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Ronkainen N., Kavoura A. & Ryba T.V. (2015)
Ronkainen N., Kavoura A. & Ryba T.V. (2015)
To cite this article: Noora J. Ronkainen, Anna Kavoura & Tatiana V. Ryba (2016) A
meta-study of athletic identity research in sport psychology: Current status and future
directions, International Review of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 9:1, 45-64, DOI:
10.1080/1750984X.2015.1096414
Article views: 23
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INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF SPORT AND EXERCISE PSYCHOLOGY, 2015
VOL. 9, NO. 1, 45–64
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1750984X.2015.1096414
Self and identity are central concepts in behavioral and social sciences and have garnered
increasing research attention in sport psychology. The interest in these concepts can be
traced back to James (1890) who considered the self as a primary determinant of
human thoughts, actions, and feelings. In several decades of scholarly work, two polar
opposites and points of disagreement in identity theory have arisen: unity versus multi-
plicity and personal versus social (Jussim & Ashmore, 1997). Psychological study of identity
has roughly followed two traditions: the study of identity formation process within devel-
opmental psychology and the study of self within social psychology (Côté & Levine, 2002).
One of the first psychologists who wrote extensively about identity was Erikson (1968).
Drawing from the psychoanalytic school of thought, Erikson argued that identity is a
largely unconscious and constantly evolving sense of who one is, both as an individual
and as a member of the society. He moreover coined the term ‘identity crisis’, asserting
that developing a sense of identity was the particular developmental challenge of adoles-
cence (Erikson, 1968). In addition, Erikson emphasized that identity could not be isolated
from culture as it was an intertwined ‘process “located” in the core of the individual and
yet also in the core of his [sic] communal culture’ (Erikson, 1968, p. 22). Erikson’s theory
was further developed by his student James Marcia and others and has been extensively
used in developmental psychology. Hoare (2013) argued that, albeit Erikson’s theory is still
influential, the contextual dimension in his identity construct has been largely neglected
because it does not sit well with the field’s preference of positivistic paradigm character-
ized by quantification, universalism, and statistical analysis.
Identity research within social psychology has taken a different approach and focused
on group affiliation and social roles. Two dominant theories, identity theory and social
identity theory, have significant similarities, and it has been suggested that the differences
are more a matter of emphasis than contradiction (Stets & Burke, 2000). Identity theory
holds that categorization of the self as an occupant of a social role is the core of social iden-
tity, and that the self is composed of multiple identities (Stryker, 1980). Acquiring an iden-
tity requires both that relevant others assign the identity to the person and that the
individual accepts and internalizes it. From this perspective, identities are role-based
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self-conceptions and identifications of the self with meanings and expectations related
to the performance of a social role (Stets & Burke, 2000). Social identity theory similarly
suggests that identities are different aspects of the self-concept and that social identity
is the person’s identification with a particular social category or a group such as a sport
team (Fink, Parker, Brett, & Higgins, 2009). Formation of social identity takes place
through processes of self-categorization and social comparison – importantly, these cat-
egories precede the individual, and identities are largely about negotiating in/out-group
positions within the social world. Research within this tradition has focused on issues
related to race, ethnicity, nationality, and class (Thoits & Virshup, 1997), with the assump-
tion that each person’s self-concept is derived from a unique combination of social
identities.
Sport psychology research into athletic identity emerged only in the 1990s, and much
of earlier research focused on personality rather than identity. Aligned with the field’s
interest in performance enhancement issues (Ryba & Wright, 2005), studies sought to
discern personality differences in elite athletes, exercisers, and non-athletes, and to ident-
ify personality types that were more likely to succeed in sport (e.g., Davis & Mogk, 1994;
Egloff & Jan Gruhn, 1996). According to Allen, Greenlees, and Jones (2013), this line of
research declined in sport psychology in the beginning of 1990s, and researchers
started to shift interest to more specific issues, such as hardiness, optimism, anxiety,
and mental toughness. Personality returned to research agenda in the 2010s (Allen
et al., 2013), but the decline in this tradition in the 1990s gave room to other research inter-
ests including athletic identity.
Brewer, Van Raalte, and Linder (1993) were the first researchers to conceptualize and
systematically study athletic identity. They defined athletic identity as ‘the degree to
which an individual identifies with the athlete role’ (Brewer et al., 1993, p. 237) and
suggested that athletic identity should be understood as an aspect of multidimensional
self-concept. More specifically, they suggested that it is a cognitive structure that
‘guides and organizes processing of self-related information’ (Brewer et al., 1993, p. 238)
as well as a social role, which implies that the identification is predominantly derived
from the feedback from others (e.g., parents, coaches, teammates, spectators). They also
developed a psychometric instrument, the Athletic Identity Measurement Scale (AIMS),
to be used in empirical research. It is a 10-item questionnaire where possible responses
range on a 7-point Likert scale from ‘strongly agree’ to ‘strongly disagree’. Athletic identity
was initially conceptualized as an unidimensional construct, but further research indicated
that AIMS measured three factors in athletic identity, which were labelled social identity
INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF SPORT AND EXERCISE PSYCHOLOGY 47
(the strength of the identification with the athlete role), negative affectivity (emotional
response to failure to fill the athlete role), and exclusivity (lack of other social roles;
Brewer, Boin, Petitpas, Van Raalte, & Mahar, 1993). J. J. Martin, Mushett, and Eklund
(1994) later found an additional factor that they labelled self-identity, which referred to
self-referenced perceptions in contrast to other’s feedback on one’s identity. In the
1990s, there was a strong preference for quantitative research methods in sport psychol-
ogy (Culver, Gilbert, & Trudel, 2003), and subsequent research embraced AIMS as the pre-
ferred tool for studying athletic identity.
Qualitative research in sport psychology increased in the beginning of the new millen-
nium (Culver, Gilbert, & Sparkes, 2012), and theoretical articles emerged to discuss ‘new’
perspectives on self and identity (many of which were new only to sport psychology;
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Gill, 2001; Ryba & Wright, 2005; Smith & Sparkes, 2009). These critiques, drawing from fem-
inist theories, cultural studies, and narrative inquiry, were connected with the broader
debates in identity research in the nexus of unity/multiplicity, and personal/social. For
example, Ryba and Wright (2005) argued for rethinking athletic identity through cultural
studies, emphasizing socio-cultural processes that were argued to constitute psychologi-
cal functioning. The new approaches promoted an understanding of identities as multiple,
dynamic, and fragmented, negotiated within cultural narratives or discourses within which
the individual is embedded. These ideas have been further developed in cultural sport psy-
chology (CSP) which emerged as an umbrella term for approaches that come after posi-
tivism (McGannon & Smith, 2015; Ryba & Schinke, 2009).
To date, the literature on athletic identity has not been systematically reviewed to
identify the extent to which the ‘cultural turn’ has influenced empirical research. Therefore,
the aim of the present study is to examine the processes and products of qualitative ath-
letic identity research in sport psychology. The study contributes to recent debates of how
athletic identity should be understood, and to ongoing conversations about quality and
rigor in qualitative sport and exercise psychology research (e.g., Holt & Tamminen, 2010;
Sparkes & Smith, 2009; Weed, 2010; Williams, Smith, & Papathomas, 2014). A meta-study
of accumulated research can inform researchers about current trends in the field, as
well as identify methodological challenges and provide guidelines for future studies
(Culver et al., 2012; Paterson, Thorne, Canam, & Jillings, 2001).
Method
A meta-study method involves examination of qualitative research in terms of theory,
methodology, and findings in order to uncover processes associated with knowledge pro-
duction and to develop new insights to the studied phenomenon (Clarke et al., 2015;
Paterson et al., 2001). The method was developed by Paterson and colleagues (2001)
who delineated six steps in conducting a meta-study: (1) formation of a research team,
research objectives, and theoretical lens; (2) identification and assessment of existing
studies; (3) categorizing data based on methodology, sample, publication year, and/or
other established criteria; (4) analysis of methodologies and their impact on the choice
of methods and presentation of findings; (5) examination of theory in primary studies
and their implications for subsequent theory development and research within the
topic; and (6) a critical synthesis of methodological directions, current ideas, and impli-
cations for future studies. Systematic reviews and qualitative meta-syntheses often
48 N. J. RONKAINEN ET AL.
cesses of previous research’ (Clarke et al., 2015, p. 185). The following two questions,
derived from key tenets of the meta-study method, guided the present study:
(Continued )
50 N. J. RONKAINEN ET AL.
Table 1. Continued.
Author(s) Study topic Method(s) of analysis Nature of the data
Park, Tod, & Lavallee Career transitions Mixed methods: AIMS and thematic Questionnaires and focus
(2012) content analysis (Patton, 2002) groups
Roy & Ryba (2012) Sporting experiences of young Foucauldian discourse analysis Open-ended interviews
Islamic women; emotion (Willig, 2008)
regulation
Schinke, Bonhomme, Adaptation over successive Thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, Media data
McGannon, & performances of boxing 2006) (documentaries)
Cummings (2012)
Stoltenburg, Athletic retirement Qualitative analysis (Creswell, 1998) Semi-structured interviews
Kamphoff, & Bremer
(2011)
Gaskin, Andersen, & Meanings and experiences of Deductive analysis through Life story interviews
Morris (2010) sport in the life of a disable Erikson’s (1985) theory of
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(Continued )
INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF SPORT AND EXERCISE PSYCHOLOGY 51
Table 1. Continued.
Author(s) Study topic Method(s) of analysis Nature of the data
Kerr & Dacyshyn Athletic retirement Inductive analysis of content and In-depth interviews
(2000) meaning (Patton, 1990; Strauss,
1987; Strauss & Corbin, 1990; Taylor
& Bogdan, 1984)
Gearing (1999) Athletic retirement Narrative analysis Biographical interviews
Munroe, Albinson, & The effects of non-selection Abstract and full text N/A
Hall (1999)
Wheeler et al. (1999) Athletic retirement in disability Open and axial coding (Strauss & Semi-structured interviews
sport Corbin, 1990)
Sparkes (1998) Premature athletic retirement Abductive, ‘Indwelling’ (Maykut & Life story interviews
Morehouse, 1994)
Ungerleider (1997) Athletic retirement Content analysis Structured interviews
Wheeler, Malone, Van Athletic retirement in disability Grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss, Semi-structured interviews
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ontological and epistemological positions, it has been suggested that evaluating their
work with a standardized ‘check-list’ can be problematic (Holt & Tamminen, 2010;
Sparkes & Smith, 2009). Yet, several authors within sport psychology have recently
suggested that quality in qualitative research is inextricably linked to methodological
coherence and transparency (Holt & Tamminen, 2010; Weed, 2010). As it has been
observed, engaging with ontology and epistemology is important because it informs
readers as to how the research should be judged (Holt & Tamminen, 2010; Sparkes &
Smith, 2009); therefore, Culver, Gilbert, and Sparkes (2012), recommended that ‘being
clear about epistemology and methodology should be a goal for all researchers’
(p. 261). We agree with these recommendations and therefore focus on two issues of
coherence and transparency as relevant quality criteria across research paradigms. Since
all identified studies had been peer-reviewed before publication, we trusted that they
were worthy of inclusion in this review. However, we will continue to evaluate their
quality throughout the manuscript.
The quantitative perspective is out of the scope of our analysis. However, for reference
purposes, we provide a brief summary of the quantitative studies, and the quantitative
aspect of mixed method studies. The AIMS was the most common instrument of assessing
athletic identity with a total of 54 empirical studies using this questionnaire. Other instru-
ments included the Public–Private Athletic Identity Scale (PPAIS; Nasco & Webb, 2006;
Shapiro & Martin, 2010), the hierarchical classes model (HICLAS; Killeya-Jones, 2005), a
six-item questionnaire on basketball identity (Cox & Whaley, 2004), and the Dancer Identity
Measurement Scale (DIMS; Langdon & Petracca, 2010). In six studies, the utilized question-
naire was not identified, and in two mixed methods studies, athletic identity was assessed
only with qualitative methods. For one mixed methods article, the full text was not avail-
able. The aim of quantitative studies has been to examine the association between the
strength of athletic identity and other variables including adaptation to athletic retirement
(e.g., Alfermann, Stambulova, & Zemaityte, 2004), career maturity (e.g., Murphy, Petitpas, &
Brewer, 1996), career decision making (e.g., Brown, Glastetter-Fender, & Shelton, 2000),
burnout (e.g., E. M. Martin & Horn, 2013), eating disorders (e.g., Voelker, Gould, & Reel,
2014), attitudes towards growing old (e.g., Phoenix, Faulkner, & Sparkes, 2005), drinking
behaviors (e.g., Grossbard et al., 2009), injury (e.g., Brewer, Cornelius, Stephan, & Van
52 N. J. RONKAINEN ET AL.
Raalte, 2010), attitudes towards pain (e.g., Weinberg, Vernau, & Horn, 2013), and aggres-
siveness (e.g., Visek, Watson, Hurst, Maxwell, & Harris, 2010). Athletes with strong but
not exclusive athletic identity have been reported to have higher sport commitment
(Horton & Mack, 2000) and increased motivation (Brewer et al., 1993), but a strong and
exclusive athletic identity has been associated with eating disorders (Voelker et al.,
2014) and career transition distress (Alfermann et al., 2004). It appears that the conceptu-
alization of athletic identity in the quantitative perspective was taken for granted as most
studies only cited the definition of athletic identity by Brewer et al. (1993) but did not
discuss further the theoretical grounding of this approach to identity.
Meta-theory
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and full text were not available). Similar to Culver et al. (2012), we found that post-positivist
position was privileged in the sense that researchers did not seem to feel a need to expli-
cate the philosophical assumptions underpinning their work. However, the review
revealed that post-positivist approach was no longer the dominant and ‘taken-for-
granted’ approach in qualitative athletic identity research.
Qualitative researchers have drawn on a variety of theoretical perspectives on identity,
such as narrative theory (14 studies), Brewer et al. (1993) conceptualization of athletic iden-
tity (five studies), discursive psychology (three studies), developmental theories such as
Erikson (1985) (two studies), cultural sport psychology (two studies), poststructuralist the-
ories (two studies), theory of identity levels of the chronically ill (two studies), feminist cul-
tural studies (one study), existential psychology (one study), and identity theory (one
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study). Consistent with the principles of grounded theory, studies using this methodology
did not start with predetermined theoretical ideas.
In seven studies, the theoretical perspective was not explicated. Most often, these
studies seemed to rely on the original conceptualizations of athletic identity as identifi-
cation with the athlete role (Brewer et al., 1993). In studies with unclear theoretical per-
spective, various authors could be cited in discussion of identity (e.g., Gergen, Erikson,
and Brewer and colleagues) but the differences and contradictions in these approaches
were not acknowledged. This lack of coherence in presented theoretical perspectives
made it often difficult to follow how authors had worked with the concept. Alternatively,
identity could emerge as a finding and was not integrated into theoretical discussions. In
these cases it appeared that identity was taken as a common-sense word with shared
meaning, implying that authors did not need to provide a theoretical grounding and pos-
ition statement in regard to this concept.
The review revealed that sport psychology has engaged relatively little with traditional
psychological theories of identity (Erikson’s theory of identity development, identity
theory, and social identity theory). Instead, sport-specific conceptualization provided by
Brewer et al. (1993) has dominated positivist (quantitative) and post-positivist research,
whereas interpretive researchers have been drawn to narrative, discursive, and cultural
studies perspectives on identity. The paradigmatic and theoretical approaches in athletic
identity research have shifted from the early preference of post-positivist model of inquiry,
paired with a more individual-centered view on identity, to the current focus on interpre-
tive approach with its emphasis on fluid, contextual, and socially constructed identities.
Meta-method
Consistent with a previous review of the use of qualitative research methods in sport psy-
chology (Culver et al., 2012), the most common form of data in qualitative athletic identity
research has been interviews (35 studies). Researchers have also used newspaper or maga-
zine articles (five studies), focus groups (four studies), participant writing (two studies),
documentaries (one study), and observations (one study). In 11 studies, more than one
data collection method was used (e.g., focus groups and individual interviews). It is
notable that all except for one study using qualitative methods other than interviews
were published in 2008 or later. This highlights that, whilst interviews are still considered
the primary avenue for studying identity, qualitative researchers are moving towards more
54 N. J. RONKAINEN ET AL.
diverse methods. For example, all six studies using media (newspapers, magazines, or
documentaries) as primary data were published between 2012 and 2015.
Approaches to data analysis have included narrative analysis (14 studies), content
analysis (11 studies), thematic analysis (10 studies), discourse analysis (five studies), phe-
nomenological analysis (four studies), grounded theory (two studies using the whole
approach and five studies using the coding technique), visual analysis (one study), and
textual analysis (one study). The data analysis was also described as inductive (three
studies), deductive (one study), inductive-deductive or abductive (three studies), and
simply ‘qualitative’ (two studies). In many studies, more than one method of analysis
was used (e.g., thematic analysis and narrative analysis). This review reveals that qualitative
researchers have generally explained what methods of analysis they have employed.
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However, in studies where the paradigmatic position was left unarticulated it was difficult
to assess the fit of data analysis method with assumptions guiding the study.
In summary, examining the continuum between theory and methods allowed us to
identify several concerns and recommendations for future studies. First, in most studies
there was minimal methodological reflexivity as to how and why specific data collection
and analysis techniques were chosen. With this lack of justification for methodological
decisions, possibly caused by word limits and decisions to privilege findings over method-
ology, it was difficult to assess the quality of these studies. Second, in studies using phenom-
enology, there was minimal engagement with the central concepts of phenomenology,
including intentionality, lived experience, essences, and embodiment (see also the critique
of Allen-Collinson, 2009). Moreover, some of these studies used quite strict semi-structured
or structured interview guides, whereas literature recommends open-ended or even
unstructured interviews (Dale, 1996). A lack of proper grounding in phenomenology as a
philosophy and methodology made it difficult to see how these studies were different
from qualitative research in general (i.e., research seeking to understand subjective mean-
ings and personal experiences). Third, in grounded theory studies it was often unclear what
parts of the methodology were informing these studies, and we agree with previous rec-
ommendations to use the full methodology rather than some parts of it (Holt & Tamminen,
2010; Weed, 2010). Fourth, discussions of validity were often limited and relied on labelling
one or two techniques (e.g., member checking or triangulation), but it was rarely explained
what was the goal of the chosen technique. That is, it should be recognized that what these
techniques are thought to achieve depends on researchers’ paradigmatic position (Sparkes
& Smith, 2009). In summary, whilst qualitative researchers had generally described their
methods quite well, they should be more transparent about the research process and
assumptions guiding their work.
Meta-findings
As the final step of the meta-study, we focused on analyzing how different theoretical and
methodological perspectives were used to interpret findings and how these approaches
have contributed to the body of knowledge about athletic identity. We focus on those
studies where a conceptual framework for identity was explicit, and the findings were dis-
cussed against the backdrop of the specified perspective.
The mixed methods studies relying on the original conceptualization of athletic identity
(Brewer et al., 1993) focused on assessing the strength of athletic identity (low/high) and
INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF SPORT AND EXERCISE PSYCHOLOGY 55
its impact on issues such as athlete burnout (Gustafsson et al., 2008), dual career develop-
ment (Stambulova et al., 2014), and career termination (Park et al., 2012). Moreover, in a
qualitative study, Stephan and Brewer (2007) examined personal and social factors under-
pinning development and maintenance of athletic identity and identified issues such as
lifestyle preferences, bodily appearance, job flexibility, social recognition, and teammates.
These studies generally supported quantitative findings on the potential benefits (e.g.,
self-esteem) and costs (e.g., psychological distress upon career termination) of strong ath-
letic identity.
Studies using full grounded theory did not set to examine predetermined constructs of
the self but, as a final step of analysis, connected their findings to existing theories. Woo-
druff and Schallert (2008) examined student-athletes’ motivational sense of self and the
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contextual and unique ways of balancing conflicting demands in studies and sport.
Their interpretation was connected with ideas about the dialogic self and multiple identi-
ties, steering away from identity construct as a stable variable. Wheeler and colleagues
studied retirement from disability sport (Wheeler et al., 1996) and suggested that retire-
ment was often accompanied with loss of identity. Their study resulted in a conceptual
model of careers in disability sport, and findings surrounding athletic identity were dis-
cussed in relation to Schlossberg’s (1981) ideas of transitions in adult life and Erikson’s
(1950) theory of psychosocial development.
Two studies used Erikson’s theory of psychosocial development, which views identity
development as a series of stages with specific challenges. These studies focused on
understanding how sport participation can promote or hinder holistic identity develop-
ment. In studying retirement experiences of female gymnasts, Kerr and Dacyshyn (2000)
illustrated how intensive engagement in elite sport hindered young athletes’ role exper-
imentation (the specific developmental task of adolescence), thus leading into identity
foreclosure. As a consequence, retirement was often depicted as ‘nowhere land’ and
‘struggle for identity’. In a case study with a man with cerebral palsy, Gaskin et al.
(2010) depicted how his participation in sport could help in meeting challenges associated
with psychosocial development of the adolescent stage. However, strong athletic identity
could hinder engagement with developmental tasks of young adulthood, such as forming
romantic relationships.
In narrative studies, identity was understood as an evolving story of the self, which is
unique in the way it was put together, but necessarily social since it is constructed from
the cultural stories or ‘narrative resources’ that are available to the individual (Smith &
Sparkes, 2009). Consistent with narrative methodology, most studies used life story inter-
views that preserve the sequence of events and broad contexts. Early studies focused on
understanding how athletes’ identity narratives were disrupted and re-storied in illness,
injury, or athletic retirement (Gearing, 1999; Sparkes & Smith, 2002; Sparkes, 1998).
More recent work has built upon the narrative typology of elite sport (performance, discov-
ery, and relational narratives) developed by Douglas and Carless (2006). These narratives
have been viewed as template stories around which athletes develop their personal iden-
tity stories. The extensive work of Carless and Douglas (e.g., 2009, 2013a, 2013b; Douglas &
Carless, 2009) has confirmed the dominance of performance narrative in elite sport culture
and showed how identities relying on this narrative type may be vulnerable to poor per-
formance and career termination. However, their studies have also illustrated how some
athletes resist the performance narrative and sustain alternative identity narratives
56 N. J. RONKAINEN ET AL.
(Carless & Douglas, 2013a, 2013b; Douglas, 2009). Other researchers have used their typol-
ogy and connected performance-oriented identity narratives with eating disorders (Busa-
nich et al., 2014; Papathomas & Lavallee, 2014); moreover, others have studied intersection
of athletic identity narratives and canonical narratives surrounding gender (Ryba et al.,
2015) and age (Ronkainen et al., 2013). The main contribution of narrative studies into ath-
letic identity has been on their analysis of the impact of sport culture on identity construc-
tion and opening up athletic identity from an unified construct to a set of different
storylines of the athlete self.
Discursive studies into athletic identity have focused on analyzing cultural constitution
of athletic identity and used Foucauldian discourse analysis (Kavoura et al., 2015; Roy &
Ryba, 2012) and discursive psychology (Cosh, Crabb, et al., 2013; Cosh et al., 2015; Cosh,
LeCouteur, et al., 2013). Discursive investigations have understood identities as fluid and
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heel’ (Brewer et al., 1993) in showing that athletic identity can be a positive source of
meaning and self-esteem, but also highly problematic for well-being when sport is not
going well or the career is abruptly terminated. Issues surrounding potential harmful
effects of identity foreclosure have been prominent both in quantitative and in qualitative
studies, and recommendations for supporting young sport participants’ identity explora-
tion outside sport are voiced across research paradigms. However, qualitative studies
have also challenged the original theorizing in a number of ways. The most prominent cri-
tique has stemmed from scholars positioned within social constructionism, who have
argued that athletic identities cannot be understood in isolation from the cultural dis-
courses or narratives that produce them. As a consequence, interpretive studies have
focused on examining the impact of issues such as, gender, motherhood, sport subculture,
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national culture, and media representations on athletes’ identities. These studies have
suggested that normative cultural scripts are powerful in shaping athletes’ sense of self
and their career trajectories in sport. Finally, in narrative studies, athletic identity has
been reconceptualized as a performance-oriented self-narrative, where psychological dis-
tress is associated with performance strivings rather than necessarily sport itself. This work
reveals that much of athletic identity research in sport psychology relies on implicit
assumptions that sport (and athletic identity) must be about measurable achievement
and social recognition. Whilst this very often reflects participant accounts that have
been constructed in the narrative context of Western performance sport, scholars must
continually strive to be reflexive about their own assumptions and how their concepts
guide interpretation. Further critical examinations are needed to uncover those identity
narratives that are marginalized and silenced in sport.
Conclusions
The aim of this review was to examine the ways in which athletic identity has been con-
ceptualized and studied in qualitative sport psychology research. We found that the body
of qualitative research into athletic identity is diverse in theoretical and methodological
approaches and traced a shift from post-positivist to constructivist epistemology, which
forms the dominant contemporary perspective. Most studies with an unclear paradigmatic
position appeared to be based on post-positivist philosophy of science. Since it used to be
the taken-for-granted position, it is understandable that paradigmatic assumptions were
not explicated. However, this review illustrated that post-positivism is no longer the domi-
nant paradigm in qualitative athletic identity research, and that this shift in paradigm had
led to diversification of research methodologies, methods, and findings. At present, there
is no single paradigmatic position in athletic identity research, and therefore it is proble-
matic if studies do not explain their philosophical underpinnings. We recommend that
journals require epistemological transparency, and that both quantitative and qualitative
researchers position themselves more explicitly within a chosen paradigm.
In those studies where epistemological questions were not addressed, there most often
appeared to be an implicit theoretical understanding of identity in essentialist terms. That
is, identity was seen as something residing inside the person, a variable that was to be
assessed by the researcher. Alternatively, researchers could cite contradictory views on
identity, or discuss it in a theoretical level as a common-sense word with assumed
shared meaning. Given the diversity of theoretical views on identity in contemporary
58 N. J. RONKAINEN ET AL.
research, it is vital that future studies specify which theoretical perspective has guided
their interpretation.
Qualitative sport psychology researchers had started to challenge the original views on
athletic identity in the last decade, aligning themselves with critiques of cognitivism in the
parent discipline of psychology (e.g., Potter, 2000). Based on this review, calls for rethink-
ing athletic identity in the ‘cultural turn’ have been to some extent answered. However,
despite the constructivist assumptions of identities as relationally constructed and shifting,
there was generally limited reflection on how participant narratives were co-constructed
with the researcher and for the intended audience(s). Therefore, some of these studies
were in danger of slipping into objectivist forms of inquiry (Riessman, 2005). The limited
engagement with these methodological issues is likely to be connected with tightening
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Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
ORCID
Noora J. Ronkainen http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3785-0458
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