In the waning years of the eighteenth century, Mir Fateh Ali Khan, a scion of the Talpurs,
ascended the throne of Sindh. At the time Sindh was a kingdom roughly the size of "England
and Wales put together." Even though its political boundaries remain the same today, present
day Sindh is a province of Pakistan, situated on the Arabian Sea coast in the North West of
India. In its long history of five thousand years, Sindh has seen the rise and fall of many
dynasties of which the Talpurs were the last before it was annexed to the British Empire in
1843.
Mir Fateh Ali Talpur's ascension ended the rule of the Kalhoras, in the turbulent year
of 1784. Until then the Talpurs had served the Kalhoras as high civil and military officers
and also as disciples, for the Kalhoras also ruled the spiritual realms of their subjects due to
their claim of holy descent. Mir Fateh Ali's ouster of the last Kalhora ruler brought surprise
and somewhat relief to many. Strange as it may appear, the earlier Talpurs had
declined the offer to rule Sindh. The pre-dynastic phase of their history can be epitomized as
one of constantly rising to prominence and then falling victim to a series of gruesome murder
plots instigated by their suspicious masters. On at least three occasions they could have easily
dispossessed the Kalhoras of their kingdom but they chose not to do so. Surprisingly, they
even placed the Kalhoras back on the throne.
These conflicting and confounding acts of wanting to replace the Kalhoras and then aiding
them in regaining their throne has been explained in many ways. It has been described as
faithfulness by some and benevolence by others. Some have argued that the Talpurs were
remaining loyal to an agreement with the Kalhoras that they had signed on the Holy Koran.
The family lore proudly describes it as an act that can be expected only from men of special
breed-those who stand firm on their principles and the legend remains despite a flood of
interpretations that came out of various minds. But in order to analyze the Talpurs in a
balanced manner, a number of different sources need to be examined. There is a well-stocked
British record as well as indigenous material, written in Persian, Sindhi and Urdu. The British
record, often discarded on the grounds of being biased, has one advantage. It emanates from
diverse sources, including authors who lashed their pens at each other to justify or challenge
the "The Conquest of Scinde." This debate launched by William Napier and James Outram
may not be the most objective account of the topic under discussion. Yet, the sharpness of
argument that denounced and defended the Talpurs may hold some clues. Information can
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also be derived from an abundance of correspondence and comments mostly made by those
who were at the helm of affairs. During the course, it will be discovered that not all the
Englishmen were biased. James Outram and E.B. Eastwick are most prominent in this regard
but the list is not limited to these two names. As, after the fall of the Talpurs, their
cause was supported by a number of members in both the houses of British Parliament and
Eastwick while glancing at "Sind before Napier" provides some favorable comments made
by a number of Englishmen who visited Sindh before him:
"We have the evidence of Major Rennel to prove that under the Kalhoras vast numbers of
Sindhians fled into other countries from the tyranny of their rulers."
Eastwick writes, "Let this be compared with the state of things under the Amirs (Talpurs) as
exhibited in Mr. Heddle's Report to the Bombay Government." He continues and quotes
Heddle's observations about the merchants of Sindh who were active and intelligent and well
protected by the government. They were heavily taxed but they prospered as the Sindh
Government, though severe and vigilant was well ordered and too sensible of its own
interests to ruin either the commerce or the agriculture of the country. Eastwick also notes
the remarks of Elphinstone who saw Sindh as a serene land as compared to the restless
Afghanistan of his days, according to whom the Talpurs, at their first accession to power,
had to struggle against the desolating inroads of the Afghans.
"...the Amirs succeeded at length in repulsing the enemy, and restoring the confidence of
their subjects while terror and carnage reigned throughout Afghanistan, and while even our
own dominions in India were a scene of rapine and bloodshed, peace and tranquillity
prevailed in Sindh."
Today, almost one and a half century after the British conquest, there is a further advantage
of looking at the Talpurs and their times. It is only through hindsight that one is able to see
the period in totality and detect a number of right and wrongs that had been overlooked in
the past. The general image that emerges today is that the Talpurs stood in contrast to the
people who conquered them and this contrast was especially apparent in the field of
technology. Their weakness in this vital field kept them far removed from the times that were
to come and it was natural for them to fall before an imperialist force. Progress however is a
relative issue, each society needs to be judged according to its own historical and cultural
context and the Talpurs could not be blamed entirely for the backwardness of Sindh. Indeed
it will require volumes to explain this statement and the subject lies outside the scope of this
work. Nonetheless, a modest historical perspective can be provided by making a beginning
with the Kalhoras, the dynasty that preceded the Talpurs.
Kalhoras have been described as "a tribe of wandering religious mendicants" who
"immigrated from its original home in Makran into Sindh and settled in Siwistan, occupying
a tract of country from which they expelled the tribe of Gujar. Here the first Kalhora capital
Kahira Bela was founded."
Migration towards Sindh proved to be the right choice as nowhere in the world are holy men,
dead or alive, accommodated so generously as in Sindh, "...from the halt and blind to the
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sturdy and armed fakir". It is here that they are held in such high esteem even after their
death. So exalted was their status that they were buried next to the kings at Makli, the world's
largest necropolis, containing more than a million graves and standing to the west of Thatta.
Earlier in times, we are told, there was even less distinction between the royal and the
religious. A holy man is supposed to have held political and spiritual authority in the city of
dead, Moenjo Daro, or so the archaeologists say. A six inch tall male bust, discovered from
its 5000 year old ruins, labeled as the King Priest has been widely accepted as an evidence
of a theocratic rule in ancient Sindh.
The institution of sainthood, like this priced relic of Moenjo Daro, has stood the test of time
as mystics, mendicants, pirs and fakirs continue to thrive even today. It has been a common
practice by them to trace their genealogies to the Prophet (peace be upon him) and so did the
Kalhoras.
Mir Ali Sher Qana Thattavi, a resident of Thatta was employed by Ghulam Shah to write the
history of the Kalhoras, who traced their genesis to Hazrat Abbas (peace be upon him), an
uncle of Prophet Mohammed (peace be upon him). It is for this reason that they are referred
to as the Abbasis. Anumber of writers who came later continued to follow Qana's tradition;
Richard Burton however disputed the claim and linked them to the Channa tribe who were
Hindus converted to Islam. Whether they descended from Hazrat Abbass (peace be upon
him) or not is not clear but around the middle of the sixteenth century they were able to
establish themselves as revered figures under the leadership of their patriarch Adam Shah.
Their Murids (disciples) called them fakirs, literally beggars, but as all fakirs in Sindh do not
survive on alms alone and many of them maintained hundreds of servants, and as many
horses. Kalhoras too enjoyed the same privileges. Channa Khan, the illustrious ancestor,
even surpassed the prescribed number of wives and married a dozen women all of them
daughters of distinguished chiefs. According to Tuhfat ul Kiram he was blessed with eighteen
sons, each one of them in turn had an abundant number of children. One of them was
Daud, whose descendants came to be known as Daudpotas." When Channa Khan, as the story
goes, wanted to distribute the temporal and the spiritual authority between his two sons, Daud
Khan inherited the Holy Koran, the prayer rug and the rosary while Mohammed Mehdi
inherited the Dastar. This is how the descendants of the once "wandering religious
mendicants" became poised for a dynastic order. Mohammed Mehdi was succeeded by his
son Mohammed Ibrahim who, according to a tradition, came to be known as Kalhara or
Kalhora.
With the passing of each generation, the number of Murids increased and so did their
offerings but the income still fell short of the expenses involved to support the sacred House.
In a desperate bid the Kalhoras began to extract monetary advantages from the neighboring
landlords and on many occasions usurped their lands. The landlords responded by uniting
themselves against them and it led to an armed conflict. This took place during the period
when the Moguls still held sway in Sindh. Emperor Akbar had brought Sindh under his rule
and the later Moguls controlled it through the governors posted in Thatta. An imposing
mosque, standing in today's slum-like town of Thatta bears testimony of their grand presence.

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Emperor Jahangir's son Sheher Yar had served here in the capacity of a governor, while his
other son Shah Jehan had sought shelter here when the war of succession raged elsewhere.
A constant flow of soldiers, merchants, and merchandise had turned Thatta into a center of
commercial and cultural exchange. Urdu was making its inroads while ajraks were being
sent as souvenirs to Aurangzeb by his grandson Muizuddin. And it was Muizuddin, who was
the governor of Multan controlling Sindh, to whom the landlords bought their grievances
against the Kalhoras. The prince realizing that Kalhoras "rendered no account to the revenues
of the state, heartily took up the cause of the Zamindars, and sent some troops against the
Kalhoras." The Kalhoras were defeated and their chief Din Mohammed was captured and
later executed. Meanwhile his younger brother Yar Mohammed vowed to continue the
struggle for the restoration of the Kalhora rule in Sindh.
The days following the defeat of the Kalhoras and the death of Din Mohammed were among
the most distressing of Yar Mohammed's life. The chasing Mogul troops forced him to
withdraw on the Western hills of Sindh and later escape to Kalat in Balochistan. Here more
troubles awaited him as he was blamed for the accidental death of the Khan of Kalat. The
chief was killed while chasing Yar Mohammed's sons, Nur Mohammed and Daud Khan.
Samandar Khan, the brother of the deceased Brohi chief became the next Khan of Kalat and
captured his sons to cash on the opportunity. Samandar Khan handed the captive Kalhoras
to the Mogul authorities and received in return a handsome cash award and the title, Ameer-
ul-Umra. In a further compensation for the killing of the Khan of Kalat at the hands of the
Kalhoras, they were ordered by the Moguls to surrender the seaport of Karachi and make an
annual payment of Rs. 40,000 to Samandar Khan. Karachi was thus transferred from Sindh
to Balochistan.
This was one of the major territorial losses and it was not the last. The political and spiritual
authority of the Kalhoras seemed to be on the verge of extinction but Yar Mohammed
survived the odds and gained more territories and a greater status. His days in exile thus
turned out to be a passing phase of his life, he compared them wistfully with "the cup of
poison that he was forced to drink by the Khan of Kalat". His success, he acknowledged, was
due to the help of the Serai fakirs, the Baloch tribes, and, ironically a contingent of the Brohis.
He explained the background that led to this seemingly generous support of the Khan of
Kalat:
"...if Brohi Khan allowed us residence for some time, it was not due to humanitarian reasons,
but because he knew that the treasures we had far surpassed anyone in Kalat. He also knew
that gradually we will be deprived of whatever we possessed...thus he held back half of my
tribe as hostage and released the other half with some of his men so that whatever we gain is
presented to him."
Thus on his way to conquest, whatever Yar Mohammed gained in terms of territories and
treasures, were shared with Kalat. Troubles began when it came to the sharing of the forts of
Sibi and Ganjaba. Both these forts, located on the frontier mountain passes, were trouble
spots for the Moguls. Many guardians appointed by them had failed to control them. Ghazi

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Khan, a Baloch of Dodai tribe was the last one appointed by the Moguls before they handed
the two forts to Yar Mohammed. This change of attitude towards the Kalhoras came due to
the initiative of Yar Mohammed. The two years of his exile in Kalat made him realize that
the Baloch warriors and an army of Murids were no match to the imperial army of the
Moguls, and that amnesty alone could ensure an end to his miseries. He therefore began to
explore ways to reduce Mogul animosity towards him. The opportunity arose when troubles
began between Prince Muizuddin and Bakhtiar Khan who had occupied most of the Kalhora
territories in Sindh. Yar Mohammed sent a few of his trusted men to negotiate peace with
the prince. This helped in easing the tension between the two. Yar Mohammed received his
territories back from Bakhtiar Khan along with an amnesty from the Moguls. In a further
improvement of relations, he was granted Sibi and Ganjaba. The possession of these forts by
the Kalhoras bought them more trouble than relief as their possession offended Dodais.
Samandar Khan then demanded that Sibi should be handed to him. Yar Mohammed refused
to do so on the grounds that it came to him as a reward and not as a result of conquest, hence
Kalat was not justified to lay claims on it. Samandar threatened to trouble the captive
Kalhoras. Yar Mohammed is said to have discussed this dilemma with few of his close
associates who advised him to surrender Sibi to the Khan of Kalat and then reconquer it once
the remaining Kalhoras were released. It was the most practical solution that guaranteed the
safety of the captives, and it won the confidence of Yar Mohammed and it was given by Mir
Shahdad Khan Talpur. Talpurs since then, were to remain the closest associates of the
Kalhoras through all the vicissitudes of their eighty year rule.
Mir Shahdad Khan Talpur proved to be more than an advisor. He was held in high esteem
not only by the Kalhoras but by their enemies as well. According to Guldasta Nauras Bahar,
the Khan of Kalat wished to see him and trusted him with the release of the captive Kalhoras.
In another successful negotiation with the Dodai Balochs, he received a jagir directly from
Prince Muizuddin. The grant of this jagir laid the foundations of the Talpur power in Sindh
which will be discussed at a later stage. Ghazi Khan who was deprived of Sibi thus turned
rebellious. In order to get himself restored, he conspired with the Brohis and Daudpotas. This
became a source of trouble to the Kalhoras and the Moguls, and it was only due to the
deputation of Mir Shahdad that the problems ended. At this juncture, Shahdad became
conspicuous on the diplomatic and military fronts of Yar Mohammed. There are speculations
though that he may have beenassociated with the Kalhoras even earlier, perhaps in the days
of Din Mohammed.
Yar Mohammed was appointed a mansabdar of the Moguls. As such he was to lend military
support to the Moguls whenever the need arose. His mansabdari lasted until his death in
1718. According to one source, he died during the times of Rafiud Daula, just four days prior
to the ascension of Mohammed Shah as Mogul emperor.
Tuhfat-ul-Kiram informs that the last nine years of Yar Mohammad's life were spent in
relative peace, except for one significant event that took place in the last year of his life. It
was the martyrdom of Shah Inayat of Jhok, another holy man with a large following.

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It had been a common practice by the holy men to settle down and assert their authority
wherever and whenever it was possible. As the numbers of their Murids increased so did
their lands and this bought them in direct conflict with neighboring holy men:
"Competition between religious figures had long constituted a feature of life in Sindh. It
could be theological... It could however be more material than spiritual as the resources on
which their families depended were not without their limit.”
Shah Inayat had risen as a powerful competitor and had presented a different brand of Sufi
thought and this became a cause of concern to the rest of his competitors.
Rulers in the past were aware of the influence that the holy houses had on the general public
and as a result they were allowed the privileges of rent-free lands in return of their
cooperation. Shah Inayat too held such lands and being more charismatic than his ancestors
began to gather disciples in larger numbers. This provoked other holy men to complain to
the Mogul authorities, whose governor was asked to look into the matter. Azam Khan, the
governor of Thatta, ordered Shah Inayat's capture. It is at this sensitive moment that Mir
Shahdad Talpur arrived as a mediator. The negotiations were successful and Shah Inayat,
according to the agreement, came in person to settle the matter. His meeting though, proved
to be a trap and he fell to the assassins while courageously reciting his last verse. Mir Shahdad
Talpur was not aware of this conspiracy while Mian Yar Mohammed was as he received the
reward for this service. He was given the authority of managing and cultivating large acres
of Samavati and Chachkan districts practically the whole of South Hyderabad and Badin
districts.
Two months after the death of Yar Mohammed, his son Nur Mohammed declared himself
the chief of the Kalhoras. He faced no difficulty in getting himself acknowledged as the new
mansabdar of the Moguls. The Mogul Emperor Mohammed Shah proved to be more
benevolent than his predecessor and bestowed more territories to the Kalhoras. Nur
Mohammed thus possessed more territory than his father. Towards the end, however, he lost
much of what Yar Mohammed had gained. The problems that he inherited included the
troubles that came from the Daudpotas and Brohis along with the sibling rivalries that he had
silenced earlier in his period. He was also to overcome the rivalry of the Brohis by getting
into a matrimonial alliance with the Khan of Kalat though it was doomed due to the killing
of the Mountain Hawk, the famous Abdullah Khan of Kalat, in 1734. Nur Mohammed also
had to bear the assaults of the Afghan and Iranian warlords who deprived him of several
possessions. But history still judges him as more of an achiever rather than a failure, "flower
of the race, founder of a dynasty that combined temporal rank and religious veneration."
At the outset, Nur Mohammed found himself to be the master of Lower Sindh, which until
now was administered by the Mogul Subedar' of Thatta. The last of these had earned
notoriety due to the assassination of Sufi Inayat Shah and was recalled by an imperial order.
His expulsion paved the way for the Kalhoras to take charge of Thatta. But soon, in the wake
of another event that shook the Mogul Empire Nur Mohammed was deprived of much
of the Kalhora frontiers restored by Yar Mohammed.

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In 1739 Nadir Shah of Iran took Delhi by storm. His invasion was bound to have
repercussions on the peripheries of the Mogul Empire, and Sindh was no exception. But just
as his invasion was "not a cause of the decline of the Empire, but one of the clearest
symptoms of decline" so it was a slow poison that ultimately led the Kalhoras to their
downfall. The Persian invader had set the trend of extracting heavy tributes from Sindh and
his Afghan successors were to render its treasury almost bankrupt. It took four and half
decades for the total annihilation of the Kalhoras but it was Nadir's inauspicious entry that
blighted their fortunes from the very beginning. Sachal Sarmast, the renowned Sindhi poet
who lived during those times described, in the following verse, the scene after the collapse,
When the King of garden sat exalted on his throne
Thousands of birds formed his army, chirps were heard everywhere
As the autumn arrived, uproar was everywhere
So said the gardener here was a bud, there was a flow.
Nadir Shah and his soldiers swept into India like the neighborhood bully. They ruthlessly
trampled the blooming gardens and looted its legendary treasures. The world famous
Kohinoor diamond topped the list which also included seven crores worth of gems and
jewelry that he extracted from Nur Mohammed in a brief encounter. In Tuhfat-ul-Kiram, Mir
Ali Sher Qana describes the scene as,
"On the morning when Nur Mohammed was planning to leave Omarkot for Talhar, Nadir
Shah like a storm arrived in Omarkot. Nur Mohammed was hence left with no choice but to
present himself like a sinner, with hands folded he stood in front of Nadir Shah." Nadir Shah
is said to have waited under a tree that stood somewhere outside the high walls of the fort.
This was the fort from where the folk legend Marvi had wished in vain to escape and where
Nur Mohammed had decided to seek shelter. Surrounded by the desert sands he thought it
was the most inaccessible spot to the outsiders but the Persian warlord and his soldiers had
sniffed their way to the treasures that the Kalhora chief had ordered to be hidden somewhere
in its dunes.
Earlier Nadir Shah had invited Nur Mohammed in Kabul, but the latter declined because of
his loyalty to the Moguls. Nadir Shah then ordered the Mogul governor of Lahore to seal the
borders between Sindh and Hind as he was coming to capture Sindh. Zakaria Khan, the
governor of Lahore informed the Delhi government and was given permission to obey the
orders of Nadir Shah. But it was too late and Nur Mohammed had already escaped. Nadir
Shah, after tracing the Kalhora chief at Omarkot, could have easily eliminated their rule but
he found it expedient to continue their hold on Sindh. Nur Mohammed had survived the
Persian onslaught by humbling himself, "Our ancestors had been the faithful servants of the
Moguls, had I betrayed my masters you too would not have thought much of me" was his
answer when Nadir Shah asked him the reason for not joining him in Kabul. Perhaps this is
when Nadir detected his fidelity and decided toleave him with his territories. Amongst other
terms, Nur Mohammed had also agreed to divert his annual tributes from Delhi to Iran, but
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Nadir believed in taking more than verbal guarantees. In a similar situation in Balochistan
he had taken hostage a son of the Khan of Kalat. And he was to repeat this demand in Sindh
as well. Hence Murad Yab Khan and Ghulam Shah, the two sons of Nur Mohammed, and a
contingent of two thousand headed by Mir Nindo, the elder son of Shahdad Talpur,
accompanied Nadir Shah to Iran. Later, Atur Khan, the third son of Nur Mohammed also
joined his brothers in Iran. It was only after the death of Nadir Shah that a timely escape
became possible for the Kalhora princes to join their father in Sindh. Fate however did not
permit Mir Nindo to return to his country. He died in Iran and lies buried in Mashad,
thousands of miles away from Kuba Shahdad where his illustrious father rests in peace.
Nadir Shah's death however did not make up for the material losses that were incurred to
Sindh. Apart from the treasures and rare books that were taken to Iran, the territory of Sindh
lay divided into three parts. Shikarpur was granted to the Daudpotas, Sibi and Katchi to the
Khan of Kalat, and the remaining areas were given to the Kalhoras. There was in fact a fear
of further losses as there was news of the arrival of Ahmad Shah Abdali, the Afghan
successor of Nadir Shah. Ahmad Shah Abdali was known to be a strong warrior, religious,
generous and majestic but less pretentious than Nadir Shah and refrained from wearing a
crown. His ambition of foreign conquest and accumulating wealth was, however, no less than
his predecessor and the purpose of his arrival in Sindh was the same. Nur Mohammed was
not willing to take any more chances and once again he left for the desert, this time never to
return. He passed away in Jaiselmer.
Kalhora's vulnerability to invasions from Jodhpur and Kutch and internal troubles brought
many disasters to Sindh, but the dynasty was to rise once more with greater vigor and
endurance under the son of a dancing woman and Nur Mohammed. Legend has it that
Ghulam Shah the glorious of all the Kalhoras was born due to the blessings of the Sufi poet
Shah Abdul Latif Bhitai. It so happened that a dancing woman named Gulaan, meaning,
'flowery', had pleased the great poet with her dance performance. Bhitai in return asked her
what was it she longed for "A son," was her reply and soon she was blessed with one. The
son, Ghulam Shah, was to survive many odds including an anticipated execution by Mir
Mohabat Khan of Kalat. Nadir Shah on his return from Delhi was requested to hand over
Ghulam Shah to Mohabat Khan as Khoon Baha (blood compensation) in vengeance of his
father's death at the hands of Kalhoras. Nadir Shah agreed but Mir Mohabat Khan declined
to slay the Kalhora. This event ushered in a period of peace between Kalat and Sindh so that
the Kalhoras were able to devote some time to the finer aspects of life. Their most obvious
contribution is the imposing fort that Gulaan's son built and the walls of which still stand in
the heart of Hyderabad.
A contemporary writer mentions that Ghulam Shah had wished to build a fort as a reminder
of his glory to posterity." It turned out to be more than a mere reminder for the fort provided
shelter to thousands of Muslim immigrants after the partition of India in 1947. Ghulam Shah,
it is said, chose the spot while he was on a hunting trip. A Katcha Killa (mud fort) as opposed
to the Pucca Killa (baked brick fort) was built on the chosen land that contained a graveyard.
In doing so Ghulam Shah is said to have invited the wrath of the saint Shah Maki who rested
Page 20 of 109
there. According to legend, the saint would inflict paralysis on anyone who disturbed his soul
and final resting place. The idea of building the fort on the site was immediately given up
but the fortifications were not dismantled. The shrine of Shah Maki within these four walls
thus remains it's only structure. The presence of followers around the shrine, even to this
day, stand witness to the popularity of the saint that has outlasted that of the Kalhoras. As
for the origins of Shah Maki nothing much is known, the earliest available document
mentioning his existence is a farman issued by Amir Khan, a governor who was posted in
Thatta during the time of Shah Jahan. Ghulam Shah died soon of paralysis and was buried in
the suburbs of Hyderabad. His tomb is the third great monument to survive and tells the story
of the rise and fall of this great Kalhora.
Ghulam Shah's emergence as the most competent the seven sons of Nur Mohammed was not
sudden. Murad Yab Khan, according to the will of his father was the first to succeed, later
Atur Khan and Ahmad Yar followed with the Afghan support. However one after the other
these three brothers failed to establish themselves as efficient rulers and the people began to
look forward to Ghulam Shah's rule. Some of the influential and disgruntled nobles became
instrumental in their removal by convincing Ghulam Shah for a battle against Atur Khan in
the year 1759. In the face of Afghan support, Ghulam Shah stood no chance of a victory, but
when he was on the verge of a defeat Mir Behram Talpur arrived as a savior. Earlier Mir
Behram had parted ways with Ghulam Shah when the latter was on his way to exile to
Jaiselmer. Mir Behram's timely support, though only with a handful of about one hundred and
twenty soldiers, brought about a turning point. It was to raise the morals of Ghulam Shah's
retreating army as one by one his soldiers trickled in to join Behram's men. Atur Khan faced a
crushing defeat and Ghulam Shah ruled Sindh for fifteen years, and successfully with Mir
Behram Khan as his Prime Minister and the illustrious scholar Makhdum Mohammad Hashmi
as his chief Justice (Supreme Qazi).
Soon Ghulam Shah received the sanad from Afghanistan to rule Sindh. Known for
accommodating friends, Ghulam Shah appointed Mir Behram as his chief minister. Mir
Behram was the third son of Mir Shahdad Talpur whose eldest son, Mir Nindo passed away
in Mashad while Mir Chakar, the second son was already a chief in the Kalhora army.
Shahdad's sons continued to enjoy prestigious positions under Sarfraz, the son and successor
of Ghulam Shah. Sarfraz entrusted them with important missions such as the one to
Afghanistan in which Mir Behram went as a representative of the Sindh court to condole the
death of Ahmad Shah Abdali. It was due to his efforts that Taimur Shah, the new Afghan ruler
gave Sarfraz the sanad to rule Sindh.
However, it was during this period that Mir Behram also began to face court conspiracies
instigated by Raja Likhi, a minister in the Kalhora court, who played on the gullibility of
Sarfraz and succeeded in turning him against Mir Behram. Attempts by Diwan Gidu Mal, to
defend Behram failed to erase the doubts that had set in Sarfraz against Behram. Mutual
distrust between the Kalhoras and the Talpurs eventually led them to sign on an agreement
written on the Holy Koran. The following is the English translation of the Persian text:

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 "I, Mohammed Sarfraz Abbasi on this book of God resolve that
in view of the services rendered and the fidelity displayed by
Barkhurdar Behram Fakir and Sobdar Fakir will continue to hold
them in high esteem in the way they were held during the time
of Mian Ghulam Shah, and I will count them my special, there
will never be a change. I will not consider any other offspring
of Behram equal to Sobdar. And it is expected that they too
should remain close to me and Mian Mir Mohammed and avoid
closeness with any other Kalhora."

It is understood from the content of the agreement that there were fears of promoting another
Kalhora and much of this depended upon the influential position of the Talpurs. How much
truth lay in these fears is not known, but once the agreement was signed on the Holy Koran,
Behram considered it a moral duty to abide by it. At the same time it was necessary for him
to take some precautionary measures. He thus advised his twin sons Mir Sobdar and Mir
Bijar to leave Sindh. Bijar decided to leave for a pilgrimage, to Mecca in Saudi Arabia, while
Sobdar declared his wish to stay by his father's side; he would rather die than part from him.
Mir Behram's fears were not without any basis. He had sensed a change in the attitude of
Sarfraz. Mir Sobdar asked his father to rebel against his ruler but Behram reminded him of
the agreement signed on the Holy Koran and warned his son about the divine repercussions
of the breach of a contract. On the fateful day of August 13th, 1775 when both the Talpurs
went to pay their regular visit to the Kalhora, they were asked to disarm before entering the
durbar. Mir Behram handed his sword to a ten year old boy named Aziz Mohammed, while
Sobdar thought it was wise not to enter and stayed armed at the entrance. Soon he indulged
in a conversation with the few men who were present there. Amongst them were Allah Baksh,
son of Raja Likhi, Kamal Khan Rind, and Ghulam Mohammed Leghari, the patriarch of the
Nawab of Tajpur. Meanwhile, inside the Durbar, Sarfraz summoned Behram in a separate
room and handed him a letter supposedly of his son Bijar from Mecca. As soon as Mir
Behram started reading the letter his head was chopped off by Hussein who had been
entrusted with the task. Mir Sobdar soon sensed some commotion inside and saw a few men
charging towards him, but since he was armed and prepared, he instinctively killed Allah
Buksh who was standing the closest to him. At this point Ghulam Mohammed Leghari,
though an official in the court of the Kalhoras, was overcome with a sense of solidarity for
Sobdar and struggled to save him from the attackers. Unfortunately he too was killed along
with Sobdar. Mir Behram was later buried in the old capital Khudabad near Hala, while Allah
Buksh's grave rests at the foot of the imposing tomb of Ghulam Shah Kalhora. This tragic
event bought to surface the Kalhoras defensive attitude towards the Talpurs. But it also
brought about a wave of sympathetic feelings towards the Balochs who were considered to
be a very respectable aristocracy in the Kalhora Court. There were even suggestions by some
Baloch Sardars to rise in rebellion against the Kalhoras in order to avenge the Baloch blood.

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The timely publication of a contemporary text has shed some more light on the Kalhora-
Talpur relationship. The original manuscript of Tarikh-e Balochi preserved in the collection
of Dr. N.A. Baloch and published by the Kalhora Seminar Committee, 1996, is an account
of the Kalhora rule from the peak to it's fall. The book infact covers some part of the Talpur
period. Like Ali Sher Qana Thattavi, Abdul Majeed Jokhio Bakhari was a poet historian who
lived in the times of Kalhoras and wrote Tarikh-e-Balochi.
Whereas Qana's account ends with Sarfraz Kalhora, Majeedi's account continues to the times
of Mir Ghulam Ali Talpur.
Majeedi in his book distinguishes between the events that he witnessed, and the information
he based on hearsay. This intellectual honesty only exemplifies Majeedi's respect for accurate
historical documentation. Majeedi begins with the times of Ghulam Shah Kalhora and
describes him as an arrogant, generous, brave and benevolent ruler in front of whose sword
many had melted like wax. Many martial tribes joined him and under his rule Mir Behram
Talpur enjoyed a prestigious position. A different picture emerges under the rule of Sarfraz
Khan the son and successor of Ghulam Shah. Majeedi writes about the changing of the old
order and Mir Behram losing his status due to Jam Firoz Talpur who was now placed in a
more advantageous position.18 This information also hints at the rift that the Kalhoras were
attempting to create within the Talpurs.
Sarfraz Khan did meet some success in mending his relations with Cutch. His father had
failed to conquer this troublesome neighbor despite inflicting punishment by diverting the
waters of Indus and rendering the region barren. Sarfraz too had failed twice with his military
attacks, but finally his marriage to the daughter of a Thakur in Cutch paved the way for a
friendly alliance between the two countries.
Unlike his father, Sarfraz did not leave much behind in terms of architectural monuments.
An irrigation canal known as Sarfraz Wah is his only legacy. His reign is remembered more
for his ruthlessness than the softness that he may have expressed in his poems. His collection
was also lost in the turmoil of his times. The only known aspect about his poetic persona is
that he wrote under the pen name of "Shahadat" meaning Martyrdom.
But it was Mir Behram who was to emerge as a martyr, his cold blooded assassination
compared, by Majeedi, with the incident of Karbala¹9 was bound to invoke a response of
vengeance. Mir Fateh Khan (not to be confused with Fateh Ali, the founder of the dynasty),
a cousin and brother- in-law of Mirs Sobdar and Bijar, took the lead by putting a siege on
the fort of Khudabad. This compelled Sarfraz Kalhora to abandon the fort and run to the next
sanctuary which was Hyderabad. It is said that in his desperation, he escaped barefoot and
was accompanied by just five henchmen. By the time he reached Hyderabad, the tables had
turned. He found his brother Mahmood Khan Kalhora on the masnad. This was done at the
instigation of Raja Likhi who had joined hands with Mir Fateh Khan. We are told that before
placing Mahmood on the throne, Likhi had offered the position of Sindh's ruler to Fateh Khan
and in fact presented him with the keys of the treasury which Fateh Khan refused to accept
in his famous words, "Far be it from me, that I should call myself a ruler, Mir Bijar is our
Page 23 of 109
chief, and when he returns, he will impart full justice to his foes. What I did was not to amass
treasure but to cool the fire of my heart."20"
This has often been interpreted as the shortsightedness of Fateh Khan, but the common
argument is that being the disciples of the Kalhoras, Talpurs considered, it immoral to take
an extreme step against them. The person who benefited the most from this crises was Raja
Likhi, who now became the next king maker. Likhi, in order to secure his position,
distributed a considerable amount of money from the treasury to his henchmen and made
appointments of his choice on sensitive posts. He made his son Taja in charge of the coastal
regions of Sindh. Some of the Kalhoras who threatened his position were imprisoned by
Mahmood Khan on his advice. Mir Fateh Khan's defiance had thus set into motion the
process of the breakdown of the Kalhora kingdom. Within two years of his rule, Mahmood
Khan was deposed by Likhi and his accomplices, while Ghulam Nabi son of Nur Mohammed
Kalhora was placed on the throne. This change was made by Likhi in view of Ghulam Nabi's
maternal relations with the influential tribe of the Junejos who could be used against whoever
threatened Likhi's choice.
In 1777, the same year when Ghulam Nabi was placed on the throne, Mir Bijar returned from
his pilgrimage. He stopped briefly at Kalat where he was offered military assistance against
the Kalhoras. He refused to accept on the pretext that he would not attack his own country.
At the same time he wanted to understand the situation fully and in order to do so he indicated
a desire to meet a few of his close associates, before entering the capital. A meeting was
arranged at Shikarpur and Mir Behram was advised to stay there and watch the steps of his
foes. According to Majeedi2¹ Mir Behram was keen to seek military help from Kalat, but he
was told that it's ruler Naseer Khan has already signed a secret pact with Raja Likihi. Fate
however held something different for Likhi. According to one version he committed suicide
by swallowing a lump of poison on hearing the news of the arrival of Mir Bijar. The death
of Likhi placed his son Taja in his vacant position. Taja continued to follow his father's
footsteps and began to provoke Mir Bijar in order to get him involved into a battle, but when
Bijar did no, pay any heed he convinced Ghulam Nabi to wage a war against Bijar. As a
result a bloody battle took place between the Baloch and Kalhora forces in 1778. The Kalhora
army of thirty thousand outnumbered the Talpurs who had merely six hundred fighters.
However, due to skillful military actions by some of the most chivalrous Baloch warriors,
the Talpurs emerged as victors. Ghulam Nabi realizing his doom sent a message to Bijar,
blaming Taja for the feud and swearing allegiance with the Talpurs. But before Bijar could
respond, Taja intercepted the message and stabbed Ghulam Nabi to death. Mir Bijar is said
to have wept on the battlefield while wiping the face of the wounded Kalhora with his silken
scarf. Ghulam Nabi is said to have disclosed his last wish of placing his brother Abdul Nabi
on the throne. Bijar faithfully abided by his word that he gave to his dying master and soon
after arranging for the coffin, he sent a team to capture Taja. Taja was bought to Abdul Nabi,
but ironically Bijar intervened to save him. Bijar is said to have saved a few others also, one
of them being Mihrab Khan Jatoi.

Page 24 of 109
Mir Bijar's magnanimity was bound to give birth to a number of legends. The most famous
being that on his return from Mecca he had consulted an ascetic for his future deeds. The
ascetic promised success in his mission on the condition that Bijar will not restore the
Kalhoras to power. When the ascetic learnt about Bijar's betrayal he predicted doom for him.
Following is the Sindhi verse and it's translation:
Bijar! asaan pari to na pari
Hane wayi tuhnje gharan sardari22
"Bijar! we have, thou hast not, kept the promise.
Now indeed, hath the power departed from thy house"

This popular verse may have been the poetic version of the event in which Mir Bijar is
supposed to have met Makhdoom Abdul Rahim Girhori to receive the blessings of this great
mystic. The blessings did work in the long run as Abdul Nabi bought his own doom. He
fearing a rebellion against him killed his own near ones, including Mian Sarfraz, his son Mir
Mohammed Khan and Atur Khan. Also, being an incapable administrator he caused a decline
in the revenues. This resulted in further political confusion as his inability to pay the annual
tribute to the court of Kabul resulted in an Afghan attack. The King of Afghanistan found
this as a good excuse to attack Sindh as he was already insecure to see the growing Baloch
power in his neighborhood. The Afghan troop was headed by Izat Yar Kalhora, a cousin of
Abdul Nabi, who conspired against him and was able to gain the Afghan support. Izat Yar
sent a message to Bijar, who was the chief of the Kalhora army in Sindh to make way for his
succession. But Bijar refused to help him and remained faithful to Abdul Nabi. Eventually,
it was due to his generalship that a force of thirty thousand Afghans and Khosas were
defeated by eighteen thousand Baloch soldiers. Izat Yar fled for his life. While a number of
Afghans took refuge in a fort in Shikarpur, Bijar captured the fort but passed an order that
none should be killed. This act impressed the Afghan King and he agreed on Bijar's term that
Abdul Nabi be allowed to rule Sindh.
It was a misfortune on the part of Abdul Nabi that he failed to acknowledge Bijar's role in
making it possible for him to rule Sindh. In fact Abdul Nabi began to conspire against his
savior. He took into confidence Bijay Singh, the Rajput king of Omarkot who was not a
sympathiser of Mir Bijar. Another enemy that Bijar faced was the mother of Abdul Nabi, the
woman from the Junejo tribe who was put in this powerful position due to the foresightedness
of Raja Likhhi. She had already launched a number of complaints against Mir Bijar to the
Afghan king and now she promised to give away the fort of Omarkot to Bijay Singh if Mir
Bijar was eliminated. Finally in 1781, Bijar too like his father was tricked into a vulnerable
position. Two messengers brought a letter for him from the ruler of Jodhpur. Since the letter
was in Hindi, Bijar was informed that only the messengers could read it to him. They asked
for privacy which was granted. As soon as Bijar leaned closer to hear he was attacked. He
was however able to kill both of them before dying. The scene has often been described in

Page 25 of 109
Sindhi literature as that of a tiger killing two dogs. Following is a Sindhi saying with its
translation:
"Kan ji galhin Mir Bijar marayo"
"Whispers got killed Mir Bijar"
A realistic version of Bijar's murder is revealed in another recent publication of the Kalhora
Seminar. According to this version Bijay Singh was often uneasy due to Mir Bijar's activities
in the desert. The building of Mir Garh fort panicked him even more and he "sent a secret
messenger, Udairam Dhondal, to Mian Sahib (Abdul Nabi Kalhora) and offered to remove
Bijar Khan promising at the same time to send an army of forty thousand strong within a
month, to Mian Sahib him in the event of a revolt against him. Moved by the Maharaja's
solemn declarations Mian Sahib eventually yielded and gave his consent."23
Mir Bijar was assassinated, in return Abdul Nabi ceded the district of Umarkote which was
annexed to Jodhpur. The sons of the two messengers who perished at the hands of Mir Bijar
received jagirs in return of the services of their fathers. According to the family records of
the Kalhora chiefs, Mir Bijar was murdered at his residence at Khudabad.
"It was at noon...the servants were asked to wake the Mir up as they wanted to show him an
urgent letter received from the Jodhpur ruler. When the Mir received them, they engaged
him in conversation and fell upon him."24
It was indeed a cruel act as earlier in a battle with the Kalhoras, "The victor, Bijar Khan, at
whose feet lay all of Sindh, magnanimously transferred his allegiance to Abdul Nabi, the
brother of the fallen tyrant, Ghulam Nabi and was the first to swear allegiance to him. No
experience, however, could make the ill-fated Kalhora wise. Abdul Nabi caused his
benefactor, the Talpur chief, to be assassinated. All Sindh rose to a man, and drove the cruel
and perfidious Kalhora from the Kingdom."25
Bijar's sudden death intensified the political crisis in Sindh. People had lost an admirable and
courageous personality. His bravery had earned him the titles of 'Tiger' and 'Rustom', the
legendary Persian hero. Bijar was also a Haji (Pilgrim) which added to his prestige.
On the eve of Bijar's assassination his son Abdullah was not present in Hyderabad. Mir Fateh
Khan Mankani thus took care of the funeral rites. According to custom Fateh Khan, for three
days, received guests who came for condolence. On the fourth day he finally left for his
ancestral village Shahdadpur.
Meanwhile the rumors had spread that Abdul Nabi Khan had devised the plan of Bijar's
murder with Bijay Singh. Once again, the Balochs became restless. Abdullah Khan with the
help of Suhrab Khan (who later founded the Khairpur branch of the Talpurs), and Fateh Ali
the founder of the dynasty in Hyderabad marched towards Khudabad. This alarmed Abdul
Nabi and he along with two hundred camel loads of treasures fled to Kalat. He sent his two
sons to Jodhpur. Though this should have been enough to confirm that Abdul Nabi was an
accomplice to the murder of Bijar, Abdullah Khan still gave him the benefit of doubt and
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sent him a message of loyalty signed on the leaves of the Holy Koran. Abdul Nabi, however,
mistrusted the Balochs and without paying heed to their gesture of friendship continued to
muster support from the rulers of Jodhpur and Kalat against the Talpurs. During this period
Sadiq Ali Khan was placed on the throne and full preparations to defend Sindh from Jodhpur
and Kalat were made. The Talpurs chose to deal with the Rajputs of Jodhpur first. In order
to do so they headed towards the Thar desert in the east. A combat took place between the
two warring people of the sub-continent and the Balochs emerged victorious. Fateh Ali Khan
played a prominent role in this battle, he received a number of injuries, but refused to take
rest and proceeded towards Kalat. The Khan of Kalat was promised a handsome amount of
cash and some territory by Abdul Nabi in return for his assistance to put him on the masnad.
It may be mentioned here that ethnically being Baloch, the Brohis had their natural alliance
with them. And it was due to this that Bijar on his return from Mecca was offered military
support against the Kalhoras by Naseer Khan, the Ruler of Kalat. Ironically, what Bijar
refrained to do was unhesitatingly availed by Abdul Nabi though the deal was not successful
as the Baloch forces seemed to be unbeatable. One of the memories left behind by this
struggle is the terror unleashed by Madad Khan, who was appointed by the Afghan king to
lead his troops in Sindh. Mothers in Sindh used his name to scare their children and put them
to sleep. "Madad tho Achay, Madad is coming" was the sentence commonly heard until
recent times. According to legend, Madad had vowed to extort the promised treasure of the
Kalhoras and for this he tortured Kalhora's men indiscriminately with the hope that they
would disclose the whereabouts of the hidden treasures. The treasure had already been
packed and taken away to Jodhpur by the Kalhora princes.
The Madad factor also, to a degree became responsible in the final overthrow of the Kalhora
dynasty, as it was after this notorious incident that the Talpurs began to think seriously of
taking over the masnad of Sindh. It all began with a meeting of the Baloch chiefs, summoned
by Mir Abdullah. The debate of getting rid of the Kalhoras was initiated by Mir Abdullah
Khan and was seconded by Fateh Ali Khan and Suhrab Khan. Though there were a sizable
number of Baloch chiefs who disagreed with the proposal, it was eventually decided to go
ahead with the plan.
Meanwhile, when Madad Khan heard the news that the Baloch chiefs were on their way
towards him, he at once sent a message of goodwill to them. He abused the Kalhoras and
gave the guarantee that the Afghans were only interested in going as far as Khudabad in order
to get the promised treasures and would return once they had it. But when Madad reached
Khudabad and asked for the treasures, the Kalhoras had nothing to offer. It was then that he
ordered his soldiers to go around the city and claim the and treasures by force. Many were
tortured and killed during the process the incident has been described as the worst of its kind
in Sindh. Mirs Fateh Ali Khan and Suhrab at this critical juncture moved forward to rid the
people of the tyrant. A number of other Balochs who had been opposed to the idea of the
overthrow of the Kalhoras also joined them.
Madad Khan on hearing the news that the Balochs were in close proximity to Khudabad sent
a message to the leaders saying that he would let the Talpurs rule Sindh as long as the tribute
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was paid. This message once more brought disunity within the Talpur clan. Fateh Khan
advocated the idea that Madad Khan's proposal should be accepted but this was rejected by
Mir Abdullah Khan and his supporters. Fateh Khan's decision to depart left the Baloch troops
somewhat discouraged to move further and it was decided to wait and see Madad's next
move. Madad Khan in the meantime had learnt about the rift between the Talpurs and was
determined to exploit it. He succeeded in gaining the confidence of Fateh Khan and was able
to invite him over to his camp. As soon as Fateh set foot in Madad's camp he realized that he
had walked into a trap. But it was too late. He was made to sign an agreement under duress
stating to pay two hundred thousand rupees to the Afghans. He was also forced to write a
letter inviting Mirs Abdullah, Fateh Ali and Suhrab Khan to come over to Madad's camp.
But before all this could be materialize, Fateh Khan, disguisead as a guard, was able to escape
the camp on a horse. Madad Khan launched a hectic search but his men failed to locate Fateh.
The Talpurs, once more united, marched towards Madad's camp. Left with no choice, Madad
finally retreated. Abdul Nabi Kalhora was now left friendless and sent a message of peace to
the Talpurs. Fateh Khan convinced the Talpurs to forgive Abdul Nabi and put him back on
the throne.
Once more the Kalhoras sat on the throne with the Talpurs serving them. Abdul Nabi soon
gained their confidence and Abdullah allowed Fateh Ali, Suhrab Khan and Thara Khan to go
to their respective homes. Fateh Khan continued to be on the side of Abdullah and both of
them attended Abdul Nabi's Durbar on a regular basis. It was during one such occasion that
both of them were murdered while offering their prayers. As though this was not enough,
Abdul Nabi ordered a genocide at a nearby Baloch camp. As a result about two hundred
Balochs were slain. This was done in anticipation of a Baloch rebellion that could have
erupted on the news of the assassination of the two Talpurs. Kalhoras, however, failed to
avert the Baloch wrath this time and the event became a turning point in the history of Sindh
as it was decided to finally avenge the Baloch blood. As a measure of precaution the
womenfolk and children were sent to Dingarh and the men began their march towards Abdul
Nabi. It was a force of six thousand Balochs only as the Kalhoras had been able to retain
some Baloch support by appointing the chief of Jatoi tribe as the chief minister of the
Kalhoras. Talpurs, nonetheless, emerged victorious. Much of the credit of this victory goes
to Fateh Ali, who took the initiative of wiping out the Kalhoras. Later, Mir Suhrab Khan was
also inspired to join the struggle. His reinforcement gave a fatal blow to the Kalhoras. This
fateful battle was fought at a place called Halani, and it was here that the Talpurs decided to
take over the masnad. Also it was decided that Mir Fateh Ali be placed on the masnad as the
ruler of Sindh. Thus Fateh Ali, grandson of Mir Behram, son of Mir Sobdar, nephew of Mir
Bijar, and cousin of Mir Abdullah, became the first Talpur ruler of Sindh.
The Kalhora house had fallen to the Talpurs but it was a house already in shambles and
needed a good bit of reconstruction. Not only was the treasury bankrupt, even territories were
given away; Omarkot had been given away to the Raja of Jodhpur and Karachi to the Khan
of Kalat. Sindh itself became subordinate to Afghanistan and Abdul Nabi had already
reached the court of Kabul to obtain a sanad for himself. The Talpurs determined this time

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to take over the Kalhora throne sent an envoy to Kabul with a huge sum of money and the
Afghan King decided the matter in their favor. The next step was the physical occupation of
the fort of Hyderabad. This task was given to Haji Ahmad Khan Leghari, a highly trusted
man of the Talpurs. Ultimately a large number of Legharis became the backbone of the
administrative set up of the Hyderabad Talpurs.
Before closing the chapter lets see what happened to Abdul Nabi and his descendants after
they lost their power in Sindh. Dr. N.A. Baloch relates his meeting with Mian Gul
Mohammad, "Mian Gul Mohammed, a direct descendant of Abdul Nabi, who, after the
establishment of Pakistan migrated from Jodhpur to Sind in 1953; he had some family papers
which threw fresh light on the last of the Kalhora Princes of Sind who had settled down in
Jodhpur and Hajipur (in Rajanpur sub-division of Dera Ghazi Khan). They also reveal how
Bijay Singh, the ruler of Jodhpur, robbed the Kalhora princes of their treasures when they
took refuge with him and put them on petty land grants feeding them on empty hopes of
military support which they had expected from him."25
According to the family records now published in History of Sind Vol 1 Abdul Nabi Khan,
after the siege of Khudabad fled to Kalat while his son Mohammed Arif Khan, his nephew
Shah Mohammed son of late Ghulam Nabi, along with his mother and family treasures
proceeded to Jodhpur. Having failed to reconquer Sindh, Abdul Nabi took a detour to Dera
Ghazi Khan and Mohammed Arif rushed to his father's side, and handed the treasures to
Bijay Singh before leaving Jodhpur. Arif never returned as he was killed in the battle. Instead
a grief stricken and defeated Abdul Nabi arrived in Jodhpur 1795. He was welcomed by
Bhim Singh, the new Maharaja of Jodhpur. "As he (Abdul Nabi) had no means to maintain
himself and his family, Bhim Singh gave him the village of Lohawat as jagir and also
assigned to him the customs revenue of the Phalodi purgana.26 Mian Abdul Nabi remained
in Jodhpur for four years. The enthusiasm of the initial welcome began to slow down
gradually, and though he was shown personal courtesy by the ruler at the time of scheduled
visits, he found himself and his cause neglected. He did not get sufficient military support to
regain his lost power in Sindh. Though his treasures had been ostensibly kept safe for him,
he was not given any substantial portion thereof to utilize for himself. Being disappointed
with the Jodhpur ruler, Abdul Nabi left for Jodhpur once and for all in 1799."27
Misfortune continued to follow him and deprived him of his remaining belongings. He lost
everything to the fire that engulfed his houses except the burning desire to gain back Sindh.
He appealed for help to the rulers of Bahawalpur and Punjab, being refused he rushed to
Shikarpur to meet Shah Shuja of Afghanistan only to return disappointed. But Abdul Nabi
was no Renavskayaka to let go of his 'Cherry Orchard.' He looked forward to the expanding
British Empire for help and corresponded with some of the officers in East India Company.
The conquest of Sindh appeared on Britain's agenda, in 1843, long after Abdul Nabi's death.
Sahibzada Ali Mardan Khan, grandson of Abdul Nabi, made a feeble attempt of drawing
Britain's attention to restore him. He quoted the precedent of Mysore, part of which was
restored to the original rulers who were ousted by Tipu Sultan. The British response to the
Kalhoras, however, was different and the Kalhora was not restored.
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Descendants of Abdul Nabi's son Taj Mohammed continue to reside in Rajanpur, Dera Ghazi
Khan to this day while those of Mohammed Arif lived in Nagor Gate, Jodhpur for nearly one
hundred and seventy five years. It was only when the Jodhpur Government, on the pretext,
of the absence of a male descendent discontinued their privileges that they migrated to
Pakistan. Since 1953, they are living silently in rural Sindh, with no mansab
to fight for and no murids to flock around them.

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 CHAPTER 2
BALCOH RULE IN SINDH:
A BELATED GLORY

Let me recite in the name of God, as He is the master of this universe

This world will turn into dust, nothing will remain except His name
We are the disciples of Hazrat Ali, our faith is strong
We Balochs are the followers of Prophet Muhammad (pbuh)
Who is the leader of the world
We Baloch are the descendants of Hazrat Amir Hamza
And victory has come to us as our destiny
Our descent is from the country of Halab

A verse from Balochi Poetic Record (Daptar Shair)

The scepter of Sindh passing to the Balochs was not a strange twist of fate. What was
surprising was that it had taken too long; for neither great mountains nor deep oceans
separated the two lands of Balochistan and Sindh. Another surprising fact was that the
Balochs were the last indigenous rulers of Sindh before it was colonized by the British.
Balochistan and Sindh had ancient cultural and commercial links and for long Balochs
provided the martial support to the weak and vulnerable political structure of Sindh. One
may ask, what caused the historical process to take so long? Part of the answer can be found
in the irony that had always dominated the destiny of Sindh. For more than five thousand
years it's land had been alternately revered and cursed, conquered and cultivated, fought over,
forsaken and forgiven. It's boundaries constantly fluctuated due to the follies of it's prodigal
custodians; yet fatigued and famished it has survived.
The Sindh that became a province of Pakistan on August 14, 1947 can lay some claim to the
linear descendancy of what has been termed as the 'Indus Empire' by some. The reference is
to the civilization that flourished between 2500-1500 BC on the banks of river Indus. Greater
in status than the present day Sindh, and twice the size of Egypt and Sumer put together, the
Indus Valley or the Harappan civilization, as it is preferably called now, stretched from the
foothills of the Himalayas in the north to the Arabian sea in the south and from the borders
of Iran and Afghanistan in the west to Gujrat in the east. Undoubtedly it was the most
widespread civilization of the ancient world. Having lasted for a thousand years, the
civilization had bloomed to a mature urban phase, but failed to achieve statehood. No palaces
and royal cemeteries hence mark its ruined cities that vanished suddenly due to
an unknown cause.
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The collapse of the Indus Civilization coincided with the arrival of the Aryans circa 1500
BC. The Aryans are believed to have migrated from their Central Asian home towards Iran
and later settled on the banks of river Indus. Here they compiled four sacred texts known as
the Vedas, the books of knowledge. Sanskrit, the esoteric language of the Vedas, was to leave
a permanent mark on the North Indian and Pakistani languages. Rig Veda, the earliest of the
texts, was also to shed some light on the murky past of the Indus region. It speaks of Sapta
Sindhu, the land of the seven rivers, where rishis recited hymns in praise of Sindhu, the main
sacred river. Aryans, as restless as ever, migrated further to the Ganjetic plains in the east.
Not much is known about Sapta Sindhu after the departure of the Aryans. In the sixth century
BC, however, we hear of a region Hapta Hindu (Sapta Sindhu) in the Iranian record.
Acheameneans had occupied a part of it and commemorated the victory as engraved on
Naqsh-e Rustom. Alexander of Macedonia, was to follow their footsteps, and occupy their
satrapies in 326 BC. The Great Conqueror is said to have fought here with wild tribes and
met Chandra Gupta Maurya, the first empire builder of India. The young Maurya, we are
told, had failed to strike an alliance with Alexander to overthrow Mahapadama Nanda, King
of Magadha. Nonetheless, after the departure of the Greeks, Maurya was able to replace
Nandas and add the Indus region in his kingdom. Sindh remained a part of the Mauryan
kingdom until their overthrow. Many followed the Mauryans, namely the Scythians,
Parthians, Sassanians, Arabs, Afghans, Turks, and just before the distant British stepped in,
the shrunken and mutilated remains of the 'Indus Empire' fell to the Balochs.
Under the Talpurs (1783-1843) who were of Baloch stock, the kingdom of Sindh was a tract
of "45000 square miles with a population of eleven hundred thousand. It was confined
between 23rd and 29th degrees of the North latitude and 67th and 70th degrees of the East
longitude, having the river Indus nearly in its center and comprising all the portion of its
valley between the Bahawalpur territories to the North, the ocean to the south, east and west
to the desert tracts which intervene it and the province of Cutch and the mountains separating
it from the higher country of Baluchistan."
Geographically the country is divided into two parts; Siro or the upper region, is the land
between Sehwan and Bahawalpur; Lar the lower or delta region, extends from Sehwan to the
sea. However, until the eighteenth century the country up to Dera Ghazi Khan was an integral
part of Sindh and the northern belt from Bakhar to Dera was known as Siro (the head of
Sindh), the belt from Bakhar to Northern Hyderabad was known as Vicholo (the central part
of Sindh), and the country beyond Hyderabad to the Arabian sea coast was known as Lar
(the slope of Sindh). Sindh had been indivisible politically from beyond Dera Ghazi Khan in
the north to the sea coast in the south, and the people freely migrated from one area to
another. In it's appearance Sindh is less picturesque than it's neighbor Punjab but more fertile
than Cutch and more populous than Balochistan (another province of Pakistan).
Sindh has a variety of physical features. These include hilly tracts, riverine plains, a sandy
desert, forests, and a labyrinth of perennial streams of Sindhu, the river that has also lent it's
name to the land. With scanty vegetation and only a few fertile patches, Lower Sindh is
mostly arid and barren, while the upper region is greener. The weather also varies in the two
regions; temperatures in Upper Sindh could rise to 140°F while the coastal and the lower
region is humid but not as hot. Lord Ellenborough, the governor general who annexed Sindh
to Britain's Indian Empire, saw a semblance of the Nile valley here and nicknamed Sindh
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"Young Egypt," while Richard Burton registering it's diminishing prosperity popularized it
as the "Unhappy Valley."
There were still others who visited Sindh much before the English and left behind ample
information. It is due to the variety of these records that we know that in Sindh there was an
abundance of corn and rice and oil of sesamum, butter, muslin and coarse cotton fabrics, and
also numerous herds of cattle. Some of the ancient Greek records speak of Sindh at the time
when Alexander's soldiers had marched through this exotic land while Nearchus, his daring
admiral sailed down river Indus, as they referred to Sindhu. Instructed and inspired by his
mentor, Aristotle, and accompanied by experts who excelled in the sciences of cartography
and astronomy and the techniques of ship building and statecraft, Alexander encouraged his
men to collect information. He was also fascinated by an earlier account on Sindh, written
by a Knidean doctor employed in the Achaemenean court. His mission was not the mere
conquest of the world, but to bring back many secrets of it's mysterious lands and waters.
From the land of Sindh he was to explore the source of Indus to establish whether it was
common with the Nile's, to measure it's length, and to look for the fabled fountain of life
(Aab- e - Hayat). Meeting an early death and the anger of his war weary soldiers may not
have shattered all the myths but the account that followed contained
Undertones of disappointment. Megasthenes, the Greek ambassador in the court of Chandra
Gupta Maurya, described the inhabitants of India whose speech resembled the bark of dogs.
Exaggerations however failed to keep the outsiders away and waves of invasion that followed
demonstrated the appeal which this land held.
With the advent of Islam, Sindh was somewhat restored to its ancient glory. Once again it
became a sacred land, though the God worshipped now did not come out of any pantheon
but was the one and only Allah. It became the gateway to Islam from where the soldiers of
Islam set to spread it's message. Popular history tells us that the Sultanates and Empires that
were later formed in North Central India under the banner of Islam attempted to merge Sindh
within their folds. It may have been a matter of prestige for those who sat on the imperial
throne of Delhi but let us not neglect those who complained against such a venture. The
Mogul king, Babur in his memoirs quotes an anecdote about one of his soldiers, who
expressed his opinion on Sindh in a verse:
If safe and sound I pass from Hind;
Damn if I ever come to Sindh.
Whether one viewed Sindh as a region simple and self-sufficient like the anonymous author
of the Periplus of the Erytherean Sea, or as a fabled land like the Greeks, or as an inferno
like the Mogul soldiers, the fact remains that for many, Sindh had been a stepping stone to
the inaccessible land of Hindustan. So was it at the turn of the eighteenth century, when both
the Afghans and the British had their eyes on it. At this juncture it had already fallen to the
Talpurs.
How far the Talpurs were aware of the vicissitudes that Sindh had gone through? We have
no idea. But we do know that Mir Fateh Ali, the founder of the kingdom, in order to highlight
it's history, had sponsored Fatehnamo, a work that he desired to be written in the like of
Shahnameh. His knowledge about the past of Sindh may not have been at par with that of a
modern historian, but certainly he too like any other Baloch was aware of it's bounties.
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Perception of Sindh's prosperity is reflected in a sixteenth century bacchanalian poem written
by Mir Bijar Rind; according to him Sindh was a "land of milk and honey," where "...men
drank to their hearts content, where Bhang was in abundance and where firewood was
available near home."2 Mir Bijar was not an ordinary Baloch bard, he was a cousin of Mir
Chakar Khan and had abandoned Balochistan along with him. In his obsession to settle in
Sindh he parted ways with Chakar and many of his kinsmen settled in Upper Sindh. The
present day Bijarani tribe, living in the area near Jacobabad is composed of their descendants.
Bijaranis settled in the Kohlu district of the Marri area in Balochistan are also descendants
of Mir Bijar. Baloch generations that followed may not have been aware of Mir Bijar's poem
but certainly they shared the same spirit. Fateh Ali was to make the dream come true in it's
totality. Regardless of the degree of his consciousness, history and myth, poetry and heroism
all combined to support his long deserved position. It was with his ascendancy that the losses
of Chakar were compensated.
Yet there is more to the story, more tangible evidence than mere poetry that suggests an
ancient link between Balochistan and Sindh. Ten thousand years ago, at the end of the
Pleistocene epoch, in several regions of the world, favorable climatic conditions set the stage
for humankind to discover the art of cultivation and domestication of animals. This was an
era of human evolution that Gordon Childe termed as the agricultural revolution. It was
undeniably one of the most important milestones that humankind reached and from where
social evolution began to gain momentum and reach yet another epoch: the urban revolution.
The journey between the agricultural and the urban revolutions in South Asia was traversed
in the area that is now Balochistan and the Indus Valley region. Almost a decade ago, Allchin
while discussing the theme, emphasized to look into the "greater Indus system" for the
evidence of an indigenous development of Indian Civilization in it's wider sense. "From the
still continuing excavations at Mehrgarh," he observed, "has come the earliest evidence yet
available for settled agriculture in the sub continent...this evidence...emphasizes the local
rather than the imported nature of the first agriculture of the region."3
Today with the gathering of further evidence it is being suggested that the Indus Valley
Civilization did not draw inspiration from the Neolithic culture of West Asia. Discovery of
a wild progenitor of wheat from some archaeological sites in central and northern
Balochistan suggest that agriculture was being practiced in the region almost simultaneously
with some regions in western Asia. Storage of grains at Mehrgarh could have been a
rudimentary system of organizing surplus production that evolved to the building of the city
granaries in the mature urban phase of Indus civilization.
The main reason why the civilization did not mature in Balochistan is because much of its
area is arid, the scarcity of water allowing limited cultivation. This became a motivating
factor for the migration of the upland villagers from their craggy land to the fertile plains of
Sindh. It was eventually the interaction of the inhabitants of the uplands and those in the
river valley that led to the development of a civilization.
Whether these ancient inhabitants of the uplands bore any ethnic or racial affinity with the
present day Balochs is hard to determine, though the migratory traits of both remain the
same. Attempts to trace the origins of Baloch have created more confusion to the already
murky picture of their past.

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According to Richard Burton they bore "little resemblance to that of Ismail's descendants.
The eye is the full, black, expressive Persian, not the small, restless, fiery Arab organ; The
other features are peculiarly high, regular and Iranian."4 Henry Pottinger detects in the
Balochs several Turkomen traits such as the customs and the language. While, Postans
confirms them "decidedly foreigners."5 Longworth Dames observed in the Balochs a
combination of Turkoman and Persian nomad. And a contemporary Baloch historian
concluded his argument that the "Baluchis belong to the royal family of the Kaldian tribe of
the Kushite race. The first mighty ruler of the first Kaldian dynasty was Nimrod, the Belus,
and after him the greatest ruler of the line was Emperor Belus who ruled Babylon in 2130
B.C. Nimrod is described in Genesis X 8-12 as the first to be a mighty one in the earth."6
The argument continues as Marri quotes Arab writer Ibne Haukal to explain the confusion
between the Iranian and Arabic affinities. According to Ibn Haukal, there were many Arab
tribes settled in Iranian territories. Koch and Baloch were two such tribes, speaking a
language different from the Persian." But if language is set as a criteria to determine the
origins of a racial group, it will be too misleading in the case of Balochs. Modem Balochi
language contains diverse vocabulary and "by pruning all the imported Persian, Indian and
Pashtu words twined round the Baluchi language; there remains uncovered a trunk of a
language which is a profound relic of ancient Semitic family both in root and sound."
Balochs themselves have confirmed their Arab origins, "We (Balochs) are murids of Hazrat
Ali and descendants of Amir Hamza," so sings their poet in Daptar Shair, a sixteenth century
work.
"We come from Halab, Victory is our fate and we have fought with Yazid. After the incident
of Karbala we reached Bampur, our next destination was Seistan whose king was
Shamsudin. He was on good terms with the Balochs. After Seistan we left for Kon near
Hareem Harbour which is near the region of Kaitch..."9

The poem further provides a list of Baloch migrant tribes-Hot, Khosa, Korai, Dreshak,
Mazari, Lashari, Dombki, Chandya, Jatoi, Gurgej -to mention a few. Gul Khan Naseer opines
that the Arab origin of the Balochs may have been an attempt to give them an Islamic identity,
even S. Khan feels that "the actual migration of the race from Syria proper or its adjoining
districts" may have taken place in "a remote age far beyond the Islamic period."10 It was
certainly a remote age when Balochs were warriors so "brave, whose back none in the world
had seen, decked in armour from head to toe even their fingers were not bare."" confirms
Shahnameh. The Persian epic that opens with the creation of the universe and conjures up
panoramic image of human history, is marked with Baloch references scattered over a period
of 1000 years, from Acheamenians (500 B.C) to Sassanids (640 A.D). Balochs, so it
mentions, were soldiers under these dynasties. The Imperial armies of Iran had always drawn
their strength from the tribal warriors that included Koch and Baloch. Firdausi, the poet who
composed Shahnameh containing sixty thousand verses gives an ornate description of a two
mile long contingent of Koch and Baloch. It's soldiers wore Taj-e-Khurgan, or the crest of a
rooster, and carried a flag with the logo of a lion. They were led by their chief, Ashkash, and
marched behind Prince Sihawash towards Zabilistan. After crossing the "mountains that
reached the moon," they encountered Rustom, the legendary son of Zaal. Rustom is said to
have unknowingly killed his own son in the enemy's camp. Firdausi's dramatic treatment of
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this event has made the story of Rustom and Sohrab a literary masterpiece. An ordinary
Baloch claims that Rustom was a Baloch.12
Firm as their hero Rustom, Balochs continued as warriors even after the fall of
Acheameneans. We hear of their defiance and the trouble that followed. Nausherwan (531-
577 A.D), the forceful Sassanian monarch made age old sure that "no Baloch seen or unseen
remained in Persia."13 The dependency on the Baloch chivalry, however, soon made the
Sassanids change their mind and a friendship was revived. Thus in Futuh ul Buldan, the Arab
writer Baludhuri mentions the men from "Qufs and Balos" (Kutch and Baloch) in the Iranian
army fighting against the Arabs in Kirman. They have been referred 'to in this way because
the Arabic language does not have a letter denoting the sound of "ch." Abu Jafar al Tabari,
another Arab historian also makes a mention of the Balochs of Kirman. According to him
when the might of the Arabs was rising with the zeal of Islam, the last Sassanid ruler decided
to convert to Islam. The negotiations for this was done through Siya Baja or Siya Pad,
meaning the black footed. A tribe with this name still lives in Balochistan.14 Perhaps this
was the period when many Balochs might have converted to Islam and entered Sindh in the
seventh century with the Arabs.
Most of the information pertaining to the Islamic phase of Baloch history has reached us
through folklore and tradition: their great migration from Seistan towards Bampur and thence
eastward to Makran and Kalat; their employment in the armies of Sindh under the Sumarah
rulers in the twelfth century; their continuation as soldiers under the Samma dynasty; the rise
of Amir (chief) Jalal Han (Baloch version of Khan) and his four sons Rind, Lashari, Korai
and Hot fromwhom descended the four Baloch tribes named after them; the battles that they
fought with each other and their widespread settlements all over Balochistan, Punjab and
Sindh during the sixteenth century. It was during these times that Mir (Amir) Chakar Khan
rose to power in the lineage of Rind, his emergence coincided with Babar's invasion of India.
Forty years before Chakar's rise, Rind Balochs had taken the control of the coastal regions
of Makran; he was to add Lasbella and Kharan to their domains. Chakar then conquered
Kalat and marched through Bolan Pass to take over Sibi. He held on to it for decades, Gohram
Lashari being his adversary and competitor. A thirty year war was fought between cousins,
the Rinds and the Lasharis. And like any other war, it was to create heroes and villains.
Chakar rose as a fiery leader, displaying magnificence and savagery together; combating
lions and elephants. Committing infanticide and eliminating many enemies. And all this
carnage for a very tender cause - the protection of Guhar, the woman whom he had promised
protection. Once the feud between the Lasharis and the Rinds began, no one could stop it,
not even Bibrak, another hero, and warrior friend of Chakar. Seizing the bridle of Chakar's
mare, he pleaded "sheathe thine sword...Lasharis are mighty warriors. Let them attack us in
our impregnable castle. To flee is an impossibility for thee, to go forward is death to thee."
Chakar taking the bridle back addresses his mare instead, "Oh you stoic and speedy one give
me your bow like bridle so that Gohram does not easily and happily escape Sibi." Gohram
had already vowed to set fire to the houses of his enemies "a fire whose flames even the
Moguls of Delhi will not be able to avert...I will chase Chakar," he roared "...to the end of
the earth until like a fatigued wolf he struggles to rest under a shady tree, he will turn around
to look...his offspring will long for the Balochi language and their women will respond in
Jagdali."15 The curse that he meant for the Rind tribe, did not spare his own Lasharis, as
with the passage of time many Balochs lost their own language and culture.
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Chakar left Sibi, he had some hope in the Dodais, who too were of Baloch stock and settled
in Punjab. Sohrab their chief was welcomed by the Multan ruler and was granted a jagir. His
sons had laid the foundations of the Deras Ghazi Khan and Ismail Khan named after them.
Sohrab welcomed Chakar but in the long run Dodais were not poised to receive Rinds,
another war followed chasing Rinds further away in Punjab and leaving the Dodais to test
their strength with the Langahs of Multan and others. One of their descendant, Shah
Mohammed Dodai was to cross swords with the Moguls and come face to face with Mir
Shahdad Talpur. The story of his fall and the rise of Shahdad has been mentioned in the
previous chapter.
Until now, in the frenzy of ceaseless petty feuds what was being lost was
a greater goal, the emergence of a Baloch central authority. As late as the seventeenth century
chiefs of the group of Brohi speaking Balochs of Sarawan began to establish their control
over the Kacchi plain. In 1739, Nadir Shah appointed one of their leaders Nasir Khan as the
chief of Balochistan. Khans of Kalat, as they came to be known, eventually extended their
rule over most of Balochistan. But these were not the limits of Baloch Diaspora, a sizable
number of them were settled in Sindh, Punjab, Derajat, Iran, Afghanistan and beyond.
With Mir Chakar Khan's departure many Baloch men and women, about forty thousand in
number, left Balochistan to "seek a far land."16 His caravan passed through Marri-Bugti
country towards Derajat, Muzafargarh, Multan and Montgomery in Punjab where their hero
died. What has been overlooked in this fateful journey is the Baloch dynamism and
adaptability to new lands. Also, migration cannot be entirely blamed for it was neither the
first nor the last. Infact it had always been an inevitable factor in Baloch history and continues
to be so. Initially compelled by a hostile geography it is now mostly due to the economic
incentive, but behind both the causes lurks stubborn wandering and warring instincts that
have gone in the making of Baloch character. Constructive and destructive at the same time,
it is his character that has emerged strong and determined out of the role that he played in
history. Hence herein lies the other half of the answer to the riddle of his belated glory. Could
it be the vastness of the area that he traversed and his obsession for the outdoors that
ingrained a strong sense of emancipation in his psyche, in the face of which Kingship
appeared a confinement to him? Had he remained rooted to his habitat, his history might
have followed the same conventions as of other nations, he too may have eked out kingdoms
and formed dynasties. But bucolic to the core of his heart he remained a nomad, chivalry he
loved but for long he played soldiers for others. His life outside Balochistan has softened
many of his nomadic instincts while inside it has resulted in scarcity of human resources so
that Balochistan despite being the largest province of Pakistan remains the most under
populated region.
Mir Chakar Khan's exodus was certainly a landmark in the chain of Baloch migrations, it
had planted a large number of them over an area of two hundred square miles but it remains
a faded affair in the face of more spectacular events around it. It had coincided with the
emergence of two of the greatest Muslim empires of the times, the Saffavids in Iran and the
Moguls in India. Considering Chakar's territorial expansion, would it have been possible for
the Balochs to outsmart the Mogul expansion? Perhaps, yes, had it not been some serious
flaws in the Baloch character; they were indeed military genius "but they were hopelessly
destitute of administrative capacity and statesmanship." Their tribal rivalries "prevented the
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establishment of any permanent kingdom...things would have been still favorable for a
general like Chakar to carve out a kingdom for himself beyond his native land, though he did
establish his Amirate in Sataghara. "But for the fact that contemporary India was ruled by
extraordinary strong dynasties which since long were accustomed to the art of kingship,
Baloch destiny was never destined to plant its triumphant banner of the proud of the imperial
cities of India. As such the Baloch sword and pen failed in those spacious times." But the
moment that was missed by Chakar came to Fateh Ali. However it is tragic indeed that Talpur
ascendancy in Sindh is mostly known through folklore and legends circulated by British
orientalists. Let us examine the most popular of these, published by Richard Burton. "When
the Balochs arrived within fifteen miles of Khudabad, the prince sent out several of his
ministers and nobles with presents of clothes and horses with gold saddles to receive and
escort his distinguished guests to the capital. As the procession advanced, it met a troop of
beggarly shepherds followed by their flocks and women mounted on asses. The ministers
inquired for Mir Aludo and were astonished when told that the ragged wayfarer with the
dheri in his hand and kambo on his shoulders was the personage whom they were sent to
conduct with such ceremony.
The prince mentioned in this passage was the Kalhora ruler of Sindh, and the ragged
wayfarer, Mir Aludo the chief of the Talpur community. This is how the arrival of the Talpurs
in Sindh is usually described as the writers did not care to look beyond the simplified version
of regional history. Burton himself admits the shortcomings in his preface, "Generally the
European Orientalist is satisfied with a certain amount of details, as he has little inducement
to pursue the subject to it's end."19
The validity of the story has been rightly questioned by Justice K. B. Marri, he even doubts
the authenticity of the name Aludo for "such names are unknown among hill tribes."21 If
one was to believe Burton, Talpurs' story was a simple rags to riches story. But one has to
bear in mind the lengthy historical process that brought the Balochs to rule Sindh. The Aludo
Masudo story is thus not only a simplified explanation but is derogatory too. Historically two
brothers from the distinguished Talpur family did migrate to Sindh but their names were
Hotak and Manik. They migrated from Choti in Dera region to Vicholo or mid Sindh during
the last decade of seventeenth century. The elder brother, Hotak settled in the area between
Hala and Sanghar taking to agriculture on the irrigation channels of the Indus, while Manik,
the younger brother, settled in Drigh Bala, on the banks of the hill torrent Nain Ganj (in the
present Dadu district). Employing their relatives and local labor and doing hard work, they
bought vast expanses of barren tracts under cultivation and became zamindars of repute. And
yet the story of Talpurs does not begin with the two brothers.
The name of Mir Ismail Khan emerges on the scene much before the appearance of the Mirs,
Hotak and Manik. Traditionally he is considered to be the starting point of the history of the
Talpurs. Regretfully, we do not know started between his two sons, Mir Ibrahim Khan and
Mir Ghulam Hasan much about this patriarch, but we do know that after his death troubles
Khan. Mir Ibrahim succeeded in gaining the chiefdom. Mir Ghulam Hasan Khan along with
his family and followers migrated to Dera Ghazi Khan where he was well received by the
Leghari chief of that Dera. Ghulam Hasan Khan put up a temporary resort at Choti Bala.
Later on, one of them Mir Suleman Khan alias Kakoo felt that the place will no longer be
able to Unfortunately, Mir Suleman could not complete his plans during his life support his
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growing tribe. He decided to transport a few families to Sindh. time though they were
continued by his sons. Mir Suleman's wife hailed from the Marri tribe who is known for it's
chivalry. The couple was blessed with five sons and two amongst these were the illustrious
Hotak and Manik. The two royal houses of Hyderabad and Mirpurkhas descended from them.
Shahdadani, the main rulers of Hyderabad are named after Shahdad, son of Hotak, and
Mankani the house that ruled at Mirpurkhas descended from Manik. There was yet a third
house who ruled in Khairpur. They were known as Suhrabani, named after Suhrab, a
descendent of Shahdad.
Mir Shahdad Khan, holds a special place not only in the history of the Talpur Mirs but of the
history of Sindh in general. His success in extending agriculture not only increased his
income but the land revenue of the government as well. The areas managed and cultivated
by him were located on the more stable irrigation channels in Mahal (circle) of Parganah
(district) of Hala Kandi, in the Sarkar (administrative division) of Nasrpur of the province of
Thatta. Mir Shahdad had also extended his influence among the local agricultural
communities all around and secured their cooperation for the security and safety of the whole
area from depredations of the lawless elements. As such he had attracted the attention of the
Mogul Subedar (governor) of Thatta.
It was under these circumstances that the Pinghara estate with it's large area was granted to
Mir Shahdad during the reign of Emperor Aurangzeb. This was prior to the year 1704.
Further renewals and additional grants were made during the reigns of the later Moguls, to
Farukh Siyar and Mohammad Shah. According to a document of Farukh Siyar's Dr. N.A.
Baloch has concluded that Mir Shahdad Khan had founded Shahdadpur in the year 1713.
The barren area Dasht-i-baran which extended from Shahdadpur to Sanghar and which was
granted to Mir Shahdad accommodated the family and the followers of Mir Shahdad and Mir
Manik Khan and they developed it through a network of canals.
After the founding of Shahdadpur the prominent Talpurs who arrived in Sindh in the second
batch included Manik's son Mir Thara Khan, his grandson Mir Shaho Khan son of Shahaq
Khan, and his brother Mir Hotak Khan. Mir Thara Khan and Mir Shaho Khan settled near
Jhol and extended two irrigation canals from the one that was originally constructed by Mir
Shahdad Khan.
It was also with the arrival of Mir Shahdad Khan that the rise of the Talpurs began in the
court of Kalhoras. It must have been due to his charismatic personality and his leadership
qualities that he came to be recognized as a chief of other Baloch tribes in Sindh and
eventually spotted by Yar Mohammad Kalhora. Kalhoras realized that Sindh needed a
martial pillar to support its troubled political structure, and they were well aware of the
Baloch strength that was capable of resisting the Moguls since the days of Mirza Kamran,
the less known son of Babar. Kalhoras were also aware of the diplomatic skills of the Khans
of Kalat who had kept the Baloch united in their kingdom. Thus there may be some truth in
surmising that it was the establishment of the Ahmadzai Khanate in Kalat that inspired the
Kalhoras for the establishment of a similar independent kingdom in Sindh. But in their
struggle to do so they had to rely on Baloch power. Mir Shahdad Khan's diplomatic and
martial qualities were already being recognized by the Moguls and Prince Muizzudin himself
had granted him Dasht-e-Baran. The grant was more than a material gift for while the
Kalhoras, as mansabdars of the Moguls, were gaining political control, the Talpurs were
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being rewarded by the same authority in their autonomous capacity. Perhaps a little ambition
and tact would have led the Talpurs to get themselves acknowledged as parallel rulers, but
this could have never occurred to Mir Shahdad Talpur, not that he lacked these qualities but
because of his moral obligation. Dasht as the name suggests was a desert tract that Mir
Shahdad resolved to confine and abide. He began with the construction of a number of
irrigation canals- Shahdad Wah, Shaho Wah, Huzoor Wah, Behram Wah, Raj Wah to name
a few. The region had been laid waste since thirteenth century when Indus had changed it's
course. On the banks of Raj Wah, Mir Shahdad founded his fort, Shahdad Kot, which with
the passage of time gave rise to the city of Shahdadpur. A network of sub canals followed,
resulting in the founding of many villages in the region. Most of these villages were founded
by the Leghari tribesmen who had migrated with Mir Shahdad Khan from the Derajat
country. Until the construction of the Sukkur barrage in 1932 these canals were the sole life
support system of the region. Dr. N.A. Baloch while tracing the history of his ancestral
village Goth Jafar Khan Leghari, gives a good account of the glorious past of the Dasht.
"Between the period of the eighth and thirteenth centuries River Indus flowed through the
middle of this region, the famous city of Mansura was founded by the Arabs on the banks of
the river. The ruins of Mansura are located at a distance of four miles from the village of
Jafar Khan Leghari. Two miles further is located Mutahalo, the place where the ancestors of
Sufi poet Shah Abdul Latif resided. However after the Indus changed it's course the middle
region of Sanghar became deserted. It came to life only when Mir Shahdad converted it into
a settlement. It was thus the center from where his descendants began to spread in all
directions. It was from here that Mir Thara Khan and Mir Shaho Khan extended the Shahdad
Wah as Behram Khan constructed Behram Wah from the left side of Shaho Wah, far as Jhol
where, as mentioned earlier, they decided to settle. Later Mir and Mir Bijar got a 'wanji' (a
small channel) excavated from it, at the tail end of which he founded the fort of Bijar Kot.
The ruins of this Kot were visible until 1950. "22 There may have been many more
monuments that withered away with the passage of time, however one of the documents that
has survived bears testimony to a very sound settlement of the Talpurs in Sindh much before
their actual ascendancy to it's throne. In the light of this document (Imperial order granting
lands to Mir Shahdad, during the reign of Aurangzeb) it is about time that the myth about
their sudden arrival in Sindh should give way to historical facts. In a special note to the author
Dr. N. A. Baloch has elaborated on the authentic account. (Appendix 3)
Soon after Mir Fateh Ali's ascendancy to the throne of Sindh two of his close associates
formed their autonomous kingdoms. One of them was Suhrab Khan, the grandson of Mir
Shahdad Khan who left Hyderabad and settled in Rohri in Upper Sindh. His settlement in
Upper Sindh eventually led to the formation of the independent state of Khairpur. Similarly,
another equally strong ally Mir Thara Khan, son of Mir Fateh Khan and son-in-law of Mir
Bijar Khan, followed the example of Mir Suhrab Khan and left for Shah Bunder. This was
to lay the foundations of the state in Lower Sindh, with Mirpurkhas as it's capital. According
to the history of the Mankani Mirs of Mirpurkhas, as preserved and compiled by Mir Haji
Mohammed Buksh Talpur, Mir Thara Khan is said to have settled in a place called Keti. Here
he lived with Mir Baga who is said to have sacrificed his share of property for the sake of
his love and whose tale has lent some tenderness to the troubled times of Talpurs' early
history. Certainly it deserves some mention here. Mir Baga Khan also known as Bago Faqir,
the title that he had received in the Kalhora court, in recognition of his high moral character
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is known to have given up chivalry and the mundane, once the Talpurs came to power. He is
said to have given up his share of lands in return for Mariam, the fair maiden with whom he
fell in love. Mariam known for her beauty was the daughter of the chief of the Odheja tribe.
The tales of her beauty reached the ears of Mian Sarfraz Khan Kalhora, when he was the
King of Sindh. He sent a proposal of marriage which was accepted. But before the marriage
took place, Mian Abdul Nabi assassinated Sarfraz. When the Talpurs replaced Kalhoras and
settled to distribute their due shares, Mir Baga asked for Mariam and waived the rest. Since
Mariam had been a fiancee of the former ruler of Sindh, she was given the title of "Sindh
Rani," the Queen of Sindh. Sindh she never ruled but the little estate that Mir Baga made for
her far surpassed a kingdom. A garden and a palace that Mir Baga made for her came to be
known for it's beauty. The couple lived happily here and died childless. Bagani Mirs of Tando
Bago, who are said to be the descendants of Mir Bago are actually offsprings of his brother.
As for the garden at Tando Bago, it is said to have withered away with the demise of Mir
Bago and Sindh Rani. The ruins of Keti, where he is supposed to have walked once were,
however, visible until recent times.
One of the demands of Mirs Suhrab Khan and Mir Thara Khan was to place Mir Ghulam
Hussain son of Mir Abdullah on the throne. Mir Fateh Ali, however, paid no heed to their
demand. Suhrab's and Thara's attitude did effect the military and the political strength of the
Balochs. Fateh Ali's vulnerability was quite obvious and it was this situation that Abdul Nabi
Kalhora had set out to exploit. He succeeded in convincing the Afghan King that Mir Suhrab
was on his side. This encouraged the Afghan King to send a warning to Mir Fateh Ali that
he should either quit Sindh or face a force of forty thousand Afghans. Mir Fateh Ali decided
to face the situation though he had a modest army of ten thousand. However at this crucial
moment Mir Suhrab joined him. This daring response was taken as a challenge by Taimur,
the Afghan king and he decided to march in person against the stubborn Baloch leader. The
battle did not take place as Taimur Shah was impressed by the Baloch delegate who
convinced him for granting the royal sanad to Fateh Ali. Circumstances too favored the
Talpurs as a timely rebellion by Shah Murad Khan, governor of Balkh, called forth Taimur's
attention leaving Sindh in the hands of Fateh Ali with the guarantee of paying an annual
tribute to Afghanistan.
As Mir Fateh Ali Khan settled in the fort of Hyderabad, he wrote to his brothers to proceed
to the capital with their families. Indeed he had a great sense of justice and he gave due share
to all those who were deserving. Sindh was divided, Mir Fateh Ali Khan kept four shares for
himself, gave two to Mir Suhrab Khan, the founder of the Suhrabani house of Khairpur Mirs,
and one share to Mir Thara Khan, the founder of the Mankani house of Mirpurkhas Mirs.
This division was mainly political and administrative and not by way of personal property.
From amongst the Balochs, the Legharis assisted the Mirs of Hyderabad in administration,
while the Marris aligned themselves with the Mirs of Mirpurkhas and Khairpur. It may be
recalled here that a large number of Legharis had migrated with the Talpurs from Choti Bala
to Sindh. They had remained faithful and firm through the ups and downs that the Talpurs
experienced, and fought many battles along with them, time had come to accommodate them
in high positions. One of Mohammed Khan Leghari. He was born in district Sanghar, during
the theme "whose fortune shined along with Mir Fateh Ali Khan was Wali times of Mian
Noor Mohammad Kalhora. During those days the standard of education in Sindh was very
high thus his father made all the arrangements for a proper education. Wali Mohammad was
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twenty years incidents of Mir Bijar's battle with the Kalhoras and the assassination of old
when Mir Behram was assassinated. There is no mention of him in the Mir Abdullah. Perhaps
he was preoccupied with his education. However Wali Mohammad was able to collect a large
number of Legharis and joined when Mir Fateh Ali Khan prepared for the battle of Halani
against Kalhoras, Fateh Ali Khan. Wali Mohammad himself fought valiantly in this decisive
battle and Mir Fateh Ali Khan in recognition of his valor and his services gave him the title
of Nawab. At the time Wali Mohammed Khan was just thirty years old. And after this honor,
he remained a constant companion in the civil, military, diplomatic and judicial matters of
the Talpurs. It was Nawab Wali Mohammad Khan who convinced the King of Kabul to
bestow the sanad of Sindh to Mir Fateh Ali Khan, the Kabul court was seriously debating to
divide the sanad between Kalhoras and the Talpurs, and Mian Abdul Nabi Kalhora attempted
to bribe the Nawab, but he rejected the offer and continued advocacy for the Talpurs and
finally received the sanad for Mir Fateh Ali Khan."23 There are many achievements of
Nawab Wali Mohammad Khan Leghari in the fields of administration, engineering,
agriculture, literature, medicine and more, all these will surface as one proceeds with the
history of Talpurs.
Mir Fateh Ali Khan's division of power among his brothers was exemplary as for the first
time, four brothers - Fateh Ali, Ghulam Ali, Karam Ali and Murad Ali, sat together on a
common masnad to rule Sindh, their reverence for each other and their sense of unity was
admirable and they came to be known by the title of Char Yar, meaning four friends. Theirs
was the first Chao-yari, Council of the four; after their deaths followed other Chao-yari of
their descendants. Proven The four brothers had formed a well-coordinated team and had to
be compatible. Perhaps the need of appointing one as an heir never occurred to Fateh Ali.
Beyond all this, however, was the Baloch social and political structure that had yet not
evolved to a statehood. Baloch society was organized on a kinship grouping; one kin group
was always placed in an exalted position and its lineage was considered to be a chief lineage.
Lineage was often founded on the basis of having performed an extraordinary feat.
Chiefdoms formed out of such lineage played an important role in ensuring social
cooperation which was not achieved through a conventional government but through a sort
of authority that was mutually acknowledged by all the members of the kin. Baloch society
thus had two classes - chiefs and his followers - who were also the natural soldiers of the
chief. For long these chiefs had exerted their authority from the rugs of their tents, the masnad
of Sindh and a settled durbar was a new setting and yet the Talpurs were able to adapt to this
environment sooner than expected. Same was the case with their followers most of whom
formed their army. The Baloch army differed in many ways from the conventional army. It
was chivalrous in nature but unique in organization and was best described by an English
doctor, James Burnes in his visit to Sindh in 1828.
"Having lived for sometime in Cutch and frequent rumors of attack and invasion, I had
in common with most others in that province imbibed the idea that there was a
powerful body of troops maintained at Hyderabad. It is quite the contrary, however
and with the exception of a small corps of Balochs who are kept to garrison the fortress,
the armed retainers of the Ameers are few in number and contemptible in appearance.
Several of the chiefs of the tribes reside constantly at court, and are able to collect, in
the course of a few days, by some means resembling the fiery cross used by our own
forefathers, their various followers, who at other times are employed in agriculture,
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 and other peaceful occupations in this, it is said, the government can assemble an
amount of forty thousand men - though the iron rod of the Ameers has repressed the
daring spirit of the military classes of their subjects, and the general tranquility of the
province has left their energies to slumber for a while, they may yet be considered as
a body of marauders ready to take arms for any cause which will afford them support
or which offers a prospect of plunder."24
Later in their history, it will be seen how the absence of a standing army, lead the Talpurs
towards their defeat. In 1843 when the British soldiers marched towards Hyderabad they
were unable to collect a large force in a small time that circumstances provided them. Until
then however it was this Baloch army whose ultimate use was made to secure the frontiers
of Sindh. It seems that every male Baloch was a farmer, a cattle raiser and a soldier as well.
Fateh Ali as a result of this heritage was a combination of a warrior and an administrator and
also set out to rescue Sindh on the military and diplomatic fronts.
The early period of Mir Fateh Ali Khan was occupied with the task of safeguarding Sindh
from external attacks. Nawab Wali Mohammad Leghari had suggested to begin with the
borders on the Cutch side. As a result the three forts Naon Ko (Fateh Garh), Mithi and Islam
Kot (Islam Garh) were constructed. In order to check any intrusion from Jodhpur through
Omarkot, smaller forts were constructed. On the coastal strip, facing Kutch was the Vikur
Bunder. Nawab Wali Mohammad Khan Leghari was an engineer as well and Mir Fateh Ali
Khan appointed him the chief supervisor of the Fort construction project. According to the
family records of Nawab, these projects were completed in a period of eight years. After the
completion of these forts, Omarkot was conquered and Nawab's younger brother Mian
Ghulamullah was made the Nawab of Omarkot. His elder brother was made the Nawab of
Thatta. Nawab Wali Mohammad himself was made Larkana and Sukkur). Mirs were not to
repeat the mistakes of the Kalhoras. the chief administrator of Kohistan, Katchi and Chandka
(present day Vulnerability of the fort of Omarkot was still fresh in their memories, as the
fear of an Afghan attack always lurked over Sindh. Mirs felt a need to have Kot, the fort
which is said to be as high as the sky and as vast as the earth, a gigantic fort in the heart of
their country and to fulfill this ambition Runni was built. "The stone cutters worked with zeal
like Farhad"25 writes Mir Hasan Ali Khan, while admiring the monuments left by his
ancestors. Mir Fateh Ali Khan also "perceiving the strategic and commercial importance of
Karachi, which was then under the Khan of Kalat, sent a strong force under Nawab Wali
Mohammed Khan Leghari and occupied it in 1795. The same year Mir Fateh Ali Khan built
a fort on the island of Manora to guard entrance to the Karachi harbor which was intended
to develop as port area for sea trade. It was the first strategic step towards developing Karachi
into a safe seaport which, in turn, lent momentum to its development into a township."26
Karachi until then had been a fishing village but very fertile, the grain grew here in
abundance and it's annual income was estimated to be rupees three lac.
But how strong were these defenses against the rising tide of a global change? Not very as
the walls had that the Talpur Mirs built around them soon become symbolic of their
isolationist policy. Initially they may have secured them from their immediate neighbors but
eventually they led them to the ignorance of world affairs, making the later Mirs vulnerable
to the political, diplomatic and eventually military maneuverings of distant alien powers.

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Talpur's ascendancy to the throne of Sindh, in the waning years of the eighteenth century,
had already coincided with drastic changes elsewhere. Thinkers in Europe were denouncing
the philosophical enterprise established two thousand years ago by Aristotle. Industrial Age
was dawning with it's full fledged impact on the age old political and social set up. France
was to witness the most violent change when the Bourbons were swept away by a bourgeoisie
wave. Revolutionary fervor gripped the New World too and American independence became
yet another crowning achievement of the Age. One of the major outcomes of the Industrial
Revolution was that it gave impetus to colonization. Deployment of an advanced technology
made possible for sea faring vessels to overcome perils of high waters and many previous
problems of logistics; while the developments of the modern armaments played a decisive
role in the subjugation of the poorly armed nations. The race of the monopolization of trade
in India, which began with the early maritime activities of Dutch, Portuguese, French and
English in the thirteenth century ended with the English emerging as winners at the tail end
of the eighteenth century. Fateh Ali had barely settled in his new position when the fears of
the final combat between the French and English began to lurk on Mysore and the Indus
region. Next door, the Mogul Empire was degenerating in the likes of the Persian and
Byzantium Empires. Times were ripe for the emergence of kingdoms of a different nature,
East India Company emerged as the "Grandest Society of Merchants in the Universe," it was
giving birth to it's own Moguls. Any person irrespective of his or her citizenship or religion
was eligible to buy shares in it's capital stock and become a proprietor overnight. The Court
of proprietors became the strongest body to impose it's decisions on the fate of the
subcontinent. A glimpse of the awareness of the Talpurs about the changing world is given
by James Burnes. According to him, they were aware of the 'existence of Napoleon' but the
news of his death came to them when they were closer to their own Waterloo. They admired
the British sailors but could not conceive a Nelson nearer to their shore. The idea of a
steamship was too disturbing for them as they relaxed in their jumtees on the still waters of
the Indus.
Britain on the other hand was immersed in extensive colonization and had fears from various
quarters: Afghanistan, France, Mysore and the Marathas and the period coincided with the
independence of British colonies in the American continent. Once deprived of it's colonial
possessions in the West, it became more defensive towards its colonies in the East.
Earlier in 1789, just five years after the Talpur ascendancy to Sindh, the French Revolution
took place and by 1798 Napoleon in his quest for a global Empire had already traveled as far
as Egypt. In this very period Zaman Shah of Afghanistan was attempting to intrude into
India. Lord Mornington (later Marquis Wellesly), the Governor General of British India,
realized the French and the Afghan ambitions. His fears increased as Tipu Sultan, the
ambitious ruler of Mysore in South India planned the revival of Muslim power in India with
French help. Tipu had established diplomatic contacts with France and become a member of
the Jacobean club. Sindh, being a Muslim state had its natural sympathies with the Islamic
kingdoms.
Also, there were fears that its friendship with Persia, which was being helped by French in
gaining Afghan territories, might lead towards an alliance with France directly.
Wellesley planned to resist Zaman Shah from two fronts-the west and the south east that is
from Persia and Sindh. It was with this idea that he instructed the governor of Bombay to
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contact the two countries. Persia had some links with the English, which they found not too
difficult to revive.
But Sindh was a stranger. After the dissolution of the factories of the East India Company in
the city of Thatta in 1775, there was practically no contact between Britain and Sindh. Now
that a dynastic change had taken place and the new ruler had acquired the reputation of an
isolationist, the task became all the more difficult. But there was something that paved the
way for them to the inaccessible land of Sindh.
While Mir Fateh Ali Khan always aspired to rid himself from the Afghan yoke, the ousted
Kalhoras were still lobbying with Zaman Shah to reconquer Sindh. Perhaps it was the fear
of an Afghan attack that motivated Fateh Ali Bombay governor, Jonathan Duncan, and the
Talpurs was a Persian to sign an agreement which the British offered. The mediator between
the merchant, Agha Abdul Hasan. A letter written by Duncan was handed over to the Mirs
by him, who responded by granting three parwanas, licenses, requested by the British. First,
the old English factory house was returned. Second, four bhighas of land were donated for
the construction of a garden, and third, a list of duties on the merchandise was prepared.
Duncan on receiving the parwanas, appointed Nathan Crowe of the Bombay Civil service to
supervise the British interests in Sindh.
Crowe seemed to have begun his enterprise with an optimistic note. His diary speaks of a
great commercial and political advantage from Sindh as soon as the company's flag was
hoisted at Thatta on the 8th of September and at Karachi on the 29th of September, 1799.
Much of the success of the Company however depended on the good will and the trust of the
Mirs towards the English. How far Crowe would be able to accomplish the uphill task of
gaining their confidence had yet to be seen.
The Mirs were well aware of British encroachment in India. The tragedy of May 1799 at
Seringapatam where Tipu Sultan was slain in the rubble of his fortress had made them more
suspicious towards the British. Earlier in Sindh they too had disappointed the Kalhoras for
not aiding them against Cutch despite a permission to establish their factory in Thatta.
It was thus natural for Nathan Crowe to be received with coldness upon his arrival. No Sindhi
officer came to greet him. He, however, overlooked all this in the greater interest of his
mission. He had been entrusted with the task of cultivating good relations with the Mirs but
more importantly to keep a sharp vigil on the relations between Sindh and Afghanistan. He
was to develop a friendship with the Mirs to a degree where they would become dependent
on British support against Afghanistan and he was expected to do all this without imparting
the impression of having any political interests. The success of his mission thus entirely
depended on his diplomatic skills. He somehow succeeded in gaining the confidence of the
Mirs, or so it seemed. Their earlier fears against the British seemed to have vanished and the
Mirs became friendlier in their dealings with Crowe. Mir Ghulam Ali Talpur, who was next
in the line of succession, even called on Crowe at his residence, while the other Mirs too
became friendly with him. They inquired about his country and displayed their desire to send
gifts to the English King. They invited him on their hunting trips and exhibited their
armaments to him. He was even showered with precious gifts of gold threaded garments and
a gold handled gun. Mir Fateh Ali Khan presented an Arab horse for governor Duncan. Mir
Ghulam Ali requested for an English surgeon and some artillery men to train his soldiers. He
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also expressed a keen desire for British help in order to procure the fort of Omarkot, which
was still in the possession of the Raja of Jodhpur. Ghulam Ali also assured Crowe that the
British commercial interests would not be hindered by Darya Naumal, a Hindu merchant
firm who until now enjoyed the patronage of the Talpurs.
Satisfied with his relations with the Mirs, Crowe decided to deal with Akhtar Khan, the
Afghan officer who collected tribute from the Mirs. He also appointed agents at Somiani and
Karachi to keep a check on the Afghan traffic in Sindh. He had also assessed that the attitude
of the Mirs towards the Afghans is more of a rebellious nature rather than a subservient one
and Mir Ghulam Ali often suggested to stop the payment of the tribute.
It took sometime for Crowe to register the subordinate status of the Mirs under the Afghans,
as he always considered them to be independent rulers and-even now requested for an
interview with the hope of having the notice waived. The interview was granted but the Mirs
were strangers. They began by blaming the British for following a dual policy, they
complained in bitter terms that the Englishmen's actions were different from their words.
Ghulam Ali in a tone of cynicism and anger asked Crowe, "Is it with such fellows that your
nation takes countries."27 He hinted at the artillery men which he had requested and which
were not up to his standards. Surprisingly, Ghulam Ali took a firm stand against Crowe and
ordered him to leave within five days. Fateh Ali, however, relaxed the period to ten days
though that too was not a consolation as Crowe was suffering from fever and fatigue and the
accounts needed to be settled. But nothing worked to reverse the decision of the Mirs and
Crowe left Sindh in utter shock putting the factory through an enormous loss.
Though the decision of closing the factory in this manner was certainly a breach of contract
from the British perspective but it was a necessary step for the security of Sindh and the Mirs
had to safeguard their interests. As a result East India Company was left with a considerable
amount of monetary loss, but no immediate objection was raised against the Mirs; perhaps
the British had decided to exploit it at an opportune moment.
The Mirs, it seems, had no regrets for the breach and had their own justifications. Firstly they
were fully aware of the English intentions, they knew of the English missions at Cutch, they
were aware of the annexation of surat and they had heard of the death of Tipu Sultan and in
this tragic event they had detected the undertones of the English aversion towards
Muslim states. Mirs also listened to the Hindu merchants who warned, event they had
detected the undertones of the English aversion towards "conquest and not commerce" was
the intention of the English. Crowe's expulsion thus was not unexpected and the Afghan
king's warning may resent immediately. Perhaps they were busy cultivating good relations
with have just been used as an excuse. The British, as mentioned earlier, did not Persia,
which gave them a better guarantee against the French and Afghans. Crowe's mission in
Sindh, it could be said was timely and effective in the given context. It remained in force as
long as the French and the Afghan threat loomed and it ended as the threat receded. His
"Account of the Country of Sindh" has a historic value as it began the process of scanning
Sindh, later it remained for Hankey Smith, Henry Pottinger, Burnes brothers and many more
to supplement it. But all these missions were to arrive after Mir Fateh Ali Khan who passed
away in 1802. The news of the birth of his son was given to him moments before he breathed
his last. Legend has it that he remained generous till his last moment. He gifted a large chunk

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of land to the midwife who gave him the good news. The region where the
land was granted is still known as Sujawal after the name of the midwife.

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 CHAPTER 3
LASHKAR SETTLES DOWN

Then Rustom, sick of martial pomp and show,

Himself the spring of all the scene of woe,
Doomed to the flames the pageantary he loved
Shield, spear and mace, so oft in battle proved

Story of Rustom and Sohrab in Shahnameh.

Translation James Atkin
Mir Fateh Ali Khan, passed away in Muharram, the month in which many Muslims mourn
the tragedy of Karbala. The news of his death brought a swarm of Baloch chiefs to the fort
of Hyderabad, amongst them was Suhrab, the angry Mir of Khairpur. They had gathered to
condole the death of Fateh Ali and coronate his brother Ghulam Ali.
Mir Fateh Ali like Mir Chakar had left behind no law of heredity, but he had shown
preference to Ghulam Ali as his successor. The last minute news of the birth of a son did not
change his will. And it was understood that the remaining three brothers of the Char Yar
would rule jointly while alive and in succession to each other in case of a death. Thus unlike
Chakar Khan, whose vast Empire, within a year, disintegrated due to a lack of a central
figure, Fateh Ali's dynasty lasted for three generations.
The consent to this arrangement of succession was however not unanimous. Mir Thara Khan
of Mirpur, who along with Suhrab resented the ascension of Mir Fateh Ali earlier, now rose
in rebellion to resist the succession of Ghulam Ali. Thara Khan had gone to war with the
Mirs of Hyderabad on "more than one occasion and suffered severely as the penalty of his
rashness." On this occasion it was due to a quarrel that occurred between his Mari tribesmen
and the Leghari tribesmen of Hyderabad and he could not help being dragged into the melee.
"Maris were fighting the Maris, Legharis were not safe from the Legharis, Jamalis were
hunting Jamalis..." So Jokhio describes the scene. Like Kurus and the Pandvas, Balochs in
their willingness to fight with each other were "falling like parwanas, moths falling
(voluntarily) into the flames of the candle."2 Figures ran high; four hundred of Ghulam Ali's
and three hundred of Thara's men fell dead. Thara Khan himself was seriously injured and
taken to Hyderabad fort where Ghulam Ali after nursing his wounds bade him farewell with
all due honors. For Thara Khan it turned out to be the last battle with his brethren. For long
he had stood stubbornly for the succession of cheifdoin in the house of Mir Bijar Khan,
whose daughter was his wife and whose grandson Ghulam Hussain was contender to the
throne. Thara was not alone to pursue the cause. Talpurs had a divided opinion on the issue
of heir to the grand legacy of Mir Shahdad, after whose death the cheifdom continued with
his son Behram who in turn had twin sons Sobdar and Bijar. After the assassination of
Behram and Sobdar there had been a consensus that Bijar was the heir to the cheifdom. The
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incident of Mir Fateh Khan's refusal to accept the keys of the treasury of Hyderabad in his
famous words "far be it from me, that I should call myself a ruler. Mir Bijar is our chief, and
when he returns, he will impart full justice to his foes. What I did, is not to amass treasure
but to cool the fire of my heart."3 are a testimony to that consensus. Hence Mir Fateh Ali
Khan was asked to place Mir Ghulam Hussain son of Mir Abdullah and grandson of Mir
Bijar on the masnad, to this Fateh Ali responded by "putting his foot in the stirrup."4
Following is Nathan Crowe's version, "Both parties collected their forces, and, three whole
days, were the ranks drawn out on either side in the battle array. In this intestine contention
of the Talpoory tribe, relations were divided on different sides; sons threatened fathers, and
brothers forgot their birth; the elders of the tribe wisely held out the mischief of such an
unnatural butchery; and the women flung themselves between their swords to prevent it."
The disaster was prevented and with the passage of time Mir Fateh Ali came to be recognized
as the most deserved candidate for the cheifdom. And now, Mir Suhrab, whose relations
remained estranged with the house of Hyderabad, during the life of Mir Fateh Ali, too
compromised with Ghulam Ali. It was logical for Mir Thara Khan to follow the example as
well and he returned to his native Mirpur without any further resistance to Mir Ghulam Ali.
Thara Khan remained silent, tamed and later in the days of his life deprived of eyesight. He
passed away in 1829. The differences between the Talpurs during the early years of their rule
were personal quarrels but unfortunately these have been exploited by the British writers and
Talpurs have been described as a house divided. However it should be remembered that Mir
Fateh Ali Khan had justly divided the power and the property with all his kinsmen and much
of the problems were solved. Also the later events will show that as far as the security of
their country was concerned the Talpurs remained united.
After the death of Mir Thara Khan his son, Mir Ali, Murad Talpur, succeeded him and ruled
Lower Sindh with greater autonomy, and kept a strong vigil on his territories. Lieutenant
T.G. Carless while surveying portions of river Indus in 1836-37 describes the difficulty of
entering the territories of the Mirpur Mirs "On arriving at the village (Bello Kookewaree near
the confluence of Kedywaree, a small branch of the Indus) we were told by one of the chiefs
that he could not allow us to proceed any further the river, as he had no orders to that effect...
I told him we had permission from Meer Noor Mohamed for wherever we wished about the
rivers, for the purpose of examining them, and that he would get himself into trouble by
refusing to let us pass. He said he cared neither Meer Noor Mohamed nor Meer Nusseer
Khan, the district belonging to Meer Ali Moorad of Meerpoor, who was his master, and no
orders but his would be obeyed there." Seven years later Ali Murad's son Mir Sher
Mohammed Talpur was destined to use his autonomy for a better cause. He resisted the
British intrusion with a vigor that earned him the title of the Tiger of Sindh. In his bid to
"give life but not Sindh" to the British imperial forces, Sher Mohammed seems to have
played one of the most constructive roles reserved for the Mankani Mirs of Mirpur. In
retrospect, the credits seem to be even; if the sons of Hotak were destined to be the central
rulers of the Talpur kingdom those of Manik were left to defend the kingdom. If Fateh Ali
had founded the kingdom and if the remaining of the Char Yar had consolidated it, Sher
Mohammed defended it.

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MIR GHULAM ALI KHAN
In the period that fell between British intrusion and the death of Mir Fateh Ali Khan the
masnad at Hyderabad was occupied by the remaining of the Char Yar and later their four
sons came to be the second Chao-Yari. Ghulam Ali, was acknowledged the chief Mir of
Sindh and his first achievement was to keep the British at bay by signing skillfully two
treaties with the East India Company. With his neighbors he was able to maintain good
relations. In 1811, with the coming of a new Nawab of Bahawalpur, tensions mounted on the
borders of Sindh, Nawab Wali Mohammad Khan Leghari was trusted to handle the delicate
matter and he was able to negotiate the annexation of Sabzalkot and Sanjarpur to Sindh. Mir
Ghulam Ali through his matrimonial alliance with the family of the Khan of Kalat succeeded
in getting a warranty of peace from the neighboring Khanate. For the first time about four
thousand strong Balochs marched towards Kalat in a joyous procession to receive a bride for
their chief. One can only imagine the pomp and pageantry that must have gone in the three
day rites of the royal wedding. Mir Ghulam Ali's marriage symbolized a home and a hearth
for his weary lashkars as they too disarmed themselves and camped. Tender instincts were
taking over as Sindh became a shelter to many families who fled from the famine stricken
neighbor Cutch. Children, in this tragic event, were desperately sold by their famished
parents in order to buy a handful of grains. But once the troubles were over Mir Ghulam Ali,
in a spirit of thanksgiving, ordered to buy all the sold children by the state treasury and return
them to their bereft parents. As a measure of safety this operation was done through the
British resident posted in Cutch. The tragic event, undoubtedly, sheds light on the
humanitarian persona of Mir Ghulam Ali. Always attentive and helpful he remained
accessible to his people until the last days of his life. Seth Naumul Hotchand recalls in his
memoirs a childhood meeting with the Mir "In sumbat 1868 (A.D.1811-12) Mir Ghulam Ali,
the turbaned chief of Sind, breathed his last. Before his death in sumbat 1868 (A.D.1811-12)
we visited Hyderabad to celebrate the nuptials of Seth Motiram, son of Dharianamal,
accompanied by over five hundred men from Karachi. During our stay at Hyderabad, Seths
Dharianamal and Lalmndas paid a visit to Mir Ghulam Ali and I went in their company. I
distinctly remember to this day the conversation that took place between them and the Mir.""
Nathan Crowe too found him to be accessible, more than the rest of the princes. And more
ambitious and rash too, very different from the cool and calculating Mir Fateh Ali, it was
Ghulam Ali who mainly negotiated terms of agreement between the Talpurs and the British.
It was mainly his idea to have a safe English friendship in return of a support to capture the
Fort of Omarkot, and some English expert artillery men who could train Sindhi soldiers in
throwing the mortar shells. And when the experts arrived and fell short of his expectations
he did not hesitate to complain that "they were no better than the baildars of Sindh." Mir
Ghulam Ali had a very high self esteem and in this regard there is no better example than his
attitude towards the suzerain status of Sindh. Tribute to the Afghan King was considered by
Ghulam Ali more of a compliment than of a duty, his justification was that the Mirs had
gained the country by their swords and not by the bounty of the Afghan King. This was
certainly the language which contained undertones of independence. He may have failed to
retrieve Sindh from the Afghan clutches, but his relations with Iran and his overtures with
the British did create a balance between Sindh/Afghan relations.

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Two years after Mir Ghulam Ali Khan's ascension to the masnad, Shah Shuja, the grandson
of Ahmad Shah Abdali, returned to the throne of Kabul. Forceful than his predecessor Shuja
began to assert his authority. Mir Ghulam Ali sensing the danger turned to the British for
support. His initiative, however, met with a cold response as the Bombay government refused
to receive even an emissary from the Mir's court until the losses incurred to the British as a
result of the rupture of the agreement of 1800 were compensated. The invading hordes of the
Afghans into Sind failed to tempt British to interfere. The terror unleashed by the Afghans
came to an end when Mir Ghulam Al, on the advice of Nawab Wali Muhammad, agreed to
the Afghan terms. An immediate payment of ten lac rupees and a promise end when Mir
Ghulam Ali, on the advice of Nawab Wali Mohamad, agreed to pay five lac rupees annually
was made. This was the best that could have been achieved in the given circumstances. Mir
Ghulam Ali's success with the two treaties that he signed later with the British can be
regarded a good compensation for the loss incurred by the Afghans. Ghulam Ali could be
called the architect of Sind's foreign policy and he had been constructing to much before his
ascension to the masnad. The influence that he yielded at the Sindh court as a prince was not
shrouded in secrecy. His advice, his warnings and his proposals heavily influenced the policy
of Fateh Ali.
In 1807 British India once more felt insecure towards Sindh and the countries lying beyond.
British fears were based on a treaty signed between Napoleon and the Czar of Russia.
According to information a French of ten thousand was to advance in the valley of Indus by
way of Kandhar from where it would march on to capture Delhi. It was also in the plan that
the army would be reinforced by Balochs, Sikhs, Sindhis and even Marathas. A similar plan
was being prepared for Persia and the British realized that Persia and Sindh were on friendly
terms. There were also rumors of a French dialogue with Punjab and Afghanistan. The Secret
Committee of the Court of Directors of the East India Company, in March 1808 thus
dispatched British government's instructions to Lord Minto, the Governor General in India.
Minto was asked to cultivate friendly relations with Sindh and Punjab in view of the
anticipated danger. This led Minto in an awkward position as after the rupture of the Treaty
of 1800 there had been practically no communication between Bombay and Sindh. Refusal
to the offer of friendship made by Mir Ghulam Ali was now repented and face saving was
needed. It was under these desperate moments that the services of Syed Taqi in the likes of
Agha Abdul Hasan were sought. He was to pave the way for a dialogue between the British
and the Mirs. Syed Taqi luckily discovered that a gentleman by the name of Mehar Ali was
in town looking for fancy glassware for the Mirs. Syed Taqi approached and convinced him
on the importance of an Anglo-Sindh alliance and flattered him for the historical role that he
would be playing in this grand cause. Mehar Ali agreed to use his authority and forwarded a
written invitation to Governor Duncan requesting him on behalf of the Mirs to send an
English envoy to the court of Sindh. The tactfully devised plan worked to save
embarrassment and as a result Captain David Seton was called from Muscat and entrusted
with the task.
Captain David Seton escorted with sixty men of Bombay Native Infantry was to detect
possible routes from where an army could march from Persia to Sindh. He was also to look
for the best spot from where gun boats could be employed on the Indus as a defensive
measure. But his foremost objective was to gain the permission of securing a political
residency in Sindh. For this he was even allowed to forego the demand of the establishment
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of a factory. Seton was even briefed on the strategy of his approach. He was to speak from
an offensive point of view, his tone had to be of complain, he was to demand compensation
of one lac rupees for the breach of agreement on part of the Mirs and he was to give it up
only as a concession.
On 28th April 1808 Seton rushed from Bombay and after a journey of seventeen days reached
Mandvi in Cutch. From here he informed the Mirs of his arrival. Speed was essential for
Seton to forestall Persian initiatives, but he failed to overtake the Persian envoy who was
already at the court of Sindh. His frustration mounted as the Mirs did not respond to his
dispatch for another four weeks. On 29th of June he finally left for Lakhpat from where he
sailed through Puran, the easternmost tributary of the Indus, to join a further stream Phuleli
from where it took another day to reach his destination. Soaked in rain, he reached Hyderabad
in the early hours of the morning and on 18th July he was scheduled to meet the Mirs at the
Durbar Hall of the fort.
Seton was allowed to bring twenty five men, and was allowed to enter with his arms and
shoes on, the Mirs even asked him to stretch his feet. But all courtesies failed to make Seton
comfortable. He had deduced from their conversation that the Persians and the French had
offered their friendship to Sindh and that the Mirs would have accepted it had the English
mission not arrived. This made him insecure and in order to prevent any such threat in future
he drafted an agreement. This was going beyond his brief, for he was required to check only
the French intrigues in Sindh and negotiate for the appointment of a political agent and the
establishment of a factory. Seton not only exceeded his powers but he made matters worse
by drafting a document that turned out to be more in favor of the Mirs. The agreement was
signed after a month long negotiations and Seton must have found ample time to review it,
but seemingly British tactics failed in the face of oriental wit. For the Mirs it was a diplomatic
victory achieved through a well planned and well orchestrated propaganda of a Franco-
Persian involvement in Sindh. Mirs played well on the fears of Seton. For proof they showed
him a letter of the Shah of Iran, addressed to Mir Ghulam Ali, promising to make him the
governor of Kabul and Kandhar if Sindh allied itself with Iran. Though Seton was
circumspect about the letter and he revealed his doubts in his correspondence with Jonathan
Duncan, the governor of Bombay. He nonetheless succumbed to the psychological pressure
and signed the agreement that went against his own government. Mir Ghulam Ali emerged
as the champion, his leading position in this episode had unmistakably confirmed his
diplomatic skills of conceiving scheme that led to the signing of a treaty on his own terms.
On 24th of July he put his seal on the agreement and made it binding since that date.
Seton however being the servant of the Government, requested a few days for the ratification
of the treaty by the Bombay Government. For this bring back the response of the Bombay
government. But before this could the Mirs agreed to send one of their agents along with
Seton who would once the agreement was signed all efforts were made to get rid of him and
be achieved Seton was to see a different picture of the Mirs. He felt that he realized that he
was not the only one to feel that way as the Persian the two rivals together, they exchanged
gifts and information. The Persian envoy too had similar complains. For a while the common
grievance brought it's war with Kandhar. They excused themselves saying that the King of
envoy told Seton that the Mirs did not keep their word with Persia regarding Kandhar was
too powerful for them. Seton meanwhile was preparing the way for a friendly mission that
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was to approach the King of Kandhar. In the performance of this duty too, he was rash by
offering a counter alliance against the Persian and the French through a letter to Shah Shuja.
He handed the letter to the Afghan officer who had come to Sindh to collect the tribute.
Obviously the Mirs discovered what had transpired between him and the Afghan officer, and
decided not to send their agent anymore. This was a jolt to Seton and it came at the end of
his visit, but this time he decided to play bluff. Through a messenger, he explained to the
Mirs that the letter was just of a good will and had no content against the Mirs, and that he
could even recall the letter. It took a few days for him to convince the Mirs, and finally Seton
met his only success in Sindh - taking an envoy to Bombay. As for his Agreement what he
thought was an achievement, had to be canceled by his government. Except for clauses 5 and
7, which called for a political agent and the setting up of a factory at Thatta. None of the
articles were found out to be relevant. Even article 7 was conditional and not clear, the words
"...after full satisfaction and perfect confidence" had vast application. The Home
Government was perturbed by articles 2 and 4 which called for military assistance by the
Mirs. There were certain points, for instance where Mirs may ask for such a favor in their
pursuit to take over Lakhpat and Omarkot. But the British who were friendly with Cutch and
Jodhpur would be put in an awkward situation. Seton justified this by saying that these
articles were not compulsory but optional, and were not binding on the British in any case.
The Government however was not willing to take such a liability.
Above all article 1 was analyzed as the most awkward and the words "enemies of one shall
be enemies of other" had clearly laid down the terms. What if Sindh was attacked by
Afghanistan? The British Government had to bind themselves with an article which may
strain their relationship. All already cultivated a firm alliance with the Afghan king and could
not afford to bind themselves with an article which may strain their relationship. All

in all the treaty was interpreted as an attack on Britain's national honor. Many felt that the
Mirs had in a clever way carved out a policy in which they had a superior position. There
was hence no way but to scrap the Treaty and start fresh negotiations.
But it would require a special diplomatic skill to justify the British Government's act of
scrapping the Treaty. It had to be done in a way that the relations created so laboriously
with the Mirs were not jeopardized. It was acknowledged that the British government was
morally bound for Seton's treaty, for he may have misused powers but the Mirs were not
aware of his limited diplomatic duties, and they had dealt with him as they were dealing
with the British government. The matter was sensitive and brought Lord Minto, the highest
British authority in India, to write a letter to Mir Ghulam Ali. Following is the more
important excerpt:
"The Government of Sindh, had long manifested a desire for a closer connection with the
British Government. Captain Seton who had been sent to them at the special request of Meher
Ali had reported favorably of the Mir's disposition to cultivate a friendship with the British.
He had therefore resolved to afford the Mir the strongest testimony of similar disposition on
the part of the British government by removing the veil of an intermediate authority and
opening a direct communication between the supreme government and the state of Sind."8
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The letter did not mention the Agreement of Seton and also bought on record the fact that
the Mirs were desirous of cultivating a friendship with the British Government and the
initiative was taken by them. Minto's letter, highly praised in British circles, for setting the
record straight, prepared British diplomats for a new posture in Sindh. The new mission
hence stood in total contrast to the previous one. It's members did not consist of sepoys of
Bombay's Native Infantry, but of men who had a taste for collecting intelligence. Amongst
them were Henry Pottinger, the nineteen year old ensign; Mr. Ellis, the First Assistant who
had accompanied Colonel Malcolm on his mission to Persia; Lieutenant Maxwell of the
Bombay Naval Establishment, who was an officer well versed in Survey work, Lieutenants
Taylor and Christie. The chief of this mission was Nicholas Hankey Smith, the British
resident at Bushire who was well versed in Persian affairs and a man different in
temperament than Seton. The instructions given to him were also different from the previous
mission. He was required to assert his authority that of a representative of the supreme
government, an envoy of the Governor General of Calcutta, and not that of the Bombay
government. He was expected to play on the fears of the Mirs. For this he was to give them
a subtle threat by making a passing reference of the British mission to Kabul, and give an
exaggerated account of their friendship with the Afghan king. Smith it will be seen, went too
far in carrying his duties. The position of strength which he was supposed to demonstrate
was taken literally by him. He from the very inception of his mission was sensitive to the
minutest matter. He felt defensive when Nawab Abdullah Khan Leghari, the Sardar of
Karachi disallowed his men to enter the mud fort. Overlooking the fact that protocols were
involved and the Nawab was under strict orders of the Mirs, he continued to make petty
complains. He objected to the manner in which the Mirs' addressed him in their letters. He
took note of the words such as arzee and shafqat or any other expression which placed the
Mirs in higher position. Finally he went to the extent of returning the letters to the comments
and assigned a responsible official to deal with him. Nawab his behavior, they forwarded his
letters to the government of Calcutta for Mirs as a mark of protest. This gesture led the Mirs
to take a serious note of Wali Mohammad Khan Leghari the most trusted minister of the Mirs
from Lacking in grace, he put forward requests that the Mirs should rise on his then on was
to handle him. Smith continued with his absurd demands. arrival in the durbar hall and that
he should be seated on a place not lower than the masnad. He refused to acknowledge that
the Mirs had sent him the greatest sardar of Sindh, who was only next in importance to the
Mirs themselves. And he did not realize that he had come to Sindh uninvited, without
following the arrangements agreed upon by Seton. However, to his surprise the three Mirs
rose to greet him. And to his embarrassment, the masnad was not an elevated throne but a
silk mattress, few inches thick which created practically no distinction between the Kings
and their audience. Mir Ghulam Ali occupied the central position, on his right was Mir
Kuram Ali the next brother in succession. Both the Mirs were middle aged, on the left side
was seated Mir Murad Ali, the youngest of the Char Yars.
With all the fuss now over, Smith was set to negotiate the new terms of the treaty with the
Mirs. The very next day he presented a written memorandum stating the three basic aims of
his supreme government. Firstly, to exclude French influence and French agents from Sindh;
secondly, to restore a factory and thirdly to establish a political agency. Smith also explained
the difficulties involved in the implementation of the previous treaty, as it might involve
British governments in hostilities with states with which it had no disputes. He bluntly
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informed the Mirs that this was the reason that the previous Treaty was not ratified. The
memorandum further reminded the Mirs about the magnanimity of British government, as it
had foregone the damages caused by the breach of the Treaty with Nathan Crowe, and had
refused to help a surviving Kalhora prince Kudha Yar Khan, against the Mirs. Having heard
the British demands, it was now time for the Mirs to demonstrate their skills in bargaining.

Mirs agreed for the establishment of a factory with the conditions that the British should
help them in capturing Cutch. This condition was out rightly rejected by Smith as Cutch
was a friendly state and the Mirs succeeded in putting off the demand of an English factory
in Sindh. As to the proposal of a British Residency, the Mirs insisted on having a native of
India as an agent and refused an Englishman. Smith was left with no choice but to accept
these proposals. He was instructed by his government not to sign any agreement but the
Mirs were adamant to have something in writing. And when they found him too stubborn,
they requested Lt. Ellis to stay in the Fort and continue the negotiations. Now it was the
Mirs' turn to play on the fears of the English. They informed him that they might be
tempted to accept the French offer, until an assurance is not given by the Governor
General. For this they needed an agreement, if the British government had objected to the
principle of 'friends and enemies of the other' then it could be erased, but at least there
should be some sort of an engagement. After much hassle, the following four clauses were
signed.
1. There shall be eternal friendship between the two states.
2. Enmity shall never occur between the two contracting parties.
3. There shall be constant intercourse through the means of envoys.
4. Mirs should not allow the establishment of the tribe of French in Sindh.
The above clauses, with the exception of the last one, are manifest of Smith's failure, and
credit of the little that he achieved goes to Mir Ghulam Ali. As it was his decision that despite
receiving messages from the Raja of Jodhpur and Nawab of Bahawalpur to expel the British
envoy, he preferred not to do so. Ghulam Ali's wisdom was not to "force the Company into
coersive measures by complete refusal of its terms; therefore he still insisted that the
establishment of a factory in Sind was dependent upon British aid against Cutch and
announced his intention of writing to the Governor General on the matter. He was willing,
however, to allow, an annual exchange of missions, and to permit a native of India to remain
in Hyderabad on behalf of the British. He also promised to reject any overtures from the
French and in fact dismissed the envoy of the Maratha leader, Juswant Rao Holkar of Indore,
who wished Sind to join him in alliance with the French. Smith agreed to these terms mainly
because he could not obtain any better and because he felt that the treaty would at least
achieve the primary purpose of his mission, that of excluding the French from Sind without
obligating the British to render military aid to Ghulam Ali against Afghanistan."9
At a closer look it is noticed that the first two articles of the agreement were of mere
formality, infact one would have sufficed. The third article left some hope for the
establishment of a factory, depending on the future relationship. The fourth article however
was a clear guarantee against French involvement in Sindh, and the only achievement of
Smith. Whatever went into the attainment of intelligence was an altogether different matter
and was no compensations to Smith's diplomatic failure. Pottinger may have explored the
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main branches and apex of the Indus delta and Lieutenants Hyderabad. But still, it took
another twenty years for the British to make a Maxwell and Christie may have mapped its
course from Thatta to formal entry into Sindh, and that too at the invitation of the Mirs. Until
then peace that was ushered in by Ghulam Ali prevailed. His death too s symbolic of the
style that he lived in. Unlike many of his ancestors who fell victim to assassination plots or
were martyred in the battlegrounds, Mir Ghulam Ali received his fatal injury in his hunting
resort; a panicked deer's horn pierced through him and claimed his life.
MIR KARAM ALI KHAN
In 1811, Mir Karam Ali Talpur, the third in the line of the Char Yars, became the chief Mir
of the Talpur kingdom. Known for his patronage of arts and culture and favored by his people
due to his generosity, Karam Ali as speculated by Dr. James Burnes did not "sink into
obscurity."10 He may have no children of his own but he left behind other legacies that made
his náme live long after his death. He compensated his childlessness by adopting Mir Sobdar
the son of Mir Fateh Ali Khan and a number of other children some of whom were bought
from the slave markets of Iran. One of them was Mirza Fareedun Beg whose son Mirza
Qaleej Beg was to render a greater service to Sindh by writing it's scattered history. Mir
Karam Ali Khan was also known to take a keen interest in the welfare of his subjects, both
Hindus and Muslims alike. Poets and writers thrived under his rule amongst them was
Ghulam Ali Mail, son of Mir Ali Sher Qana Thattavi. Mir Karam Ali himself a poet had a
diwan to his credit. Dr. Burnes, a visitor to his court, describes him as "...cheerful,
condescending, and even affable...fond of dress and display..." which he carried in his death
for his tomb stands as the most impressive of all the Talpurs. He had an invaluable collection
of precious stones, jewels, gun barrels and swords, including the ones that were wielded by
Shah Abbas the Great and Nadir Shah. In person Burnes found him to be "below the middle
size, with a pleasing countenance and engaging manners...." having visible "furrows of age,
with traces of early intemperance...
Mir Karam Ali ruled Sindh for seventeen years and faced many problems too. Foremost was
the constant complain of the British agent regarding raids in Cutch. British authorities on a
number of occasions had drawn the attention of the Mirs towards the robbers who often
conducted raids on Cutch and took refuge in the bordering Tharparkar region that belonged
to Mir Ali Murad of Mirpur. The Mirs explained that they had never given official protection
to the robbers but would still do their best to control them. The raids nonetheless continued
and in a desperate attempt to kill the robbers, British soldiers, on one occasion killed a few
Sindhis who were subjects of the Mirs. This incident enraged the Mirs and they captured the
town of Luna. The British in response threatened to attack Sindh, but the battle was averted
through negotiations. Mir Karam Ali had to face the menace from Afghanistan and Punjab
as well. Shah Shuja expelled from Afghanistan, had taken residence in Shikarpur and soon
the Mirs became aware of the liberties that he took and they decided to join hands with his
rival on the Afghan throne. It was after a series of diplomatic and political threats that Shuja
left Sindh and settled in Ludhiana. As for the Punjab, Ranjit Singh on several occasions
pressed the Mirs for a tribute on the pretext of having inherited some Afghan territories and
hence was entitled to the amount that they formally paid to Kabul.
While the Mir's interests clashed with those of the British, the Afghans and the Sikhs on the
political fronts, there was another authority that was equally provoked by the British
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encroachment. He was Pir Sibghatulah, the first in his lineage who came to be known as Pir
Pagaro and recognized as the Pir of the pirs as "in Sindh no murshid was as great as him.
About three lac Balochs were his followers...his library was very imposing, even the Kings
and Mirs may not have such library, it had a collection of fifteen thousand authentic books..."
11
Scion of a revered house, and son of Pir Mohammad Rashid, Pir Pagaro, sat on the exalted
masnad in his ancestral village located in the hot plains of Upper Sindh. His rank and area
of authority surpassed the Mirs as many of his followers lived beyond Sindh and the Mirs
themselves, were amongst his Baloch followers. But now as India was falling bit by bit to
British imperialism and Islam was being threatened by the growing influence of Sikhs and
Marathas, Pir Pagaro prepared to protect the embers of Islam that still glowed in his house.
His intentions became known to Syed Ahmad Barelvi who was contemplating a movement
against the British and Sikhs. Syed had already raised a force of Mujahideens and was leading
them towards Peshawar. On his way he entered Sindh through Jodhpur. Passing through the
suburbs of Mirpur, he wished to see Mir Ali Murad who could not meet him but sent two
escorts that led him to Hyderabad. There he was able to dine with Mir Karam Ali and offer
the Friday prayers while his men waited outside. The Mirs bade him farewell with many gifts
but declined to join his movement. Syed Ahmad then proceeded towards Bahawalpur and
finally to the residence of Pir Pagaro and succeeded in having a meaningful meeting with
him. Soon a militia was formed out of the Pir's followers to assist the Syed. Pir Pagaro gave
his militia the title of 'Hur', one who stands for hurriyat, freedom. Also, through
correspondence, the Pir began to mobilize his followers who lived in Jaisalmer, Balochistan,
Gujrat and Kathiawar. Finally he prepared himself for the battlefield. One of the outcomes
of the movement was that it saved Sindh at least from the Sikhs as “Ranjit Singh could have
acquired a part of sind as the company was preoccupied elsewhere...but (he) could not press
the issue because of a revolt. This threat was not removed until 1831 when Syed Ahmad was
danger in the rear, in Peshawar, where the fanatic Syed Ahmad had risen in Sibghatullah
(Pagaro) passed away in Ramadhan 1240 A.H. (1831 A.D) and
But the movement failed. "One of the reasons of it's failure was that Pir Syed Ahmad was
unable to receive the promised military assistance. Infact the death of Pir Sibghatullah was
like depriving Syed Ahmad of one of his arms. Syed Ahmad considered Pir Pagaro as his
sincerest friend in Sindh and had even entrusted his family to the Pir. Both the leaders deserve
their due credit for perceiving a threat much earlier than the rest. They may have failed in
arousing the same apprehensions in others, but their attempt sowed the seeds of a
consciousness that came to be fully expressed in the Muslim uprising of 1857. Hence in
retrospect, their movement was neither premature nor quixotic.
As for Pir Sibghatullah's dream of having a Sindh free of British intrusion, ninety years later
it came as a throw-back to his namesake descendent. In a replay, Pir Sibghatullah the second,
reinforced and reorganized the Hur force and let it loose on the British. In return he was
labeled a terrorist and a German ally and finally executed by the British authorities. His body
was flown to be buried at an unknown place, but this did not help the British in depriving
him of reverence and Pir Sibghatullah II continues to remain a martyr in the history of Sindh.
His son, the present Pir Pagaro, lives with the same religious and political authority in his
ancestral seat. The dream of an independent Sindh is no more the goal of the Pagara house

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and in the spirit of a true patriot, Pir Sain Pagara during the 1965 Indo-Pak war reorganized
the Hurs to fight alongside with the Pakistani army on the borders of Sindh.
As for other aspects of Mir Karam Ali and his times, we learn a lot from the two English
accounts written by Dr. James Burnes and Charles Mason. The former, physician in the
residency of Bhuj was invited by the Mirs and received a royal treatment as soon as he
stepped in Sindh. Whereas the latter, an American from Kentucky and a deserter of the
Bengal Infantry passed through Sindh as a fugitive. Burnes having access to the royal
household, reports the pomp and pelf of the Sindh court, the hunting trips of the Mirs and
their immense treasures. Mason, on the other hand traveled under all sorts of physical and
financial strains, disguising as a pilgrim, a trader and even an ordinary traveler and gives a
mundane account of the trade routes and the masses that settled around them. He visited
Sindh twice and entered through the western side, passed by Kalat, heard the feuds between
the Magasis and the Rinds, visited many pirs and witnessed their power and while crossing
neighboring Punjab, he spotted the large ruined site of Harappa.
Burnes and Mason both visited Sindh almost simultaneously but both observed two different
strata of society, together their narratives form a near complete account of Sindh. The period
they describe is the one in which British came closest to Sindh, this was because the
neighboring Cutch had been converted to the status of British protectorate in 1819 and it
formed the north western limits of British influence.
Occupation of Cutch had already created tensions between the Mirs and the British
government and after 1825 it was recommended by Henry Pottinger, the resident of Cutch
to adopt a very stern policy towards the Sindh. For this he asked the Bombay government to
station some troops in Cutch. But the Mirs soon surprised him by sending a letter, requesting
the services of an English doctor to cure Mir Murad Ali, the younger brother of Mir Karam
Ali and the last of the Char Yars.
Suspicions ran high at the Residency when the letter of invitation arrived, it was reasoned
that as peace had been restored in India, by the fall of Bhurtpore and the termination of the
Burmese war and as the Russians had entered Persia, the Talpurs may have decided to
develop new relations with the British. There is no doubt that there was a recurring pattern
each time the Russians advanced into Persia. The Persians in turn compensated their losses
by attacking Afghanistan. The fluctuating fortunes of Kabul had on previous occasions
affected Sindh. In 1801 when the Persians surrendered Georgia to Russians, they grabbed
Khorasan from the Afghans, hence when Shuja became the ruler of Kabul in 1803 he looked
towards Sindh to fill his coffers. Mirs had approached the British in anticipation to the
Afghan threat, and met with a negative response. So now as the Russians were in Persia once
again the Mirs attempted to establish their link with the British. And this time they did
succeed. Dr. Burnes, however, while at Hyderabad, noted with curiosity the Mirs'
indifference towards the war between Russia and Persia "even the capture of Tabrez failed
to bring visible effects on them."13
Burnes account describes the court and the lifestyle of the Mirs that stand in contrast to the
picture painted by Nathan Crowe. To Crowe, the Mirs were nothing more than men of arms.
Despots who 'derived little cultivation from literature or society.' But so were the
Hohenzollerns, a military state whether Sindh or Prussia would always take a generation or
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two to groom itself in the etiquette of a royal career. Mirs had been fast learners though and
James Burnes noted specially in the younger Princes "an air of dignity and good breeding
seldom to be met with, either in the European or native character."14 But at the same time
he felt that his hosts were disposed to suspicion and selfishness. A European doctor would
have surely reacted in a more hostile manner and even refuse to go through the royal
ceremony which required the physician to swallow a pill himself before he administered it
to his patient, but Burnes was possessed with some diplomatic skills along with his medical
ones, and was able to persuade the Mirs to discontinue the practice.
The suddenness of the cure, within a matter of ten days undoubtedly the cure they seized and
locked the bottle for their personal use. They did impressed the Mirs and when they learnt
that quinine is the potion behind The good doctor, however, forgave them by contending that
"the Ameers not even share it with their doctor when he fell sick and needed it for himself.
refused to exchange the bottle and insisted to have quinine in the same Mirs were not only
suspicious and selfish but superstitious too, as they did indeed refuse me the quinine; but
they were constant in their inquiries."15 bottle which they believed possessed talismanic
qualities.
As Mir Murad Ali began to recover the Mirs began to feel confident with Burnes and got
close to him, the alert doctor learnt a lot about the social and Political setup of Sindh and the
political setup of Sindh and even the love-hate relationships existed between the members of
the royal family. Dr. Burnes' observations, which it must be remembered were from the
British perspective and should not be prevailed between the Mirs of Khairpur and Mirpur
Khas, he even suspected taken as a true picture specially when he refers to the differences
that that the Mirs at Hyderabad, were not united. According to him all the Mirs left for their
much awaited hunting trip only after the recovery of Murad Ali, so that none should be able
to sit back in the fort and conspire for the masnad. Burnes cites an event when Mir Sobdar
Khan was allowed to follow the rest of the Mirs a little later, on their way to Sehwan. Sobdar
made a detour, met Mir Ali Murad of Mirpur and rose in rebellion. However, the elder Mirs
at Hyderabad succeeded in managing the crisis. Burnes however gives credit to Nawab Wali
Mohammad Leghari for the maintaince of peace and harmony within the family. Burnes had
the chance of meeting the Nawab on many occasions and confirms that it was indeed Nawab's
idea to invite Burnes to Sindh as he wanted to maintained a friendly relation with the British.
Nawab Wali Mohammad was in the winter of his life when James Burnes met him "death
may soon deprive the Ameers of their best servant, and the people of Sinde of their kindest
protector"16 Burnes feared.
Of all the observations made by Dr. Burnes the one regarding the wealth of Sindh turned out
to be the most important to the British policy makers as it tempted them for conquest.
The credit of this prosperity, however, is given to the Indus rather than the hard work and
efficiency of its rulers "Heaven has blessed her with a constant and never-failing boom in
the river Indus that source of commerce and fertility of which no tyranny can despoil her."
James Burnes' remarks certainly cast an entirely new light on Sind and more particularly on
the Indus. As a result of Burnes' report of his journey, Sindh was no longer considered an
arid waste watered by a useless river but a high road to Central Asia and the key to it's trade.
At last the cumbersome Ganges supply line to the British North West provinces could be
replaced by a more efficient route - the Indus.
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But if Sindh prospered, and if it's prosperity was due to the bounties of Indus, some credit
needs to go to those who harnessed this bounty and kept a vigil on it's waters. As for the
degree of it's prosperity one could judge best by the state of the common man. Luckily
Charles Mason had a chance to witness and record it. Mason visited Sindh four times in the
short period between 1827 and 1831, unlike James Burnes who entered Sindh via Cutch,
Mason entered from it's northern borders of Balochistan. He gives a good description of the
countryside and of the common man and of the many things that Burnes had not seen.
Both these accounts however became very significant with the publication of a third account
written by Col. De Lacey Evans. Entitled "Designs of Russia" the book drew attention
towards Russian ambitions and warned Britain against it's possible advance southwards and
eastwards to control Central Asian markets. This forecast was enough to alert British policy
makers and soon they prepared to check the Russian advance. Lord Edward Law
Ellenborough, the chair of the Board of Control, was one of the main advocates who stood
for substituting British goods for Russian, but he also foresaw the difficulties of reaching the
markets of Khiva and Bokhara due to the inaccessibility of the Indus and due to the lack of
reliable information about the geography, politics, and economy of the Indus region and the
Central Asian states. He wasted no time and made consultations with the British Prime
Minister on the preparations of missions to the courts of Sindh, Punjab and Bahawalpur the
countries through which Indus flowed and for this he even dreamt of floating a British flag
on the waters of Indus. By the time the new missions arrived in Sindh, Mir Karam Ali had
passed away and Mir Murad Ali, the last of the four brothers became the sovereign of Sindh.

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 CHAPTER 4
“ALAS, SINDE IS NOW GONE…”
"We are far from desirous of having any collision with
the people of Sind, but we cannot permit any jealous
feeling on their part to close the navigation of the Indus
should it appear to offer results not only commercially
but politically important."
Lord Ellenborough to William Bentick
"In the year 1830, a ship arrived at Bombay, with a present of five horses from the King of
Great Britain to Maharaja Runjeet Sing, the Seik chieftan at Lahore, accompanied by a letter
of friendship from His Majesty's minister to that prince. At the recommendation of Major-
General Sir John Malcolm, then governor of Bombay, I had the honour of being nominated
by the Supreme Government of India to proceed on a mission to the Seik capital, with these
presents, by way of the river Indus. I held at that time a political situation in Cutch, the only
portion of the British dominions in India which borders on the Indus." Alexander Burnes'
narrative "A Voyage on the Indus" begins with a serene note, as deceptive as his journey
ahead. The task that he had undertaken, ostensibly to deliver horses to the ruler of Punjab,
was actually planned to obtain political and geographical information of the region that he
traveled. The territory assigned to him for survey stretched from the delta of the Indus on the
Arabian sea coast to Punjab where other tributaries merged with it. Later, his project
expanded beyond the Indus to Hindukush and to the shores of Caspian. "This was a matter
of no easy accomplishment," Burnes admits on the very next page.
Undoubtedly there were many hurdles, the foremost being the ruler of Sindh, Mir Murad Ali
Talpur, the last of the legendary Char Yars. One after the other three of his elder brothers
had ruled Sindh and guarded Indus. None of them permitted envoys to proceed beyond their
capital Hyderabad. The Talpurs 'raised a frown' when Alexander's brother, Doctor James
Burnes, presented them a map of the region that included Sindh. The idea of a traveler
crossing their land with the help of a paper perturbed them, making surveys thus remained
frustratingly limited to the apex of the Delta. Out of them more cautious in their future
dealings with the outsiders. British Burnes had described him as the "Asiatic Tiberius or
Philip the Second" all the brothers, Murad Ali was dreaded the most by the British. Doctor
and had warned the future visitors against his despotic nature so it was feared that Alexander
Burnes' request for a passage will meet with a strong resistance 'the course of the river has
not been traversed in the memory man' Mir Murad Ali is said to have remarked in an attempt
to dissuade the British plan; 'Noah's ark was the last vessel to sail through it' was the common
belief.
Burnes was also warned about the menace of "many lawless and barbarous tribes, from whom
both opposition and insult might be dreaded."3 but nothing seemed to deter him, to the
contrary he decided not to take any troops, and rely on the people of the country. With this
resolve he moved forward in a fleet of five native boats, armed only with the requisite

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surveying instruments. In reality, of course, such expeditions are seldom truly unarmed. In
this case the British might that made the First Afghan War sailed behind it.
Much had gone in the making of Alexander Burnes' voyage. It was part of a larger plan that
came in response to the growing Russian trade in Central Asia, reaching an annual income
of eight million roubles, it had revived Britain's ancient phobia of a Russian hegemony. With
the beginning of the nineteenth century the anxiety increased as Russia's military and
commercial strengths swelled much beyond its borders. In 1801 it had taken over Georgia
from Persia. In 1813, the Treaty of Gulistan added more territories to it on the shores of
Caspian, in 1825 the death of Emperor Alexander brought Czar Nicholas and an ambitious
cabinet to power who succeeded in converting Ottoman Turkey into a submissive ally. There
were strong indications that it might cross the Hindukush- the dividing line between Central
and West Asia- and infiltrate into Afghanistan or, in the words of Ellenborough, "Secure
Persia as a road to the Indus..."
Lord Edward Law Ellenborough, the President of the Board of Control of the East India
Company was able to share his fears with Arthur Wellesly, the first Duke of Wellington and
Prime Minister of England. The Wellington to defend the Greek cause against the Turks and
making matters favorable administration was already drifting towards unpopularity, due to
it's failure for the Russians. Ellenborough thus found no difficulty in convincing the Prime
minister and later the East Indian Company's Court of Directors that Russian influence
should be countered by substituting British merchandise for the Russian in the markets of
Central Asia. However there was one major problem, the roads to these far flung markets
were long, rough, and

unexplored. The shortest and the easiest was through the Indus but access to it was not easy
either. The British were tempted and frustrated, as Bukhara through the Indus was at a
stone's throw, whereas the Russians, despite an arduous land route, had already reached
there crossing a distance three times longer.
The Indus traversed through Sindh, Bahawalpur and Punjab. Of these three kingdoms,
Punjab was already on friendly terms. Bahawalpur was not considered a problem, but Sindh
seemed almost impenetrable. It's rulers had been following an isolationist policy and fearing
an outright refusal to the proposal of the passage of cargo through their river, authorities in
London decided to go discreetly for at least an initial report on the navigability of the Indus.
Information on the Indus region was essential to launch a convenient trade in Central Asia.
In a letter of June 1829, the idea of this secret mission was dispatched to Lord William
Cavendish Bentick, the Governor General of India. Bentick, who had made his name by
introducing social reforms and had banned the practice of sati in India, was also an ardent
supporter of Wellington's policies and went ahead with the plan. The only objection, which
was raised by Charles Metcalfe, a member of his Supreme Council, failed to arouse any
resistance to the proposed survey. It was for the first time that the British in India were
planning for a leap beyond the Indus and Hindukush, it was also clear that in doing so they
must have considered the consequences that may lead to an occupation of Sindh and possibly
Punjab. The Governor General was, however, warned not to make any military move. The
conquest was left for another Wellington man, Charles Napier. At the moment, the already
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aging General, was preoccupied in the Ionian Islands with the dream of reviving Hellenistic
glory, nurturing his friendship with Lord Byron and a love affair with a 'Greek maiden.'
But what did Metcalfe find so "highly objectionable" in the plan? Six dray horses were
selected from the Estates of Lord Amherst, a former Governor General of India, and were
shipped to Bombay from where they were to be delivered to Ranjit Singh as a gift of King
George IV. The nature of the gift called for a journey that was less wearisome, hence the
permission for their transport through the river was to be requested from Mir Murad Ali
Talpur. Success of the plan depended on the skill of the escort as he was to convince the
stubborn Mir for a passage. Selection of a clever escort was thus another matter that needed
extra care. John Malcolm, the Governor of Bombay, was assigned the task. Malcolm thought
of Alexander Burnes, a young Assistant Quarter Master General of the army, whom he met
in 1828 and who had already shown concern towards the deficient knowledge of the regions
that lay beyond the Northwest frontiers of his Presidency. Malcolm was already impressed
by Burnes' knowledge about the terrain around Indus which he had acquired while serving
as the Persian interpreter prepared a memoir on Cutch and the adjoining areas which he
presented to to the British in their dealings with the robbers of Tharparkar. Burnes, had
Malcolm. A good story teller, Burnes brought even a dead desert to life "Nowhere is that
singular phenomenon, the mirage or surab of the desert, seen with greater advantage than in
Run. The natives aptly term it smoke, dhooan; the smallest shrubs at a distance assume the
appearance of forests; and on a nearer approach sometimes that of ships in full sail, at others
that of breakers on a rock. In one instance I observed a cluster of bushes, which looked like
a pier, with tall-masted vessels lying close to it; and on approaching, not a bank was near the
shrubs to account for the deception. From the Run, the hills of Cutch appear more lofty, to
merge into the clouds, their bases being obscured by vapour." There was more to impress
Malcolm. Burnes provided a map of the Thar region drafted by him and described an witness
account of the changing course of a branch of Indus. In his bid to experience a phenomenon
that Alexander the Great had witnessed 2000 years ago, Burnes set sail in a native boat to
view the changing landscape. He watched with amazement as the old fords transformed into
ferries across the dry bed of Koree and the old roads between Cutch and Sindh drowning
under water. He even trespassed in the territories of the Talpurs. John Malcolm an enthusiast
of oriental research, in a gesture of appreciation, had already got Burnes transferred from the
military to an appropriate political position, making him the assistant of Henry Pottinger the
resident of Cutch. Now that an explorer in the garb of an escort was needed, Malcolm's choice
logically fell on Burnes. With a further recommendation of Bentick, Burnes was assigned
the mission.
Authorities in India made doubly sure that the mission succeeded. Henry Pottinger, it may
be recalled, had already visited Hyderabad as a member of Smith's mission. The little that he
learnt about the Mirs in his personal capacity made him extra cautious, hence in
apprehensions of any excuse by them on the use of the river he added a carriage to the cargo,
making it ponderous and unfit for a land journey. Lastly some gifts for the Mirs along with
a letter addressed by the Governor General was sealed and handed over to Burnes for
delivery.
It was now January 21st 1831, and Burnes with an officer, a native doctor and some servants
set sail from Mandvi. It took them five days to cross the coast of Cutch contoured with hills
that rose in 'wild and volcanic cones'. Next they passed by the abandoned bed of Koree, and
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the eleven mouths of the Indus. They observed it's waters 'loaded with mud and clay that
discolored the sea for about three miles from the land.' They entered and examined the
principal mouth without being observed by the inhabitants. They spotted the 'white fortified
tomb, in the bay of Curachee' and at nightfall on the 28th they cast anchor in Pittee, the
western mouth of the Indus. From here Burnes was to send a message of his arrival to Mir
Murad Ali Talpur.
Throughout this part of the voyage, Burnes was preoccupied with the Homeric epics and the
ancient Greek accounts, constantly drawing comparisons between the scenes described in
them and his own observations. So that when the Sindhi officers inquired about the huge box
with the carriage, their curiosity reminded him of the episode of the Trojan war in Iliad.
Burnes says that 'they pretended to view it as the Greeks had looked on the wooden horse,
and believed that it would carry destruction into Sindh.'5 Burnes' observation was in
conformity with the apocalyptic ethos of Sind as only a few days later 'A Syud' who 'stood
on the water's edge, and gazed with astonishment the (Burnes') passing fleet' predicted, 'Alas,
Sinde is now gone, since the English have seen the river which is the road to it's conquest."
When Mir Murad Ali was informed about the arrival of Burnes he took his time to reply. He
did not realize that the delay would work in favor of Burnes. As by the time his son, Mir
Naseer Khan arranged a meeting between the two, the British team had already mapped all
the mouths of the Indus and a land route to Thatta. His Highness Mir Murad Ali received
Burnes with cordiality and treated him as his personal guest, for his brother had cured him
of a 'dangerous disease.' Burnes found Mir Murad Ali courteous, hospitable and tactful
shunning any discussion on political matters. He insisted on calling himself a soldier who
'knew little of such matters, and was employed in commanding the three hundred thousand
beloochees, over whom God had appointed him to rule.' In his second visit to the Durbar
Burnes presented the gifts. Amongst several articles were a gun, a gold watch and a clock.
The Mirs in return presented him Rs. 1500, a "handsome Damascus sword, and to every one's
surprise, they gave him permission to proceed to Lahore through the Indus. Mir Murad Ali
sent him off in his state barge. A sixty feet long flat bottomed boat, with three masts and a
pavilion shaped cabin decorated with a forest of flags and pendants. The boat contradicted
the 'beggarly' description given by Mir in his letters to Burnes. Burnes then hoisted the British
ensign to it. Obviously it was unfurled on the Indus for the first time. The mission then moved
on hoping that the omen was auspicious, and that the commerce of Britain may soon follow
her flag.’’7
Burnes provides a comprehensive description of the socio-cultural conditions of Sind during
the times of Mir Murad Ali Talpur. After the parting scene at Hyderabad, Burnes then
describes Sehwan located at a distance of one hundred miles. The city known for the shrine
of Lal Shahbaz Qalandar, the saint revered by Hindus and Muslims alike, whose resting
place was thronged by thousands everyday, amongst the pilgrims had been the kings of Kabul
and India. Burnes also mentions the 'ruined castle which About eighteen miles below he
spotted the mound of Amri; later in the overlooks the town, and was in all probability as old
as the age of the Greeks.' journey he will see Harappa as well. He tasted palla and found it
close to salmon. He enjoyed watching his sixteen men crew, intoxicated with bhang, hemp,
and singing in chorus as they pulled their ropes and sails. He even wrote down two songs
with his English translation.
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There is a special mention of Nawab Wali Mohammed Leghari, the wazir of Sindh, on whose
advice Doctor James Burnes was invited to treat Mir Murad Ali. Nawab Leghari was still
held in high esteem by the Mirs and his reputation was to last for generations as Mir Murad
Ali in his will urged his sons to follow the Nawab's advice. He was seventy-two years old
and had traveled all the way from Shikarpur to meet the brother of Doctor Burnes. He had
arrived 'with a splendid equipage of tents and carpets, accompanied by three palanquins, and
about four hundred men. A set of dancing girls were among his suite...the people with us'
Burnes continues 'who now amounted to one hundred and fifty, were sumptuously
entertained by the Nawab, who kept us with him for two days." Burnes also received a horse
and a rich loongee, sarong, from the Nawab.
At the end of his voyage in Sindh he met another 'Beloochee soldier' Mir Rustom Khan
Talpur, the ruler of Khairpur. Burnes describes his 'modest' feast too, consisting of 'eight or
ten sheep, with all sorts of provisions for one hundred and fifty people daily, and that while
at Khyrpur he sent for our use, twice a day, a meal of seventy two dishes. They consisted of
pillaos and other native viands. The cookery was rich, and some of them delicious. They
were served up in silver. We quitted Khyrpur with regret, after the attentions which we had
received."9
A few days later the mission reached Subzalkot, the frontier town that formed boundary
between Sindh and Bahawalpur. Bahawal Khan the ruler of this small kingdom sandwiched
between Sindh and Punjab was a descendant of the Dawoodputas. Inconspicuous on the
pages of popular history, these kinsmen of the Kalhoras, perhaps due to an ancestral boon,
had outlived their assertive cousins. What was their attitude towards the Talpurs? Burnes
does not tell us. However, he observed that Bahawal Khan's feelings for Ranjit Singh were
'far from friendly.' Burnes also got a chance to meet the merchants of Bahawalpur; he was
surprised with their knowledge of Kabul, Balkh, and Bokhara, and of the Russian merchants
whom they encountered in the emporiums. 'It was my conversation with these merchants’
burness reveals, “which made me decide on undertaking the journey to Central Asia, which
I afterwards performed. "10
But before he embarked on that part of his journey, Burnes had to stop by

at the terminus assigned to him earlier, the Sikh territory where their one eyed chief, the Lion
of Lahore awaited for his presents 'the sight of the horses, excited his utmost surprise and
wonder, their size and color pleased him. "They are little elephants," so said Ranjit Singh.
"These animals' he later wrote in his letter of thanks 'in beauty, stature and disposition surpass
the horses of every city and every country in the world. On beholding their shoes, the new
moon turned pale with envy, and nearly disappeared from the sky.' Ranjit Singh then added
them to his own collection of Turkish, Persian, Arabic and Indian horses. Burnes was also
invited to inspect the famous regiments of the Punjab, a mixture of Hindustani and Sikh
soldiers commanded by French and native officers. In the Maharaja's private audience
Burnes was to see a regiment of another kind. They were 'a group of thirty or forty Kashmiri
dancing girls dressed uniformly in boy's clothes.' This was one of the pultuns, Maharaja
complained humorously, that "I cannot discipline." Soon however he turned to a sober note
and spoke at great length on his relations with the British government.
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During his stay in Lahore, Burnes got a chance to see the remains of the mogul grandeur that
had fallen to the Sikhs - palaces, mosques, fortresses, the Shalimar and the Koh-i-Noor
diamond. A strange twist of fate had plucked the marvellous gem, alongwith the king who
wore it, and placed it in the hands of Ranjit Singh, who willingly exhibited it to his British
guest. When Burnes saw the great gem it was set in an armlet.
After handing over the horses, the first stage of Burnes' mission was over. He then proceeded
to Simla, the summer resort of the Governor General, to give him the details of his travel.
His report also included his meetings with the two dethroned kings of Kabul, Zaman Shah
and Shuja ul Mulk. He had met both in Ludhiana where they lived under British protection.
Zaman Shah had aged, lost his sight and sunken to insignificance while Shuja, deprived of
his kingdom and the Kohinoor, had retained the same dignity and demeanor of a king and
still dreamt of regaining his lost throne. But he did not 'possess sufficient energy...and that if
he did regain it, he has not the tact to discharge the duties of so difficult a situation' Burnes
observed. Without paying much heed to his prophetic remark, the Governor General allowed
him to proceed further towards Bokhara.
What called for immediate attention was Burnes' encouraging report on the navigability of
the Indus. Without wasting much time, the British decided to open negotiations with the Mirs
on the subject of trade. Hence Henry Pottinger, his brother William, and an impressive team
of forty were assigned the task of convincing the Mirs for a commercial treaty. Pottinger's
greatest success was that he got separate treaties signed by the Mirs of Hyderabad and
Khairpur. He, however failed to use it as a pressure technique for Mir Murad Ali as Mir
Rustom acknowledged the superiority of the Mir at Hyderabad and signed it with a clear
mention that the government of Hyderabad." And the government of Hyderabad went
"Government of Khairpur grants the same as may be settled with the through it gracefully
and skillfully. William Pottinger describes the scene feeling, and remarked looking at the
circle of his relations and courtiers, in his memoir - "Mir Murad Ali showed a great sense
and apparent good that he had entered into the treaty contrary to the advice of almost every
Even the modern historians feel that the treaty was signed in all fairness man present, because
he knew it would be advantageous to his country." could applaud today; they had kept their
independence entire in the face of and that "the Sind emirs had behaved in a manner which
modern nationalists strong imperialistic pressure. "11 Mir Murad Ali began negotiations by
asking for a political price in exchange of a commercial facility. He offered a common friend-
and-foe alliance. Having failed, he then asked for assurances of the territorial integrity of his
kingdom and the guarantee of the succession of his sons to the musnud. He did succeed in
that. Furthermore, he was able to add a clause which obviously was for British consumption
that "The two contracting parties bind themselves never to look with the eye of covetousness
upon the possessions of each other."
After the signing of the above mentioned treaty, Pottinger was given the additional charge
of the Sindh affairs. It must be noted here that similar agreements were signed with Ranjit
Singh and Bahawal Khan as the Indus traversed through their territories as well. All this
done, the British now prepared a draft that laid down a tariff of duties on the merchandise.
Pottinger was instructed to get the draft approved as a supplement to the Treaty. But before
he could proceed, the news of the death of Mir Murad Aliarrived. His death brought an end
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to the illustrious era of the first Char Yars and then commenced a less glorious period of the
second Chao Yari (The second Council or the Cabinet of the four). These four were Mirs
Sobdar son of Mir Fateh Ali Khan, Mir Mir Mohammed Khan son of Mir Ghulam Ali Khan,
and Mirs Nur Mohammed and Nasir Khan sons of Mir Murad Ali. Mir Nur Mohammad Khan
had hardly settled down as the next chief, when Shah Shuja swaggered from Shikarpur with
a demand of twelve lac rupees. Just a year before his death, Mir Murad Ali had kept him
away by agreeing to help him regain his lost throne in return of giving up his claim over
shikarpur and the annual tribute. But the successor of Mir Murad Ali were not as wise and
composed, and resorted to arms instead of diplomacy. They did succeed in driving the
meddlesome Shah out of Shikarpur, but with a heavy price of the demanded twelve lacs.
It was now April 1834, when Mir Nur Mohammed returned to Hyderabad and began to catch
up with the disrupted correspondence. His first letter to over a Pottinger was a formality. It
carried the news of the death of his father and

his own coronation. Pottinger likewise sent his condolences and congratulations. Without
wasting any further time he also sent the draft proposal regarding the toll on the boats and
the posting of a British resident. Nur Mohammed approved the toll proposal with some
amendments but refused to receive a resident.
Perhaps he would have remained firm on his decision but there were two reasons that
compelled him to change his mind. Firstly, the Sikh threat on the northern borders of Sindh
was cause for concern. Ranjit Singh had often entertained the idea of diverting to himself the
tribute of the Mirs that they paid to the Afghans. He had once prepared to invade Shikarpur
and now desperately captured Rojhan, the stronghold of the Mazaris. Mazaris, a strong
Baloch tribe, had been living as allies of the Mirs in the territory below Mithankot. Ranjit
had captured Rojhan on the pretext of punishing the Mazaris, who according to him had been
looting and plundering the bordering region. It became a matter of honor and great concern
for Mir Nur Mohammed, more so for Mir Rustom as his territory was even closer.
Secondly, there was a threat on the home front. British agents had succeeded in poisoning
the ears of Mir Sobdar against Mir Nur Mohammad. Sobdar received a subtle offer of the
masnad and he began to play in the hands of the British. Mir Nur Mohammed, having failed
to suppress his cousin's rebellion, resorted to British support. The agreement of 1832 had
made obligatory on the British to intervene, as Murad Ali had asked their support to place
his son on the masnad. Mir Nur Mohammed also asked them to refrain Ranjit Singh on his
designs against Sindh. In return he promised to allow a British force stationed in Sindh.
Pottinger was pleased to hear the requests, but he was also keen to take the advantage and
brought the importune demand of posting a British resident. It was a price to influence Ranjit
Singh and Mir Nur Mohammed decided to pay it. Meanwhile, Claude Wade was instructed
by the Governor General to warn Ranjit Singh against his plans to invade Sindh. Ranjit Singh
retreated. He swallowed his pride but it helped him as he had obligated the Governor General
and in return expected assistance against the Afghan claim over Peshawar. Ranjit, taking
advantage of the dynastic quarrels of the Afghans, had seized Peshawar. It was captured in
collaboration with an exiled Afghan king, but it remained vulnerable to the ruling king of
Kabul. Afghanistan itself was divided between a Sadozai chief ruling in Herat and a Barokzai
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oligarchy in Kabul, Kandhar, Jalalabad, and Ghazni. Below them was a multitude of
quarreling chiefs and their shifting loyalties that kept the political scene uncertain. Ranjit
was thus safe only until these chiefs remained busy settling scores with each other. The
Governor General at Calcutta had already received a letter from Dost Mohammed, the Amir
of Kabul. It was an invitation of friendship to the new Governor General,

George Eden Auckland. This was enough to make Ranjit nervous but Auckland did not pay
much heed to the Afghan gesture as he was preoccupied with the matters on the Indus. In
Sindh there had been some progress with the British plans as Pottinger was able to get the
much awaited Treaty signed by the Mirs. He had also been able to communicate directly
and separately with Mir Sobdar and a few others. He gave them a guarantee that the British
would not interfere in matters of their revenues or any other issues related to management
of his territories. The treaty, which had just two articles, was one of his greatest
achievements since it allowed a much awaited British resident at Hyderabad. The second
article made the British the mediator between Sindh and Punjab.
Once the authorities in Calcutta were relieved of the problems on the Sindh and Punjab front,
they began to worry about the Russian backed Persian-Afghan alliance. As mentioned earlier,
Dost Mohammed had shown preference to British alliance to that of the Russian, but his
animosity toward their ally Ranjit Singh had kept them at a distance. In 1834, once again, he
repeated his request. He was willing to avoid a Russian-Persian alliance if the British,
through their influence, returned Peshawar. He told Burnes, who was in Kabul at the time,
that he was even willing to have it as a fief and would pay tributes to Ranjit Singh. But the
offer failed to tempt the Governor General. Nonetheless, it motivated him to keep a vigil on
his future activities. It was around this time that James Lewis, the deserter who traveled with
the name of Charles Mason was given a free pardon and employment. His duties were to
report to Claude Wade the activities of Dost Mohammed.
Alexander Burnes was not the only one to recommend Dost Mohammed. Henry Ellis, the
envoy at Tehran, and John Mcneil, his secretary in legation, too believed that a stronger Dost
Mohammed would be able to resist the Shah of Persia's claim on Herat. Both, Ellis and
Mcneil were looking at the situation from Tehran and failing to see it from the other side of
the Indus from where a united Afghanistan under Dost Mohammed looked frightful. It must
be remembered that Britain during those days was reaching for the markets of Central Asia
and it was important to maintain security on the roads to these markets. This security concern
involved the issue of the division of power in good hands along the Indus. A powerful Dost
Mohammed was most likely to raise the old Afghan claim on Sindh and disturb the British
relations that had been cultivated so laboriously with the Talpurs. As for his position with
Punjab, it was further spoilt by his son, who attacked Peshawar and killed Hari Singh, the
precious general of Punjab who had captured the city for Ranjit two years earlier. The
incident had taken place when Burnes was on his way to Kabul; perhaps Burnes was not
aware of it when he recommended the restoration of Peshawar. Ranjit was able to gain more
support and sympathy for the loss, but not to the extent that he would be made successful
against the Afghans. It was feared, with the exception of Charles Metcalfe, that he may turn
towards Sindh and make himself the master of Indus. Metcalfe was of the view that Ranjit
was a trusted ally and should be encouraged to become the master of the region. Metcalfe,
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however, was just an acting Governor General between the vacancy that fell between Bentick
and Auckland, hence could not pursue his idea forcefully.
The new Governor General felt that the possession of Indus and it's tributary streams by one
state was against British political interests and was determined to have a division of power
among Sindh, Punjab, and Afghanistan. The first two countries had already accepted a British
mediation between them, but Afghanistan still remained out of reach. There were some
around the Governor General who felt Shah Shuja-ul-Mulk to be the only hope and he was
watched more carefully than Dost Mohammed. In 1834, when he advanced towards Kabul
he was not assisted by the British, but neither was he discouraged. To Britain's further
satisfaction he had proceeded with his plan in collaboration with Ranjit Singh but to their
disappointment he failed. And now after four years when Dost Mohammed was becoming
too uncompromising towards the Sikhs and was ready to receive a Russian envoy, Burnes
and Mason were recalled from Kabul. The Council in Calcutta decided to overthrow the
troublesome Barukzais and Shuja's name was proposed for the throne of Kabul. A ruler of
their own choice in Kabul would allow Britain to pull the political strings in Afghanistan in
the manner that the Russians were pulling in Persia.
Once the Council decided to go ahead with it's plan of restoration of Shuja, Auckland deputed
William Hay Macnaghten, the man who had always supported Shuja and who was known
for his optimism, to proceed towards Lahore. Macnaghten was to convince Ranjit for the
revival of the treaty of 1834 that he had signed with Shuja. It was according to this treaty
that they together set out to seize Kabul. The terms provided a Punjabi force to restore Shuja
who in turn was to pay an annual subsidy and let Ranjit have the lands on the Indus that he
had taken from the Afghans. Shuja's defeat brought an end to all the plans, but when
Macnaghten offered the revival of the Treaty with guaranteed British support, Ranjeet
responded with joy saying, "it was adding sugar to milk." Macnaghten then proceeded to
Ludhiana for an approval of Shuja. The revived Treaty signed by Ranjit, Shuja and
Macnaghten came to be known as the Tripartite Treaty. It called for a plan according to
which a Sikh contingent headed by Taimur Shah, son of Shuja, and Claude Wade was to
proceed through Peshawar and Khyber Pass towards Kabul. And a British army, under Sir
John Keane, was to travel past Bahawalpur, Sindh, and Balochistan towards the Bolan and
Khojak Passes to reach Kandhar. Shuja was to wait at Shikarpur with his soldiers and a
borrowed troop of the Bengal Horse Artillery. Once the British troops reached here they were
to march towards Kandhar. Together these forces formed what was known to be the Army
of the Indus. Shuja’s march through Sindh brought heavy demands on the Mirs. They were
asked these forces formed what was known to be the Army of the Indus. Shuja's to give a
safe passage to the troops that were known for their lack of discipline. They were also to
allow a temporary occupation of Shikarpur as the King was to wait there until the arrival of
the Bengal troops. Mirs resisted Sindh. They reminded Pottinger that Shuja had already given
up his claim strongly in handing over Shikarpur as it amounted to giving up the keys of over
the city and was bounded by an agreement that he had signed with Mir Murad Ali on the
holy pages of the Quran. And when Pottinger told them that he had to carry out the orders of
the Governor General, they retorted that the Governor General's orders were not the decrees
of God and must be changed.

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But the Tripartite Treaty, to which the Mirs were not signatories, was to bring still more
demands on them. Mir Murad Ali, a foresighted ruler, had wisely entered an article in the
Treaty of Commerce that he signed with Pottinger. The article read that "the two contracting
parties bind themselves never to look with an eye of covetousness on the possessions of the
other." As mentioned earlier, this was for the British consumption because "All that Sind
emirs had ever wanted was to be left alone. Their Baluchi soldiers were brave and warlike,
expert with sword and shield, but the emirs knew better than to tangle with the modern British
army across the border. They were hardly likely to risk annihilation by coveting British
possessions in India, and since they liked nothing better at any time than to be left alone to
enjoy the comfortable revenues of their estate, the clause could only affect Britain. The
British in India had made a promise which would never be less than embarrassing to them in
the years ahead."12 The beginning of the breaking of the promise was made; it may have
embarrassed Pottinger but he had to carry on his duties. Next he demanded the deletion of
another article in the above mentioned treaty. It prohibited the passage of military stores and
armed vessels through the rivers and roads of Sindh. But since Sindh was to become a base
of operation for the Afghan expedition, Pottinger was required to get rid of it. Harshest of all
the demands was a payment of twenty lac rupees which was presented to them as a demand
of the king of Kabul for an unpaid tribute of thirty years. The Mirs were quick enough to
recognize the real voice behind this long forsaken claim. "It is a joke," they retorted "to call
it a demand from the King. You have given him bread for the last five and twenty years, and
any strength he has now or may have hereafter is from you. The demand is yours."
The Mirs had all the reasons to resist and to repent as all this had come to them just a few
months after they had allowed a resident in Sindh. Pottinger, however, was adamant and used
all kinds of tactics to break their defiant posture. He began by making them understand that
a crisis had arrived on British India and that the Governor General was working to counter
attack by calling his friends. By paying their arrears to Shuja they would gain an undisturbed
possession of their territory. The British plan was to divide the received amount between
Shuja and Ranjit, in return both were expected to forego their claims on Sindh. Auckland
found this settlement just and always maintained that the money extracted was not a mulct.
But the Mirs were no fools to acknowledge his views. Pottinger then tried a subtle threat by
spreading the fear of the restoration of an exiled Kalhora claimant to the throne of Sindh. At
the same time in anticipation of an armed resistance he asked the posting of some troops in
Sindh. This was momentarily refused by Auckland. Pottinger luckily found an excuse to
coerce the Mirs in putting down their signatures.
News of the arrival of a Persian envoy and his warm reception at the Court of Hyderabad
was reported. Since the Mirs had agreed earlier that they would not respond to any friendly
gesture from Persia, it was understood that once Pottinger discovered it he would exploit it
to their embarrassment and report the matter to the Governor General. This was exactly what
he did.
Meanwhile, Alexander Burnes was pressing for a separate Treaty at the court of Khairpur.
Amidst strong resistance from Ali Murad, a brother of Rustom, Burnes was able to convince
the aging Mir to finance the building of a bridge on the Indus from where the troops could
cross on their march towards Kandhar. One cannot neglect here the role of Mohanlal, the
Kashmiri munshi of Burnes, known for his biographical text on Amir Dost Mohammed. It
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was on the instigation of Mohanlal that Ali Murad was kept diverted in order to isolate Mir
Rustom and then convince him to sign the treaty. Mohanlal gave full security to Mir Rustom
that the treaty would be beneficial to Khairpur, but as soon as it was signed he came up with
the demand of the occupation of Bukkur. Mir Rustom was aghast as it was contrary to the
terms of the Treaty. At no instance was the occupation of the Mirs' territory mentioned.
Mohanlal justified the demand on two grounds. First, the occupation would be temporary,
and second, that the fort of Bukkur technically did not stand in Mir's territory; it was located
on an island in the Indus. The timely appearance of Mir Ali Murad on the scene and his
challenge that the British would next occupy Khairpur did not prevent the helpless Mir from
signing the Treaty. Another important concession that he made with the British was to grant
permission to post their resident at his court.
The Burnes mission was accomplished, but at the borders of Khairpur and Bahawalpur he
met Henry Fane, the commander of the Army of the Indus, who disclosed some disappointing
news. The news was that the Mirs at Hyderabad had refused to pay the tribute. A letter
containing this news wa s immediately sent to the Governor General who initially thought of
proceeding the troops to Kandhar without the payment from the Mirs, but later left the
decision to the Generals. By the time the message reached Henry Fane, the work on the
construction of the bridge had started and the old commander standing on the banks of the
Indus and facing Mir Rustom around to build the morale of the tired troops by promising
them good made a bid to teach a lesson to his cousins at Hyderabad. He then turned prize
money that could be raised from the treasures of Hyderabad.
Auckland also instructed Pottinger to pursue the Mirs for the payment and sign the new
terms. Pottinger deputed Eastwick and James Outram for negotiations with the Mirs. Outram
at this time was an aid de camp of Sir John Keane and it was his first visit to Hyderabad. The
two envoys met the three Mirs-Nur Mohammed, Naseer Khan, and Mir Mohammed, the
fourth one Mir Sobdar was absent from the scene. Nur Mohammed, the principal Mir,
produced one by one all the previous treaties and asked calmly, "What is to become of all
these?" He then continued, "Since the day Sind has been connected with the English there
has always been something new, your government is never satisfied." The envoys told him
that the English were keen to have a friendship with Sindh. "Where is the friendship?" he
asked sharply and reminded them that only four months ago he had explained to Pottinger
why Sindh would not succumb to the demands of Shah Shuja, and asked why Pottinger had
not given any answer. The envoys, too failing with an answer, resorted to the oft repeated
explanation that Sindh would benefit if the British demand was accepted, that their country
would prosper, that the merchants would become wealthier, that the revenues would
increase...
"You tell us that the money will find its way into our treasury, that our people and merchants
will be rich. It does not appear so. Our merchants write to us that they are all bankrupt; they
have no means of fulfilling their contracts. Boats, camels are all absorbed by the English
troops. Trade is at a standstill. A pestilence has fallen on the land..."13 So said Nur
Mohammed, the only one of the Talpur family who according to James Burnes was
unlettered. Burnes had misjudged, for Nur Mohammed may have failed to compose 'a
common Persian note' in his presence, but he had conducted a powerful discourse in the
defense of Sindh. Years later the texts of Eastwick and Outram revealed that the Mirs were
justified in their complaints and that the annexation of Sindh was condemned in lands as
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distant as the Sahara. For the moment both were duty bound to report the matter to their
relevant authorities. The hostilities were increasing with each moment and soon Eastwick
and Outram saw hundreds of Balochs within a dreadful distance of their camp. A message
from the Mirs warned them that the Balochs were out of their hands. In the silence of the
night they rushed to John Keane who was waiting with his Bombay Column at Sonda.
The alarm caused by the Baloch resistance had already sent the Bengal column on it's march
towards Hyderabad. But hardly did it cross seventy miles when the orders came to divert and
retire to Rohri. The Mirs had softened, the siege of Herat was given up and the Persians
marched back. The retreat of the Persians from Herat came at a time when the troika of
Ranjit, Shuja, and the English was set abreast. It was speculated that the army would be
recalled, but the British decided to continue with the course of action that they had originally
planned. The Bengal Column thus headed towards the Bolan pass, Henry Fane bade farewell
and sailed to Bombay, and Burnes, as scheduled, headed towards Kalat, to pave the way for
the troops that followed. He met Mehrab Khan and succeeded in winning his cooperation for
the safe passage of British troops through his territory that touched the borders of Sindh at
one end and that of Afghanistan at the other. Mehrab Khan also agreed to acknowledge the
supremacy of Shah Shuja but as a matter of principle he did not hesitate to warn Burnes
against the unpopularity of their candidate and against the sharpness of the Afghan swords
that the British may have to face while restoring Shuja. Macnaghten had already complained
against Mehrab Khan and recommended to annex Kalat to the future territories of Shuja.
Outram too had complaints against him alleging that he was communicating with Dost
Mohammed. Auckland however was not prepared to divert the Afghan expedition any
further. At the same time there was enough evidence against Mehrab Khan, and it could be
used against him whenever the need arose. Similar was the case with the Talpurs. They had
signed a treaty, paid half the amount of the tribute, but the British were fully aware that all
this had been done grudgingly. The British were also aware that they had never been so
vulnerable as they were now. One need not go in a deep analysis to understand what made
the Talpurs so helpless, since the quadruple nature of the treaty itself was enough to leave
them weak and divided.
Pottinger had described the correspondence of the Mirs with Persia as "bigotry of Shiaism."
It may be mentioned that with the exception of Mir Sobdar, the rest of the ruling Talpurs
were Shias. Majority of the Mirs had converted to Shiaism during the period of Mir Karam
Ali, however Mir Murad Ali remained a Sunni. The conversion of Mirs Nur Mohammed and
Naseer Khan must have been after the demise of their father, Mir Murad Ali, perhaps the
prospects of a marriage proposal between their sister and the son of the Shah of Persia may
have contributed to their conversion. The "bigotry of Shiaism" was now falling heavily on
the sons of Mir Nur Mohammed and Auckland suggested that the Mirs with their Persian
connections should be made to pay more tribute than the ones who were innocent. Pottinger
in the following the suggestion of the Governor General made Mir Sobdar exempt of any
tribute. This was also a subtle bribe for his future plans against his cousins. The treaty signed
separately by the four Mirs had given a full military and political control to the British. It
made Sindh a base of operations of the Afghan expedition. All the lifeline passed through it
and the Mirs had to ensure supplies, communication, march of the troops and their entual
return. A British subsidiary force of five thousand distributed at various strategic points was
imposed on them. Sukkur, Shikarpur, and Thatta had become their cantonments and Bukkur
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their colony. And now the importance of Karachi was being emphasized in the
correspondence between Sindh and Calcutta. It's mild climate, its land- locked harbor, and
above all its closeness to Bombay made it well suited for the British.
It may be recalled that Pottinger had requested for some extra assistance reserve force of
three thousand men packed in four vessels under the command of Brigadier Valiant were
assigned to sail towards Sindh. Along with them sailed Wellesly, a larger vessel of seventy
four guns. Rear Admiral Fredrick Maitland was leading it towards the Persian Gulf for an
altogether different purpose. Together these vessels anchored at Manora, near Karachi. It
was here that the Admiral and the Brigadier were mislead by a canon shot and a rumour that
one of the Mirs, along with three thousand strong men was guarding the fort of Manora.
Maitland prepared for a hasty siege and sent two warnings to surrender. Hearing no response
he ordered a furious firing and within no time the seventy four guns wrecked the fort. The
aftermath must have been comical as Maitland and Valiant captured just a few pounds of
gunpowder and twenty men from the fort. The canon shot that they heard was a customary
salute and the scream that "I am a Baloch and will die first" never echoed from the Fort, as
it was a histrionic created by Kaye. "The whole affair" described by an eyewitness as a "petty
thing...in the military sense" was neither petty nor a coincidence as suggested by some
apologists. In hindsight, it was definitely pre-planned to capture Karachi.
Now that the most indispensable spot of Sindh had been taken over, a political, commercial
and military dominance had been imposed almost all over Sindh. The cooperation of the
rulers of Bahawalpur and Baluchistan had been gained, and it was expected that the army of
the Indus would smoothly march by towards its destination. This was, however, not the case.
Among the problems faced were a shortage of forage and water along the route, jealousies
and quarrels between the commanding officers, rivalry between their columns, attacks of
plunderers and the severity of cold

weather. The morale of the soldiers had sunk low much before they crossed the Bolan and
the steep Khojak Pass. The openness of Kandhar at the other end and the optimism of
Magnethen did revive their spirits but still it was too early to forecast the success of their
mission.
As far as Kandhar was concerned, Magnathen predicted that Shuja would be welcomed, and
so he was. All along the way, chiefs after chiefs, came to join him, Dost Mohammed's brother
who governed the city fled, and the people gathered on their rooftops and in the streets to
receive their new king. Before entering the city, Shuja stopped by at the tomb of his
grandfather Ahmad Shah. The sight must have been dramatic and moving for it to be
mentioned in the letters of Magnathen and Burnes. Next to fall was Ghazni, the city 'famed
in the eastern story.' It's capture caused Dost Mohammed to send a peace proposal and
Magnathen, in return, gave Dost Mohammed the offer of exile in British India. Dost
Mohammed did not accept the offer and the British marched towards Jalalabad. This forced
him to flee further towards Bamiyan and the northern passes. His brother and his family left
for India under British protection and Shuja now sat on the throne of Kabul.
While their troops marched on in Afghanistan, clusters of cantonment stations, barracks,
bungalows and bazaars were being raised by the British in Sindh. These were the operating
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centers for communication and supplies and provided accommodation for an army of staff
consisting of clerks, kasids, munshis, escorts, interpreters, and informants. The entire
intricate network was looked after by two political agents from their headquarters at
Hyderabad and Sukkur. Their duties also included their government's interest in Sindh and
to see that the terms of agreements made by the Mirs was being fulfilled. This arrangement,
by it's very nature was prone to clash with the parallel administration run by the Talpur
machinery and much depended on the exercise of power by the political agents. This was a
new setup in Anglo-Sindh relations and so were the political agents. Both were to continue
from the long legacy of Henry Pottinger and E.B. Eastwick who served briefly but effectively
at the court of Khairpur. He had been able to eradicate much of the mutual distrust and
establish a cordial relationship between the British and the Mirs of Upper Sindh at least.
Pottinger retired from Sindh in 1839 and soon after Eastwick followed. These were the days
when the Army of the Indus was meeting with success after success and some of the columns
were returning. Overjoyed with victory, one such column led by General Wilshire stormed
through Balochistan to teach a lesson to the plunderers and their chiefs who were accused of
deceit and of not providing any grains and camels to their troops. Kalat thus came under the
worst fire and Mehrab Khan and his supporters died with 'swords in their hands'. One of his
cousins who had conspired against him with the British was seated in his place in the likes
of Shah Shuja. Sarawan and Katchi, the places from where the Khans of Kalat had emerged
to form their dynasty, were annexed to the Durrani Empire of Shah Shuja, leaving the Brohis
with no choice but to rise in revolt. One of the men who did well in the siege of Kalat and
was promoted to the rank of major was now appointed as the political agent at Hyderabad.
He was James Outram. With the blood of the Balochs fresh on his hands, Outram nonetheless
proved to be a balanced mediator between the Mirs and his government, very different from
his counterpart at Khairpur. The degree of friendship that he was able to strike with the Mirs
far surpassed his predecessor. He had taken it to a personal level. He had been able to do so
by abolishing the native agency and by dealing directly with the Mirs instead of their
conspiring Persian officials. Outram gained further confidence of the Mirs as they saw him
objecting to his government against the treaty of 1839. One of the absurd terms was that the
Mirs were not allowed to levy tolls on the Indus even on their own subjects.
There is a scene described by Eastwick which illustrates the high esteem in which Outram
was held by the Mirs. On his deathbed Mir Nur Mohammed had placed in his hand the hands
of his brother Naseer Khan and his son Hussain Ali. And soon after his death when a quarrel
erupted between Hussain Ali and his brother Shahdad, thus dividing the court between the
camps of Ismail Shah and Nawab Wali Mohammed Leghari, it was Outram who bought the
reconciliation. Outram however was also to report the conspiracy against the British that was
taking place at Hyderabad. Mir Naseer Khan was caught corresponding with others and so
was Rustom with Sher Singh. Outram suggested to make Mir Mohammed the chief of
Hyderabad in place of Naseer. He also brought Sher Mohammed Talpur of Mirpurkhas in
the river arrangements and a separate treaty was signed with him in 1840.
The agent at Khairpur however persued a different approach in his dealings with the Mirs.
He too saw the differences between the Mirs, but he made the matters worse for them by
causing further dissent. Ross Bell, the haughty agent, favored Mir Murad Ali openly and
offended Mir Rustom. He let loose his British officers and their baggage animals everywhere
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including the private and sacred places of the Mirs. In one incident, nautch girls were taken
into a mosque by some sepoys. Even worse would have followed but the charge of Upper
Sindh now was given to Outram. Outram's task, like that of Ross Bell, and Eastwick earlier
was to keep a check on the affairs of Katchi and Baluchistan which was becoming violent
with the passing of each day. British troops were still returning but they were greatly reduced
in their numbers and emaciated in their spirits. The Afghan was failing, riots were reported
in the bazaar of Kabul and there was an uproar against Shah Shuja his arrogance had paid no
dividends and the 'pack of wolves' as he called his own men, too were turning against him.
He had offended many British officers by awarding the medals of his Durrani Empire to less
deserving ones and he had invited the wrath of many tribal chiefs by not meeting their
expectations. The Barakzais were gaining support and Magnathen, in a bid to save honor,
agreed to the hefty demands of many a chiefs. Dost Mohammed was to be brought back and
restored but before this could happen his ambitious son Akbar Khan shot and killed the most
optimistic man of the Afghan enterprise. Earlier, Alexander Burnes and his brother Charles
were hacked to pieces in their Kabul home. The news of the British defeat was crossing into
Balochistan and Sindh. The solidarity of the Baloch chiefs with the Afghans was on the rise
and a spirit of Jehad was gripping the region. Major Outram did not fear the uprising in
Sindh, but the Brohis rebellion was now taking the shape of a nationalistic movement. They
had gathered around the son of Mehrab Khan and justice was not denied; James Outram
restored him with his own hands. He even returned Shal to Kalat, but this was done without
the permission of the Governor General. Outram justified his measure as an urgent need to
pacify the Baloch chiefs but the new Governor General, Lord Edward Law Ellenborough did
not approve it.
He had arrived at the last and humiliating phase of the Afghan adventure and one of his major
tasks was to withdraw, with honor, the Army of the Indus. The army that returned hardly
bore any semblance to the one that had marched so gallantly four years ago. It was reduced
to a horrifying number, but Ellenborough made sure to receive it with the honors due to a
victorious force. The Punjab component, that earlier swelled it's numbers, was missing and
Maharaja Ranjit Singh did not live to see the pathetic sight. Embarrassment of a retreating
army was obvious more to Britain itself than to any of it's allies and Ellenborough who,
initially, was not "desirous of any collision" with Sindh began to realize it's "political
importance." He appointed Charles Napier, to conduct the military as well as the political'
affairs in Sindh. James Outram was replaced.

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 CHAPTER 5
I HAVE SINNED
"We have no right to seize Scinde, yet we shall do so, and a very
advantageous, useful, humane piece of rascality it will be."
General Charles Napier
Despite Napier's confession, much of the blame of the fall of Sindh has been conveniently
shifted to the Talpurs. His famous message "I have sinned" sent soon after the conquest of
Sind, has attracted more attention as a smart pun rather than a self explanatory statement.
And yet this is not the only instance where the British have been vocal about their faults.
Before the first Afghan war, the conquest of Sindh was a covert pursuit of a tight group that
sat at the helm of Britain's foreign affairs. However, with the failure in Afghanistan, the
group enlarged and the plan to conquer Sindh became more pronounced. If the Afghan
enterprise was a storm, Sindh's occupation was its tail, became the cliche of the day. Though
the advocates of this policy failed to come up with a plausible justification, William Napier,
the historian brother of Charles the Conqueror, while acknowledging "the injustice toward
Sindh" came up with a weak explanation, saying that "it will be palliated as an act of
unavoidable policy, though the mode of doing it displayed such an absolute disregard of
political decency." In a further attempt to absolve Charles, he shifts the blame of the conquest
of Sindh onto those who initiated the Afghan adventure. He writes that "the invasion of
Afghanistan, examined in any light, appears therefore the monstrous offspring of vanity and
ignorance, devoid of expediency and public morality; and if this, the principle action, was
neither just nor necessary, the accessory action against Scinde was also an oppression
indefensible even though it had presented less odious phases during its progress."2 The
conquest of Sindh, no matter how unfair, was a meticulously planned venture by some, and
those individuals were readily identified once the operation for the conquest was fully
launched. According to the evidence, Lord Ellenborough appears to be one of the chief
planners and Charles Napier his supporter.
The conquest, however, was not desired by responsible officials either in London or in
Calcutta. It had often appeared in the colonial history that the Government policy may not
be necessarily followed by the officials who e in charge of the far flung colonial possessions;
often they had tended to be autonomous. In the case of Sindh it is understood that a handful
of individuals were able "to carry the day against the combined weight of the East India
Company and the British Government."3 Amongst those who opposed Ellenborough's views
was the British Prime Minister Sir Robert Peel. He stood against the Governor General's plan
of an immediate withdrawal of the British troops from Afghanistan and he even doubted his
intentions in Sindh when Charles Napier was vested with the supreme military and political
powers in Sindh. "Henry Hardinge warned his brother-in-law, Lord Ellenborough, that Peel
was "alarmed lest you should have given too much rope to Napier in this Scinde affair..."
This was precisely what Ellenborough had done." One of the reasons that Ellenborough had
given for a hasty withdrawal of the British troops from Afghanistan was "that they would be
needed in India, where some of the native states were in ferment."5 This was in direct
reference to Sindh, as Ellenborough's later actions proved.
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The conquest of Sindh was thus on the agenda of the most influential British authority in
India and was to be carried out at all costs. But as it is natural with the aggressors to relieve
themselves of some of their faults so the British political offices at Calcutta and Sindh
propagated that the Talpur house be crumbled due to its own weakness and infighting. A
closer look at the record, however, reveals that in most cases the quarrels between the Mirs
were either created or the family quarrels exaggerated at the behest of the British agents.
Their disputes certainly were not of the colossal proportions as described by some British
records. On the contrary, one of the distinct features of the Talpur rule was that the sovereign
authority was fairly shared first by the founding four brothers and later by their sons. Their
personal disputes did not hinder the internal and external affairs of the state and they always
stood united against greater causes such as the misrule of the Kalhoras, the Afghan
intervention and British imperialism. This fact too has been acknowledged by William
Napier who writes with a sense of disappointment "though at enmity with each other on
points of personal interest, (the Talpur Mirs were) willing to unite, if opportunity offered,
against the intruded supremacy of England." Once again he blames Lord Auckland, the
previous Governor General, whose 'unwise treaties' had failed to divide the Talpurs. Napier's
statement also hints at an imminent new line of action, and with the coming of the new
Governor General a new line of action was persuaded.
In the previous chapter, it has been explained how the British rejoiced on getting the
Quadruple Treaty signed. But the dream of dividing the authority between different members
of the Talpurs in order to use each of them separately for the benefit of Britain did not
materialize. This failure to flatter or bribe the Mirs forced Napier to adopt an opposite
strategy. He decided that in case of any breach of treaty, regardless of how great or small, he
would hold all the Mirs responsible. Ellenborough's approach was somewhat different, he
wanted to gently turn certain existing terms of the previous treaty more favorable toward the
British. One of the major changes that he desired was to have a permanent possession of the
towns that had been turned into cantonments by Auckland. Some of these, such as Sukkur,
Bukkur, Rohri, and Thatta, were strategically located. He was also entertaining the idea of
handing the Talpur territories on the left bank of the Indus, from Rohri to Subzalkote, to the
Nawab of Bahawalpur. His justification was that they originally belonged to Bahawalpur and
he was interested in its restoration because "the people ardently desired to return to their old
master, who was humane and a moderate." Ellenborough's real motive however was to fill
the gap between Rohri and Mithankot and provide the British with a continuous line of
communication from the Arabian Sea to Ferozpur. All this was done as the British anticipated
a change in the Mir's attitude after the British defeat in Kabul. "Being zealous
Mohammadans, a religious sympathy as well as ties of kindred, made them rejoice in the
Afghan's success, and led them to desire a repetition of triumph in Scinde"" warned William
Napier who had forgotten that it was his own nation that began the subjugation of the
Mohammadan portion of India since the days of Tipu Sultan.
Ellenborough was certainly facing problems in presenting the new terms. The Mirs had
abided with all the terms of the treaties imposed upon them earlier and there was no charge
that could be laid against them to justify the permanent occupation of their cities.
But Charles Napier had resolved to find some piece of evidence against the Mirs. After going
through the treaties and the implementation of their terms by the Mirs he could come up with
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just three objections against them. All these objections were in reference to the treaty of 1839
and they were as follows:
1.
The Mirs had levied customs duty on goods that were for the consumption of British
troops. The duty was levied on the wharf of Karachi.
2. Tolls were levied on the Indus.
3. Merchants were prohibited to open shops in the British cantonments.
These objections did not amount to any violation on the part of the Mirs because in that very
treaty they were acknowledged as the supreme and absolute rulers within their own territories
and the wharf at Karachi was outside the British garrison and in Mir Nasir Khan's territory.
Also the levying of the tolls on the Indus was not a violation as the Indus traversed through
their territories and the boats plying on it were of their own people.
British political agency. Major Outram, who was the head of the agency, Next, Napier
rummaged through the piles of reports compiled by the placed at Napier's disposal,
intercepted some of the letters of the Mirs. Outram had gathered all these proofs for an
altogether different motive; to remodel the treaties with the Mirs in view of the changed
circumstances. Napier found these proofs strong and numerous enough to launch a protest
and later an attack, but he was soon disappointed as they were discovered to be fabricated
letters. Nonetheless, Napier succeeded in compiling a report against the Mirs and sent it to
the Governor General for his perusal. According to Duarte, "it ran into 200 pages, and had
as many as 56 enclosures. It contained many inaccuracies, was one-sided and obviously
inspired by a strong desire to find fault with the rulers of Sindh."
Before the arrival of Napier's report, Lord Ellenborough had already drafted the new terms.
His draft had taken the shape of a new treaty and he sent it to Napier with the instructions
that it should be presented to the Mirs only after providing him with a complete and
convincing evidence of the guilt of the Mirs. By now Napier knew that this was not an easy
task. Also, the Governor General had instructed Napier to approach the Mirs courteously so
as not to intimidate them as he was to discuss with them the possibility of acquiring from
them territories instead of a tribute. Even though Ellenborough and Napier differed in their
approaches to subjugate Sindh but in the long run the similarity between their private and
professional backgrounds helped them achieve their common goal. When Edward Law, Earl
of Ellenborough landed in Calcutta as the new Governor General, it was understood that
apart from his usual responsibilities he would work towards the restoration of the tarnished
image of Britain. How far he succeeded in doing so remains debatable, especially when one
considers the drawbacks of his character pointed out by his biographer. "He (Ellenborough)
did not have enough of the politician in him to achieve the full success of brilliant talents
warranted. For all his eloquence, his administrative capacity and grasp of affairs, his
strenuous and devoted years of service to his country, he was something of a misfit in English
politics. Only as Governor General in India was he correctly cast for the role which had to
be played, yet even here his abrupt recall has long been accepted as a sort of circumstantial
evidence of inadequacy. Ellenborough was ineffective in both his professional and private
life. His wife had abandoned him to flirt with Prince Felix of Paris and Ludwig II of Bavaria.
Perhaps these disappointments had turned him into an idealist.

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He often dreamt of the conquest of Egypt, and "it is very revealing of Ellenborough's
character that he asked Peel unsuccessfully before leaving London for the old title of captain-
general as well as that of governor-general. He had always regretted that he could not be a
soldier but now he had an opportunity to direct the armies..."10 against "young Egypt."
Luckily he found a compatible partner in General Charles Napier as he too had remained a
lesser luminary in his military career and when at the age of sixty he was offered a position
in Sindh, he accepted it readily. Hence "both men were highly unpopular... both were
frustrated in their ambitions..."" and both had very little knowledge of Sindh, yet both saw
in Sindh an ideal ground to cover their failures. Ellenborough trusted Napier with political
matters too, and on November 15, 1842 he closed down the Sindh- Balochistan political
department. As a result, Major Outram who had painstakingly cultivated friendly relations
with the Mirs had to step down from his post. The reasonable communication that had been
cultivated between the Mirs and the English was put to an abrupt end by Ellenborough's
whim, for, "Napier knew nothing about Sind nor about India. He had experience in military
and administrative posts, but his current problem was a political one, and for this type of
situation he would seem to have been the worst of all political choices."¹2

Charles' personal life too was disturbed and in the end his marriage to an invalid woman
speaks a lot about his agony. Hence it is not surprising that he recognized the hand of the
Mirs in almost all the evil that he saw around him - heavy taxes, cruel punishments, female
killings, matricide, wife bashing and even cruelty to animals. But still he failed to prove the
Mirs' guilt of any breach of contract. It was only, after learning about Mir Ali Murad Talpur's
ambition for the throne of Upper Sindh, that things changed for him.
Mir Ali Murad has already been introduced in the previous chapter as the alert and vigilant
brother of the aging Mir Rustom of Khairpur. Considering his warnings to his brother against
British designs, he was certainly no candidate to be favoured by the British. But his ambition
to be the paramount chief of upper Sind led him to contact Outram. According to the last
treaty signed between the Mirs and the British, disputes of such a nature could be referred to
British arbitration. Ali Murad's argument was based on the unwritten convention of the
Talpurs that it was usual for a brother to succeed to the throne, whereas Mir Rustom was in
favor of his son's succession. Ali Murad had already provided the British agency some
intercepted letters of Mir Rustom. These letters indicated a conspiracy against the British
and were proven to be fabricated. But Outram recommended Ali Murad's succession on the
grounds that he was more reliable than the other claimant. Also, Outram, respecting the
practice of the Mirs, recommended that Ali Murad should gain the throne after the demise of
Rustom. When Napier was building a case against the Mirs and Outram was providing him
with the evidence, the latter had advised Napier to be careful with Ali Murad since he was
capable of deceit. But as the wily general was set to exploit each and every weakness of the
Mirs, Outram's appeal went unheeded.
Mir Ali Murad was ambitious and assertive but he was also supportive of his brother. There
is no evidence, except for the British record, that Mir Rustom wanted to deprive him of the
throne that was due to him. As for the intercepted letters, supposedly written by Mir Rustom
against the British, there is no proof that it was Mir Ali Murad who had fabricated this
evidence. His relations with his brother were more than cordial as he had agreed upon the
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arrangement that during the lifetime of Rustom, the affairs of the state would be run by his
nephew who was Rustom's son. In a further reconciliation gesture, he had accepted a
marriage proposal between the offspring of the two families. Mir Ali Murad had also
received the British sanction that he would be acknowledged as the chief of upper Sindh after
the death of his brother.
But now with the arrival of a new Governor General and the departure of Major Outram the
situation began to change. There were reports that a new treaty would soon be imposed on
the Mirs; there were even rumors of British attack on Sindh, especially Khairpur, as the
returning army from Afghanistan was halting nearby. Mir Rustom in order to reach a peaceful
solution requested Napier for a meeting. But Napier turned down the offer.
"Was it precisely because a meeting with the Mir might have brought about a friendly
settlement that Napier did not wish to see him?"13 Duarte had asked a good question, and
the later events confirm that Napier's refusal to meet Mir Rustom was based on
maliciousness. Mir Ali Murad Talpur, in order to save cordial relations between his brother
and the British Government soon came up with the idea that as a representative of the
Khairpur House he should request for a meeting and to this request, the General immediately
responded and set a date as he was "eager to wreck the Khairpur union, and win Ali Murad
to the British side."14 Following is Napier's version of the conversation that took place
between them. Mir Ali Murad at the outset asked:
"If the English would secure the turban of supremacy to him (i.e. Ali Murad himself)?"
"We will adhere to the treaties," was Napier's reply.
"They bind us to protect each Amir in his rights. The turban of the Talpoors is Roostum's,
unless he forfeits it by hostility, and he shall keep it until he dies, when it will become yours
if you continue to be a friend, because such is the order of succession, and such is the treaty."
"But will you protect Roostom if he seeks to give the turban during his life to his son?" "No!
that will be against the treaty. We shall not do so."
Feeling satisfied with this, Ali Murad asked if he and Sobdar, being of one mind, might make
a secret treaty to support the British.
"Be faithful to the British! Yes! it is your duty, but openly. Make no secret contract. You
have the existing treaties, adhere to them. The English are powerful enough to make all
parties conform to them."15
But the events that followed the meeting run contrary to the dialogues that are published. Mir
Ali Murad had rushed to his brother and persuaded him to take up arms against the British.
Meanwhile, Napier was writing his report on the meeting. He pointed out three advantages
that he had been able to gain for the British in his agreement with Mir Ali Murad and soon
he mailed it to the Governor General.
1. "It is just. Ali Murad has the right to the turban for his own life, after
the death of Mir Roostam; and it promises to protect him in this right.
2. It detaches Ali Murad from any league among the Ameers, and consequently
diminishes the chance of bloodshed.

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 3. It lays a train to arrive at a point which I think should be urged, viz. That we should
treat with one Ameer instead of a number."16
Napier had finally found an ally and soon he was to deprive Mir Rustom of his throne and
declare Mir Ali Murad as the chief Mir of Upper Sindh. But in order to do so he needed a
good excuse to provoke Mir Rustom and finally he accused his men of stealing the British
mail and wrote to him a threatening letter. Mir Rustom, realizing the explosive situation left
his fort, and advised his sons and nephews to disperse in different directions.
Such were the conditions in upper Sindh, when Outram on behalf of Napier was pushing
forward the new treaty towards the Mirs of lower Sindh. The British in the past had succeeded
in getting a number of treaties signed though most of the clauses were against the interest of
the Mirs and were aimed at getting more and more concessions for them. So when it came to
the last treaty, just before the Battle of Miani, Mir Naseer refused to sign it and sent his
emissary to Napier asking for some explanation of the proposed clauses. Napier refused to
respond as he had taken the Mir's reaction as a challenge. The claims written below clearly
demonstrate the intentions of the British and adequately display a provocative tone.
1. Karachi, Thatta and Bukkur should be permanently given to the British.
2. The currency should bear the image of Queen Victoria.
3. English merchants should be immune to taxes.
4. An area of 100 yards on either sides of river Indus should be given to the British.

Even if Mir Naseer had accepted the terms of this new treaty, it would not have been
approved by the Baloch Sardars who formed the military and cynically sent him a gift of
bangles and a lady's dress made out of silk Talpurs, had already criticized Mir Naseer for his
softness towards the British to wear instead of a soldier's outfit. Napier had been entertaining
himself with such stories and he thought of a way to add more fuel to an already volatile
situation. In doing so he stooped to very low levels, and even bribed a blind bard to compose
and sing comical songs favoring the British.
Mir Naseer Khan was a responsible man and maintained his sobriety, even though he was
being aggravated tremendously by both the British and the Balochs. It was only after the
news of Mir Rustom's humiliation that he responded. It is this incident that drew the Talpurs
closer to the prospect of war against the British.
The Mirs of Hyderabad reacted by handing a letter of protest to Major Outram. Outram stated
clearly that he would not be able to do anything unless the agreement that Charles sent them
was signed. Soon after, news arrived that Napier and Ali Murad had deprived Mir Rustum
of his turban. Ali Murad was now the legal chief of Upper Sind and Napier passed an order
to acknowledge his authority. There was certainly an uproar at Hyderabad. To make matters
worse, it was learnt that Napier was proceeding towards Hyderabad. The Mirs did not realize
that he was coming with the intention of an attack. They nonetheless signed the treaty but
Napier still continued to advance. The three days that followed witnessed a mounting
restlessness in the Sindhi troops. The Mir's had objected strongly
to Ali Murad's succession. It was a direct involvement in their private affairs. Napier
explained that Mir Rustom had handed power to Ali Murad with his own will. But the Mirs

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were not willing to buy that story. It was indeed done through trickery and deceit and
maintained their stance firmly.
Another incident that Napier exploited during these sensitive moments was an attack by a
few angry Balochs on the British Residency. Mir Naseer Khan assured Napier that the assault
was carried out without his knowledge. Napier however spun a different version. He insisted
that it was a conspiracy to kill Major Outram and was carried out at the instigation of all the
Mirs including Sobdar who, explains Napier, "in dark councils with the other Ameers had
resolved to massacre Major Outram, and above a hundred British officers and soldiers that
were with him... The Ameers made an ostentatious pretense of protecting him in the evening,
knowing that he was to be slain the next morning. They had bribed the moonshee of Major
Outram to steal and deliver to them the treaty signed in full Durbar, and in full Durbar they
tore it in pieces. Was this an action to restrain, or to encourage their Balochee chiefs?" asks
Napier. Outram himself did not believe that he was targeted. He says, "Not only did I know
them to be entirely guiltless of all participation, direct or indirect, in that attack, but I knew
further, that to their protection I owed my life."¹7
From this point onwards British records begin to paint a different picture of Sobdar; that of
an enemy rather than an ally. Napier had failed to hold on to Sobdar's alliance any longer.
Perhaps the degree of Sobdar's disloyalty to his cousins was not as acute as Napier had
imagined. Or was it the Baloch in Sobdar that bought him back to his flock in the hour of
need. This may have been Napier's first lesson in learning about the kind of loyalty that
existed in this part of the world. It was however not the last. Soon he was to see more.
A faithful servant of Mir Sobdar, Hosh Mohammed Sheedi, like many other Baloch Sardars
had sensed the clouds of war much before his masters. He decided to go on his own and join
the forces that stood against the enemies of his land. According to a story, Hosh Mohammad
an Abysinian walked to the door of the late Mir Karam Ali, his former master, who had
bought him when he was a young boy raised him to be a highly skilled soldier. Hosh
Mohammad informed Mir Karam Ali's widow about the explosive situation. He also told her
that at this point the only brave figure that could save Sindh was Mir Sher Mohammed Khan
of Mirpurkhas and that he was going to the gallant Mir to join his forces. He convinced the
lady that she should send a message of support to him. The lady responded by sending a
strong message. And it was on the appeal of this Baluch woman, the widow of Mir Karam
Ali, that Mir Sher Mohammed with his ten thousand men accelerated his march towards,
Hyderabad. However, halfway through his journey he received a letter from Mir Sobdar,
saying that all was safe and sound. Mir Sher Mohammad's return obviously benefited the
English troops at Miani. Some of the historians have lamented that Napier did not
acknowledge any part of Mir Sobdar in Mir Sher Mohammad's retreat. But it should be a
matter of pride for Sindh that in reality Mir Sobdar was not helping the British, and his first
loyalty lay with his own kin. Perhaps the letter from Mir Sobdar to Mir Sher Mohammad
was sent because the Mirs at Hyderabad sincerely believed that everything was safe, that
they had a friendly treaty with the British, and that Napier would not attack Hyderabad.
Napier, however, propagated that it was the news of the defeat of the Mirs at Hyderabad that
Mir Sher Mohammad rapidly retraced his steps. That analysis was true; Mir Sher Mohammad
was no fool to jump in the fury at a time when the British flag was being hoisted. He did
return, but he returned only to collect a larger force to match the size of the British army.
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General Charles Napier has been hailed by some as defeating an army three times larger than
his own. But his hasty march clearly shows that Napier had reached the suburbs of Hyderabad
and surprised the Mirs who thousand eight hundred men with the instructions not to fight as
he did not had no time to call their dispersed Baloch fighters. Sobdar had sent his four
anticipate an immediate attack. Meanwhile Mir Nasir Khan was pacifying his six hundred
Baloch fighters to restrain from fighting a general whose government was on friendly
relations with Sindh. However, as a preventive measure, he summoned a few of his Baloch
sardars, though none of them managed to arrive on time. One of the sardars, Hayat Khan
Mari, was held by British agents on his way. The letter addressed to him by the Mirs was
discovered from his possessions and Napier used this as an opportunity to blame the Mirs
for hatching a conspiracy against the British.
The Mirs were justified to take any preventive measure to protect themselves if they felt their
kingdom was at risk. They had not only followed what was required of the treaties but had
even made many other friendly gestures towards the British. And even when the storm of a
conflict with the British had finally arrived, the Mirs were still considering the possibility of
a peaceful settlement with them. Hence on 14th February 1843, Mir Nasir sent a message of
peace to Napier. It was rejected by the latter.
Napier's soldiers had reached Miani and was told that the Baloch "soldiers" were hiding in
the dry riverbed of Fulleli. What the British referred to as "soldiers" were in actuality the
Mirs' troops who were posted at that spot even in normal conditions. The real army of the
Mirs, during peaceful times, lay scattered all over Sindh. It was only on the summon of the
Mirs that the sardars and soldiers would leave their homes and rush to the battlefield. The
Mirs did not believe that a British general would launch an attack when his Government had
signed the treaties with them. Hence no summons had been issued to muster strength for the
battle. It is a well known fact in Sindh that only a fraction of the Sindh force faced a sudden
onslaught of the wily General. The news of the battle and the British occupation of
Hyderabad reached the outlying parts of Sindh after all was over. According to Dr. N.A.
Baloch, Jafar Khan Leghari an eminent chief of east Shahdadpur Taluka (presently Sinjhoro)
sent his gallant grandson, Nazar Ali Khan to Shahdadpur for information. There he learnt
that the British forces had attacked. Sending back home this information, he galloped to
Hyderabad only to be informed in the evening that the battle was already
over. Jafar Khan then joined hands with Mir Sher Mohammed Khan.
General Charles Napier had won the battle without fighting an army "three times larger" than
his own. And his brother William, sitting in England, wrote the account of a war that he
never witnessed. According to his own account, except for Mir Sher Mohammed and Mir
Mohammed Khan of Hyderabad, none of the other Mirs resisted. At the last moment Mirs
Nasir Khan and Rustom along with a number of younger princes rode to Napier's camp to
negotiate peace. But Charles instead of welcoming them ordered his troops to surround them
hence giving them no choice but to surrender. The Mirs gave up their swords to him, which
he returned, acknowledging their greatness. As for the greatness of their soldiers William
Napier described them as "thick as standing corn, and gorgeous as a field of flowers, stood
the Beloochs in their many coloured garments and turbans; they filled the broad deep bed of
the Fullaillee, they clustered on both sides, and covered the plain beyond. Guarding their
heads with their large dark shields, they shook their sharp swords, beaming in the sun, their
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shouts rolled like a peal of thunder..." And when the battle was lost they retreated in full
grace "not in dispersion, nor with marks of fear; in heavy masses they moved, keeping
together, with their broad shields slung over their backs, their heads half turned and their
eyes glaring with fury. The victors followed closely, pouring in volley after volley until tired
of slaughtering yet these stern impacable warriors still preserved their habitual swinging
stride, and would not quicken it to a run, though death was at their heels!"'18
Although the Mirs had surrendered, Napier still feared that they may strike back, as Mir Sher
Mohammad of Mirpur continued to collect soldiers. British spies had learnt that his troops
had swelled to forty thousand and that the captive Mirs were in communication with him.
Hence the captive Mirs were sent to Bombay along with their servants and two hundred
women.
Napier then turned towards some civil and administrative work but his fear of "the lion," as
he referred to Mir Sher Mohammad was not over. And finally on March 24th, when the
temperature seared at 110°F, he was able to organize his men to march against Sher
Mohammad who waited eight miles away from Hyderabad at a place called Do-aaba,
meaning a land between two rivers. Here too Balochs fought valiantly but in the face of
modern English ammunition, defeat was inevitable. Sher Mohammad realized the British
strength and decided to leave and collect more soldiers. His two hundred archers had just
marched from Mirpur Khas to join him, but they were ordered to return as they too would
have made no significant difference. Mir Sher Mohammad reserved them for a future battle.
He was seen retreating on an elephant, instructing Hosh Mohammad to take his place. The
Sheedi general died a martyr's death in this baffle. Napier hailed him for his bravery. Infact,
he was made a hero greater than his master. In his own right, Mir Sher Mohammad's son Mir
Ali Murad built a beautifully sculptured tomb on Hosh Mohammad's grave.
The success of Do-aaba encouraged Napier to march to the capital of Sher Mohammad. But
by the time Napier reached Mirpur Khas Mir Sher Mohammad had already left and reached
Omarkot. John Jacob was sent in pursuit but Sher Muhammad had marched northwards to
the east Shahdadpur region. In his absence Napier kept himself busy buying loyalties pursuit
but Sher Mohammad had marched northwards to the east be faithful, your jageer shall be
safe," he announced. Some strong headed in Sindh. "Come and make your salaam, serve the
British government, and in the newly conquered country. And finally on a hot day when he
was chiefs were even forced to surrender. He was also bringing in many changes almost
dying of a heatstroke, the news of the defeat of Mir Sher Mohammed but Mir Sher
Mohammed continued to move further up in the Baloch areas at the hands of Jacob saved
him. Jacob had captured the men and the guns, to gather further support to fight the British.
For another ten years, Mir Sher Mohammed Talpur wandered into Baloch and Afghan
territories to muster support, while the British scanned through the region to hunt him. Tribal
chiefs and the general public were warned not to give him protection. But the warning went
unheeded by those who had a strong sense of solidarity. The Sardar of the Mazari tribe in
Dera Ghazi Khan was one such brave Baloch. He welcomed Mir Sher Mohammed with open
arms and treated him with generous hospitality. According to Sardar Sher Baz Mazari, the
present chief of the Mazaris, his grandfather was named Sher Mohammad Mazari in view of
the friendship that his great grandfather enjoyed with Mir Sher Mohammad Talpur.

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The Lion of Sindh, had become a legendary figure during his lifetime and there are many
tales told about his sightings and his narrow escapes. A fisherwoman who was helping two
strangers to cross the river in her boat recognized one of them as Mir Sher Mohammad
Talpur. The Lion, it is said, was disguised as an ordinary traveler and was accompanied by
his comrade Nawab Umaid Ali Khan Leghari when he was spotted by the woman. However,
instead of handing him over to the British authorities she led him safely to his destination at
her own risk. Mir Sher Mohammed Talpur finally reached Lahore, and lived there throughout
the Anglo-Sikh wars, but a longing for his home finally led him to his native Mirpurkhas,
where it is said he was welcomed by the 'largest crowd ever seen.' He had been given British
protection along with a pension but he "did not accept any jagir from the British, infact from
his own pocket he purchased lacs of acres in the lower Sindh. After his death this land was
inherited by his sons Mir Imam Buksh and Mir Nabi Buksh Khan. The present day lands
owned by his descendants are hence a purchased property and not a British favor."19
Though the British succeeded in depriving Mir Sher Mohammad Talpur of his kingdom, they
failed to deprive him of the respect that he received from his people. He remained an
uncrowned king to them but he never forgot his fugitive days and those who had helped him.
On his list was Mai Bhago, the fisherwoman, and until he lived she received an amount of
one hundred rupees each month.
Mirs Rustom and Naseer Khan had a different fate. They along with the young Mirs were
first kept in Bombay and later transferred to Calcutta. Ellenborough, the man who had played
with their destinies was soon recalled, but this did not change anything for them. They
requested a meeting with the new Governor General and was granted one, but they failed to
convince him of assistance. Next, they requested permission to proceed to England and meet
the Queen. This request was refused. Within a period of two years they had been separated
from each other and kept at different places -Puna, Calcutta, Hazaribagh and Surat. The
Talpur women appealed to Queen Victoria for better treatment of the Mirs. They also
requested her for the restoration of their jagirs and jewellery 'which Sir Charles Napier had
deprived them of'. Failing to receive a proper response, it was decided that three of the Mirs'
advocates and spokesmen should be sent to England to meet the Queen and other higher
authorities. The meetings were held but to no avail and the advocates left for Sindh with the
hope that 'God will grant what man has refused.'
As for Napier, his troubles were not over. James Outram was back home with the belief that
Sindh had been usurped and injustice meted out to its rulers. He campaigned day and night
and was able to mould the public opinion against those who stood for the conquest of Sindh.
As a result Napier was accused of forcing the war on the Mirs in order to make money.
Priscilla Napier explains that "Long before he appeared on scene it was clear that Britain was
going to have Sind, preferably by maneuver but if necessary by, violence, only to keep it out
of other's hands; and this thought must have been present in his (Napier's) mind during the
negotiations."20
But the opinion set by Outram did not change. The vote of thanks for the conquest of Sindh
was not passed unanimously. In fact, the House of Lords voted against the motion of thanks.
It was argued that Napier had forced the war for his personal glory. Nonetheless, some of
Napier's sympathetic soldiers displayed their solidarity by funding his statue at the south

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west corner of Trafalgar square. But his place "next to Nelson in a gallery of heroes" too has
been questioned.21
Years passed by, and the last of the Mirs, one after the other died in exile. Mir Nasir Khan's
will to bury him in Karbala was not fulfilled and his appeal "Restore me therefore to my
plundered country" went unheard. On the death of Mir Sobdar, Eastwick made a passionate
appeal to the Court of Directors, that in view of his friendship with the British, and of his
status, as the son of Mir Fateh Ali Khan the founder of the Talpur dynasty, his son be restored
to his kingdom. But to no avail.

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 APPENDIX 1
TREATY OF JULY 1808
1) A firm alliance shall exist between the two states, and the friends of one shall be the
friends of the other, and the enemies of one shall be the enemies of shall be the
enemies of other, and this shall remain forever.
2) When the assistance of troops is required by either of the parties, it shall be granted
when asked
3) That the disaffected of one Government shall not be protected by the other.
4) That when the servants of the Sindh Government shall wish to purchase warlike
stores in any of the ports belonging to the Honourable Company, they shall be
permitted to do so and be assisted in their purchases, and on paying their value be
allowed to depart.
5) That an agent on the part of the Honourable Company for the increase of
friendship and goodwill shall reside at the Court of the Mirs of Sindh.
6) That the claims on account of former loss in the time of Mr. Crow shall be dropped.
7) That a British factory in the town of Thatta only, on the same footing as in the of the
Kalhoras, shall, after the full satisfaction, perfect confidence, and with the leave of
this Government, be established.
TREATY OF 1809.
1) That there shall be eternal friendship between the two states.
2) That enmity shall never occur between the two parties.
3) That there shall be a constant intercourse between the two states through the means
of envoys.
4) That the Mir should engage not to permit any individual belonging to the French
nation to remain within the Sindh territories.
TREATY OF 1820
1) There shall be perpetual friendship between the two states.
2) Mutual intercourse by means of vakils shall always continue between the two
Governments.
3) The Amirs of Sindh engage not to permit any European or American to settle in their
dominions. Subjects of either state shall be allowed to settle in other state, provided
they conduct themselves in an orderly and peaceable manner in the country to which
they emigrate. But, if the fugitives shall be guilty of disturbances or commotion, it
will be incumbent on the local authority to seize and punish them, or compel them to
quit the country.
4) The Ameers of Sindh engage to restrain the depredations of the Khosas and all other
tribes within their limits, and to prevent any inroads into British dominions.

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TREATY OF 1827
1. Friendship between the British Government and that of Sindh, provided for in
previous treaties, shall descend to the children and successors of Mir Murad Ali,
from generation to generation.
2. The two contracting parties bind themselves never to look with an eye of
covetousness on the possessions of the other.
3. The Government of Sindh agrees to the passage of merchants and traders of
Hindustan by the river and roads of Sindh, provided that:
a) No description of military stores is brought by river or road,
b) No armed vessels come by that river, and,
c) No English merchants settle in Sindh, although they may trade in the country.
4. Merchants visiting Sindh shall obtain a passport from the British Government, which
fact shall be notified to the Government of Sindh by the Resident in Kutch or other
officer of the British Government.
5. The Government of Sindh shall fix a moderate tariff of duties on merchandise and
adhere to such a scale. Sindhi officers shall not delay merchants in the pretense of
getting further orders in the collection of duties.
6. All previous Treaties, not modified by the present Treaty, shall remain unaltered.
7. Friendly intercourse between the two states shall be kept up by the dispatch of
vakils.

TREATY OF 1834
1. Instead of a duty on goods, there shall be a toll on boats. The toll on each boat, from
the sea to Roopar, should be 19 Thatta rupee per khurar. Of this amount, Rs. 8
should go the Mirs of Sindh, and Rs. 11 to the ruler of Bahawalpur, and the Maharaja
Ranjit Singh.
2. All boats big and small, should be assumed, for purposes of the toll, to be of one
uniform size, namely 30 khurars. This would obviate trouble to traders during their
progress, prevent disputes and avoid delay.
3. The toll should be levied at the bunder or port at the mouth of the river, and divided
to the Governments to Hyderabad and Khairpur thought best.
4. A British Agent, under the authority of the A.G.G, should reside at the mouth of the
river, to realize the toll, settle any disputes, and preserve the happy relations between
the two states.
5. All goods landed for sale, in transit, should become subject to the existing local
duties, levied by the respective Governments in their own territories.

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 APPENDIX 2

FOUNDATIONS OF RUNNI – KOTE

BY DR. N.A. BALOCH
Some 40 years back, during the fifties, I had opportunities to visit this great fort which led
me to investigate its historical background and the circumstances of its foundation. The
conclusions based on historical evidence and other available record were published in 1968.¹
before I review the historical background, I would like to begin with a brief description of
the origin of the popular name of this fort, viz. "Runni-Kote." "Kote" obviously means a fort
but what is "runni"? This clarification is necessary since the fashion to speculate, instead of
stating the facts, has for quite for some time become popular with us because it is the easiest
way to claim original conclusions of far reaching consequences." An example, par
excellence, of such a speculation on record is about the origin of the name of "Chaukandi
graves" around Karachi; it was claimed that these are the graves of an ancient tribe whose
name was Chaukandi". It needed some knowledge of the Sindhi language and the Sindh
tradition to understand that "Chaukhandi" means the 'four walls without any roof' within
which the grave of the saint or any other important person is situated. On the analogy of
speculation about "Chaukhandi", someone had once argued that "Runni-kote" was built by a
Greek or a Roman general whose name was "Renon". There was yet another good guess that
the fort was founded in the territory of an ancient tribe whose name was 'Ranni' and hence
the fort's name.
It is to be lamented that in the countries which have suffered colonial domination, and
Pakistan being one of them, a sense of identity and independence of thought have not yet
fully developed. There is a lurking tendency to this day, even in the field of scholarship,
either to undertake what is local or native or to confirm its importance on the authority of a
colonial source.
Origin of the Name: Both common sense and scientific approach require that the origin of
an idea must be sought first in the society in which it has flourished, and of a monument in
the country in which it is located. The origin of the name "ranni" is to be sought in Sindhi
language to which it belongs. We find that it is not the word 'Runni' only, but there are a
number of words of the same origin which have a common denominator of connotations and
meaning, signifying a flow or course of water which is natural, but not man made. These
words fall into the following categories.
I. To the first category belong the two words Roonn and rooni meaning a flow of water,
comparatively, smallest in volume, from a hole or opening underneath an embankment
which is holding water (such as 'or of a bigger canal or channel. Both roonn and roonni
are the terms the banno or add in the field), or an embankment of a small water course
commonly used by farmers all over the country.
II. To the second category belong the words runn-i, Runni and also roonni of the first
category in its extended meaning. These terms signify a fairly of non-perennial bigger
hill torrents. Thus, we have Runni Paitiani, the below Jungshahi, into the Gharro
Creek. Then we have this Runni, which course of the hill torrent which drains rain
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 water from the catchment area this part of the Kirthar Range down into the Indus near
the town of Sann. also is a large hill torrent, and takes rain water from the catchment
area of
III. In the third category are the two words renn-i an renn, which signify the course of a
natural off-shoot channel of the main river, of a perennial nature, which takes off a
fairly big column of water. Thus in the long past, the Hakro river, had its natural off
shoot of Renn-i., which took off somewhere in the southern tract of the present
Rahimyar Khan district and the north eastern part of the Ubaoro taluka. The old bed
of Renn-i remains clearly marked through the Ubaoro, Mirpur Matelo, Ghotki and
Rohri talukas of the Sukkur district. Besides this Renn-i of the ancient Hakra, there
was the middle deltaic Renn branches of the Indus prior to the Guni, which flowed
through the present Hyderabad and Badin districts for more than three centuries (9th
to the middle of 12th A.H./16th to the middle of the 18th century). It had irrigated the
whole of the Chachkan parganah.
IV. In the fourth category fall the two terms raan and raann which connote the biggest
course of water. Thus, we have Baraan, the biggest hill torrent which brings
considerable volume of water from the Balochistan plateau down into the Indus
through the Kotri taluka of the Dadu district. Then we have Mih-raan, the time honored
name of the Indus with its biggest flow of water. Originally Maha-raan, it was
Persianised into Mih-raan during the political ascendancy off the Sassanid Persia over
Sindh, from the 4th to the 6th century A.D.
Thus the origin of the word runni within the whole range of this comparative terminology,
signifying the flow or course of water, should make it clear beyond any doubt that runni is
not a foreign word or name, but is of Sindhian origin. Thus, 'Runni-kote' would literally mean
"The Fort of the Hill Torrent" or "The Hill Torrent Fort." This has been its popular name
ever since the fort was founded on this hill torrent though the given name of the fort was
'Aliabad.' This takes us to its history may now be briefly recounted.
THE HISTORY: In Sindh, the Kalhora dynasty was supplanted by the Talpur Amirs with
their victory in the battle of Halani in 1196/1782. The first important task the new rulers set
for themselves was to safeguard the independence of Sindh against external attacks which
had weakened their predecessors. Two important steps were taken: to secure the borders of
Sindh by constructing a strategic defensive line of forts and fortresses and to build a
stronghold deep into the interior of Sindh to be able to take a final stand there against any
invading enemy. The first phase of the construction plan was completed 1204 A.H./1790, i.e.
within a period of about ten years during which two fortresses on the sea front viz. Vikkur
and Kotri (guarding the crossing of the Koree creek to Katchh), the two forts of Fatehgarh
(or Nao Kote), and Islamgarh (Islamkote), and the fortress at Mithi on the southern front in
the present Tharparkar district were completed. So far as the construction of a special
stronghold was concerned, the Talpurs had learnt a lesson from he mistake committed earlier
by Mian Noor Mohammed Kalhoro who had set his heart of the fort of Umer-kote as his last
refuge and defense in case of emergency. However, when Nadir Shah over took him there in
(29 Zulqa'dah, 1152 A.H.) 1740 A.D. Mian Noor Mohammed had no alternative but to
surrender because his rear was unsafe and he could not retreat in the territories of Kachh and
Marwar.

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The planning and construction of the stronghold was entrusted to Nawab Wali Mohammed
Khan, an able military commander who also excelled in his knowledge of engineering. He
chose this site (of Runni-Kote) which was also visited by the Amirs as it abounded in game
and was an excellent place for hunting. The site had a natural high ridge line around it on
which the fort wall was conveniently raised. Water was available not only during rainy
season, but all the year round from a spring in the bed of the runni. Also there was
underground water which became available by digging wells. So sufficient supply of water
could become available in an exceptionally dry year.
The work on the construction of the fort had started immediately after the Talpur Amirs had
taken over in 1196/1782, and a number of forts and fortresses were completed as early as
1204 A.H./1790. The preliminary survey, and the selection of this site, possibly took place
during this period. According to Mirza Qalich Beg,3 Runni-kote was constructed at the
orders of two senior rulers, Mir Karam Ali Khan and Mir Murad Ali Khan, by about 1812
A.D. which is equivalent to 1227 A.H. It was in this year that the elderly Mir Ghulam Ali
Khan died and the next brother Mir Karam Ali Khan become the senior most Amir in his
place. The approximate year given by Mirza Qalich Beg more or less coincides with 1228
A.H., the year of the Talpur's conquest of the Umer-Kote fort which was proved to be very
vulnerable. It would seem that after this event, (1228 A.H.) the construction of Runni-Kote
was seriously pursued.
The planning and construction of the fort is enthusiastically recorded by Mir Hassan Ali
Khan (1240-Dhul Hajj 1324 A.H. 1907) in his historical Sindhi mathnavi, Fatehnamo. Says
he:
The well-known Runni-Kote is a wonderful fort in the mountains, a monument left by my
ancestors. The stone cutters worked with zeal like Farhad. It is all built in stone, with a
number of ramparts on the fort wall which runs into many miles. Inside it was built a
stronghold name 'Shergah', and another citadel called 'Meeri' (the royal quarters). Its
marvel is the hill torrent which has water in its section inside the fort, but not outside. On its
entry into the fort from the west and its exit on the east, iron gates moulded out of hundreds
of maunds of iron were erected (below the bridges over its bed), but the force of water bent
them down. Because of the unsafe gates, the fort was not occupied on a permanent basis,
though it could be used occasionally. According to the report, it cost rupees 17 lacs to
complete the construction
Further conclusive evidence regarding the construction and completion of the fort is provided
by the two compositions of Ghulam Ali Ma'il (d. 1251 A.H.), a court poet of Mir Karam Ali
Khan Talpur (6 Jamada-1, 1227-6 Jamada-2, 1244) whom he eulogizes for the achievement.
The First Compositions
a) The fort was built on a high (ridge line of) mountain (6) with circular foundation and
vast environment (7). It is an all stone construction, built on the stone (8). It is a grand
fort, (9) the like of which is neither in Rome nor Russia (10). It is called Aliabad (11).
The construction work commenced in the year 1230 A.H (12).
b) The Second Composition

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It is named Aliabad (13). It is as high as sky, and as vast as earth (14). It is perfect in
construction, and towering in height (15). It's year of completion is 1234 A.H. (16). Thus it
took 5 years 1230 to 1234 A.H. (1815-1819) to complete the fort. The family records and the
tradition of the Nawabs of Tajpur (17), the descendants the construction of the Fort, also
confirm this account of the construction of the of Nawab Wali Mohammad Khan Leghari
who had supervised the planning and fort. Only the gates with stronger iron bars remained
to be affixed underneath the bridges over the torrent bed, when Nawab Wali Mohammad
Khan was transferred to face Shah Shuja al-Mulk of Qandhar who had marched into Sindh
and occupied Shikarpur. Thereafter, these gates could not be satisfactorily fixed which made
the fort vulnerable to attack. Even though canons were mounted on the ramparts of the two
main gates, the Fort was not rehabilitated as a stronghold during the remaining last 24 years
(1235-1259) of the Talpur rule.
Facts are stranger than fiction. When the historical background of the founding of this huge
fort is recounted, one almost begs for the question whether the Talpur Amirs of Sindh had
the vision and the resources to accomplish this stupendous task? With this question in mind,
our good friend Col. A. Rashid, once the administrator of the Jinnah Medical Centre,
Karachi, wrote an article suggesting foreign origin of this fort. The problem is that we have
not yet fully appreciated the achievements of our own people under their own rulers prior to
the British conquest. We have yet to read our history in its proper perspective, and give due
importance to the statements of our own historians. It is to be noted that the references in the
two compositions of the contemporary poet Ghulam Ali Ma'il, the account left by Mir Hasan
Ali Khan in his Fatehnamo, the family records and tradition of the direct descendants of
Nawab Wali Mohammad Khan Leghari, and the statement of Sindh's by the Talpur Amirs of
Sindh. Besides the written record, circumstantial evidence modern historian Mirza Qalich
Beg are all unanimous on the founding of the Fort also amply confirms the foundation of this
Fort during the Talpur period. One simple fact to be noted is that the existence of this fort is
neither mentioned by any of the earlier historians of Sindh, nor by any of the historians and
writers of the Kalhora period. Neither Mir Mohammad Masum among the earlier historians,
nor the versatile genius Mir Ali Sher Qani (d. 1203 A. H./1789) of the Kalhora period
mention Runni Kote. In his "History of Sind" Mir Masum did not even miss to record some
smaller "wonders" of the Sibi district and its adjacent mountains. He knew Sind much better,
and he could not have missed to mention this great "wonder" of the Runni Kote Fort. Mir
Masum had accompanied Emperor Akbar's army led by Khan-i-Khanan (999/1000 A.H-
1590/1591 A.D.) on his conquest of Sind from Mirza Jani Beg Tarkhan. As recorded by Mir
Masum himself, the royal army had halted and encamped at Sehwan, Unnarpur and Sann,
and one whole monsoon season was actually spent at Sann (18). Had this remarkable fort
been there (only 18 miles south of Sann), in no case it would have escaped the attention of
Khan-i-Khanan from purely military point of view, or of Mir Masum from historical point
of view.
A question for question's sake may also be raised whether the Talpur rulers had the resources
to construct such a huge fort. Those who have studied the construction of forts in Sindh will
readily concede that this great fort is a living monument to the will and determination of the
people and their rulers during the era of their independence before colonial domination. Not
only this one fort was constructed, but a large number of other forts and fortresses were built
during the Talpur period to safeguard the borders of Sindh.
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 a) Four fortresses were constructed on the sea front. These were Manhora near Karachi,
Rato-Kote on the Gharo Creek (now under water), Vikkur (near jati) and Kotri at the
crossing of the Koree Creek to Kachch (Opposite Lakhpat).
b) Forts and Fortresses, seven in number, were constructed to safeguard the southern
border in the present Tharparkar district: these were Fatehgarh or Nao-Kote, the citadel
of Diplo, the citadel of Singario, the citadel of Chellhar, the fortress of Mithi, the fort
of Islamgarh or Islam-Kote, and the fortress of Nagarparkar.
c) Some 10 forts and fortresses were constructed along the eastern border with Jodhpur
and Jesalmer. Beginning from Mirpur Mathelo and endingin Nagarparkar, this defence
line had the following forts and fortresses:
1. Sutiyaro-Kote (in taluka Mirpur Mathelo).
2. Liyaro Kote (in Ubaoro taluka touching the boundary of the Rahimyar Khan
district).
3. Fortress of Tanot (in Ubaoro Taluka).
4. The Fortress of Dangu (6 miles east of Ghotaharu).
5. The fort of Dingarh (16 miles north of Tanot).
6. The fortress of Gadhrro.
7. The stone fort of Shahgarh in Khuddi (25 miles east of Chhachhro).
8. Judeyjo-Kote (40 miles south of Shahgar).
9. Fortress of Satti-Dera (on the present boundary line between the Chhachhro
and the Nagarparkar Talukas).
Not only the Talpur Amirs of Sind during the period of their independence but
also the Amirs of Bahawalpur had constructed a series of forts and fortresses
beginning from Derawar and following a strategic line of defense along the old
course of the Hakra river. Their far flung locations deep into the desert and their
structure and military architecture are equally bewildering for the one who may
judge this accomplishment by the standards and achievements of the present P.W.D
department.

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 APPENDIX 3
MOGHUL DOCUMENT IN FAVOUR OF MIR SHAHDAD
KHAN TALPUR

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 A NOTE FROM
DR. N.A. BALOCH
Ricard Burton's 'Aludo Masudo Tale' about the advent of Talpur in Sindh is a concocted
fiction. No authentic account of the Talpur elders migrating from the Siro (northern Sindh)
to Vicholo (central Sindh) has been recorded. The random references in some sources to Mir
Shahdad becoming prominent in Sindh for the first time during the rule of Yar Mohammed
Kalhora or he received any rewards from the Mughal Court on his recommendation, would
appear to have been based on hearsay. The Land Grant Documents (Sanadat) issued in favour
of Mir Shahdad during the reign of Emperor Aurangzeb and the later Mughals conclusively
prove that Mir Shahdad had received recognition and gained prestige within the corridors of
Mughal administration in Sindh before Yar Mohammad Kalhora who gained imperial
confidence slowly after he came to power in Sindh in 1111 A.H. (1699 A.D.)
Until the 18th century A.D., the country up to Dera Ghazi Khan was an integral part of Sindh;
the northern belt from Bakhar to Dera was known as SIRO (the 'head' of Sindh), the belt
from Bakhar to the north of Hyderabad was VICHOLO (the central Sindh), and the country
beyond Hyderabad to the sea coast was the LAR. But, Sindh had been indivisible politically
from beyond Dera Ghazi Khan in the north to the Sea coast in the south, and the people freely
migrated from one area to another.
It was during the last decade of the 17th century that two brothers of a distinguished Talpur
family, Hotak and Manik, migrated from Choti in Dera region, to Vicholo or mid Sindh. The
elder Hotak settled down in the area in between Hala and Sanghar taking to agriculture on
the irrigation channels of the Indus, while Manik, the younger, had his own settlement at
Drigh Bala, on the banks of the hill torrent Nain Gaj (in the present Dadu district). Employing
their relatives and local labour and doing hard work, they bought expensive tracts of land
lying fallow under cultivation and became Zamindars of repute. Mir Shahdad progressed
more quickly and distinguished himself in extending agriculture on the more stable irrigation
channels of the Indus. This increased his income as also the land revenue to the government.
The areas managed and bought under cultivation by him were situated in Mahal (circle) of
Parganah (district) of Hala-Kandi, in the Sarkar (Administrative division) of Nasarpur of the
province of Thatta. Mir Shahdad had attracted the attention of Mughal Subedar (Governor)
of Thatta. Not only had Mir Shahdad extended agriculture which and increased the land
revenue, but he also extended his influence among the local agricultural communities all
around and secured their co-operation for the security and safety of the whole area from
depredations of the lawless elements. The It was under these circumstances that the Pinghara
estate with its large area was granted to Mir Shahdad during the reign of Emperor Aurangzeb.
This was prior to grant was confirmed and renewed under orders of the Thatta Governor
Ahmad e year 1116 A.H./1704 A.D., the 48th year of the Emperors reign, when the same
Yar Khan by Mir Muhammad Mahdi the 'Diwan of Suba Thatta' (Revenue Commissioner of
the Thatta Province). Further, renewals with additional grants were made during the reigns
of the later Mughals, Farrukh Siyar and Muhammad Shah. From the document of Farrukh
Siyar dated 1129 A.H., it is to be concluded that Mir Shahdad Khan had founded Shahdadpur
just before 1129 A.H., say during 1125-28 A.H. (1713-15 A. D.)

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 APPENDIX 4
TEXT OF THE LETTER OF THE AMIRZADIS OF SINDH
TO QUEEN VICTORIA
May the shadow of Queen Victoria increase, the pure and the
magnificent as Balkis (the Queen of Sheba).
It is about two years since Sir Charles Napier came to Haidarabad, in Sindh, with an army
and artillery, and plundered our habitations of all our money, ornaments, jewels, and of
everything of value, and at the same time he took from us our husbands the Amirs, and our
children, and sent them to Hindustan as captives. Now as to us helpless women, who are
devoid of power, and were, when Sir Charles Napier arrived, seated in our houses,-what
manner of custom is this, that he should enter our dwellings and plunder us of our valuables,
leaving us not sufficient for our support? And two years have elapsed since he tore us from
our houses and native city, and compelled us to dwell in huts like the destitute, allowing us
not enough for our support, so that in one week we consume what he gives. God knows the
hardship we suffer for our food and raiment; and through our separation from the Amirs we
endure such distress and despair that life is distasteful to us. That one should die, when God
wills it, is no calamity, but we endure with each successive day the torment of a new death,
wherefore we cherish the hope that you yourself being a Queen, as we were once, and being
able to sympathize with us, will take compassion on us, and cause restoration of those things
of which Sir Charles Napier has robbed us; and since our hearts are lacerated by grief at
being separated from the Amirs and our sons, by which, indeed, we are brought to the brink
of despair, you will remove this cause of distress, otherwise we should reckon it the greatest
boon to put an end to our existence. May your days be lengthened.
Written on the 27th of the month of Shawwal, 1260 of the Hijrah, at Haidarabad, in Sindh.
Signature of the Bigam of MIR KARAM ALI KHAN.
Signature of the Bigam of MIR MUHAMMAD NASIR KHAN.
Signature of the Bigam of MIR NUR MUHAMMAD KHAN.
Signature of the Bigam of MIR MIR MUHAMMAD KHAN.
Signature of the Bigam of MIR SOBDAR KHAN.
Your petitioners further pray,-
That as the allowances granted to the Amirs are quite insufficient for their support, and the
support of their faithful servants who have followed them into exile, these should be
increased according to their rank and station; and that proper dwellings should be assigned
to the Amirs and their families in accordance with the customs of their country.
That the jewels and private property seized and taken away from the Amirs and their wives
be restored to them, and that Sir Charles Napier be commanded to restore the private papers,
and lists of articles, in order that their Highnesses may recover their property according to
those papers.

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That all the Amirs imprisoned at Puna, Surat, Hazaribagh, and Calcutta, may be allowed to
live together, and not be kept under such strict restraint.
That the ladies of the late Mir Karam Ali Khan had some jaghirs, of which Sir Charles Napier
has deprived them; that as many Biluchi chiefs have received back their jaghirs, these
revered ladies, the heads of the Talpur family, may have their ancient possessions restored
to them, together with their jewels and private property.

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 APPENDIX 5: GENEALOGY
FAMILY TREE OF THE AMIRS OF HAIDARABAD
MIR SHAHDAD KHAN

FAMILY TREE OF THE AMIRS OF KHAIRPUR

MIR CHAKAR KHAN

Page 98 of 109
 FAMILY TREE OF THE AMIRS OF MIRPUR
MIR MANIK KHAN (Death 1689- Tomb in Drigh Bala District Dadu)

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 DESCENDANTS OF MIR SHER MUHAMMAD KHAN OF MIRPUR
HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS MIR SHER MOHAMMAD KHAN
(SHER – E –SINDH) THE LION OF SINDH

Page 100 of 109

 DESCENDANTS OF MIR SHER MUHAMMAD KHAN OF MIRPUR
HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS MIR SHER MOHAMMAD KHAN
(SHER – E –SINDH) THE LION OF SINDH

Page 101 of 109

 APPENDIX 6
I) ACTION OF DUPPA

Page 102 of 109

II) PLAN OF THE BATTLE OF MEANEE
17TH OF FEBRUARY 1813

Page 103 of 109

 APPENDIX 7

Mir Sobdar Khan Talpur S/o Mir Fateh Mir Hasan Ali Khan Talpur
Ali Khan, the Founder of the Talpur
Kingdom

Mir Abbas Ali Khan Mir Muhammad Nasar Khan Talpur,

The Last Ruler of Hyderabad

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Top Right: Mir Fateh Ali Talpur Mir Muhammad Khan Talpur
Top Left: Mir Sobdar Ali Talpur
Bottom Right: Mir Muhammad Ali
Bottom Left Mir Fateh Ali

Mir Shahdad Khan Talpur

Page 105 of 109

Page 106 of 109
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Mir Fateh Khan, eldest son of Mir Sher Muhammad (Sher-e-Sindh) (on the right);
Mir Tharo Khan s/o Mir Taj Muhammad (in the middle);
Mir Imam Buksh Khan s/o Mir Sher Muhammad (Sher-e-Sindh) (on the left);
A group photo taken in 1862.

Page 108 of 109

Tomb of Mir Fateh Ali Khan in Hala, Sindh, Pakistan

Ranikote Fort in Dadu, Sindh, Pakistan

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