religions
Article
Do Catholic Religious Practices Attenuate the Deconversion of
Emerging Adults in Poland? The Mediating Role of
Transcendent Indebtedness
Dariusz Krok 1, * , Adam Falewicz 2
Citation: Krok, Dariusz, Adam
Falewicz, and Małgorzata Szcześniak.
2024. Do Catholic Religious Practices
Attenuate the Deconversion of
Emerging Adults in Poland? The
Mediating Role of Transcendent
Indebtedness. Religions 15: 85.
https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15010085
Academic Editor:
Viktória Šoltésová
Received: 16 December 2023
Revised: 3 January 2024
Accepted: 5 January 2024
Published: 10 January 2024
Copyright: © 2024 by the authors.
Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland.
This article is an open access article
distributed under the terms and
conditions of the Creative Commons
Attribution (CC BY) license (https://
creativecommons.org/licenses/by/
4.0/).
Religions 2024, 15, 85. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15010085
and Małgorzata Szcześniak 2
1 Institute of Psychology, University of Opole, 45-040 Opole, Poland
2 Institute of Psychology, University of Szczecin, 71-017 Szczecin, Poland; adam.falewicz@usz.edu.pl (A.F.);
malgorzata.szczesniak@usz.edu.pl (M.S.)
* Correspondence: dkrok@uni.opole.pl
Abstract: Emerging adulthood is a time of strong religious change that often leads to deconversion,
understood as the abandonment of faith. In the present study, we aimed to verify the role of Catholic
religious practices in the deconversion process and the mediating nature of transcendent indebtedness
in emerging adults from Poland. In this study, we used the Catholic Religious Practices Questionnaire
(CRPQ), the Transcendent Indebtedness to God scale (T-ITG), and the Adolescents’ Deconversion
Processes Scale (ADS). Two hundred and fifty-four emerging adults, 135 women (53.1%) and 119 men
(46.9%), participated in a study conducted in Southern and Northern Poland between September
2022 and May 2023. Our study results revealed that those involved in both official religiosity and
folk practices exhibit lower levels of deconversion, and this relationship is mediated by transcendent
indebtedness. The presented research indicates that the belief and sense of obligation to repay a favor
or debt to God is a buffering factor in the tendency to withdraw from the religious community and
abandon faith.
Keywords: religious practices; deconversion; transcendent indebtedness; emerging adulthood;
Catholic Church; psychology of religion
1. Introduction
Emerging adulthood relates to a distinct period of development between the ages
of 18 and 29 (Arnett et al. 2014). It is commonly characterized by extensive exploration
(Negru-Subtirica et al. 2017), change (Koenig et al. 2008), and challenges (Yonker et al.
2012) in various areas of life, including identity construction, work, housing instability,
commitment to romantic relationships and marriage, decisions about parenthood, emotion,
and financial responsibility (Arnett 2007; Oliveira et al. 2020; Shulman and Connolly 2013).
Religiosity is one domain that may particularly alter during this period. According to
previous studies, emerging adults tend to reexamine their religious beliefs and behaviors
(Koenig et al. 2008), personalize their relationship with God (Arnett 2000), and become more
skeptical and independent of religious institutions (Arnett and Jensen 2002). These changes
often result in emerging adults’ religious and spiritual decline (Yonker et al. 2012) and
lack of religious participation (Arnett 2023; Arnett and Jensen 2002). Thus, young people
depart from their formerly considered system of beliefs and disaffiliate from the religious
community to which they belong (Zarzycka et al. 2022). An example of such a departure is
religious disengagement from Catholicism to reengagement with Pentecostalism in Brazil,
as described by Py and Pedlowski (2020). In the literature, the process of leaving one’s
religion is called deconversion (Łysiak et al. 2020; Streib 2021).
1.1. Deconversion in Emerging Adults
Deconversion has been described in many ways, making it difficult to obtain a con-
sistent definition (Pérez and Vallières 2019). A review of psychological sources on the
https://www.mdpi.com/journal/religions
Religions 2024, 15, 85 2 of 13

phenomenon of deconversion shows that the process of leaving one’s religion is character-
ized by “intellectual, experiential, emotional, and moral disengagement” (Streib et al. 2011,
p. 13). The decision to withdraw may be voluntary (Jacobs 1987) or forced (Bradley et al.
2011), involve the loss of a previously significant religious experience (Streib and Keller
2004), an immediate change, or a gradual process (Barbour 1994).
Although 84% of Polish respondents declared themselves believers in 2022 (Zarzycka
et al. 2023), there is an increasing deconversion trend among emerging adults (O’Keefe
and Jendzejec 2020). Poland, compared to other European countries, has shown signs of
declining religiosity, which sociologists refer to as “creeping secularization” (Milerski and
Zieliński 2023). Statistics released by the Catholic Information Agency (KAI) showed that
in 2021, the percentage of people identifying themselves as deeply religious was only about
11 percent (Przeciszewski 2021).
Researchers have listed different reasons for young people leaving their religion.
Nowosielski and Bartczuk (2017) suggest that adolescents adopt a more rationalistic per-
spective toward life and express resistance to existing religious worldviews. In British
research (Francis and Katz 2000; Richter and Francis 1998), almost 20% of church leavers
indicated a loss of faith and 11% mentioned specific problems with their church community
as leading motives for leaving their religion. Many young adults disconnect because their
faith community cannot help them live “in but not of the world”, wrestling with personal
struggles, shortcomings (e.g., self-doubt, cognitive uncertainties, disagreement with some
beliefs), and life issues (e.g., marriage, parenthood) (Barbour 1994; Kinnaman and Hawkins
2011). Others point to the hypocrisy of religious people as the reason for their departure
from faith (Zarzycka et al. 2023). Streib and Keller (2004) add that moral criticism and
emotional suffering are among the most common causes of deconversion. In addition
to cognitive and emotional antecedents, Puchalska-Wasyl et al. (2022) speak about the
abandonment of religious practices as a crucial behavioral indicator of deconversion.
The deconversion process can also be viewed from a different perspective, in which
the experience of searching for a new religious identity is more complex. According to
Hervieu-Léger (2006, 2009), the rationale of disenchantment, which is typical of highly
modern societies, does not indicate the end of religion. People who want to reorganize
their lives do not always break ties with religious faith. They are rather “in movement”,
being involved in a voluntary and individual spiritual path. Hervieu-Léger calls this
process “the individualization of believing trajectories” (Hervieu-Léger 1998, p. 215) or
“subjectivization of belief” (Hervieu-Léger 2009, p. 450). People who search for their
religious identity are known as “pilgrims.” The figure of the pilgrim is a metaphor for
individuals who choose not to follow formal institutional religious practices, identifying
themselves as more spiritual than religious.

1.2. Religious Practices

The term “religious practices” is one of the constructs at the center of scientific re-
search on religiosity and spirituality (Isacco et al. 2016). Religious practices are considered
complex (Jegindø et al. 2013), diverse (Meza 2020), and rich with meaning (Slife and
Reber 2012). They play a key role in the lives of many believers, reflect their identity
(Ammerman 2021), express their personal desires (Büssing et al. 2016), constitute a so-
cial bond with religious groups (Dobosz et al. 2022), and shape people’s moral lifestyles
(Halman and Draulans 2004).
Within the Catholic context, religious practices are defined as “bearers of belief”
(Mikoski 2009, p. 272) and “acts of worship and devotion, the things people do to carry out
their religious commitment” (Stark and Glock 1968, p. 15). Psychological literature notes
that religious practices can be divided according to their consequences for human function-
ing (e.g., mental and physical health), their role in experiencing faith (e.g., personal faith
and Church involvement), and private and public ways of expressing one’s relationship
with God (e.g., individual and collective prayer) (Krok et al. 2022).
Religions 2024, 15, 85 3 of 13

Another approach to religious practices concerns the distinction between official and
folk practices. The first type of practice refers to official religiosity, which denotes the
degree to which believers assent to the substance of faith and basic tenets of the Catholic
Church, adhere to and pursue the Magisterium of the Church, and accept religious symbols
and official teachings in the public space. The second type of practice implies folk practices,
which assign personal and subjective importance to informal forms of prayer, also known
as popular piety. Such spontaneous forms of devotion reflect the personal faith of believers
(Krok et al. 2022).
Empirical evidence suggests that religious practices are related to gratitude. Therefore,
it can be assumed that official and folk practices are also associated with transcendent
indebtedness since responding to a gift from God involves a sense of divine indebtedness
(Emmons and Kneezel 2005).

1.3. Transcendent Indebtedness to God

Transcendent indebtedness is a new issue in psychology because, until recently, all
research concerned the topic of human indebtedness (Nelson et al. 2023a, 2023b). According
to Nelson et al. (2023c, p. 108), transcendent indebtedness to God consists in feeling “glad
indebtedness where the benefactor is God.” The authors list five conditions, the fulfillment
of which allows a person to experience this type of indebtedness: (1) God is perceived as
benevolent, kind, and compassionate; (2) the benefits received from God are perceived as
gifts; (3) when receiving a gift from God, the beneficiary feels pleasant emotions, such as
elevated love and gratitude; (4) recipients perceive this indebtedness as improving their
relationship with the benefactor; (5) the experience of indebtedness leads beneficiaries to
recognize that they cannot fully return kindness to God and, therefore, wish to symbolically
express their gratitude.
Transcendent indebtedness to God is a notion conceptually close to gratitude to God.
In fact, from a theoretical perspective, these notions are sometimes called a “tandem”
(Nelson et al. 2023b), and empirically, they are highly correlated (Nelson et al. 2023c).
However, both concepts differ from one another. For example, one can feel grateful to
God for blessings but feel entitled to them; therefore, they feel no responsibility to pay
it forward or show increased fidelity to God. Transcendent indebtedness to God helps
distinguish those who feel entitled to or deserving of God’s gifts from those who think
otherwise. Nelson et al. (2023c) provide a good illustration of this difference. They found
that gratitude to God had no relationship with divine entitlement. However, feeling
transcendently indebted to God was negatively associated with divine entitlement.
Although we know little about the mechanism of transcendent indebtedness, some
research shows that “glad indebtedness” toward God correlates positively with gratitude
to God, dispositional gratitude, awe, positive well-being, empathy, reciprocity, prosocial
behavior, religious importance, involvement, autonomous motivation, spirituality, and se-
cure attachment to God. It has also been inversely associated with costly grace, divine/trait
entitlement, and perfectionism (Nelson et al. 2023c).

1.4. Deconversion, Religious Practices, and Indebtedness to God

In this study, we aimed to verify whether and to what extent religious practices
attenuate deconversion in emerging adults through transcendent indebtedness to God
(Figure 1). Based on the theoretical foundations presented so far, we assumed that:

H1. Official and folk practices correlate negatively with deconversion and its dimensions;

H2. Official and folk practices are positively associated with transcendent indebtedness
to God;

H3. Transcendent indebtedness to God correlates negatively with deconversion and its di-
mensions.
 indebtedness to God). Based on the lack of research on the relationship between these
variables, we hypothesized that:

H4. Transcendent indebtedness to God mediates the relationship between official religi-
Religions 2024, 15, 85 osity/and folk practices and deconversion; 4 of 13

Official religiosity

Transcendent
Deconversion
indebtedness

Folk practices

Figure 1. The mediating function of transcendent indebtedness between Catholic religious practices
and deconversion in emerging adults.
Figure 1. The mediating function of transcendent indebtedness between Catholic religious
practices and deconversion
The configuration in emerging
of the adults.
title variables is exploratory due to the newness of these
concepts and their mechanisms (e.g., official religiosity, folk practices, and transcendent
2. Method
indebtedness to God). Based on the lack of research on the relationship between these
variables, we hypothesized that:
2.1. Participants and Procedure
Based on Koopman et al.’s recommendations (Koopman et al. 2015) for defining the
H4. Transcendent indebtedness to God mediates the relationship between official religios-
sample size of mediation models and previous research findings (Krok et al. 2022;
ity/and folk practices and deconversion;
Zarzycka et al. 2023a), we calculated our sample size using a G*Power analysis (a maxi-
mum
2. α value of 0.05, test power of 0.90; Anderson et al. 2017). Our results indicated that
Method
a sample of n > 218
2.1. Participants and would be sufficient to yield significant and reliable effects.
Procedure
To meet the above-mentioned criteria, we recruited 280 participants in emerging
Based on Koopman et al.’s recommendations (Koopman et al. 2015) for defining the
adulthood (18–29 years old). Twenty-six participants failed to complete the question-
sample size of mediation models and previous research findings (Krok et al. 2022; Zarzycka
naires, leaving a final sample of 254 emerging adults: 135 women (53.1%) and 119 men
et al. 2023), we calculated our sample size using a G*Power analysis (a maximum α value
(46.9%).
of Thepower
0.05, test participants’
of 0.90;mean age was
Anderson M2017).
et al. = 23.08Our
(SDresults
= 3.03;indicated
range = 18–29
that ayears).
sampleAp-of
proximately half of them attended high school or university,
n > 218 would be sufficient to yield significant and reliable effects. and half had a full-time job.
The recruitment
To meet theprocess for the study
above-mentioned was conducted
criteria, in Southern
we recruited and Northern
280 participants Poland
in emerging
between September 2022 and May 2023. Most participants reported being Roman
adulthood (18–29 years old). Twenty-six participants failed to complete the questionnaires, Catholic
(87.8%),awith
leaving final 5.6%
samplebeing agnostic,
of 254 emergingandadults:
6.6% being atheists.
135 women (53.1%) and 119 men (46.9%). The
The participants were recruited by research assistants
participants’ mean age was M = 23.08 (SD = 3.03; range = 18–29 via personal contacts, colleges,
years). Approximately half
workplaces, and cultural organizations. After agreeing to participate
of them attended high school or university, and half had a full-time job. The in the recruitment
study, they
were asked
process to study
for the complete
wasaconducted
set of questionnaires
in Southern that
and were either
Northern collected
Poland by research
between Septemberas-
sistants or delivered by post. The participants were informed about the
2022 and May 2023. Most participants reported being Roman Catholic (87.8%), with 5.6% academic charac-
ter of the
being study.and
agnostic, They were
6.6% also atheists.
being informed about the anonymous character of the study and
that they could withdraw
The participants wereany time. Inby
recruited case of anyassistants
research questions,viaa research
personalassistant
contacts,was avail-
colleges,
able to answer
workplaces, andthem. Informed
cultural consentAfter
organizations. was obtained from
agreeing to all participants
participate and they
in the study, the study
were
was approved by the University Ethics Committee at Opole University, Poland.
asked to complete a set of questionnaires that were either collected by research assistants
or delivered by post. The participants were informed about the academic character of the
study. They were also informed about the anonymous character of the study and that they
could withdraw any time. In case of any questions, a research assistant was available to
answer them. Informed consent was obtained from all participants and the study was
approved by the University Ethics Committee at Opole University, Poland.

2.2. Measures
For Catholic religious practices, We used The Catholic Religious Practices Question-
naire (CRPQ) to measure religious and spiritual practices as they are understood within
the tradition of the Catholic Church (Krok et al. 2022). It included 10 items divided into
two subscales: official religiosity (e.g., Participation in Holy Mass is the most important
element in practicing my faith) and folk practices (Forms of popular piety express faith in
God in a simple way). Participants answered the items on a 7-point Likert scale ranging
from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree). Cronbach’s alpha in the present study was
0.84 for official religiosity, and 0.81 for folk practices.
Religions 2024, 15, 85 5 of 13

For deconversion, we used the 28-item Adolescents Deconversion Processes Scale

(ADS) to assess deconversion (Nowosielski and Bartczuk 2017). The scale comprised
five subscales: withdrawal from the community (e.g., I saw less sense in participating in
joint prayers/meditations.); abandoning faith (e.g., I no longer felt any relationship with
God/Higher Power.); moral criticism (e.g., Religious/spiritual moral principles increasingly
seemed unlivable to me); experiencing transcendental emptiness (e.g., I am experiencing
emptiness in my religious life), and deconversion behavior (e.g., I used religious/spiritual
media less frequently). The sum of these answers provided the total score. The items were
answered on a 4-point Likert scale, ranging from 0 (completely untrue about me) to 3 (very
true about me). The participants were asked to assess changes in their religiosity within the
last 12 months. Cronbach’s alpha ranged from 0.80 to 0.89 in the present study.
For transcendent indebtedness, we used The Transcendent Indebtedness to God scale
(T-ITG) to measure transcendent indebtedness to God as gladly accepted indebtedness to
God (Nelson et al. 2023a). It contained six items (e.g., Even though I can never repay God, I
try to repay Him by the kind of life that I live; everything I have comes from God), which
were assessed on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly
agree). Cronbach’s alpha in the present study was 0.90.

2.3. Statistical Analyses

Statistical analyses were conducted in two steps. Firstly, we calculated descriptive
statistics, Cronbach’s alpha coefficients, and correlations among the variables used in
our study (Catholic religious practices, deconversion, and transcendent indebtedness).
Secondly, PROCESS macro v4.2 (Hayes 2017, model 4) was used to examine direct and
indirect effects. The following parameters were set: bootstrapping with 10,000 resamples;
95% bias-corrected confidence intervals (CI).

3. Results
3.1. Preliminary Analyses (Correlations and Gender Differences)
At the beginning of our statistical analysis, we calculated correlations among Catholic
religious practices, deconversion, and transcendent indebtedness, which helped us to gain
initial insight into the associations among the variables (Table 1).

Table 1. Descriptive statistics and correlations among Catholic religious practices, deconversion, and
transcendent indebtedness in emerging adults.

Variables M SD 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
1. Official religiosity 3.46 1.34 –
2. Folk practices 4.10 1.10 0.37 *** –
3. Withdrawal from
1.30 1.06 −0.39 *** −0.12 –
the community
4. Abandoning faith 0.89 0.95 −0.45 *** −0.13 * 0.70 *** –
5. Moral criticism 1.07 0.96 −0.39 *** −0.17 ** 0.77 *** 0.74 *** –
6. Experiencing
transcendental 0.69 0.76 −0.05 0.07 0.53 *** 0.60 *** 0.54 *** –
emptiness
7. Deconversion
1.21 1.05 −0.23 *** −0.08 0.80 *** 0.53 *** 0.66 *** 0.48 *** –
behavior
8. Total Deconversion
1.03 0.81 −0.37 *** −0.11 0.91 *** 0.84 *** 0.88 *** 0.72 *** 0.84 *** –
Score
9. Transcendent
2.50 1.20 0.67 *** 0.44 *** −0.22 *** −0.43 *** −0.25 *** −0.01 −0.08 −0.24 ***
indebtedness
Note. *** p < 0.001; ** p < 0.01; * p < 0.05.

Most of the correlations among Catholic religious practices, deconversion, and tran-
scendent indebtedness were statistically significant. Official religiosity and folk practices
Religions 2024, 15, 85 6 of 13

were negatively correlated with abandoning faith and moral criticism but positively cor-
related with transcendent indebtedness. In addition, official religiosity was negatively
associated with withdrawal from the community, deconversion behavior, and the total
deconversion score. Transcendent indebtedness was negatively associated with withdrawal
from the community, abandoning faith, moral criticism, and the total deconversion score.
We also used Student’s t-test to examine potential differences between men and
women in the above-mentioned variables. However, there were no significant results for
any of the variables examined.

3.2. Mediation Analysis

In the next step of statistical analysis, we performed a mediation analysis (Model
4) with official religiosity and folk practices as independent variables (separately), tran-
scendent indebtedness as a mediator, and withdrawal from the community, abandoning
faith, moral criticism, experiencing transcendental emptiness, deconversion behavior, and
the total deconversion score as dependent variables (separately). To examine mediational
effects, we used the bootstrapping procedure suggested by Hayes (2017) (samples = 10,000;
95% bias-corrected confidence intervals).
Table 2 presents direct effects between Catholic religious practices and deconversion
in emerging adults.

Table 2. Direct effects between Catholic religious practices, transcendent indebtedness, and decon-
version in emerging adults.

Variables Effect Boot SE LLCI ULCI

DIRECT EFFECTS
Official religiosity—Transcendent
0.44 0.06 0.36 0.60
indebtedness
Official religiosity—Withdrawal from
−0.43 0.06 −0.46 −0.21
the community
Official religiosity—Abandoning faith −0.23 0.05 −0.31 −0.10
Official religiosity—Moral criticism −0.40 0.06 −0.39 −0.17
Official religiosity—Experiencing
−0.08 0.05 −0.07 0.13
transcendental emptiness
Official religiosity—Deconversion
−0.31 0.07 −0.32 −0.13
behavior
Official religiosity—Total
−0.22 0.05 −0.46 −0.21
Deconversion Score
Folk practices—Transcendent
0.67 0.04 0.52 0.69
indebtedness
Folk practices—Withdrawal from
−0.03 0.06 −0.15 0.10
the community
Folk practices—Abandoning faith 0.06 0.05 −0.04 0.17
Folk practices—Moral criticism −0.06 0.06 −0.18 0.05
Folk practices—Experiencing
0.09 0.05 −0.03 0.16
transcendental emptiness
Folk practices—Deconversion behavior −0.06 0.06 −0.18 0.07
Folk practices—Total Deconversion Score −0.01 0.05 −0.10 0.09

Our examination of direct effects showed that official religiosity was negatively cor-
related with withdrawal from the community, abandoning faith, moral criticism, decon-
version behavior, and the total deconversion score. The only non-significant relationship
was between official religiosity and experiencing transcendental emptiness. By contrast,
Religions 2024, 15, 85 7 of 13

folk practices were not associated with any deconversion dimensions, nor with the total
deconversion score.
Table 3 shows the calculation results for the indirect effects of the mediating role of
transcendent indebtedness between Catholic religious practices and deconversion.

Table 3. Indirect effects for the mediating function of transcendent indebtedness between Catholic
religious practices and deconversion in emerging adults.

Variables Effect Boot SE LLCI ULCI

INDIRECT EFFECTS
Official religiosity—Transcendent
0.05 0.05 −0.05 0.13
indebtedness—Withdrawal from the community
Official religiosity—Transcendent
−0.16 0.05 −0.26 −0.06
indebtedness—Abandoning faith
Official religiosity—Transcendent
−0.09 0.05 −0.17 −0.04
indebtedness—Moral criticism
Official religiosity—Transcendent
indebtedness—Experiencing 0.03 0.05 −0.07 0.14
transcendental emptiness
Official religiosity—Transcendent
0.09 0.05 −0.02 0.20
indebtedness—Deconversion behavior
Official religiosity—Transcendent
0.01 0.05 −0.09 0.11
indebtedness—Total Deconversion Score
Folk practices—Transcendent
−0.09 0.03 −0.16 −0.03
indebtedness—Withdrawal from the community
Folk practices—Transcendent
−0.20 0.04 −0.28 −0.13
indebtedness—Abandoning faith
Folk practices—Transcendent
−0.10 0.03 −0.16 −0.04
indebtedness—Moral criticism
Folk practices—Transcendent
indebtedness—Experiencing −0.02 0.03 −0.08 0.03
transcendental emptiness
Folk practices—Transcendent
−0.03 0.03 −0.08 0.03
indebtedness—Deconversion behavior
Folk practices—Transcendent
−0.10 0.03 −0.17 −0.05
indebtedness—Total Deconversion Score

Two indirect effects on the official religiosity–deconversion relationship were signifi-

cant (Table 2). Firstly, transcendent indebtedness was a mediator between official religiosity
and abandoning faith (B = −0.16, 95% CI = −0.26, −0.06). Thus, official religiosity had a
positive relationship with transcendent indebtedness (B = 0.67, 95% CI = 0.52, 0.69) and a
negative relationship with abandoning faith (B = −0.18, 95% CI = −0.30, −0.07). Secondly,
transcendent indebtedness mediated the official religiosity–moral criticism relationship
(B = −0.09, 95% CI = −0.17, −0.04). Thus, official religiosity had a positive relationship
with transcendent indebtedness (B = 0.67, 95% CI = 0.52, 0.69) and a negative relationship
with moral criticism (B = −0.14, 95% CI = −0.20, −0.06).
For folk practices, four mediating effects were significant. Firstly, transcendent in-
debtedness was a mediator between folk practices and withdrawal from the community
(B = −0.09, 95% CI = −0.16, −0.03). Thus, folk practices had a positive relationship with
transcendent indebtedness (B = 0.44, 95% CI = 0.36, 0.60) and a negative relationship with
withdrawal from the community (B = −0.21, 95% CI = −0.31, −0.07). Secondly, tran-
scendent indebtedness mediated the association of folk practices with abandoning faith
(B = −0.20, 95% CI = −0.28, −0.13). Consequently, folk practices were positively associated

Religions 2024, 15, 85
Official religiosity
Folk practices
doning faith (B = −0.46, 95% CI = −0.46, −0.27). Thirdly, transcendent indebtedness medi-
ated the relationship between folk practices and moral criticism (B = −0.10, 95% CI = −0.16,
−0.04). Thus, folk practices had a positive relationship with transcendent indebtedness (B
= 0.44, 95% CI = 0.36, 0.60) and a negative association with moral criticism (B = −0.22, 95%
CI = −0.28, −0.07). Finally, transcendent indebtedness was a mediator between folk 8prac- of 13
tices and the total deconversion score (B = −0.10, 95% CI = −0.17, −0.05). As a result, folk
practices were positively correlated with transcendent indebtedness (B = 0.44, 95% CI =
0.36, 0.60) and had a negative relationship with the total deconversion score (B = −0.24,
with transcendent indebtedness (B = 0.44, 95% CI = 0.36, 0.60) and a negative relationship
95% CI = −0.25, −0.07) (Figure 2).
with abandoning faith (B = −0.46, 95% CI = −0.46, −0.27). Thirdly, transcendent indebt-
The strength of the mediational effects on individual subscales and the full deconver-
edness mediated the relationship between folk practices and moral criticism (B = −0.10,
sion scale varied for both official religiosity and folk practices. For official religiosity, the
95% CI = −0.16, −0.04). Thus, folk practices had a positive relationship with transcendent
strongest effect was on the abandoning faith subscale (Effect = −0.16), which was signifi-
indebtedness (B = 0.44, 95% CI = 0.36, 0.60) and a negative association with moral criticism
cantly higher than the total scale (Effect = 0.01). For the other subscales, the effects ranged
(B = −0.22, 95% CI = −0.28, −0.07). Finally, transcendent indebtedness was a media-
from 0.03 to 0.09. For folk practices, the total scale score (Effect = −0.10) was also smaller
tor between folk practices and the total deconversion score (B = −0.10, 95% CI = −0.17,
than the abandoning faith subscale (Effect = −0.20); however, it was equal for moral criti-
− 0.05). As a result, folk practices were positively correlated with transcendent indebtedness
cism
(B (Effect
= 0.44, 95%= CI
−0.10) and0.60)
= 0.36, smaller compared
and had to the
a negative other subscales
relationship (Effects
with the ranged from
total deconversion
−0.02 to −0.09).
score (B = −0.24, 95% CI = −0.25, −0.07) (Figure 2).
−0.22***
0.44***
Transcendent −0.24***
Deconversion
indebtedness 0.01
0.67***
−0.01
Figure 2. The results of transcendent indebtedness in the relationship between Catholic religious prac-
tices
Figureand
2.deconversion
The results ofintranscendent
emerging adults (total scores,
indebtedness in standardized pathbetween
the relationship coefficients). *** preligious
Catholic < 0.001.
practices and deconversion in emerging adults (total scores, standardized path coefficients). *** p <
0.001.The strength of the mediational effects on individual subscales and the full decon-
version scale varied for both official religiosity and folk practices. For official religiosity,
the strongest effect was on the abandoning faith subscale (Effect = −0.16), which was
4. Discussion
significantly higher than the total scale (Effect = 0.01). For the other subscales, the effects
Our study provides a better understanding of the intuitively understood association
ranged from 0.03 to 0.09. For folk practices, the total scale score (Effect = −0.10) was also
that Catholics who practice their faith more zealously have a lower risk of departing from
smaller than the abandoning faith subscale (Effect = −0.20); however, it was equal for moral
it. Our study has shown both the relevance of individual correlations (which provide a
criticism (Effect = −0.10) and smaller compared to the other subscales (Effects ranged from
theoretical basis for building a mediation model) and the statistical significance of indi-
−0.02 to −0.09).
vidual pathways.
4. Discussion
Our study provides a better understanding of the intuitively understood association
that Catholics who practice their faith more zealously have a lower risk of departing
from it. Our study has shown both the relevance of individual correlations (which pro-
vide a theoretical basis for building a mediation model) and the statistical significance of
individual pathways.
Negative correlations between official religiosity, folk practices, abandoning faith, and
moral criticism were noted (H1). Other significant dependencies included the negative
relationship between official religiosity and community withdrawal, deconversion behavior,
and the total score of deconversion (H1). A positive association was seen between official
religiosity, folk practices, and transcendent indebtedness (H2). We also observed a negative
correlation between transcendent indebtedness and community withdrawal, abandoning
faith, moral criticism, and total deconversion score (H3).
The abovementioned results are congruent with existing literature and research. Ac-
cording to the Pew Religious Landscape Study, among those who declare themselves
non-believers, 25% seldom or never attend worship services, and 38% do not pray at all or
do so occasionally (Pew Research Center 2014a, 2014b). Furthermore, among those who
attend religious services once or twice a month/a few times a year, 36% claim that moral
decisions depend on the situation (Pew Research Center 2014c). This interdependence
of religious practice, faith departure, and experienced moral struggle is universal and
present in other religions. For example, in qualitative research on the factors associated
Religions 2024, 15, 85 9 of 13

with religious disaffiliation from Orthodox Judaism, one of the main rationales for ceasing
practice was moral and social conflicts with Orthodox Judaism (Miles et al. 2021). Another
qualitative study on non-compliance withfundamental Orthodox practices (such as Shab-
bos and kosher) revealed that one of the main initial triggers for disaffiliation was a lack
of belief in the Torah/Orthodox Judaism, lack/loss of belief in God, and moral/ethical
disagreements with Orthodox Judaism (Miles et al. 2023).
Correlational results remain consistent with religious de-identification theory, in which
disengagement from bonding (a focus on creating relational closeness to the transcendent)
originates from the loss of commitment to the divine or sacred through ritual practices
(Van Tongeren and DeWall 2023). Intentional or deliberate termination of religious prac-
tices (e.g., prayer, meditation, religious singing, reading the Bible, participation in religious
ceremonies and worship services, etc.) leads to a gradual loss of one’s sense of closeness
to God, which can consequently cause a gradual departure from the faith. Furthermore,
the disaffiliation process, according to Van Tongeren and DeWall (2023), implies distancing
oneself from co-religionists by shifting the emphasis of practicing one’s faith from collective
and public forms to private practices. There is a growing trend of individualization of
faith in European countries, which manifests itself in predominantly personal and indi-
vidual choices of religious practices (Mariański 2021). In this light, our study results are
understandable, showing that those who practice official religiosity, such as attending
Mass, show and strengthen identification with their faith group, accompanied by a reduced
tendency to withdraw from it. Brown et al. (2023) explained feelings of connectedness to
one’s congregation (in both religious and secular contexts), among other variables, by the
frequency of attendance.
Gratefulness to God is often expressed in private prayers and liturgical acts of thanks-
giving to God (Dunnington 2023). Gratefulness to God is consistent with the concept of
transcendent indebtedness, which stems from the internalization of grace (in the Christian
tradition). Individuals who engage in formal, liturgical Catholic religious practices, identify
with their Church community, accept its teachings, and engage in various forms of popular
piety are more convinced that God is benevolent and compassionate and bestows blessings
on the believer. Thus, individuals are willing to admit that they cannot repay God and
wish to express their gratitude in a symbolic way, such as obedience to God, a desire for
self-improvement, or helping others (Nelson et al. 2023c). People who intensively perform
both liturgical and folk practices favorably accept indebtedness to God.
Nelson et al. (2023c) examined religious exemplars of indebtedness toward God using
qualitative methods. The effects of experiencing transcendent indebtedness include self-
transcendence, increased obedience to God, and humility. These examples support the
results obtained in this study, as self-transcendence and humility play an important role
in remaining committed to a community despite difficulties and abiding in faith despite
doubts. In turn, obedience to God can facilitate the acceptance of specific moral precepts
that a person undergoing deconversion may reject.
The main novelty of our research is the discovery that transcendent indebtedness
explains dependence and explains why more frequent practitioners do not undergo de-
conversion to a significant degree. The mediating role of transcendent indebtedness in the
relationship between Catholic religious practices and deconversion holds true for six paths
(two for official religiosity and four for folk practices).
Transcendent indebtedness has been shown to mediate the relationship between
official religiosity and abandoning faith. This result may mean that a person participating
in liturgical practices, such as the Mass, and manifesting internal compliance with the
requirements of the Catholic Church is far from abandoning the faith. These dependencies
show that practicing faith in a liturgical and official form helps one understand that a
personal relationship with God is not a burden, but the essence of love (cf. Nelson et al.
2023b). This, in turn, upholds religious beliefs and becomes a protective factor against
leaving the faith. In the second identified path, transcendent indebtedness mediates
the relationship between official religiosity and moral criticism. People who present
Religions 2024, 15, 85 10 of 13

obedience to the teachings of the Church may experience less tension in accepting Catholic
moral principles. This process appears to be explained by perceiving God as a benefactor
to whom a person attributes good intentions and the will to do good for the believer
(Dunnington 2023). These beliefs can increase confidence in the positive effects of moral
fidelity. On the other hand, transcendent indebtedness leads to expressing gratitude to
God in token. Presenting behaviors consistent with Catholic morality (e.g., maintaining
premarital chastity) is one form of such expression. For example, Oishi and Cha (2023)
discovered that gratitude to God was linked to abstinence during Lent.
Transcendent indebtedness has also been a mediator between folk practices and
withdrawal from the community. However, no direct link has been identified between folk
practices and community withdrawal. Dunnington remarks (Dunnington 2023, p. 9) that in
the Bible, Christ’s disciples are called to owe nothing to anyone but God alone. Gratitude
to God (and by implication, transcendent indebtedness) relativizes direct interpersonal
gratitude, while also expressing gratitude to human benefactors whose acts of kindness
result in thanksgiving to God. These observations may imply that attachment to informal
ways of experiencing faith can be a protective factor against emerging adults withdrawing
from their religious communities but only by building a sense of gratitude and a sense
of obligation to God. Individuals who build transcendent indebtedness by involving
themselves in popular forms of piety may have realized it while engaging in religious
activities, such as group pilgrimages to holy places, or participating in communities with
a particular group identity. As a substitute form of gratitude, those involved in folk
practices may choose engagement and loyalty to the community, especially those who
are marginalized and in need (Dunnington 2023). Van Cappellen et al. (2023) found
that expressions of gratitude toward God may be one way in which religious beliefs and
practices foster greater prosociality.
Transcendent indebtedness mediates between folk practices and abandoning faith. As
with the previously described relationship, no direct effect between the explanatory and
explained variables was found. Therefore, spontaneous forms of faith can contribute to
weakening intellectual processes, including an increase in doubt or abandoning faith in
favor of atheism or agnosticism. However, these decisions occur in a mediated manner
by increasing transcendent indebtedness. This process is consistent with the Bible’s ele-
mentary message, where ingratitude is seen as a sin and can lead to atheism (Dunnington
2023). In qualitative research by Tsang et al. (2023), participants who wrote about grati-
tude to God were more likely to mention self-transcendence and showed high levels of
religious intention.
Transcendent indebtedness also mediates the relationship between folk practices and
moral criticism. Similar to the other cases, no direct relationship was found. A person
who is more likely to undertake forms of piety outside the liturgy (e.g., praying the rosary,
chaplet of Divine Mercy, singing the Litany of Loretto, pilgrimages to Marian shrines,
etc.) sees oneself as a beneficiary of God, which reduces the risk of rejecting the moral
principles provided by the religion. Another possible explanation is that some forms
of piety (including veneration of images of Our Lady and other saints) may function as
imitations of role models. Depictions of saints can serve a persuasive function in that they
encourage moral goodness, inspire people to practice positive moral attitudes, and establish
a bond between the viewer and the depicted role model (Zadykowicz and Kumór 2023).
Transcendent indebtedness also appears as a mediator between folk practices and
deconversion. We found that transcendent indebtedness mediates the relationship between
behaviors denoting simple forms of spontaneous religiosity and any changes in beliefs or
emotions associated with abandoning one’s means of experiencing and/or manifesting
religiosity. This result is consistent with a longitudinal study by Watkins et al. (2022),
who noted that dispositional gratitude toward God predicts increased religious well-being,
feelings of closeness to God, and religious commitment.
Our study results support the assumption that the mechanism by which religious
practices can counteract deconversion processes is partially mediated by transcendent
Religions 2024, 15, 85 11 of 13

indebtedness. In other words, the conviction and obligation to repay a favor or debt to God,
associated with a sense of justice, is a buffering factor for withdrawing from the religious
community and abandoning faith practices. Nevertheless, further research (preferably in
an experimental model) may resolve the direction of these relationships.

Author Contributions: Conceptualization, D.K., M.S., and A.F.; methodology, D.K., M.S., and A.F.;
software, D.K., M.S., and A.F.; validation, D.K., M.S., and A.F.; formal analysis, D.K., M.S., and A.F.;
investigation, D.K., M.S., and A.F. resources, D.K., M.S., and A.F.; data curation, D.K., M.S., and A.F.;
writing—original draft preparation, D.K., M.S., and A.F.; writing—review and editing, D.K., M.S.,
and A.F.; visualization, D.K., M.S., and A.F.; supervision, D.K., M.S., and A.F.; project administration,
D.K., M.S., and A.F.; funding acquisition, D.K., M.S., and A.F. All authors have read and agreed to the
published version of the manuscript.
Funding: This research received no external funding.
Institutional Review Board Statement: The project was conducted according to the guidelines of
the Declaration of Helsinki and approved by the University Ethics Committee at Opole University,
Poland (nr KOJBN 3/2022).
Informed Consent Statement: Informed consent was obtained from all participants involved in
the study.
Data Availability Statement: Data supporting the findings of this study are available from the
corresponding author, Dariusz Krok, upon reasonable request.
Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest.

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