Research and Theory

Physical Development

Much of the physical growth and development that occurs in childhood is a continuation of
earlier growth patterns seen in infancy. As was the case in infancy, development continues on
the cephalocaudal (i.e., a pattern of physical and motor growth from head to tail) and
proximodistal (i.e., a pattern of physical and motor growth from the center of the body outward)
track. In other words, physical and motor development begins with the head, chest, and trunk
and then follows with the arms and legs, ending with the feet and hands. When children enter
the adolescent period this growth pattern reverses, with hand and foot growth followed by that of
the trunk or upper body. Examples of associated milestones of motor development in childhood
include walking up and down stairs using alternating feet between the ages of 3 to 5 years;
developing abilities to jump, hop, and skip; and increasing upper-body motion when throwing
and catching a ball. Between the ages of 7 and 12 years, there are increases in speed when
running, increases in vertical-jump height, increased accuracy in throwing and kicking, and
overall fluidity in physical body movement. However, it is important to note that because the
extremities (hands and feet) grow before the upper body during the adolescent spurt of physical
growth, teens may experience a brief period of awkward stature and movement.

Much of the physical growth that occurs in childhood and adolescence is coordinated by
endocrine glands through the release of hormones. Human growth hormones are released
primarily by the pituitary gland. The pituitary gland is regulated by and located near the
hypothalamus, toward the base of the brain. One pituitary hormone that is secreted throughout
the life span is growth hormone (GH), which influences the growth of bones. Another important
hormone that influences growth and development is thyroxine, a hormone released by the
thyroid gland that influences body and brain maturation. Thyroxine is necessary for GH to have
its fullest impact on a body’s development. During adolescence, the pituitary gland releases sex
hormones (estrogens and androgens). Both of these hormones are found in males and females,
but at differing levels, dependent upon the sex of the individual. It is during prepubescence (the
period leading up to completion of development or puberty) that the release of hormones spurs
the continued development of the brain and growth of primary and secondary sex
characteristics. Primary sex characteristics include the development of the sex organs (i.e., in
females, the ovaries, uterus, and vagina; in males, the penis, scrotum, and testes), whereas
secondary sex characteristics consist of outward signs of pubertal growth (e.g., growth of
underarm and pubic hair, facial hair for boys, breast development for girls, and skin changes for
both sexes). The signal of puberty completion for girls is the occurrence of menarche (the first
menstrual cycle and period). Puberty ends for boys with the completed development of their
testes, seminal vesicles, and prostate gland. The spermarche, or ability to ejaculate semen, is
indicative of the end of puberty for boys. The process of adolescent physical growth begins and
ends earlier for girls than for boys.

Because of the dramatic hormonal, physical, and emotional changes that occur during
adolescence, researchers have traditionally recognized this time as a period of “storm and
stress.” This concept, although originally recognized by influential philosophers (e.g., Aristotle
and Socrates) and theorists (e.g., Rousseau), was explicitly described by G. Stanley Hall. Hall
believed that humans experienced a tumultuous time during which they transition from being
children to becoming adults. During this turbulence, researchers saw adolescents as engaging
in conflict with their parents, experiencing mood fluctuations and disruptions, and engaging in
risk-taking or reckless behavior. Interestingly, Jeffrey Arnett (1999) revisited the concept of
storm and stress in light of more recent research and found that although great individual
differences exist within the experience of storm and stress, most adolescents do experience
variations of the three components. He also noted that culture has a significant influence over
the extent and experience of storm and stress.
Cognitive Development

Our understanding of cognitive development comes, in large part, from the research and theory
of Jean Piaget. Piaget developed his theory of cognitive development based upon observations
of his own and other children. Before outlining his theory, it is important to understand the
underlying assumptions. First, although Piaget recognized the probability of individual
differences in development, he believed in an invariant sequence of developmental stages that
were qualitatively different. Second, Piaget’s theory is constructivist; children are not simply
waiting for development to occur or maturation to take place, they actively construct the
experiences they have and make sense of the environment. Third, under normal circumstances
there should be no stage regression. That is, the knowledge and skills gained in each stage
build upon one another and, barring unforeseen circumstances, individuals should not regress
in their cognitive abilities.

Piaget’s observational research allowed for an understanding of how children gain and refine
their knowledge (thought patterns or schema) of the world. Children are born into this world with
very little knowledge and only a set core of reflexes, but as they mature and interact more with
their environment, they begin to integrate and change their existing knowledge. There are two
processes by which children deal with new information. One such way is called assimilation—an
attempt to integrate new information into what they already know. For example, as children are
learning the different sounds animals make, they may have a clear understanding of the sound
a cow makes, “moo.” When confronted with new information, they will likely rely on their old
knowledge to make sense of the world. So, when the child sees a horse for the first time, and
you ask what sound a horse makes, he or she may respond “moo!” Clearly, at some point
children learn that horses do not “moo.” Piaget explained this shift in understanding as
accomodation—altering existing knowledge to incorporate new information. So, a child’s
learning that a horse “neighs” is an example of accommodation of knowledge and new schemes
developing. Piaget described our cognitive process as being in a state of balance or equilibrium.
However, when we are confronted with information that does not fit, we are thrown into a state
of disequilibrium and must reorganize our thinking to fit new information and achieve
equilibration. Piaget is most well known for his four stages of cognitive development:
sensorimotor, preoperational, concrete operational, and formal operational.

Sensorimotor period (birth to roughly 2 years of age). Piaget believed that generally
children gain knowledge through their senses and motor behavior. Piaget outlined six substages
to this first stage of development.

1. Reflexes (0 to 1 months). Infants are born with a set of reflexes that are uncoordinated at
first, but quickly become synchronized and serve as the foundation for later cognitive
development.

2. Primary circular reaction (1 to 4 months). During this substage there is a crude beginning
of intent in behavior. Specifically, as infants accidentally produce a desirable occurrence
using their body, they will attempt to recreate that event. For example, an infant may
unintentionally brush her lips with her hand and induce the sucking reflex. In an attempt
to recreate that pleasurable experience of sucking, the infant may more purposefully put
her thumb or finger in her mouth. This recreation of an experience is an example of how,
at a very early age, children are constructing their experiences within the environment.

3. Secondary circular reactions (4 to 8 months). Whereas the focus of recreating

occurrences during the primary circular reactions stage is on the infant’s body, the focus
for secondary circular reactions is outside the self. For example, if a baby were to
accidentally shake a toy that had a rattle inside it and create a pleasurable noise, the
baby would attempt to recreate the noise by shaking the toy again. Piaget described this
recreation of events in the environment as demonstrating the infant’s interest in the
world.
 4. Coordination of secondary circular reactions (aka meansend behavior; 8 to 12 months).
This stage offers a clear indication of intentional behavior. For example, if an object is in
front of a toy the child desires, the child will intentionally move the object to grasp the
toy. An important cognitive milestone of this stage is object permanence—
understanding that objects exist even though we cannot perceive them. Once a child has
the understanding of object permanence, he understands how to find a missing toy by
removing the blanket that covers it. Object permanence is another indication of the
child’s further development of schemes.

5. Tertiary circular reaction (12 to 18 months). At this stage Piaget described children as
little scientists because they are experimenting within their environments. There is clear
and combinational intent in children’s behavior at this stage, building on the intent found
in stage four. It is at this point that babies will repeat actions using different objects only
to see what the end result will be. For example, a child may drop different objects over
the side of her high chair, only to see what sounds each object will make.

6. Mental representation (18 months to 2 years). At this stage, children continue to develop
and refine their schemes and are able to solve simple problems in their heads. It is at
this point that children begin to play make-believe and also demonstrate differed
imitation. For example, because a child now understands what it looks like to sleep, she
may pretend play that she is sleeping to “fool” her parents.

Preoperational period (2 to 7 years). The preoperational period is an expanded time frame

that consists of rapid cognitive development. Children at this stage are able to represent
schemes mentally and can think about objects and events that are not physically present. The
biggest limitation at this stage of cognitive development is children’s egocentrism—the inability
to take the perspective of another. Piaget described children’s egocentrism as perceptual,
affective, and cognitive. Perceptual egocentrism is illustrated by children’s believing that others
can see (or hear, or some other sensory experience) what they see. Although egocentrism is
defined as a child’s lack of ability to understand the emotions of another, cognitive egocentrism
is best described by the term conservation. Piaget discovered that children during this stage
lack the understanding that changing the size, shape, or location of an object does not change
the amount of that object (i.e., conservation).

Concrete operational period (7 to 11 years). During the concrete operational period, children
become more logical in their thinking and now have the ability to conserve objects and take the
perspective of others. Children’s thought processes at this stage are more flexible and
organized compared to during previous stages; however, at this stage, children’s thoughts tend
to be focused on the here and now. That is, during this time period, children have a difficult time
thinking abstractly or in a hypothetical form.

Formal operational period (11 years and beyond). During Piaget’s last stage of cognitive
development, adolescents are now able to think logically and flexibly, and they have the
newfound ability to think about abstract concepts and hypothetical situations. Adolescents are
able to use hypothetic-deductive reasoning, whereby they begin with a general theory of
possible factors influencing a situation and then deduce specific hypotheses to test in an orderly
fashion. Piaget described a new type of egocentrism as a limitation to adolescent thinking,
however. Although adolescents have the ability to understand other people’s perspectives, they
tend to focus on themselves. Three examples of this adolescent egocentrism include the
personal fable, the imaginary audience, and the invincibility fable. The personal fable is
adolescents’ belief that their experiences are special or unique. Because of this belief,
adolescents often think that no one could possibly understand their thoughts, feelings, and
experiences. The imaginary audience consists of adolescents’ beliefs that everyone else is as
interested in their appearance and behavior as they are. Because of this egocentrism,
adolescents will often feel extremely self-conscious and engage in behaviors to “fit in” with age-
mates. Finally, the invincibility fable consists of adolescents’ belief that they will never fall victim
to risky or dangerous behavior. Because of this belief, adolescents often will engage in
unprotected sex (thinking they will not get pregnant or get an STD), drinking/using drugs and
driving, and driving in extreme fashions (e.g., at high speeds).

Piaget is very well known and respected for his research and theory. Still, to understand
cognitive development, it is important to consider at least one other influential theorist. Lev
Vygotsky is known for his sociocultural theory of cognitive development. Whereas Piaget’s
theory focuses on the child interacting with the environment in somewhat of a self-guided
process, Vygotsky’s focus for cognitive development is on the benefit of social interaction that
children have with adults and others. Vygotsky believed that through social interaction, children
are able to master tasks and skills that they would not be able to accomplish if left to their own
devices. He called this the Zone of Proximal Development, the differential range of working by
oneself versus working with the assistance of a skilled peer or adult.

For the interaction between child and another to be successful, or for a child to be successfully
pushed to the higher end of his or her Zone of Proximal Development, two important factors
must be involved. First, there must be intersubjectivity—the child and others begin a task with
different understandings or knowledge of the situation, but by the completion of the task, they
have come to a shared agreement. During the process of intersubjectivity, the adult must work
to share his or her knowledge in a manner that is understandable to the specific child.

The second important factor for successful interaction is the process of scaffolding—adults (or
skilled peers) change the quality of social interaction by adjusting the amount of assistance they
provide to the child. Early in a child’s learning a task, the adult may engage in more direct
instruction and heavily guide the child’s actions; however, as the child gains greater insight into
the problem or task, the adult begins to withdraw the extra assistance to the point at which the
child is able to do the task alone. For example, when a child is first learning how to make her
bed, her parent may offer several direct commands and physically show the child how to do the
task. However, as the child becomes more knowledgeable, the parent offers less direction but
more “helpful hints” and has the child doing the task alone.

Vygotsky also described how children guide their own behavior using private speech—self-
directed speech that children engage in as a means to guide their own thoughts and behavior.
When children are small, it is not uncommon to hear them talking themselves through a task
(e.g., washing their hands, tying a shoe, buttoning a button, etc.). Research has suggested that
children will engage in more frequent private speech when the task is difficult, if they have made
an error, or if they are uncertain or confused about how to proceed with a problem. However, as
we age, this self-direction becomes internalized and private speech becomes more of a thought
process than outward expression. Vygotsky was a firm believer in the connection between
language development and thought processes. He suggested that as we develop language,
there is a profound shift in our thinking processes.

Language Development

Language development can be understood by highlighting the sequential process of its

development and then explaining that process using recognized theories. When examining the
process or stages of human language development, we find a path that is fairly universal in
nature. All infants begin the communication process with reflexive crying that, although
unintentional, clearly sends messages about hunger, pain, or discomfort. The hunger cry is
lower in pitch and intensity, whereas the pain cry is high in pitch and intensity. Infants do not
have to think about what type of cry they’d like to express; it occurs naturally. Also, although
there is some debate as to whether adults can recognize the different types of cries infants
express, one can argue that, given enough time with an infant, the adult will quickly pick up on
the messages being sent.
Even though there can be great variation and individual differences in the rate of language
development, most researchers recognize that the foundation for language begins around the
age of two months with vowel-like noises called cooing. Common cooing consists of “oo”
sounds. Cooing is an oral expression of sounds that the infant can make. At approximately four
months of age, as infants develop greater muscle control over their tongue and mouth, they will
begin to add consonant-vowel combinations, typically heard in strings. These combinations are
called babbling. An example of babbling from the English language consists of phrases like
“bababababa” and “nananana.” It is during this stage of language development, at around seven
months of age, that infants begin specialization within their own language. Interestingly,
individual maturation and exposure to language within the environment influence the age at
which infants truly begin to babble. For babies who are hearing impaired, vocal babbling will
most often be delayed, and for deaf babies, completely absent. However, researchers Petitto
and Marentette (1991) have found that when infants who are deaf are exposed to sign language
within their environment, they will babble similarly with their hands as hearing babies do with
their voice.

The third stage of language development is known as one-word utterances. At about one year,
infants are expressing their first words. Common first words in the English language include
phrases like “mama” and “dada,” but it is important to recognize the influence of the infant’s
language environment on his or her first word. The first 50 words a child learns tend to happen
rather slowly, but after those first 50 a language explosion occurs. This rapid connection
between words and objects or events, called fast mapping, occurs so rapidly that children
cannot reasonably understand all possible meanings of the words.

The next stage of language development is called two-word utterances. At about two and one-
half years, children begin stringing words together. In their early sentences, children’s language
is described as telegraphic speech because, as is the case with telegrams, children use only the
important or necessary words to communicate meaning. Unimportant words (e.g., “a,” “and,”
“the”) are often left out. So, a child might say or sing, for example, “itsy bitsy spider, up water
spout” instead of “the itsy bitsy spider went up the water spout.”

At about three to five years, children enter the last stage of language development and start
using what is called basic adult sentence structure. By this age, they have a basic
understanding of the way that words are ordered (syntax) and have become quite sophisticated
communicators. Sometimes children of this age will misapply grammatical rules to words that
are exceptions to those rules. This error is called overregularization and is exemplified by
adding an inappropriate –s to make a word plural. For example, a child may say “mouses”
instead of “mice.” Another error is inappropriately adding –ed to make the past tense of an
irregular verb: “I goed to the store today.”

How can we explain children’s phenomenal ability to acquire language? As is the case with
most aspects of development, one theory argues nature’s role in language development, and
another suggests the predominant importance of nurture. Beginning with the nurture side, most
recognized is an application of B. F. Skinner’s operant Conditioning. Theorists who argue
operant conditioning as the explanation of language development would look at how parents
reinforce an infant or child through smiles and verbal praise for making different sounds.
Another learning approach, Bandura’s social learning theory, explains language development by
examining how children imitate what they hear in their environment. Learning theories give
some insight into how language develops, and one would be remiss to ignore the impact of the
environment on language development, but taking a nurture stance alone is not enough to
explain how and why children develop language. For example, why would a child say “goed”? It
is highly unlikely that she or he hears parents saying “goed,” and chances are, parents are not
reinforcing that utterance. It is through examining the nature side of this debate that we have
additional understanding and insight into language development.
Linguist Noam Chomsky is best known for arguing that language is the result of innate
processes. Chomsky explains that parents and teachers cannot directly teach language
organization and grammatical/syntactical rules. Yet, we see children understanding basic syntax
and attempting to apply grammatical rules. Thus, he reasoned, language development must be
guided by an internal process. Specifically, he suggested that humans are born with a language
acquisition device (LAD). The LAD is innate and allows the child to arrange language in a
grammatically logical fashion. Chomsky argued that within the LAD exists what he called
universal grammar, a store of grammatical rules that apply to language. Another well-known
linguist, Steven Pinker, suggests that it is not that anyone language is within our genes; rather,
the ability to arrange and produce language is innate. Nativists like Chomsky and Pinker do
acknowledge that children must have at least a limited amount of exposure to language within
their environment to prompt the innate process; however, they do not agree with learning
theorists that parents or adults must deliberately work with or teach children language. Most
theorists and developmental psychologists recognize the importance of both nature (e.g., LAD)
and nurture (conditioning of language) in an attempt to understand how language develops.

Personality and Social Development

Although many theorists have attempted to explain personality differences and development,
because of the limited nature of this article, we will discuss only two widely recognized and
influential theories: Freud’s psychodynamic theory of personality development and Erik
Erikson’s psychosocial theory. Two important correlates of personality development (i.e.,
temperament and attachment) will also be highlighted.

Sigmund Freud was one of the earliest theorists to attempt to explain the root causes for
personality development and differences. He viewed personality development as involving five
stages that consist of internal biological needs that are the focus of interactions between child
and parent. According to Freud, at each stage there is an erogenous zone, or area of the body
that is the focus for libidinal energy and gratification. He also believed that if our gratification
needs were not met appropriately (i.e., over- or undermet) during the early stages, fixation could
occur. Fixation is a process whereby the child would show characteristics of that stage in
behavior and personality later in life. Freud also believed there were three separate, but
interacting, elements of the mind that guide thoughts and behavior: the id (pleasure seeking),
superego (an internal sense of right and wrong or conscience), and ego (the part of the mind
grounded in reality that must appease the id and superego). There are many more elements to
Freud’s theory, but these are the most important to help in understanding his personality stages:

 Oral (birth to approximately 18 months). At this stage, the erogenous zone is the
mouth. Infants gain pleasure through sucking and biting. If the child’s needs are not met
(e.g., not being fed when hungry), the child will become fixated at this stage and seek
oral gratification later in life. Examples of oral-fixation behavior would be biting one’s
nails, chewing on pens or pencils, over- or undereating, and being verbally aggressive.
Personality characteristics of individuals who are fixated include being dependent,
gullible, and overly optimistic, according to Freud.

 Anal (18 months to 3 years). During this stage, an important milestone is potty training.
Hence, Freud believed pleasure is gained through the retention and expulsion of feces.
Depending upon how parents manage the potty-training process, children can develop a
fixation at this stage as well. If parents are rigid and harsh in the process, children may
exhibit signs of anal retention later in life, whereby they are rigid and compulsive in their
behavior. Individuals who are considered anal retentive, in Freudian terms, tend to be
compulsive, organized, and attentive to details. However, if parents are very lax in the
potty-training process, their children may fixate and become anal expulsive. Individuals
who are anal expulsive tend to be very disorganized, messy, and inattentive to details.
  Phallic (4 to 5 years). This is considered to be Freud’s most controversial stage. The
erogenous zone for the phallic stage is the genitals; it is not uncommon for children of
this age to discover their genitals and begin to understand that stimulation of the genitals
can bring pleasure. However, Freud believed it is at this time that boys go through the
Oedipal complex and girls experience the Electra complex. The theme for each of these
complexes is similar—they both involve a sexual attraction to the opposite-sex parent.
However, for boys, during the process of sexual attraction toward their mother, they
develop a fear of their father’s reprisal that might result in injury to their genitals. This
developing fear is called castration anxiety. To compensate for this fear, boys must
repress their sexual attraction toward their mother and identify with their father.
According to Freud, during the process of this identification, the super ego develops.
Freud argued that during this stage girls develop penis envy—the result of anger toward
their mother and sexual attraction toward their father (which would result in seducing the
father to obtain a penis vicariously). To resolve this complex, girls must repress their
anger toward their mother and their sexual attraction toward their father, and ultimately
identify with their mother. Freud also believed that girls develop a super ego at this point,
but because the Electra complex is not as traumatic as the Oedipal complex for boys,
the resulting super ego is not as strong, ultimately meaning that boys/men are more
moral than girls/women.

 Latency (6 to puberty). Because the previous stage was very traumatic, a period of rest
is needed. During the latency stage all sexual interest and desire is suppressed, and the
focus of this stage is developing same-sex friendships.

 Genital (puberty and beyond). Around the time of puberty, our sexual desires and
interests are reawakened and result in the desire to find mature, healthy (heterosexual,
according to Freud) adult relationships.

Erik Erikson, like Freud, believed that personality develops in stages and that our environment
and early relationships can influence who we ultimately become, but Erickson’s theory
integrated fewer biological needs and expanded the notion that society may put certain
pressures or demands on us that can cause psychosocial conflict or crises. Each of his stages,
thus, is described in terms of conflicts that are of focus during specific age ranges. Erikson also
described ego strengths, which result from the successful resolution of each of these crises.
Although his theory consists of eight stages across the complete life span, because this article
is focused on childhood and adolescence, only those age-relevant stages will be highlighted.

 Basic Trust versus Mistrust (birth to 1 year of age). Society at this stage is
represented by the immediate family. The focus of this stage is infants’ learning of
whether they can trust their parents to be responsive to their needs. If their needs are
consistently met, infants will develop a sense of trust; however, if infants’ needs are not
met consistently and regularly, then a sense of mistrust will follow. Resulting Ego
Strength: Hope.

 Autonomy versus Shame and Doubt (1 to 3 years). During this period children
develop a new sense of independence and make every attempt to exercise this
newfound ability. Through events such as walking, potty training, and refining motor
skills, infants learn that they can be autonomous apart from their parents. If parents are
very supportive and allow the opportunity for freedom of choice, then children will
develop a clear sense of autonomy; however, if children are restricted in their behaviors,
they will likely develop a sense of shame and doubt. Resulting ego strength: will.

 Initiative versus Guilt (3 to 6 years). Children continue to develop skills and abilities in
this stage and begin to imagine who they may become in the future. It is also at this
stage that Erikson’s concept of society begins to expand beyond family to include the
school setting. In this new setting children are expected to set and follow through with
 tasks and goals. If a child is in a supportive environment that helps set realistic goals
that the child can meet or exceed, then the end result will be initiative; however, if
parents and teachers are too demanding and not supportive, the child may develop a
sense of guilt. Resulting ego strength: purpose.

 Industry versus Inferiority (6 to 11 years). At this stage, there is increasing societal

pressure for children to cooperate and contribute to society. If a child can work or
cooperate with others, then she will feel a sense of industry; if the child feels as though
she cannot get along well with others, she will develop a sense of inferiority. Resulting
ego strength: competence.

 Identity versus Identity Confusion (Adolescence). During the adolescent time period,
Erikson believed that we seek to find a definition of self (i.e., identity). Through this
process we may question our goals, attitudes, beliefs, and place in society. If
adolescents can resolve this questioning with a sense of defining themselves, they will
develop an identity; however, if there is not a successful resolution, Erikson argued they
will feel a sense of identity confusion, which ultimately can affect the later search for
intimacy.

James Marcia built upon Erikson’s adolescent stage of development, recognizing that there can
be different identity statuses that result during this questioning or search for identity. Some
adolescents do not actively engage in the questioning process, and also have not committed to
any personal set of beliefs and values. Marcia describes these individuals as identity diffused. If
adolescents do not question who they are and what they believe, but readily accept what others
define for them, Marcia suggests they are identity foreclosed. Adolescents who are active in the
questioning process but have not yet committed to any set of beliefs or values are labeled as
experiencing an identity moratorium. Finally, Marcia notes that the ideal situation is one in which
an individual has actively questioned beliefs and values and ultimately commits to a core
identity. These individuals are described as identity achieved.

It is clear from Freud’s and Erikson’s theories that the relationships that children have with their
parents influence subsequent personality development. From other research and theories we
also know that personal characteristics of children (i.e., temperament) can influence the
relationships they have with parents and others.

Through research examining behavioral patterns and responsivity, physicians Alexander

Thomas and Stella Chess have helped us better understand individual differences in
temperament that children exhibit. Because these behavioral response patterns are seen very
early in life, researchers suggest that temperament is biologically based and perhaps consists of
inherited traits. Based on their observations, Thomas and Chess note that children fall roughly
into three categories of temperament:

 Easy Children (approximately 40 percent of American children fall into this category).
These children are very easygoing, are adaptable to change, have a positive demeanor,
and are not fearful in approaching new situations.

 Slow-to-Warm-Up Children (approximately 15 percent of American children fall into this

category). These children are less adaptable to change and can have intense or
negative reactions to new situations. They are slow to warm up to new situations and
changes in routine, but they can ultimately (with repeated exposure) adapt to change.

 Difficult Children (approximately 10 percent of American children fall into this

category). Difficult children are prone to persistent negative mood patterns, do not adapt
to change well, and behave in inconsistent patterns.
If you sum the percentages, it is clear that not all children fit into one of these three prescribed
categories. Thomas and Chess found that the remaining 35 percent of children are a
combination of the three categories. Again, because of early behavioral patterns, heredity is
thought to be a possible explanation in individual differences in temperament; however, it is
important to recognize the early interaction between parent and child as influencing behavioral
patterns as well. For a better understanding of parent-child interaction, attachment theory must
be investigated.

Attachment is an intense emotional bond, often referred to in the context of parent-child

relationships. Much of what we know about human attachment comes from the research of John
Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth. Bowlby was primarily interested in the attachment disturbances
experienced by children who were raised in institutionalized settings. The lack of exposure to
close intimate relationships left many of these children with emotional problems and the inability
to form subsequent connections with others. Based on his research and observation, Bowlby
offered a description of what could be considered normal phases of attachment. His theory is
based not only on his observation, but also on his ethological and instinctual beliefs about
attachment.

 Phase 1: Preattachment (birth to 6 weeks). During the first phase of attachment, babies
show similar responses to all people.

 Phase 2: Attachment in the Making (6 weeks to 6 to 8 months). During this phase,

infants become more intentional and less reflexive in behavior. In response to this shift,
babies become more restrictive in their smiles, babbling, and even crying behavior.
Infants begin showing a preference for two to three people.

 Phase 3: Clear-Cut Attachment (6 to 8 months to 18 months to 2 years). During this

phase infants show a clear preference for one person. An indication of this preference is
seen via separation anxiety. That is, when infants are separated from their preferred
care provider, they will signal distress, and when they are reunited with the care
provider, infants will show a sense of relief. Children also show stranger anxiety, or a
fear of adults with whom they are not familiar, at this time.

 Phase 4: Reciprocal Relationships (18 months to 2 years and beyond). The relationship
between care provider and child becomes much more of a give-and-take process,
whereby the child not only receives care and attention but also is attentive to the
caregiver’s emotional displays.

Based on his research with institutionalized children and children who were separated for
periods of time from their parents, Bowlby offers a description of the effects of separation. At
first, children will protest the separation with cries and refusal of care from other adults. In the
next phase, they experience a period of despair in which they become introverted, withdrawn,
and inactive. Bowlby describes this phase as a period of mourning the loss of the attachment.
After this period of quiet, children enter the final stage of detachment, during which they may
become more active and accepting of substitute care.

Mary Ainsworth entered the attachment arena when conducting naturalistic observations of
attachment between children and their mothers in Uganda. When she returned to the United
States she began formal research with babies and their mothers in Baltimore, Maryland, and
developed and refined a widely accepted measure of attachment behavior known as the strange
situation. The strange situation consists of separations and reunions between mother and child
in an unfamiliar setting. There also is an introduction of a stranger during the process to see
how the baby or child responds to a stranger in comparison to the mother. Based upon her
initial research, Ainsworth identified three patterns of attachment:
  Securely attached infants. Infants who are securely attached are upset when mothers
leave the room, but are easily comforted upon reunion. When in the room with the
mother, these children use their mother as a secure base, or a source of reassurance to
go and explore the environment. There is a clear preference for the mother over a
stranger.

 Insecure/avoidant infants. These children are not upset when their mother leaves the
room. In fact, they have very little interaction with the mother at all. Avoidant children
show no preference for their mother over a stranger.

 Insecure/ambivalent infants. These children are very preoccupied with their mother’s
location during the strange situation process. When the mother leaves the room, these
children become very upset and inconsolable. Upon her return, these children are often
resistant to comfort from their mother as well.

Subsequent research led Ainsworth and colleagues to relabel the insecure/ambivalent category
“resistant” and add another category, “disorganized/disoriented.” Disorganized/disoriented
children are very inconsistent in their behavior during the strange situation and appear to be
very confused by the relationship and process of assessment.

Although there is some debate as to whether early attachments are predictive of later
attachments, most researchers and theorists agree that early relationships have an impact on
how children develop and on the connections they will have with others. More recent research
has focused on factors that affect the quality of attachment, examining variables such as
sensitivity in caregiving, infants’ characteristics, parents’ experiences with attachment, the
influence of daycare, and cultural differences. One area that has been underinvestigated
historically, but has been more researched recently, is the role of child-father attachment.
(Mothers have been the primary focus for attachment research because of social roles [i.e.,
mothers are seen as the primary caregiver], and because of their availability and willingness to
participate in such research.) Findings to this point suggest that infants can securely attach to
their fathers just as easily as they do to their mothers. Important factors in promoting attachment
with fathers are similar to attachment with mothers (e.g., sensitivity, parental investment,
expression of care, and nurturance).

Moral Development

Moral development is an area that is influenced greatly by many of the previously discussed
topics. Obviously we must have physical maturation and cognitive development to achieve
moral reasoning. We also use our language to express and explain our moral reasoning.
Without question, our personality and social surroundings influence our reasoning and
justification for our moral decisions.

Lawrence Kohlberg and Carol Gilligan are two noted theorists in this area. Kohlberg’s theory of
moral development, based largely on Piaget’s thoughts of moral reasoning, stems from his
longitudinal research (i.e., research spanning several years with the same group of participants)
with adolescent boys. To best understand how his participants morally reasoned, Kohlberg
posed moral dilemmas that had no clear right or wrong answers, asking the participants what
would be the right thing to do, and why. He was more interested in the reasoning behind
participants’ answers than the answers themselves. Based on his research, Kohlberg developed
a theory with three levels and six stages to explain moral reasoning development; he did not
give specific age ranges for his stages and levels, but assumed that as we age, we become
more sophisticated in our reasoning, and thus progress in an invariant sequence:

Preconventional level: Moral reasoning at this level generally is guided by external forces.
  Stage 1: Obedience Orientation. Children look to authority figures for determining right
from wrong and use punishment as a determinant for moral reasoning. If someone is
punished for an act, the act must be wrong. For example, children are told by authorities
(e.g., parents, teachers) that stealing is wrong, and thus believe that a person who steals
is committing a wrongful act. Also, people who are caught stealing are punished, so
stealing must be wrong.

 Stage 2: Instrumental Orientation. Individuals are concerned about their own personal
well-being, gain, and needs. Right and wrong are often determined by some exchange
of favors that directly benefit the self. For example, a child may reason that it is not
wrong to report a friend for stealing candy because the friend shared the candy.

Conventional level: Moral reasoning is guided by society’s norms.

 Stage 3: Interpersonal Norms. This stage is also known as the “good boy/good girl
stage.” Individuals are concerned with the perceptions of others, and use that concern to
determine right from wrong. For example, people who steal are often seen as “bad”
people by others, thus stealing must be wrong. However, if, for example, parents steal
food because they have no money to buy it for their children, perhaps the parents would
be seen as “good,” and stealing may be justified in this case.

 Stage 4: Social Systems Morality. Stage 4 is also known as the “Law and Order” stage
because individuals who reason at this stage firmly believe that there are laws in society
to maintain order and promote good within society, and breaking those laws would likely
lead to chaos or anarchy.

Postconventional level: Generally at this level, moral reasoning stems from a personal moral
code.

 Stage 5: Social Contract. Individuals who reason using Stage 5 principles believe that
laws are based on an agreed-upon contract that is meant to benefit the members within
society. However, if those laws are unjust to the society’s members, there may be cause
for breaking them.

 Stage 6: Universal Ethical Principles. Individuals rely upon abstract principles such as
justice and equality to guide their moral reasoning. They also recognize that their
personal moral beliefs may, at times, conflict with societal expectations, but they take
ownership and responsibility for their reasoning and beliefs.

Kohlberg’s theory, although supported by his and others’ research and widely accepted, falls
short, according to researchers, such as Carol Gilligan, who point to the limitation of Kohlberg’s
sample (i.e., only including boys/ men as participants). Gilligan also argued that Kohlberg’s
theory bases moral decisions on the notion of justice, and whereas justice may be the guiding
focus for boys and men’s moral reasoning, she suggests that women reason using the notion of
care.

In response to Kohlberg’s theory, Gilligan devised a three-level theory. At the preconventional

level, Gilligan notes that there is an emphasis on caring for the self. Thus, self-preservation
influences decisions about right and wrong. At the conventional level, women shift their focus of
care and concern from themselves to others. Finally, at the postconventional level, the focal
point for moral reasoning is care for self and others in an interdependent manner.

Although there has been research support to suggest that girls and women use a “care” model
in determining right from wrong, there has also been research to suggest that some men also
use a similar model of “care,” and some women use a model of “justice,” as proposed by
Kohlberg. Hence, sex may not be the sole explanation for these different approaches to moral
reasoning; other factors such as family upbringing may contribute to how we determine right
from wrong.

Summary

Childhood and adolescence is a very exciting and vital time frame of development that sets the
foundation for who we will ultimately become when we reach adulthood. Although we have
examined various topics, it is essential to understand that none of these aspects of development
occurs in isolation; each is dependent on the others, and their combination can greatly influence
the course of development for the person. Without question, we know that children and
adolescents are not simply miniature adults—they are fascinating creatures, unique in and of
themselves.